Nation and State
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												Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany
University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2018 Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany William Peter Fitz University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Fitz, William Peter, "Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany" (2018). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 275. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/275 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REACTIONARY POSTMODERNISM? NEOLIBERALISM, MULTICULTURALISM, THE INTERNET, AND THE IDEOLOGY OF THE NEW FAR RIGHT IN GERMANY A Thesis Presented by William Peter Fitz to The Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts In European Studies with Honors December 2018 Defense Date: December 4th, 2018 Thesis Committee: Alan E. Steinweis, Ph.D., Advisor Susanna Schrafstetter, Ph.D., Chairperson Adriana Borra, M.A. Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter One: Neoliberalism and Xenophobia 17 Chapter Two: Multiculturalism and Cultural Identity 52 Chapter Three: The Philosophy of the New Right 84 Chapter Four: The Internet and Meme Warfare 116 Conclusion 149 Bibliography 166 1 “Perhaps one will view the rise of the Alternative for Germany in the foreseeable future as inevitable, as a portent for major changes, one that is as necessary as it was predictable. - 
												
												Language, Culture, and National Identity
Language, Culture, and National Identity BY ERIC HOBSBAWM LANGUAGE, culture, and national identity is the ·title of my pa per, but its central subject is the situation of languages in cul tures, written or spoken languages still being the main medium of these. More specifically, my subject is "multiculturalism" in sofar as this depends on language. "Nations" come into it, since in the states in which we all live political decisions about how and where languages are used for public purposes (for example, in schools) are crucial. And these states are today commonly iden tified with "nations" as in the term United Nations. This is a dan gerous confusion. So let me begin with a few words about it. Since there are hardly any colonies left, practically all of us today live in independent and sovereign states. With the rarest exceptions, even exiles and refugees live in states, though not their own. It is fairly easy to get agreement about what constitutes such a state, at any rate the modern model of it, which has become the template for all new independent political entities since the late eighteenth century. It is a territory, preferably coherent and demarcated by frontier lines from its neighbors, within which all citizens without exception come under the exclusive rule of the territorial government and the rules under which it operates. Against this there is no appeal, except by authoritarian of that government; for even the superiority of European Community law over national law was established only by the decision of the constituent SOCIAL RESEARCH, Vol. - 
												
												Equity Office Task Force Final Proposal
2020 Office of Equity Task Force Final Proposal OFFICE OF EQUITY TASK FORCE FINAL PROPOSAL To request this document in another format, call 360-236-4110. Deaf or hard of hearing customers, please call 711 (Washington Relay) or email [email protected]. Para solicitar este documento en otro formato, llame al 360-236-4110. Clientes sordos o con problemas de audición, favor de llamar al 711 (servicios de relé de Washington) o envíe un correo electrónico a [email protected]. Task Force Staff: LinhPhung Huynh, Project Manager Esmael López, Community Engagement Coordinator Hannah Fernald, Administrative Coordinator For more information / Para más información: Christy Curwick Hoff Manager, Governor’s Interagency Council on Health Disparities 360-688-4699 [email protected] Website: www.healthequity.wa.gov & healthequity.wa.gov/TheCouncilsWork/OfficeofEquityTaskForceInformation Statement of Acknowledgement We are indebted to those who came before us, and we recognize that efforts in diversity, equity, and inclusion did not begin with this Task Force nor will they begin with the Office of Equity. We recognize and honor the tremendous efforts our communities, agency staff and leaders, and legislators have contributed to advancing DEI throughout our state and within our government. This includes the work over many years to identify and implement best practices, to demand transparency and accountability, and to establish the Washington State Office of Equity in statute. We urge our state leaders to remain committed to advancing these efforts and ensure this commitment is manifested through meaningful change and tangible benefit for communities across the state. We are deeply grateful to all those who traveled beside us on this yearlong journey. - 
												
												Race, Religion and Nationality in Immigration Selection: 120 Years After the Chinese Exclusion Case Liav Orgad
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Constitutional Commentary 2010 Race, Religion and Nationality in Immigration Selection: 120 Years After the Chinese Exclusion Case Liav Orgad Theodore Ruthizer Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Orgad, Liav and Ruthizer, Theodore, "Race, Religion and Nationality in Immigration Selection: 120 Years After the Chinese Exclusion Case" (2010). Constitutional Commentary. 635. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm/635 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Constitutional Commentary collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Article RACE, RELIGION AND NATIONALITY IN IMMIGRATION SELECTION: 120 YEARS AFTER THE CHINESE EXCLUSION CASE Liav Orgad* Theodore Ruthizer** INTRODUCTION 120 years ago, in May 1889, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that "the power of exclusion of foreigners being an incident of sovereignty ... cannot be granted away or restrained. "1 Sixty years later, in January 1950, at the height of the Cold War, the U.S. Supreme Court reaffirmed the plenary power doctrine by holding that "it is not within the province of any court, unless expressly authorized by law, to review the determination of the political branch of the Government to exclude a given alien."2 Another sixty years have passed and more recently, in February 2009, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit held that "a nation-state has the inherent right to exclude or admit foreigners * Radzyner School of Law. - 
												
												RACIAL EQUALITY BILL: JAPANESE PROPOSAL at PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE: DIPLOMATIC MANOEUVRES; and REASONS for REJECTION by Shizuka
RACIAL EQUALITY BILL: JAPANESE PROPOSAL AT PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE: DIPLOMATIC MANOEUVRES; AND REASONS FOR REJECTION By Shizuka Imamoto B.A. (Hiroshima Jogakuin University, Japan), Graduate Diploma in Language Teaching (University of Technology Sydney, Australia) A thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Arts (Honours) at Macquarie University. Japanese Studies, Department of Asian Languages, Division of Humanities, College of Humanities and Social Sciences, Macquarie University, Sydney Australia. 2006 DECLARATION I declare that the present research work embodied in the thesis entitled, Racial Equality Bill: Japanese Proposal At Paris Peace Conference: Diplomatic Manoeuvres; And Reasons For Rejection was carried out by the author at Macquarie Japanese Studies Centre of Macquarie University of Sydney, Australia during the period February 2003 to February 2006. This work has not been submitted for a higher degree to any other university or institution. Any published and unpublished materials of other writers and researchers have been given full acknowledgement in the text. Shizuka Imamoto ii TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION ii TABLE OF CONTENTS iii SUMMARY ix DEDICATION x ACKNOWLEDGEMENT xi INTRODUCTION 1 1. Area Of Study 1 2. Theme, Principal Question, And Objective Of Research 5 3. Methodology For Research 5 4. Preview Of The Results Presented In The Thesis 6 End Notes 9 CHAPTER ONE ANGLO-JAPANESE RELATIONS AND WORLD WAR ONE 11 Section One: Anglo-Japanese Alliance 12 1. Role Of Favourable Public Opinion In Britain And Japan 13 2. Background Of Anglo-Japanese Alliance 15 3. Negotiations And Signing Of Anglo-Japanese Alliance 16 4. Second Anglo-Japanese Alliance 17 5. Third Anglo-Japanese Alliance 18 Section Two: Japan’s Involvement In World War One 19 1. - 
												
												The Nation-State and Global Order: a Historical Introduction to Contemporary Politics SECOND EDITION
EXCERPTED FROM The Nation-State and Global Order: A Historical Introduction to Contemporary Politics SECOND EDITION Walter C. Opello, Jr. and Stephen J. Rosow Copyright © 2004 ISBNs: 1-58826-289-8 pb 1800 30th Street, Ste. 314 Boulder, CO 80301 USA telephone 303.444.6684 fax 303.444.0824 This excerpt was downloaded from the Lynne Rienner Publishers website www.rienner.com i Introduction: A Historical Approach to the State and Global Order During the 1970s, Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher blamed Britain’s eco- nomic malaise and decline as a world power on the welfare-state programs put in place by the Labour Party after World War II. She and her Tory Party began to dismantle the welfare state by selling off nationalized industries, reducing social programs, and implementing monetarist economic policies. In the 1980s, Ronald Reagan, president of the United States, was elected on a similar neoliberal agenda. To the Thatcherite critique of the welfare state, Reagan and his Republican Party added to their list of causes of the United States’ economic malaise the hedonism of the 1960s, the rise of the new left, the anti–Vietnam War movement, the radicalization of the civil rights movement, and, later, the rise of feminism. In 1989, the Soviet Union withdrew from Eastern Europe and, in 1991, collapsed, thus ending the bipolar system that had divided the world into two spheres of influence, one American and one Soviet, since the end of World War II. As Russian power faded and the United States emerged dur- ing the 1990s as the world’s only superpower, the neoliberal agenda articu- lated by Thatcher and Reagan began to spread to the major states in Europe, including Russia and the states of Eastern Europe, and beyond to states in Asia, Latin America, and even Africa. - 
												
												When Is a Country Multinational? Problems with Statistical and Subjective Approaches
Zurich Open Repository and Archive University of Zurich Main Library Strickhofstrasse 39 CH-8057 Zurich www.zora.uzh.ch Year: 2011 When is a country multinational? Problems with statistical and subjective approaches Stojanovic, N Abstract: Many authors have argued that we should make a clear conceptual distinction between monona- tional and multinational states. Yet the number of empirical examples they refer to is rather limited. France or Germany are usually seen as mononational, whereas Belgium, Canada, Spain and the UK are considered multinational. How should we classify other cases? Here we can distinguish between (at least) two approaches in the literature: statistical (i.e., whether significant national minorities live within a larger state and, especially, whether they claim self-government) and subjective (i.e., when citizens feel allegiance to sub-state national identities). Neither of them, however, helps us to resolve the problem. Is Italy multinational (because it contains a German-speaking minority)? Is Germany really mononational (in spite of the official recognition of the Danes and the Sorbs in some Länder)? On the otherhand, is Switzerland the “most multinational country” (Kymlicka)? Let us assume that there is no definite answer to this dilemma and that it is all a matter of degree. There are probably few (if any) clearly mononational states and few (if any) clearly multinational states. Should we abandon this distinction in favour of other concepts like “plurinationalism” (Keating), “nations-within-nations” (Miller), “post- national state” (Abizadeh, Habermas), or “post-sovereign state” (MacCormick)? The article discusses these issues and, in conclusion, addresses the problem of stability and shared identity “plural” societies. - 
												
												Portuguese Nationality Act Law 37/81, of 3 October Consolidated Version, As Amended by Organic Law 2/2006, of 17 April
Portuguese Nationality Act Law 37/81, of 3 October Consolidated version, as amended by Organic Law 2/2006, of 17 April TITLE I Attribution, acquisition and loss of nationality CHAPTER I Attribution of nationality Article 1 Nationality by origin 1 –Portuguese by origin are: a) The children of a Portuguese mother or father born in Portuguese territory; b) The children of a Portuguese mother or father born abroad if the Portuguese parent is there serving the Portuguese State; c) The children of a Portuguese mother or father born abroad if they have their birth registered at the Portuguese civil registry or if they declare that they want to be Portuguese; d) The persons born in Portuguese territory to foreign parents if at least one of the parents was also born in Portugal and resides here, irrespective of title, at the time of birth; e) The persons born in Portuguese territory to foreign parents who are not serving their respective State, if they declare that they want to be Portuguese and provided that one of the parents has legally resided in Portugal for at least five years at the time of birth; f) The persons born in Portuguese territory who do not possess another nationality. 2 – Save proof to the contrary, the newly-born infants found abandoned in Portugal are presumed to have been born in Portuguese territory. CHAPTER II Acquisition of nationality SECTION I Acquisition of nationality by act of will Article 2 Acquisition by minors or disabled children Minors or disabled children one of whose parents acquires Portuguese nationality may also acquire it by means of a declaration. - 
												
												Children's Right to a Nationality
OPEN SOCIETY JUSTICE INITIATIVE Children’s right to a nationality Statelessness affects more than 12 million people around the world, among whom the most vulnerable are children. The Open Society Justice Initiative estimates that as many as 5 million may be minors. The consequences of lack of nationality are numerous and severe. Many stateless children grow up in extreme poverty and are denied basic rights and services such as access to education and health care. Stateless children‟s lack of identity documentation limits their freedom of movement. They are subject to arbitrary deportations and prolonged detentions, are vulnerable to social exclusion, trafficking and exploitation—including child labor. Despite its importance, children‟s right to a nationality rarely gets the urgent attention it needs. Children’s right to nationality The right to a nationality is protected under At the very least, the right to acquire a nationality under international law. The Universal Declaration of Human the CRC should be understood to mean that children Rights provides a general right to nationality under have a right to nationality in their country of birth if article 15. The international human rights treaties— they do not acquire another nationality from birth—in including the Convention on the Rights of the Child other words, if they would otherwise be stateless. In (CRC) and the International Covenant on Civil and fact, this particular principle is recognized in regional Political Rights (ICCPR)—as well as the Convention on systems as well as in the Convention on the Reduction the Reduction of Statelessness, provide particular norms of Statelessness. - 
												
												Nation-Building and Ethnicity1
Nation-Building and Ethnicity1 There are many terms for defining human groups: they emerged in various societies with different histories and cultural traditions at different times. The meanings of these terms became more confused when they were translated into different languages. In English, there are terms to describe human groups such as “race,” “tribe,” “clan,” “nation,” “people,” “country,” “state,” etc2. Compared with these terms, “ethnic group” and “ethnicity” only appeared recently in the 20th century (Glazer and Moynihan, 1975: 1). These terms emerged in west Europe, the countries initiating the industrial revolution, then were introduced into other parts of the world accompanied by the western merchants, priests, and armies. These Europeans introduced their political and social systems as well as their ideology and values to other people by cultural influence or military force. “Nation-state” was the form of political entity first appearing in Western Europe, then adopted by colonies when they sought independence. “Nation” became an important term in international politics. “Nation-building” became a widespread political process among Asian, African and American countries, together with the powerful “nationalist” movement. At the beginning of the 21st century, there were about 200 independent countries around the world that were recognized by the international society (the United Nations). An important phenomenon is that political boundaries have not always been drawn according to human group inhabitance but often, oppositely, have been affected by wars, treaties, and international powers. Therefore, there are many different human groups living in the same countries; populations originally from the same group now living on both sides of a boundary. - 
												
												Approaches to Racial and Ethnic Classification
ETHNIC CLASSIFICATION IN GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE: A CROSS-NATIONAL SURVEY OF THE 2000 CENSUS ROUND Ann Morning, Ph.D. Assistant Professor Department of Sociology New York University August 10, 2005 Author Contact Information: Department of Sociology Tel: (212) 992-9569 New York University Fax: (212) 995-4140 269 Mercer St., Rm. 445 Email: [email protected] New York, NY 10003-6687 This article is currently under review for journal publication. The author warmly thanks the following people and institutions for their contributions: Kevin Deardorff (U.S. Census Bureau); United Nations Statistical Division (Department of Economic and Social Affairs), Demographic and Social Statistics Branch (particularly Mary Chamie, Jeremiah Banda, Yacob Zewoldi, Margaret Mbogoni, Lisa Morrison-Puckett and intern Julia Alemany); International Programs Center, U.S. Census Bureau; Caroline Persell and Sylvia Simson (New York University); Leslie Stone (Inter-American Development Bank); Gerald Haberkorn (Secretariat of the Pacific Community); and Patrick Corr (Australian Bureau of Statistics). I also wish to thank the attendees at the following presentations of this research: U.S. Census Bureau Migration Speaker Series; Population Association of America; International Union for the Scientific Study of Population; and the Demographic and Social Statistics Branch (United Nations) Speaker Series. The initial version of this research was funded by the U.S. Census Bureau Immigration Statistics Branch. However, the conclusions—and the shortcomings—are solely those of the author. ETHNIC CLASSIFICATION IN GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE: A CROSS-NATIONAL SURVEY OF THE 2000 CENSUS ROUND Ann Morning Department of Sociology New York University ABSTRACT Academic interest in official systems of racial and ethnic classification has grown in recent years, but most research on such census categories has been limited to small case studies or regional surveys. - 
												
												Definitions of Nation, Ethnic Group, Race, Etc.: How Can We Classify Human Beings?
Definitions of nation, ethnic group, race, etc.: How can we classify human beings? Multi-Ethnic Society (Apr. 24, 2014) 1 Some Examples @Minority groups in Japan (such as Ainu, Okinawan, Korean, etc.) are categorized as ethnic groups, nations, or anything else? How about the majority? *We use “Japanese-American”, “Japanese- Brazilian” but how about “American-Japanese”, “Brazilian-Japanese”? @Native Americans: are they called “tribes” while other minorities are not? →How are other races/ethnic groups categorized? 2 Considering Various Concepts by Comparison 国民/民族(種族)/部族/…=nation/ ethnic group/tribe…? • nation・race→ in Japanese? (Shiokawa 2008:9) • Minzoku(民族)→ in English, French, Spanish, Chinese, Thai, etc. • Translation problem, yes, but… 3 Example of Comparison • Race vs. Ethnicity (Brubaker 2009: 25-6) Race Ethnicity • Involuntary • Voluntary • External categorization • Internal self-identification • Differences of phenotype • Differences of culture or nature • Rigid • Flexible • Involve super- and • Coordinate groups subordinate • Process of exclusion • Process of inclusion • European colonial • History of nation-state encounter with non- formation European 4 Criteria of Classification? • Population size • Language, culture, lineage, etc. • Degree of “evolution / development” • Physical traits/ appearance (visibility) = race? 5 Space, Time, Context of Terms • Developed and developing countries: ethnic group and tribe • Pre-modern and modern times:ethnic and ethnic group • Political, academic and/or everyday words • Proper and/or common