Children's Right to a Nationality
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Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany
University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2018 Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany William Peter Fitz University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Fitz, William Peter, "Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany" (2018). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 275. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/275 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REACTIONARY POSTMODERNISM? NEOLIBERALISM, MULTICULTURALISM, THE INTERNET, AND THE IDEOLOGY OF THE NEW FAR RIGHT IN GERMANY A Thesis Presented by William Peter Fitz to The Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts In European Studies with Honors December 2018 Defense Date: December 4th, 2018 Thesis Committee: Alan E. Steinweis, Ph.D., Advisor Susanna Schrafstetter, Ph.D., Chairperson Adriana Borra, M.A. Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter One: Neoliberalism and Xenophobia 17 Chapter Two: Multiculturalism and Cultural Identity 52 Chapter Three: The Philosophy of the New Right 84 Chapter Four: The Internet and Meme Warfare 116 Conclusion 149 Bibliography 166 1 “Perhaps one will view the rise of the Alternative for Germany in the foreseeable future as inevitable, as a portent for major changes, one that is as necessary as it was predictable. -
IMMIGRATION LAW BASICS How Does the United States Immigration System Work?
IMMIGRATION LAW BASICS How does the United States immigration system work? Multiple agencies are responsible for the execution of immigration laws. o The Immigration and Naturalization Service (“INS”) was abolished in 2003. o Department of Homeland Security . USCIS . CBP . ICE . Attorney General’s role o Department of Justice . EOIR . Attorney General’s role o Department of State . Consulates . Secretary of State’s role o Department of Labor . Employment‐related immigration Our laws, while historically pro‐immigration, have become increasingly restrictive and punitive with respect to noncitizens – even those with lawful status. ‐ Pro‐immigration history of our country o First 100 Years: 1776‐1875 ‐ Open door policy. o Act to Encourage Immigration of 1864 ‐ Made employment contracts binding in an effort to recruit foreign labor to work in factories during the Civil War. As some states sought to restrict immigration, the Supreme Court declared state laws regulating immigration unconstitutional. ‐ Some early immigration restrictions included: o Act of March 3, 1875: excluded convicts and prostitutes o Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882: excluded persons from China (repealed in 1943) o Immigration Act of 1891: Established the Bureau of Immigration. Provided for medical and general inspection, and excluded people based on contagious diseases, crimes involving moral turpitude and status as a pauper or polygamist ‐ More big changes to the laws in the early to mid 20th century: o 1903 Amendments: excluded epileptics, insane persons, professional beggars, and anarchists. o Immigration Act of 1907: excluded feeble minded persons, unaccompanied children, people with TB, mental or physical defect that might affect their ability to earn a living. -
Race, Religion and Nationality in Immigration Selection: 120 Years After the Chinese Exclusion Case Liav Orgad
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Constitutional Commentary 2010 Race, Religion and Nationality in Immigration Selection: 120 Years After the Chinese Exclusion Case Liav Orgad Theodore Ruthizer Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Orgad, Liav and Ruthizer, Theodore, "Race, Religion and Nationality in Immigration Selection: 120 Years After the Chinese Exclusion Case" (2010). Constitutional Commentary. 635. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm/635 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Constitutional Commentary collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Article RACE, RELIGION AND NATIONALITY IN IMMIGRATION SELECTION: 120 YEARS AFTER THE CHINESE EXCLUSION CASE Liav Orgad* Theodore Ruthizer** INTRODUCTION 120 years ago, in May 1889, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that "the power of exclusion of foreigners being an incident of sovereignty ... cannot be granted away or restrained. "1 Sixty years later, in January 1950, at the height of the Cold War, the U.S. Supreme Court reaffirmed the plenary power doctrine by holding that "it is not within the province of any court, unless expressly authorized by law, to review the determination of the political branch of the Government to exclude a given alien."2 Another sixty years have passed and more recently, in February 2009, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit held that "a nation-state has the inherent right to exclude or admit foreigners * Radzyner School of Law. -
RACIAL EQUALITY BILL: JAPANESE PROPOSAL at PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE: DIPLOMATIC MANOEUVRES; and REASONS for REJECTION by Shizuka
RACIAL EQUALITY BILL: JAPANESE PROPOSAL AT PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE: DIPLOMATIC MANOEUVRES; AND REASONS FOR REJECTION By Shizuka Imamoto B.A. (Hiroshima Jogakuin University, Japan), Graduate Diploma in Language Teaching (University of Technology Sydney, Australia) A thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Arts (Honours) at Macquarie University. Japanese Studies, Department of Asian Languages, Division of Humanities, College of Humanities and Social Sciences, Macquarie University, Sydney Australia. 2006 DECLARATION I declare that the present research work embodied in the thesis entitled, Racial Equality Bill: Japanese Proposal At Paris Peace Conference: Diplomatic Manoeuvres; And Reasons For Rejection was carried out by the author at Macquarie Japanese Studies Centre of Macquarie University of Sydney, Australia during the period February 2003 to February 2006. This work has not been submitted for a higher degree to any other university or institution. Any published and unpublished materials of other writers and researchers have been given full acknowledgement in the text. Shizuka Imamoto ii TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION ii TABLE OF CONTENTS iii SUMMARY ix DEDICATION x ACKNOWLEDGEMENT xi INTRODUCTION 1 1. Area Of Study 1 2. Theme, Principal Question, And Objective Of Research 5 3. Methodology For Research 5 4. Preview Of The Results Presented In The Thesis 6 End Notes 9 CHAPTER ONE ANGLO-JAPANESE RELATIONS AND WORLD WAR ONE 11 Section One: Anglo-Japanese Alliance 12 1. Role Of Favourable Public Opinion In Britain And Japan 13 2. Background Of Anglo-Japanese Alliance 15 3. Negotiations And Signing Of Anglo-Japanese Alliance 16 4. Second Anglo-Japanese Alliance 17 5. Third Anglo-Japanese Alliance 18 Section Two: Japan’s Involvement In World War One 19 1. -
Primer on Criminal-Immigration and Enforcement Provisions of USCA
U.S. Citizenship Act of 2021: A Brief Primer on the Criminal-Immigration and Enforcement Provisions1 I. Introduction This primer covers the key criminal-immigration and enforcement provisions of the USCA. The US Citizenship Act of 2021 (USCA, also referred to as the “Biden bill”) is an immigration bill introduced in the House on February 18, 20212 that would create a pathway to citizenship for undocumented people living in the United States who entered on or before January 1, 2021. TPS holders, farmworkers, and people who have DACA or who were eligible for status under the Dream Act would be eligible to become lawful permanent residents immediately. Other undocumented people could apply for a new form of lawful status called “Lawful Provisional Immigrant” (LPI) status. After five years as LPIs, they could then apply to become lawful permanent residents. The bill would also recapture unused visas dating from 1992; make spouses, children, and parents of lawful permanent residents “immediate relatives” (who are immediately eligible for visas and who do not count toward the cap); make anyone waiting more than 10 years immediately eligible for a visa; and increase the per-country limit from 7% to 20% to decrease backlogs. The USCA imposes new criminal bars to eligibility for the legalization program, on top of the already existing inadmissibility bars in current immigration law. It also encourages the construction of a “smart wall” and adds an additional ground for prosecution and penalties under 8 U.S.C. § 1324. The USCA also includes some positive criminal-immigration reforms, including redefining the term “conviction” for immigration purposes, increasing the number of petty offense exceptions 1 Publication of the National Immigration Project of the National Lawyers Guild (NIPNLG), 2020. -
Naturalized U.S. Citizens: Proving Your Child's Citizenship
Fact Sheet Naturalized U.S. Citizens: Proving Your Child’s Citizenship If you got your U.S. citizenship and you are a parent, your non-citizen children also become citizens in some cases. This is called “derived” citizenship. BUT you still need to get documents like a certificate of citizenship or a passport, to PROVE that your child is a citizen. This fact sheet will tell you the ways to get these documents. This fact sheet does not give information about the process of getting documents to prove citizenship for children born in the U.S., children born outside the U.S. to U.S. citizen parents, or children adopted by U.S. citizens. This fact sheet talks about forms found on the internet. If you don’t have a computer, you can use one at any public library. You can also call the agency mentioned and ask them to send you the form. When a parent becomes a citizen, are the children automatically citizens? The child may be a U.S. citizen if ALL these things are, or were, true at the same time: 1. The child is under 18 years old. 2. The child is a legal permanent resident of the U.S. (has a green card) 3. At least one of the parents is a U.S. citizen by birth or naturalization. If that parent is the father but not married to the other parent, talk to an immigration lawyer. 4. The citizen parent is the biological parent of the child or has legally adopted the child. -
When Is a Country Multinational? Problems with Statistical and Subjective Approaches
Zurich Open Repository and Archive University of Zurich Main Library Strickhofstrasse 39 CH-8057 Zurich www.zora.uzh.ch Year: 2011 When is a country multinational? Problems with statistical and subjective approaches Stojanovic, N Abstract: Many authors have argued that we should make a clear conceptual distinction between monona- tional and multinational states. Yet the number of empirical examples they refer to is rather limited. France or Germany are usually seen as mononational, whereas Belgium, Canada, Spain and the UK are considered multinational. How should we classify other cases? Here we can distinguish between (at least) two approaches in the literature: statistical (i.e., whether significant national minorities live within a larger state and, especially, whether they claim self-government) and subjective (i.e., when citizens feel allegiance to sub-state national identities). Neither of them, however, helps us to resolve the problem. Is Italy multinational (because it contains a German-speaking minority)? Is Germany really mononational (in spite of the official recognition of the Danes and the Sorbs in some Länder)? On the otherhand, is Switzerland the “most multinational country” (Kymlicka)? Let us assume that there is no definite answer to this dilemma and that it is all a matter of degree. There are probably few (if any) clearly mononational states and few (if any) clearly multinational states. Should we abandon this distinction in favour of other concepts like “plurinationalism” (Keating), “nations-within-nations” (Miller), “post- national state” (Abizadeh, Habermas), or “post-sovereign state” (MacCormick)? The article discusses these issues and, in conclusion, addresses the problem of stability and shared identity “plural” societies. -
Portuguese Nationality Act Law 37/81, of 3 October Consolidated Version, As Amended by Organic Law 2/2006, of 17 April
Portuguese Nationality Act Law 37/81, of 3 October Consolidated version, as amended by Organic Law 2/2006, of 17 April TITLE I Attribution, acquisition and loss of nationality CHAPTER I Attribution of nationality Article 1 Nationality by origin 1 –Portuguese by origin are: a) The children of a Portuguese mother or father born in Portuguese territory; b) The children of a Portuguese mother or father born abroad if the Portuguese parent is there serving the Portuguese State; c) The children of a Portuguese mother or father born abroad if they have their birth registered at the Portuguese civil registry or if they declare that they want to be Portuguese; d) The persons born in Portuguese territory to foreign parents if at least one of the parents was also born in Portugal and resides here, irrespective of title, at the time of birth; e) The persons born in Portuguese territory to foreign parents who are not serving their respective State, if they declare that they want to be Portuguese and provided that one of the parents has legally resided in Portugal for at least five years at the time of birth; f) The persons born in Portuguese territory who do not possess another nationality. 2 – Save proof to the contrary, the newly-born infants found abandoned in Portugal are presumed to have been born in Portuguese territory. CHAPTER II Acquisition of nationality SECTION I Acquisition of nationality by act of will Article 2 Acquisition by minors or disabled children Minors or disabled children one of whose parents acquires Portuguese nationality may also acquire it by means of a declaration. -
Same-Sex Marriage, Second-Class Citizenship, and Law's Social Meanings Michael C
Cornell Law Library Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository Cornell Law Faculty Publications Faculty Scholarship 10-1-2011 Same-Sex Marriage, Second-Class Citizenship, and Law's Social Meanings Michael C. Dorf Cornell Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/facpub Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, and the Law and Society Commons Recommended Citation Dorf, Michael C., "Same-Sex Marriage, Second-Class Citizenship, and Law's Social Meanings" (2011). Cornell Law Faculty Publications. Paper 443. http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/facpub/443 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell Law Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ARTICLES SAME-SEX MARRIAGE, SECOND-CLASS CITIZENSHIP, AND LAW'S SOCIAL MEANINGS Michael C. Dorf and symbols that carry the G socialOVERNMENT meaning ofacts, second-class statements, citizenship may, as a conse- quence of that fact, violate the Establishment Clause or the constitu- tional requirement of equal protection. Yet social meaning is often contested. Do laws permitting same-sex couples to form civil unions but not to enter into marriage convey the social meaning that gays and lesbians are second-class citizens? Do official displays of the Confederate battle flag unconstitutionallyconvey supportfor slavery and white supremacy? When public schools teach evolution but not creationism, do they show disrespect for creationists? Different au- diences reach different conclusions about the meaning of these and other contested acts, statements, and symbols. -
The Nationality Law of the People's Republic of China and the Overseas Chinese in Hong Kong, Macao and Southeast Asia
NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law Volume 5 Article 6 Number 2 Volume 5, Numbers 2 & 3, 1984 1984 The aN tionality Law of the People's Republic of China and the Overseas Chinese in Hong Kong, Macao and Southeast Asia Tung-Pi Chen Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/ journal_of_international_and_comparative_law Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Chen, Tung-Pi (1984) "The aN tionality Law of the People's Republic of China and the Overseas Chinese in Hong Kong, Macao and Southeast Asia," NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law: Vol. 5 : No. 2 , Article 6. Available at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/journal_of_international_and_comparative_law/vol5/iss2/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@NYLS. It has been accepted for inclusion in NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@NYLS. THE NATIONALITY LAW OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA AND THE OVERSEAS CHINESE IN HONG KONG, MACAO AND SOUTHEAST ASIA TUNG-PI CHEN* INTRODUCTION After thirty years of existence, the Government of the People's Re- public of China (PRC) enacted the long-awaited Nationality Law in 1980.1 Based on the PRC Government's enduring principle of racial and sexual equality, the new law is designed to reduce dual nationality and statelessness by combining the principles of jus sanguinis and jus soli to determine nationality at birth. The need for a Chinese national- ity law had long been recognized, but it was not until the adoption of the "open door" policy in 1978 after the downfall of the "Gang of Four," as well as the institution of codification efforts, that the urgency of the task was recognized. -
Mr Al-Jedda, Deprivation of Citizenship, and International Law
Mr Al-Jedda, Deprivation of Citizenship, and International Law Guy S. Goodwin-Gill1 Revised draft of a paper presented at a Seminar at Middlesex University on 14 February 2014 1. The Background in Brief Mr Al-Jedda was a refugee from Iraq. He was granted asylum in the United Kingdom and duly acquired British citizenship by naturalisation; as a consequence, he lost his Iraqi citizenship by operation of law. During the course of the war with Iraq, he was detained there and held by the British military on security grounds. He was released in December 2006, shortly after the Secretary of State made an order purporting to deprive him of his British citizenship. He appealed to the Special Immigration Appeals Commission in 2008, where argument focused on, among other issues, whether Occupying Powers are competent to legislate on nationality, and on the meaning and scope of various legal instruments, including the Transitional Administrative Law (TAL) decreed by the Coalition Provisional Authority and the 2006 Iraqi Nationality Law. SIAC rejected his appeal, finding that he was an Iraqi citizen. This was overturned by the Court of Appeal, which referred the matter back to SIAC. SIAC again found against Mr Al-Jedda, but was again overruled by the Court of Appeal which held that he had automatically lost Iraqi citizenship on acquiring British citizenship, and that he had not automatically regained it either under the TAL or the 2006 Law. Consequently, he could not lawfully be deprived of his British citizenship, as this would render him stateless. The Secretary of State appealed to the Supreme Court, arguing that under section 40 of the British Nationality Act, she could be ‘satisfied’ that the making of a deprivation order would not render the individual concerned stateless if there was another nationality ‘option’, for example, if that person ‘could’ apply elsewhere, and ‘would be’ granted citizenship. -
Approaches to Racial and Ethnic Classification
ETHNIC CLASSIFICATION IN GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE: A CROSS-NATIONAL SURVEY OF THE 2000 CENSUS ROUND Ann Morning, Ph.D. Assistant Professor Department of Sociology New York University August 10, 2005 Author Contact Information: Department of Sociology Tel: (212) 992-9569 New York University Fax: (212) 995-4140 269 Mercer St., Rm. 445 Email: [email protected] New York, NY 10003-6687 This article is currently under review for journal publication. The author warmly thanks the following people and institutions for their contributions: Kevin Deardorff (U.S. Census Bureau); United Nations Statistical Division (Department of Economic and Social Affairs), Demographic and Social Statistics Branch (particularly Mary Chamie, Jeremiah Banda, Yacob Zewoldi, Margaret Mbogoni, Lisa Morrison-Puckett and intern Julia Alemany); International Programs Center, U.S. Census Bureau; Caroline Persell and Sylvia Simson (New York University); Leslie Stone (Inter-American Development Bank); Gerald Haberkorn (Secretariat of the Pacific Community); and Patrick Corr (Australian Bureau of Statistics). I also wish to thank the attendees at the following presentations of this research: U.S. Census Bureau Migration Speaker Series; Population Association of America; International Union for the Scientific Study of Population; and the Demographic and Social Statistics Branch (United Nations) Speaker Series. The initial version of this research was funded by the U.S. Census Bureau Immigration Statistics Branch. However, the conclusions—and the shortcomings—are solely those of the author. ETHNIC CLASSIFICATION IN GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE: A CROSS-NATIONAL SURVEY OF THE 2000 CENSUS ROUND Ann Morning Department of Sociology New York University ABSTRACT Academic interest in official systems of racial and ethnic classification has grown in recent years, but most research on such census categories has been limited to small case studies or regional surveys.