Cutting the Gordian Knot. the Iconography of Megaron 2 at Gordion
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Collapse of Empire at Gordion in the Transition from the Achaemenid to the Hellenistic World
Anatolian Studies 69 (2019): 109–132 doi:10.1017/S0066154619000073 © British Institute at Ankara 2019 The collapse of empire at Gordion in the transition from the Achaemenid to the Hellenistic world Elspeth R.M. Dusinberre University of Colorado Boulder, USA [email protected] Abstract Gordion, ancient capital of Phrygia, was a large and thriving city of secondary importance during the period of the Achaemenid Persian Empire (ca 550–333 BC). Recent work makes possible a reconsideration of the site: evaluating its architecture, finds and use of landscape within and after the socio-economic and administrative context of the Achaemenid imperial system enables the following new overview. During the Achaemenid period, Gordion’s populace participated in the broad cultural exchanges enabled by the imperial system and may have emphasised animal husbandry. When Alexander’s conquest led to the collapse of the Achaemenid administrative infrastructure, the impact on Gordion’s economy and cultural circumstance was profound. Its population plummeted, the architectural and spatial organisation of the site changed dramatically and new directions and means of trade and cultural interaction developed. Gordion’s archaeological remains reflect and emphasise the tremendous historical and political changes attending the end of the Empire and the beginning of the Hellenistic period. Özet Frigya’nın antik başkenti Gordion, Akhaimenid Pers İmparatorluğu döneminde (MÖ. 550–333) ikincil öneme sahip büyük ve gelişen bir şehirdi. Yapılan son çalışmalar bu bölgenin tekrardan değerlendirilmesine imkan vermiştir. Mimari özelliklerinin incelenmesi, bulgular ve arazinin Akhaimenid İmparatorluk sisteminin sosyo-ekonomik ve idari bağlamı süresince ve öncesinde kullanımının gözlenmesi yeni bir genel bakış açısı sağlamıştır. -
Waiting for Solon: Audience Expectations in Herodotus ∗
Histos () – WAITING FOR SOLON: AUDIENCE EXPECTATIONS IN HERODOTUS ∗ Abstract: In this article, I focus not so much on what Solon actually says and does in his conversation with Croesus, but on what Herodotus’ readers, as well as Croesus himself, think Solon might say or do. I argue that Herodotus uses analogous episodes, those of Gyges, Candaules, and Candaules’ wife, of Arion and Periander, and of Bias/Pittacus and Croesus, to shape readers’ expectations of Solon’s conversation with Croesus, but he then subverts many of those expectations within the conversation itself. In so doing, Herodotus emphasises the programmatic function for the Histories of much of what Solon tells Croesus. Keywords: Herodotus, Arion, artistic patronage, audience expectations, Candaules, Croesus, Seven Sages, Solon cholars have long recognised the programmatic quality that the encounter between Solon and Croesus (.– ) has for Herodotus’ S Histories .1 Croesus’ importance alone for Herodotus’ work cannot be underestimated. In a sense, Herodotus begins the Histories with Croesus; he follows the story of Croesus and the Lydian Mermnad dynasty from its beginning with Gyges’ murder of Candaules all the way to its conclusion with Croesus’ defeat by the Persian king Cyrus. Croesus also occupies a primary position in the Histories as the first in the line of great eastern imperialists that culminates with the Persian Xerxes. On the one hand, the Solon–Croesus episode foreshadows Croesus’ impending downfall. On the other hand, the episode reflects many of Herodotus’ chief thematic concerns: the conflict between East and West and the clash between different cultures in general; the mutability of human fortune and the gods’ jealousy of human excess; the wise advisor motif and the challenge of acquiring knowledge. -
The Median Logos of Herodotus and the Persians' Legitimate Rule of Asia1
Iranica Antiqua, vol. XLVIII, 2013 doi: 10.2143/IA.48.0.2184701 THE MEDIAN LOGOS OF HERODOTUS AND THE PERSIANS’ LEGITIMATE RULE OF ASIA1 BY Antigoni ZOURNATZI (The National Hellenic Research Foundation, Athens) Abstract: In Histories 1.95-130, in a narrative about Cyrus the Great and the rise of the Persians to the hegemony of Asia attributed to Persian sources, Herodotus relates how the rule of (Upper) Asia, first held by the Assyrians, passed to Persian hands following Cyrus’ conquest of the Medes, whose power had grown to encom- pass the near-entirety of the territories formerly controlled by the Assyrians. This representation of Persian rule over Asia as a successor to former Assyrian and Median regimes, which is also attested in Ctesias, has long been presumed to reflect a Persian view of history that sought to promote the legitimacy of Persian imperial rule as heir to preceding major Near Eastern powers. On the other hand, one long-traditional view of Herodotean historiography has continued to hold that this interpretation of the history of Asia could have been, more than anything else, a reflection of Greek, possibly Herodotean, historical thought. This paper aims to clarify some of the historiographic ambiguities that have so far stood in the way of a straightforward recognition of the historical sequence of three Asiatic kingdoms as a Persian construct. Keywords: Herodotus, Medes, Persia, legitimacy, kingship, Asia 1 The present paper constitutes a summary announcement of results of the author’s research on the impact of Persian rhetoric on sources for the emergence of the Persian empire. -
Nakedness and Sanctity
nakedness and sanctity 1 nakedness and sanctity The Gartel by Shoshana Brombacher "Men see with the eyes, but Hashem sees into the heart." I Sam 16:7 The prophet Achiah of Shilo used to visit young Israel ben Eliezer -- later known as the Baal Shem Tov, "Master of the Good Name" -- to teach him the secrets of Torah. And one time Israel used the kabbalistic knowledge he had learned to cross the river Dniester: he threw his gartel (belt) on the water, uttered a secret Name, and crossed dry and safe. But all his life he repented for having used the holy Name of G-d for his own convenience. After years, the Master of the Name stood in front of a river again. But this time Jew- haters were at his heels, ready to maim and kill him. Again he threw his belt on the water and he crossed safe and dry. But he didn't use a Name, just his absolute trust in G-d. And that was enough. The Chassidic explanation for donning a gartel goes along the following lines: the very thought that a soul garbed in physicality and corporeality would consider entreating the Omnipresent, Omnipotent and Unlimited is inconceivable. As a basic prerequisite to prayer, one must first leave one's own boundaries and free oneself from all existing limitations. While throughout the various stages of davening, one ascends the different rungs on the ladder of spirituality, the sine-qua-non of davening is the act of shtellen zich davenen (getting into davening mode). Gearing up for prayer is represented by the gartel - the classical davening gear. -
Negotiating Femininity As Spectacle Within the Victorian Cultural Sphere
CRACKED MIRRORS AND PETRIFYING VISION: NEGOTIATING FEMININITY AS SPECTACLE WITHIN THE VICTORIAN CULTURAL SPHERE by LUCINDA IRESON A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of English College of Arts and Law University of Birmingham November 2013 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT Taking as it basis the longstanding alignment of men with an active, eroticised gaze and women with visual spectacle within Western culture, this thesis demonstrates the prevalence of this model during the Victorian era, adopting an interdisciplinary approach so as to convey the varied means by which the gendering of vision was propagated and encouraged. Chapter One provides an overview of gender and visual politics in the Victorian age, subsequently analysing a selection of texts that highlight this gendered dichotomy of vision. Chapter Two focuses on the theoretical and developmental underpinnings of this dichotomy, drawing upon both Freudian and object relations theory. Chapters Three and Four centre on women’s poetic responses to this imbalance, beginning by discussing texts that convey awareness and discontent before moving on to examine more complex portrayals of psychological trauma. -
ANNICK PAYNE Hesychius' Lydian Glosses I
DOI: https://doi.org/10.13130/1972-9901/15416 ANNICK PAYNE Hesychius’ Lydian Glosses I ABSTRACT: The historical distance between Hesychius, whose life dates (approx. AD 500) are only a rough estimate, and the Lydian Empire amounts to over a millennium, and a similar distance separates his work from the oldest surviving manuscript at the Marciana Library in Venice. The Hesychian lexicon contains a number of glosses referring to the Lydians which have been particularly badly understood, and therefore have been subject to emendation throughout their reception history. This unpromising situation is slowly improving due to continued work on the Lydian language and surviving inscriptions. The present article addresses a selection of Lydian glosses preserved in the Marciana manuscript. KEYWORDS: Hesychius, Lexicon, glosses, Lydian, Anatolia. 1. Introduction The work entitled Ἡσυχίου γραμματικοῦ Ἀλεξανδρέως συναγωγὴ πασῶν λέξεων κατὰ στοιχεῖον ἐκ τῶν Ἀριστάρχου καὶ Ἀπίωνος καὶ Ἡλιοδώρου was based mainly on an earlier lexicon by Diogenianus, a second century AD grammarian from Heraclea Pontia, as stated in the dedicatory letter to Eulogius. Hesychius’ lexicon survives in a sole manuscript of 439 folios from the 15th century AD, conserved in the Libreria Marciana in Venice.1 The mention of a second manuscript, thought to have existed in the Laurentian Library, Florence, is circumstantial. Alter (1796: 293) cites as evidence a handwritten note from the 1521 Hagenau edition, formerly the property of the historian and Greek scholar Peter Lambeck (1628–1680) from Hamburg.2 According * The author would like to thank Ettore Cingano for help with access to the MS, Geraldina Rozzi for procuring additional pictures. -
Open Logan Wyman Thesis__4.11.12.Pdf
THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY SCHREYER HONORS COLLEGE DEPARTMENTS OF CLASSICS AND ANCIENT MEDITERRANEAN STUDIES AND HISTORY AND RELIGIOUS STUDIES PROGRAM ALEXANDER THE GREAT: CONQUEST AND DIVINITY LOGAN A. WYMAN Spring 2012 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for baccalaureate degrees in Classics and Ancient Mediterranean Studies and History with interdisciplinary honors in Classics and Ancient Mediterranean Studies and History Reviewed and approved* by the following: Dr. Mark Munn Thesis Supervisor Dr. Mary Lou Munn Honors Adviser Dr. Catherine Wanner Honors Adviser * Signatures are on file in the Schreyer Honors College. i i ABSTRACT In only a short nineteen years, Alexander the Great managed to bridge two different worlds under one empire that spanned from Greece to India. By bringing the vast Persian empire with the Greek western one under a single ruler-ship he was forced to reconcile the conflicting ideologies of the areas. The reconciliation of these cultures social and religious norms weighed heavily on Alexander and influenced the manner in which he administered his empire as well as how he came to view himself as a ruler. What stands out is the shift in personality and views of his own divinity and its relation to his place as emperor. From the ancient histories of Arrian, Plutarch and Curtius, writing long after his passing, Alexander’s changing sentiments about himself and how he should be viewed among his subjects becomes clear, but what is significant is the factors that influenced these changes in perception. I will seek to demonstrate that Alexander’s push to confirm his own divinity was at first, a strongly politically motivated move to establish he supremacy over his eastern and western empires, however, as he saw more success and his empire began to stretch further east, his concepts of establishing his divinity turned more ego-driven as he tried to affirm to himself and the empire that he did indeed have divine origins and should occupy a place among the gods for his exploits as a man. -
Anatolian Origins of the Gordian Knot Legend Brendan Burke
Anatolian Origins of the Gordian Knot Legend Brendan Burke HE LEGEND of the Gordian knot is preserved in only five Greek and Roman sources: Arrian (Anab. 2.3.1–8), Curtius (3.1.11–18), Plutarch (Alex. 18.1–2), Justin (Epit. T11.7.3–16), and Marsyas of Philippi (FGrHist 136 F 4). Several scholars have addressed the sources for the story and have focused on the varying accounts by Classical writers.1 These investigations have centered on the legend of the knot in the context of Alexander the Great’s visit to Gordion in spring 333, centuries after any historical King Midas of Phrygia.2 Rather than concentrating on the historiography of the legend of the Gordian knot, this paper examines Anatolian origins of the knot story and the possible connections between the name of the most famous Phrygian dynast, King Midas (or Mita, in Near Eastern sources), and a Hittite word, mit(t)a-, miti-, which often means red wool, twisted threads, or cords. This word appears in several Hittite texts and always in a ritual context.3 I argue that certain details of the story of the Gordian knot preserved by the historians of Alexander are holdovers from the 1 See, for example, E. Fredricksmeyer, “Alexander, Midas, and the Oracle at Gordium,” CP 56 (1961) 160–168; L. Roller, “Midas and the Gordian Knot,” ClassAnt 3 (1984) 256–271. 2 The Midas placed by the Greek chronographers in the late eighth/early seventh century is attested in the annals of Sargon II, active from 717 and 709 B.C.: D. -
About Ancient Greece
CK_2_TH_HG_P109_241.QXD 1/6/05 12:51 PM Page 146 IV. Ancient Greece What Teachers Need to Know Background: The Geographic Setting of Greece Greece is situated on the Balkan Peninsula, which juts into the Mediterranean Sea. To the east is the Aegean Sea and to the west, the Ionian Sea. About one-fifth of Greece is made up of islands. Crete, which marks the southern end of the Aegean Sea, is the largest Greek island. About 75% of Greece—mainland and islands—is mountainous. The terrain greatly affected how ancient Greece developed. Greece has no flooding rivers, like the Nile or the Tigris and Euphrates (which children should have learned about in Grade 1), or the Ganges, Indus, Huang He, and Yangtze. Nor does it have fertile valleys or broad plains to farm. Only an area known as the Peloponnesus on the mainland’s southern tip has some fertile lowlands, and some of the larger islands also have small fertile valleys. Some early Greeks did farm, but many others took to the sea to earn their living. The position of Greece in the Mediterranean, Aegean, and Ionian Seas led to the development of a large and profitable trading network for the Greeks. The early Greeks established colonies around the coasts of the Aegean, Ionian, Black, and Mediterranean Seas. Especially important were the Greek colonies in southern Italy, on the island of Sicily, and in Asia Minor. (Asia Minor is the historical name for the peninsula jutting out from Southwest Asia Teaching Idea between the Mediterranean and the Black Seas; it is the area known today as Make an overhead of Instructional the Anatolian Peninsula, or what forms the greater part of Turkey.) Master 13, Ancient Greece, to orient Unlike the Egyptians, Sumerians, and others who developed civilizations children to the Greek mainland and around rivers in flat regions, the ancient Greeks did not build vast empires. -
An Introduction to Ancient Historiography Herodotus, The
An Introduction to Ancient Historiography Herodotus, the Histories G. C. Macaulay trans. (1890) E. E Garvin ed. (2014). Book One The results of the inquiries1 of Herodotus of Halicarnassus are herein set for public display,2 to the end that neither the deeds of men may be forgotten by lapse of time, nor the works great and marvellous, both those which have been produced by Greeks and those by Barbarians, may lose their renown; and especially that the causes may be remembered for which these waged war with one another.3 The Abduction Logos i. 1 - 5. 1. [1] The Persian storytellers say4 that the Phoenicians first began the quarrel. These, they say, came from the sea which is called the Erythraian5 to this sea of ours; and having settled in the land where they continue even now to dwell, set themselves immediately to make long voyages by sea. And conveying merchandise of Egypt and of Assyria they arrived at other places and also at Argos; [2] now Argos was at that time in all points the first of the States within that land which is now called Hellas;6 the Phoenicians arrived then at this land of Argos, and began to dispose of their ship's cargo. [3] And on the fifth or sixth day after they had arrived, when their goods had 1 The results of inquiries, historia (ἱστορίης), is the term by which the work was named, and which became the modern term for the past, investigations into the past, and books about the past. 2 According to the standard manuscripts. -
"Candaules, Whom the Greeks Name Myrsilus ... " J
EVANS, J. A. S., "Candaules whom the Greeks name Myrsilus..." , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 26:3 (1985:Autumn) p.229 "Candaules, whom the Greeks name Myrsilus ... " J. A. S. Evans ANDAULES, whom the Greeks name Myrsi/us, tyrant of the Sar C dians, was a descendant of Alcaeus, the son of Heracles. Thus Herodotus 0.7.2) introduces us to the story of Gyges and Candaules' wife. His is the earliest surviving version, though the tale found in Nicolaus of Damascus,} who names Candaules (S)adyattes, probably goes back to Xanthus of Lydia and may be earlier and based on more authentic sources. The question of priority became a lively one with the publication of P.Oxy. XXIII 2382,2 a literary text in three columns. The second of these yields sixteen iambic trimeters that can be read with confidence as part of a speech in which both Candaules and Gyges are mentioned; Candaules' wife, it appears, is addressing a chorus. Scholars have long suspected that the Croesus logos would make a good dramatic trilogy,3 and, with few dissenters, the new text was promptly identified as a tragedy.4 The question of date has been more controversial: Lobel, Page, and Raubitschek5 argued for the first half of the fifth century, but most have followed Latte and Kamerbeek6 in dating the drama after Herodotus; Latte even suggested that it might belong to the Alexandrian Pleias. The argument for a pre-Herodotean date, however, has been revived by 1 FGrHist 90F47~ c.f 1. G. Pedley, Ancient Literary Sources on Sardis (Cambridge [Mass.] 1972) no. -
Gyges' Choice Rationality and Visibility
[Working draft. Please do not circulate or cite without author’s permission] Gyges’ Choice Rationality and visibility Josiah Ober Chapter 1 of The Greeks and the Rational (book in progress, provisional title) Draft of 2019.0902 Word count (w/ notes and bibliography): 20,400 ABSTRACT: In Republic book 2 Plato’s Glaucon offers a reformulation, via the thought experiment of “Gyges and the ring,” of an ancient Greek folk theory of practical reasoning – a coherent account of human deliberation, choice, and action that deductively yields explanations and predictions about behavior. The theory bears a family resemblance to contemporary (20th/21st c.) normative and descriptive theories of rational choice, in its motivating intuitions and in the habit of illustrating abstractions through fanciful stories and historical narratives. It assumed that a rational agent would have ordered preferences over outcomes and beliefs about the state of the world, and that such an agent would act accordingly, based on expectations of desire satisfaction. Plato’s thought experiment is based on an anecdote in Herodotus’ Histories (book 1) describing how Gyges became king of Lydia. Plato’s account concerns unconstrained choice and is modeled by a simple decision tree. Herodotus’ earlier story, lacking the conceit of an invisibility ring, emphasized the constraints on individual desire satisfaction that arise from others’ choices; it can be modeled as a three-player game in extensive form. Pages 1-6 are from an Introduction chapter, in progress. To speak of practical reason as a “discovery” invites comparison to Molière’s disingenuous M. Jourdain in Le bougeois gentilhomme (1670: act 2, scene 6): “Well, what do you know about that! These forty years now I've been speaking in prose without knowing it!”1 Molière’s renowned send-up of the pretensions of 17th century French intellectuals reminds us that the Greeks (and others) were quite capable of employing reason in pursuit of their goals long before the instrumental uses of rationality became a subject of theoretical inquiry.