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Hieros Gamos High Place 1043 Hieros gamos 1044 known, and much has been made of the officials’ Beersheba, and Cave I near the Temple Mount in Greek names, apparently in response to 1 Macc 5 Jerusalem (Dever: 135–67). where the unrest is between local peoples rather Biblical texts indicate that originally High Pla- than with Greco-Macedonian governors. The gov- ces were considered acceptable places of worship ernors are said to have local responsibility, perhaps (King/Stager: 321; Smith: 160–61; cf. Miller: 53). In inciting the peoples in the area, as 2 Maccabees con- addition to Samuel and Saul worshipping at a High tinues with tensions between locals in Joppa. Place in 1 Sam 9, both David and Solomon were de- James Aitken scribed as patronizing the High Place at Gibeon (1 Kgs 3 : 3–4; 1 Chr 16 : 39–40). High Places may have represented some of the oldest Yahwistic cultic Hieros gamos practices in Israel, which may have resembled the /Sacred Marriage religious practices of Israel’s neighbors (Smith: 181). For example, the Moabites also appear to have used High Places as a feature in their religion, as High Place indicated by Isa 15 : 2; 16 : 12; Jer 48 : 35, and the The Hebrew word rendered “High Place” in many Mesha stele (Smith: 161–62). Since the official Jeru- English translations of the HB (MT bāmâ) refers to salem cult may have had little control over these an elevated cultic installation where religious rites decentralized cultic installations, High Places may were performed (King/Stager: 320). A prime exam- have been more susceptible to practices considered ple is the passage of 1 Sam 9, in which Saul accom- heterodox and idolatrous by the standards of the panies Samuel up to the High Place, dines with him Jerusalem priesthood (cf. Miller: 53). The efforts of and about thirty others in a sacrificial meal, and Deuteronomistic theology to centralize worship in then descends again from the High Place. High Pla- the temple of Jerusalem resulted in the condemna- ces existed in both rural (Ezek 6 : 13; cf. Hos 4 : 13) tion of High Places as unacceptable for practicing and urban settings (1 Kgs 13 : 32; 2 Kgs 23 : 8; 1 Chr religious rites after the construction of the Jerusa- 16 : 39; 21 : 29; 2 Chr 1 : 3, 13). The references to lem temple (King/Stager: 322; cf. Smith: 181; Mil- building up (1 Kgs 11 : 7; 14 : 23; 2 Kgs 17 : 9; 21 : 3; ler: 53). Biblical texts, such as 1 Kgs 12 : 28–31; 23 : 13; Jer 7 : 31; 19 : 5; 32 : 35; 2 Chr 33 : 3, 19), 2 Kgs 17 : 10–11, 16–18, and 2 Chr 11 : 15, connect making (Ezek 16 : 16; 2 Chr 21 : 11; 28 : 25), and High Places with cultic practices devoted to Ca- tearing down or destroying (2 Kgs 23 : 8, 15; Ezek naanite deities. Biblical polemics, such as Jer 7 : 31, 6 : 3; 2 Chr 31 : 1) High Places indicate at least par- associated the practice of child sacrifice with High tial construction for these installations. While some Places (Dever: 94; Smith: 180–81). If child sacrifice High Places were located atop naturally elevated took place at High Places, they most likely were rare areas, such as referenced in 1 Kgs 11 : 7; 14 : 23; occasions in urban settings as part of royal religion 2 Kgs 16 : 4; 17 : 9–10, and Ezek 20 : 28–29, other (Smith: 181). The first mention of the destruction examples are found in valleys, such as Jer 7 : 31; of High Places is associated with the religious re- 32 : 35, and Ezek 6 : 3. The Hebrew term bāmâ may forms of King Hezekiah in 2 Kgs 18 : 4 (King/Stager: refer to the concept of something which stands out 321–22). However, 2 Kgs 23 : 8 indicates that at in relief from its background, which would also ex- least some High Places continued to function up plain non-installation references to the term bāmâ until the religious reforms of King Josiah’s reign (de Vaux: 284). This definition of bāmâ may comple- (Smith: 160–61). ment evidence from West Semitic dialects which suggest a meaning of an animal’s “back” (de Vaux: Bibliography: ■ Dever, W., Did God Have a Wife? Archaeology 284; cf. Dever: 92). Within valleys, a bāmâ might and Folk Religion in Ancient Israel (Grand Rapids, Mich. 2005). [Esp. 92–95; 135–67] ■ Dever, W. G., “The Middle Bronze refer to a naturally raised feature, such as a knoll Age ‘High Place’ at Gezer,” BASOR 371 (2014) 17–57. or rock, or an artificially raised feature, such as a ■ Emerton, J., “The Biblical High Place in the Light of Re- platform (cf. de Vaux: 284). cent Study,” PEQ 129 (1997) 116–32. ■ Gleis, M., Die Ba- High Places served either as regional cult cen- mah (Berlin/New York 1997). ■ Hardy, H. H./B. D. Thomas, ters or family/clan shrines (Miller: 76; Smith: 161). “Another Look at Biblical Hebrew bama ‘High Place’,” VT Many were staffed by priests who offered sacrifices 62.2 (2012) 175–188. ■ King, P./L. Stager, Life in Biblical Is- and incense offerings (1 Kgs 13 : 2, 33; 23 : 20; 2 Kgs rael (Louisville, Ky. 2001). ■ Miller, P. D., The Religion of 23 : 8–9). The cultic equipment of a High Place Ancient Israel (Louisville, Ky. 2000). [Esp. 320–22] ■ Smith, 2 could include mizbēaḥ (altar), maṣṣēbâ, and ăšērâ M. S., The Early History of God (Grand Rapids, Mich. 2002). (Miller: 77; King/Stager: 321–22; de Vaux: 285–86). [Esp. ch. 5] ■ de Vaux, R., Ancient Israel: Its Life and Institu- tions (Grand Rapids, Mich. 1997); trans. of id., Les Institutions Some High Places included a room for eating sacri- de l’Ancien Testament, 2 vols. (Paris 1958–60). [Esp. 284–88] ficial meals, as implied by 1 Sam 9 : 22–26 (cf. Mil- Lucas L. Schulte ler: 76). Perhaps the most likely candidates for archaeological sites containing a bāmâ are the “Bull See also /Altar; /Asherah; /Massebah; Site,” Hazor, Tel Dan, Tell el Farah North (Tirzah), /Sacrifice of Children Encyclopedia of the Bible and Its Reception vol. 11 Authenticated | [email protected] © Walter de Gruyter, Berlin/Boston, 2015 Download Date | 1/2/19 1:39 AM.
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