The Path from Aztlan to Mexico: on Visual Narration in Mesoamerican
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Introduction
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Portraying the Here it is told and put forth how the ancient ones, those called and named Teochichimeca, people of Aztlan, Mexitin, Chicomoz- Aztec Past toca, as they sought and merited the land here, arrived and came into the great altepetl, the altepetl of Mexico Tenochtitlan, the place of renown, the sign, the site of the rock tuna cactus, in the midst of the waters; the place where the eagle rests, where the eagle screeches, where the eagle stretches, where the eagle eats; where the serpent hisses, where the fish fly, where the blue and yellow waters mingle—where the waters burn; where suffering came to be known among the sedges and reeds; the place of encountering and awaiting the various peoples of the four quarters; where the thirteen Teochichimeca arrived and settled, where in misery they settled when they arrived. Behold, here begins, here is to be seen, here lies written, the most excel- lent, most edifying account—the account of [Mexico’s] renown, pride, history, roots, basis, as what is known as the great altepetl began, as it commenced: the city of Mexico Tenochtitlan in the midst of the waters, among the sedges, among the reeds, also called and known as the place where sedges whisper, where reeds whisper. It was becoming the mother, the father, the head of all, of every altepetl everywhere in New Spain, as those who were the ancient ones, men and women, our grandmothers, grandfathers, great-grandfathers, great-great-grandparents, great- grandmothers, our forefathers, told and established in their accounts -
LOS CÓDICES HISTÓRICOS MEXICAS. EL CÓDICE AZCATITLAN María Castañeda De La Paz (Universidad De Sevilla / Universidad De Leiden, Holanda)
EHSEA. N' 14/Bnero-Junio 1997, pp. 273-299 LOS CÓDICES HISTÓRICOS MEXICAS. EL CÓDICE AZCATITLAN María Castañeda de la Paz (Universidad de Sevilla / Universidad de Leiden, Holanda) Este trabajo es un intento más de profundizar y aclarar los contenidos de los códices históricos y la problemática que presentan en su estudio e interpretación. Para un mejor entendimiento del tema hemos tomado como ejemplo un manuscrito, que en nuestra opinión es altamente ilustrativo ya que, además de abarcar un amplio período cronológico, refleja muy claramente el modo en que los aztecas mexicas creaban y concebían su propia historia y, cómo ésta, sufrió las influencias de la cultura europea. Nos referimos al Códice Azcatitlan. Los códices de carácter histórico --objeto de análisis en el presente ensayo-, fueron creados como instrumento de legitimación y dominación de la clase dirigente frente al pueblo para demostrar su grandeza y poder. Un aspecto común en estos manuscritos es la cantidad de contradicciones que presentan. Por qué documentos que narran unos mismos hechos históricos varían constantemente en sus personajes protagonistas, en la ruta a seguir en busca del lugar donde asentarse, en las listas de conquistas o incluso en las fechas que marcan los distintos acontecimientos. Otro aspecto bastante frecuente, muy claro en el Códice Azcatitlan, es que el relato de la historia de un pueblo suele acompañarse de una narración sagrada. Se trata de hechos desconcertantes para la mentalidad europea, pero frecuentes en esta clase de documentos clasificados como históricos. Para una mayor compresión de esta compleja cuestión, debemos entender que la historia azteca mexica era una historia reconstruida que respondía siempre a un mismo objetivo: crear una historia oficial que desde su base justificara la gloria y poder legítimo del pueblo protagonista con una clara intención propagandística por parte de sus creadores. -
RELIGIÓN Y SEXUALIDAD EN MÉXICO Ana ~Úf!UÍ ~ Efuijta 91Ujna - !L'avúcia ~ .N,O.Emi L2ue-Zada - Újjmilta :Jlanww¡, - .M.Ajda ~ Ana .Marua Sdaaatt
RELIGIÓN Y SEXUALIDAD EN MÉXICO ana ~Úf!UÍ ~ EfuiJta 91uJna - !l'AVúcia ~ .N,o.emi l2ue-zada - úJJmilta :JlanWw¡, - .M.aJda ~ ana .Marua Sdaaatt. - ~ Stuiw.z. ~ Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana Institut0 de Investigaciones Antropol6gicas México, 1997 Primera edición: 1997 D. R. © Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Ciudad Universitaria 04510, México. D. F. INSTITUTO DE INVESTIGACIONES ANTROPOLÓGICAS UNIVERSIDAD AUTÓNOMA METROPOLITANA AZCAPOTZALCO ISBN 968-36-6323-0 D.R. Derechos reservados conforme a la ley Impreso en México Printed in Mexico A Roberto Moreno de los Arcos .., CONTENIDO INTRODUCCIÓN Noemí Quezada 11 Mrro Y SEXUALIDAD Mitos y dogmas sobre la sexualidad femenina Marta Rivas Zivy y Ana Amuchástegui Herrera 21 RELIGIÓN Y SEXUALIDAD. AMOR Y EROTISMO Religión y sexualidad. Amor y erotismo Noemí Quezada 35 Sexualidad, ilustración, religión y transgresión. Los bígamos adúlteros y amancebados novohispanos Marce/a Suárez Escobar 53 Sexo, culpa y deleite en un proceso inquisitorial del siglo xvm Edelmira Ramírez Leyva 71 10 CONTENIDO El caso del cura perverso o del ejercicio del poder María Elvira Buelna Serrano 91 RELIGIOSIDAD POPULAR Tlacalli: religión y sexualidad en la narrativa indígena de Amatlán de Quetzalcóatl, Ana María Salazar Peralta 105 SEXUALIDAD Y ESPIRITUALIDAD Modernidad y espiritualidad. Ausencia de Dios o Humano diosificado Patricia Corres Ayala 117 ~- INTRODUCCIÓN La sexualidad humana es un tema de gran interés para las ciencias sociales. En la antropología y la historia ha sido motivo de estudio en diferentes culturas antiguas y contemporáneas; en la mayoría de ellas, la religión ha definido la normatividad para su control reglamentándola a partir de complejos ritos religiosos. -
God of the Month: Tlaloc
God of the Month: Tlaloc Tlaloc, lord of celestial waters, lightning flashes and hail, patron of land workers, was one of the oldest and most important deities in the Aztec pantheon. Archaeological evidence indicates that he was worshipped in Mesoamerica before the Aztecs even settled in Mexico's central highlands in the 13th century AD. Ceramics depicting a water deity accompanied by serpentine lightning bolts date back to the 1st Tlaloc shown with a jaguar helm. Codex Vaticanus B. century BC in Veracruz, Eastern Mexico. Tlaloc's antiquity as a god is only rivalled by Xiuhtecuhtli the fire lord (also Huehueteotl, old god) whose appearance in history is marked around the last few centuries BC. Tlaloc's main purpose was to send rain to nourish the growing corn and crops. He was able to delay rains or send forth harmful hail, therefore it was very important for the Aztecs to pray to him, and secure his favour for the following agricultural cycle. Read on and discover how crying children, lepers, drowned people, moun- taintops and caves were all important parts of the symbolism surrounding this powerful ancient god... Starting at the very beginning: Tlaloc in Watery Deaths Tamoanchan. Right at the beginning of the world, before the gods were sent down to live on Earth as mortal beings, they Aztecs who died from one of a list of the fol- lived in Tamoanchan, a paradise created by the divine lowing illnesses or incidents were thought to Tlaloc vase. being Ometeotl for his deity children. be sent to the 'earthly paradise' of Tlalocan. -
Cofradías Y Asociaciones De Fieles En La Mora De La Iglesia Y La Corona
PortadaRUXXXVIIILomo.pdf 1 6/20/18 5:34 PM C M Y CM MY CY CMY K El papel de la Iglesia en la conformación educativa, sociocultural y política de Nueva España constituye —si con pros y contras— uno de los cimientos de lo que llegaría a ser México. Así, la relación de los fieles con las entidades eclesiásticas posee una dimensión que en este volumen contribuye a entender a profundidad un periodo (1680 -1750) estudiado hasta hoy de manera fragmentaria e impre- cisa. Mediante Las cofradías y asociaciones de fieles... asistimos a la manera en que se perfiló el conjunto de costumbres e instituciones que permitió a población y clero organizarse —incluso en las más remotas localidades— en torno a ritos y creencias, pero también, a las estrategias y bienes materiales para sustentarlos, donde el papado y las órdenes religiosas, tanto como el rey y la mitra, se distribuyeron y aun disputaron fidelidades y haberes, con miras a desarrollar sus respectivos programas, no sin la resistencia —mo- tivada por una diversidad de razones— de cuerpos y funcionarios religiosos, y de las propias comunidades. P3RUXXXVII.pdf 1 5/3/18 9:39 AM La Real Universidad de México Estudios y textos XXXVIII Descarga más libros de forma gratuita en la página del Instituto de Investigaciones sobre la Universidad y la Educación de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Recuerda al momento de citar utilizar la URL del libro. UNIVERSIDAD NACIONAL AUTÓNOMA DE MÉXICO INSTITUTO DE INVESTIGACIONES SOBRE LA UNIVERSIDAD Y LA EDUCACIÓN Colección la Real Universidad. Estuidos y Textos PortadillaRUXXXVIII.pdf 1 02/09/19 11:18 Cofradías y asociaciones de eles en la mira de la Iglesia y de la Corona: arzobispado de México, 1680-1750 Rodolfo Aguirre Salvador Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Instituto de Investigaciones sobre la Universidad y la Educación México 2019 Catalogación en la publicación UNAM. -
The Performative Politicization of Public Space: Mexico 1968-2008-2012 Robin Adèle Greeley
thresholds 41 Spring 2013, 18-31 THE PERFORMATIVE POLITICIZATION OF PUBLIC SPACE: MEXICO 1968-2008-2012 ROBIN ADÈLE GREELEY Peña Nieto: the TV is yours; Mexico is ours! #YoSoy132 banner, June 2012 In May 2012, just weeks before the recent presidential elections in Mexico, a group of students at the Universidad Iberoamericana challenged the presidential candidate for the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), Enrique Peña Nieto, during his cam- paign stop at the university.1 Peremptorily dismissed as being mob infiltrators hired by Peña Nieto’s political opponents, 131 Ibero students posted a video on YouTube displaying their university IDs and reiterating their outrage at the PRI’s persistent autocratic spurning of everyday citizens.2 The video sparked a spontaneous new grassroots political movement, “#YoSoy132” (“I am 132,” following up on the origi- nal 131 students) that rejected the PRI’s authoritarian neoliberalist platform and, in particular, its long history of collusion with powerful news media corporations.3 In the following weeks, hundreds of thousands of #YoSoy132 protestors repeatedly took to the streets across the country, to demand the democratization of the news media and the liberalization of the political system in Mexico. #YoSoy132 has regularly been compared to Mexico’s 1968 student movement which, as many have argued, “undermined forever the foundations of authoritarian- ism in Mexico.”4 Like their 1968 counterparts, #YoSoy132 has mounted a powerful anti-systemic call for a renewed politics “from below” to counteract the longstand- ing autocratic cronyism and corruption of the nation’s political leadership. Yet the comparison of #YoSoy132 with 1968 raises profound questions concerning the development of the public sphere in Mexico and its ability to foment a functional de- mocracy. -
Tomaszewski, Brian M. & ME Smith
Author's personal copy Journal of Historical Geography 37 (2011) 22e39 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Journal of Historical Geography journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jhg Polities, territory and historical change in Postclassic Matlatzinco (Toluca Valley, central Mexico) Brian M. Tomaszewski a,* and Michael E. Smith b a Department of Information Sciences & Technologies, Rochester Institute of Technology, 31 Lomb Memorial Drive, Rochester, NY 14623, USA b School of Human Evolution and Social Change, Arizona State University, P.O. Box 872402, Tempe, AZ 85287, USA Abstract Historical interpretation of political dynamics in pre-conquest central Mexico from indigenous records is fraught with difficulties. Beyond the basic challenges involved in interpreting fragmentary evidence is the fact that the majority of evidence comes from the dominant imperial polity (Tenochtitlan) and paints a biased and overly generalized view of political and social dynamics in provincial areas. We present a reconstruction of the political geography of the Toluca Valley of central Mexico in Aztec times that avoids these biases by focusing not on the events described in native histories, but on the individual towns and their spatial locations. We find that a theoretical perspective that defines political entities by networks and relations among people more adequately captures the historical situation than traditional models that define polities based on territory and boundaries. Ó 2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Political process; Polities; Ancient States; Borders; Toluca Valley; Mexico Reconstructing the pre-European political situation in central control of geographical space was continually contested between Mexico presents a challenge for research in historical geography. the native Matlatzinca people of the Toluca Valley and a series of Beyond obvious practical problems of fragmentary written outside imperial polities, including the Tepanecs, the Aztec Triple evidence are three inter-related conceptual challenges. -
Aztecs to Build up Their City and Military Forces As Well As Gave Them Time to Make Alliances Through Friendships and Trade and Marriage
1. Description 1.1 Name of society, language, and language family: Aztec (aka Mexica), Nahuatl, Uto-Aztecan, Southern Uto-Aztecan, Aztecan, General Aztec, Aztec-of which there are 28 different versions or dialect representing the different regions of the Aztec. (12) 1.2 ISO code (3 letter code from ethnologue.com): nhi-this is for the classical Nahuatl dialect (12) 1.3 Location (latitude/longitude): South-Central Mexico, mainly the Valley of Mexico 19.67 degrees latitude and -99 degrees longitude and the surrounding area. (11,p. 30) 1.4 Brief history: The Aztec migrated to the Valley of Mexico over a two hundred year period from 1111 A.D.-1325 A.D. They migrated from a place called Aztlan whose location is debated but could have been as far away as the Southwestern United States, though is it believed they originated somewhere Northwest Mexico. They settled in Tenochtitlan in 1325. From 1325-1428 they were the tributary subjects of Azcapotzalco. The time under Azcapotzalco allowed the Aztecs to build up their city and military forces as well as gave them time to make alliances through friendships and trade and marriage. In1427-1428 they allied themselves with the of the Acolhuacans Texcoco. With this alliance in place they were able to defeat Azcapotzalco in 1430 and became the new power in the region. They then allied themselves with the Tepanecs of Tlacopan to form the Triple Alliance. Over the next almost 100 years they expanded their empire through conquest of their neighbors making them tributary cities/states. Then in 1519 with the invasion of the Spanish led by Cortes the end was near for the Aztec empire. -
Tenochtidán: Ceremonial Center Miraculous Appearance of a Whirlwind That Connected at the Heart Oftenochtitlán Stood One of the Most Prorni- Earth with Heaven
T or Serpent Wall, consisting of a line of serpents sculpted miraculous spring of red and blue waters-revealed to the from stone, was erected on a platform around three sides Mexica the location where they should settle and end of the base of the pyramid. North and south of the pyra- their wanderings. The Mexica raised their temple in that mid are small adoratorio altars, as well as a depiction of a spot, which represented the threshold of the opening that xiuhcoatl (fire serpent), its head crested with points indi- communicated between the world of humans and the cating a relation to the cult of the sun, the renewal ensu- world where gods dwelt. This portal was represented by ing from the New Fire Ceremony, and the periodic cycle either an anthill, a sabine tree (Juniperus mexicana), a of fifty-two years. double cave, or a double spring. These binary elements, along with the colors red and blue, would later determine FURTHER READINGS the principal characteristics of the main pyramid dedi- León Portilla, M. 1967. El proceso de aculturación de los cated to Huitzilopochtli (god of war, a solar deiry) and to Chichimecas de Xólotl. Estudios de Cultura Náhuatl Tlaloc (god of rain, an earth-related deiry), two gods who 7:59-86. played opposite but complementary roles. Marquina,1. 1935. Tenayuca, estudio arqueológico de la Thirteen years later, around A.D. 1337, a group of dis- pirámide de Este Lugar. Talleres Gráficos del Museo contented Mexica broke away from the rest and founded Nacional de Arqueología, Historia y Ethnografia, 35. -
Myth and Model. the Pattern of Migration, Settlement, and Reclamation of Land in Central Mexico and Oaxaca
Myth and Model. The Pattern of Migration, Settlement, and Reclamation of Land in Central Mexico and Oaxaca Viola König Ethnologisches Museum – Stiftung Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin, Germany [email protected] Abstract: A comparison of the documentation in the pre-Hispanic and early colonial pic- torials and written texts from Central Mexico, Oaxaca and in between, shows parallels and a specic model for the settlement and the legitimation of land ownership. Migration from a mythic place of origin is followed by choice of the new homeland, which is ocially conrmed by the act of inauguration, i.e. a New Fire ceremony. Population growth leads to either the abandonment of a village or exodus of smaller groups, thus starting a new migration. e same procedure begins. e Mixtecs started as early as in the Classic period to migrate to Teotihuacan and later to Mexico Tenochtitlan as immigrant workers. ey were the rst to leave their Mixtec home- land in the 1970ies traveling to the USA and Canada. Today, Mixtec communities can be found in Manhattan and all over California. Keywords: migration; settlement; land ownership; Mixtec codices; pre-Hispanic and early colonial periods. Resumen: Una comparación de la documentación en los textos pictóricos y escritos pre- hispánicos y coloniales tempranos del centro de México, Oaxaca y las regiones intermedias, muestra paralelos y revela un modelo especíco para los procesos de asentamiento y la legi- timación de la propiedad de la tierra. La migración desde un lugar de origen mítico es seguida por la elección de un nuevo lugar de asentamiento, conrmada por un acto de inauguración, es decir, la ceremonia del Fuego Nuevo. -
Land, Water, and Government in Santiago Tlatelolco
ABSTRACT This dissertation discusses conflicts over land and water in Santiago Tlatelolco, an indigenous community located in Mexico City, in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. The specific purpose of this study is to analyze the strategies that the indigenous government and indigenous people in general followed in the defense of their natural resources in order to distinguish patterns of continuity and innovation. The analysis covers several topics; first, a comparison and contrast between Mesoamerican and colonial times of the adaptation to the lacustrine environment in which Santiago Tlatelolco was located. This is followed by an examination of the conflicts that Santiago Tlatelolco had with neighboring indigenous communities and individuals who allied themselves with Spaniards. The objective of this analysis is to discern how indigenous communities in the basin of central Mexico used the Spanish legal system to create a shift in power that benefitted their communities. The next part of the dissertation focuses on the conflicts over land and water experienced by a particular group: women. This perspective provides insight into the specific life experience of the inhabitants of Santiago Tlatelolco during Mesoamerican and colonial times. It also highlights the impact that indigenous people had in the Spanish colonial organization and the response of Spanish authorities to the increasing indigenous use of the legal system. The final part discusses the evolution of indigenous government in Santiago Tlatelolco from Mesoamerican to colonial rulership. This section focuses on the role of indigenous rulers in Mexico City public works, especially the hydraulic system, in the recollection of tribute, and, above all, in the legal conflicts over land and water. -
The Old Fire God and His Symbolism at Teotihuacan*
Hasso von Winning The Old Fire God and his Symbolism at Teotihuacan* El dios más antiguo de Teotihuacán es representado antropomórficamente sólo en esculturas de piedra y unas cuantas figurillas de barro que muestran un anciano con un recipiente sobre la cabeza, destinado a quemar in- cienso. Sin embargo, diversas formas gráficas o signos ostentan los parafernales rituales relacionados con esta deidad paternalista del fuego. Tales signos, a menudo, se combinan con imágenes de los diferentes aspectos del dios de la lluvia, que predominan en el arte de Teotihua- cán. Con el surgimiento de deidades adicionales del fue- go durante la era postclásica tardía, las interrelaciones de Xiuhtecutli, el sucesor del viejo dios del fuego Hue- hueteotl, con deidades de la lluvia se evidencian icono- gráficamente en los manuscritos pictográficos y en las esculturas. Finalmente, se puede decir que, si bien en Teotihuacán la imaginería del culto al dios de la lluvia ensombreció el culto al dios del fuego, este último no se eclipsó del todo aunque el reconocimiento de su impor- tancia se vió disminuido en gran parte por la falta de com- prensión de su simbolismo. La identificación e interpre- A condensed version with fewer illustrations has been presented at a sym- posium at the XLIl International Congress of Americanistes, Paris, Septem- ber 1976. 1 am grateful for valuable comments by Drs. Thomas S. Barthel, George Kubier, and Hanns J. Prem. tación de los signos del culto al dios del fuego indujo a la revaluación de un signo compuesto - el grupo de los cuatro elementos - y a un intento de extractar una fór- mula mnemónica de oración de las características pecu- liares atribuidas a estos cuatro signos.