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INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. ProQuest information and Learning 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 USA 800-521-0600 UMI' UNIVERSITY OF OKLAHOMA GRADUATE COLLEGE BECOMING TWO-SPIRIT: DIFFERENCE AND DESIRE IN INDIAN COUNTRY A Dissertation SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy By Brian Joseph Gilley Norman, Oklahoma 2002 UMI Number: 3042510 Copyright 2002 by Gilley, Brian Joseph All rights reserved. UMI UMI Microform 3042510 Copyright 2002 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 BECOMING TWO-SPIRIT; DIFFERENCE AND DESIRE IN INDIAN COUNTRY A Dissertation APPROVED FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY BY ylL. c Copyright by BRIAN JOSEPH GILLEY 2002 All Rights Reserved. Acknowledgements I owe a great amount of gratitude to the members of the Eagleton and Modelo Two- Spirit societies. They welcomed me, watched me closely, and then accepted me as part o f the community. To protect their confidentiality, I cannot thank them by name. However, I think they know who they are and I have thanked them “in the right way.” Many thanks also go to numerous people at the University of Oklahoma. My committee chair Morris Foster is a consistent mentor, and good friend He has remained positive through my sometimes-whimsical research ideas, and continuous badgering about “what to do.” Circe Sturm has also been a major force in my development as a scholar. She introduced me to a new world of thinking about the pursuit of anthropology and what it means to do engaged research. Margaret Bender is always encouraging and helped me to develop a critical perspective on not only gender, but also what it means to do ethnography. I also thank Michael Nunley and Trina Hope, both of whom introduced me to areas of research and thinking I would not have otherwise discovered. I also owe many thanks to William Ray, who proved to be a supportive boss, a good fiiend and always willing to give good advice. Gary Holmes provided comic relief, asked tough questions, and provided many lessons on fly-fishing. Additional thanks go to Nancy Cahwee, John Cocke, Tommy Chesbro, Lisa Lefler, Pat Gilman, Wanda Downs, and Leslie Brownrigg. I have always said that research is a selfish pursuit, and accordingly I am grateful to family and fiiends. My parents, Jo Ann and Gary Gilley, have maintained their support throughout this process. My sister, Jennifer Gilley-Brooks, and her husband, Chris Brooks, are always there when 1 need them. My grandmother Joy Gilley is always curious and willing to listen to my stories. My daughter Aurianna is a lively and insightful influence, and I am eternally grateful for her presence. I am grateful to my surrogate parents, Mike and Georgene Dwyer, who provided support and splendid meals. 1 also want to thank ray best fnend, Caroline Dwyer, who has not wavered in her support of my work. IV TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter One Introduction I - 48 Chapter Two Two-Spirit: From Gay to Indian 49 - 79 Chapter Three Gays and Indians: Difference and Ideal Types at Work in Two-Spirit Subjectivity 80 - 148 Chapter Four Two-Spirit and Indian Community Relations: The Problem of Desire 149 - 201 Chapter Five Mending the Hoop: Resignification and Reincorporation 202 - 230 Chapter Six Difference and Social Belonging in Indian Country 231 - 240 Works Cited 241 -2 4 9 Appendix A: The Interviewees 250 - 251 Chapter One Introduction Two-Spirit people and their role within the contemporary Indian community has been under contestation for many years. The “old ones” remember the days when gender different men and women were respected for their special talents, power and medicine. However, Indian adaptations to Euro-American social and ideological pressures eventually put an end to the historic acceptance and recognition of Native American gender diversity in tribal communities. Except for a few unique instances, there are no longer publicly recognized roles in Indian communities for people who cross sex and gender boundaries. Through the construction of Two-Spirit identity, gay and lesbian Native Americans are attempting to connect with historic Native North American sex and gender diversity while remaining committed to contemporary Indian identity. Simultaneously they are attempting to regain the acceptance of sex and gender diversity in Indian communities. ’ From contact until the mid-1990s gender diversity in Native North America was referred to by the term “berdache.” Anthropological studies uncritically adopted the colonial term “berdache” to explain men assuming the gender characteristics of women and engaging in same sex relations. Definitions of the “berdache” generally included; a male individual who does not fulfill community expectations of modes of production associated with their bodily sex, has sexual relations and domestic partnerships with the same sex, and takes on the gender status o f a more feminine ' I use the term Native American, American Indian and Indian interchangeably. Anyone who has spent time with Native Americans realizes the preference often given for the more informal term Indian versus the seemingly politically correct Native American. role/ The term “berdache” is associated with a particular historical moment in Native history and anthropological study overshadowed by Western conceptions of sex and gender. Two-Spirit identity represents a continuation of the “berdache tradition,” but constructed in indigenous terms rather than that of Western ideology. It is in the historically recognized social and ceremonial roles o f the “berdache tradition” and not in the term “berdache” where Two-Spirit people draw a connection. “Two-Spirit” allows contemporary gay and lesbian Native Americans to identify with their culture and their heritage on their own conditions and has come to represent the history of gender diversity in Native North America.^ In its most general sense, Two- Spirit is a self named term and identity referring to contemporary gay and lesbian American Indians. However, in recent years, Two-Spirit has come to represent a distinct Indian identity with its own set of ideological assumptions. More than a term, Two-Spirit as an identity attempts to connect with the historical acceptance of sex and gender difference among tribal societies in an effort to reincorporate their uniqueness into contemporary Native communities. The focus on women in Anthropology with second wave feminism brought to the fore critical assessments of the social construction inherent in gender and sexuality categories (Stolcke 1993: 19). This scrutiny is reflected in the approaches taken toward gender diversity in Native North America by previous anthropological studies. Although examinations of gender are important to this research, in order to more completely examine the current subject positions of contemporary Two-Spirit ^ ''Berdache ' is used by Williams (1986) and Lang (1998) to describe women transcending communit) expectations of their bodily sex. people, 1 focus on the dialectical relationship between power and difference. Gender is just one of the many aspects of difference that become subject to interpretation dominant and subordinate ideologies Therefore, gender, in this study, becomes a component crosscutting differences of race, hybridity, desire, masculinity, femininity, and sexuality. Two-Spirit identity becomes subject to differential access to social belonging based on accepted and condemned differences among various manifestations of Indian communities. Differences become subject to the power held by individuals who control community access and recognition. Therefore, the objective of this study is to examine the emergence of Two-Spirit as an Native identity imbued with the same issues involved in identifying ^vith any tribal or generic Indian identity. Anthropology and Images of Gender Diversity in North America Anthropological images o f North American gender diversity closely trail the development of theoretical approaches to sex and gender in the social sciences. Early anthropological studies focused on psychoanalytic interpretations