The Geographical Journal, Vol. 182, No. 2, June 2016, pp. 123–134, doi: 10.1111/geoj.12154 Limitations and opportunities of social capital for adaptation to climate change: a case study on the

JAN PETZOLD Institute of Geography, University of Hamburg, Bundesstraße 55, Geomatikum, 20146 Hamburg, Germany E-mail: [email protected] This paper was accepted for publication in June 2015

Small islands are among regions most affected by the impacts of global climate change. They are regarded as particularly vulnerable, but from a different point of view, island societies also feature a particular sociocultural resilience, which distinguishes them from continental societies. How do social structures increase the adaptive capacity of small islands towards sea-level rise? I consider the concept of social capital as applicable in order to understand the role of communities and collective action in a context of vulnerability and resilience. In this paper, I present results from a case study on the Isles of Scilly, UK. A mixed methods qualitative approach has been applied to analyse the various roles of social capital for the adaptation to climate change impacts on this small archipelago, which is representative of European small islands in an economically advanced, but isolated context. The Isles of Scilly are among the most vulnerable island regions in Europe. The results of the research contribute to the general discussion on social capital and the relevance of collective action for the adaptation to global climate change. How useful is the concept? And how relevant is it for small islands, such as the Isles of Scilly?

KEY WORDS: small islands, climate change adaptation, qualitative methods, social capital, resilience, sea-level rise

Adaptation here refers to ‘[t]he process of Introduction adjustment to actual or expected climate and its ccording to the latest IPCC report it is ‘virtually effects’ (Noble et al. 2014, 838), and is associated certain’ that global mean sea-level rise will with technological and socio-political measures (cf. A continue ‘for centuries to millennia’ (Stocker Nunn 2009). Large-scale sea defences cannot easily et al. 2013, 100) – however efficiently mitigation be implemented in isolated and small island regions. targets will be pursued. Sea-level rise due to thermal The financial and physical resources required are expansion is a linear process, in contrast to sea-level not readily available, nor is such infrastructure rise due to melting ice sheets (Pilkey and Young 2009, sustainable, because large structural sea defences 65). Nonetheless, ‘regional sea level changes may often cause further problems, e.g. erosion, which differ substantially from a global average’ (Church have to be dealt with in the future (cf. Kundzewicz et al. 2013, 1191). An observed global mean sea-level 2002). It is a great challenge for island societies rise of 20 cm during the last century has already led to and decision-makers to find socially, ecologically, coastal land loss on many islands (cf. Forbes et al. and financially sustainable solutions to deal with 2013); other impacts in coastal zones are the changes to their coastal habitats. Effective planning increased frequency and intensity of storm surges, and implementation in such a setting depends on increased salt water intrusion, flooding of freshwater inclusion of community resources: local knowledge, wetlands and valuable agricultural zones (Walker and skills, and the integration of collective action for local Bellingham 2011, 298). A projected global mean sea- adaptation, as well as the acceptance and support of level rise1 of 1 m or more by the end of the century communities for decision-making (Jones and Clark will require effective adaptation in the most 2013; Mercer et al. 2012). vulnerable areas – coastal zones and small islands In this context, the study of small islands is (Nurse et al. 2014). important due to their specific geographic factors, and

The information, practices and views in this article are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the opinion of the Royal Geographical Society (with IBG). © 2015 Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers). 124 Social capital for climate change: a case study on the Isles of Scilly features of their vulnerability (Moro et al. 2005). But SIDS are extremely reliant on external assistance; islands may also feature a specific social-ecological dependent island territories rely on funding from resilience (cf. Baldacchino 2005; Barnett and Adger national governments, which is often not available for 2003; Campbell 2009). In this paper I focus on social peripheral regions, or is instead invested in projects capital – communities’ cohesiveness and capacity for that generate revenue (Nunn 2009, 219). Limited collective action – as a critical factor for climate human resources and ‘. . . limited capacity to spatially change adaptation on small islands. The focus here segregate activities produces tight feedback loops lies not only on institutions and planning, but also on between any environmental stressor and its impact’ levels of trust, cooperation, and collective action (Kerr 2005, 508). The ‘greatest potential threat’ (Byrne schemes (cf. Young et al. 2014). Research on social and Inniss 2002, 10) to small islands, though, is global capital and the adaptation to climate change often climate change. focuses on Small Island Development States (SIDS), From a historical point of view, Campbell (2009) mostly in the Pacific (Barnett and Campbell 2010; Hay suggests focusing on the resilience rather than the 2003 2013; Kelman 2010). But there is little research vulnerability of islands, because ‘. . . vulnerability was about the role of social capital for dependent small not a particularly marked characteristic of island island territories in the Western and European societies and communities . . . On the contrary they periphery (cf. Young et al. 2014). were resilient’ (Campbell 2009, 94). Social resilience This paper is based on research conducted on the describes the potential of social systems to deal with Isles of Scilly, a group of five inhabited small islands, upcoming challenges (cf. Adger 2000, 347; Marshall which are highly exposed to storm surges and et al. 2009, 5). What then shapes an island’s vulnerable to sea-level rise – hazards that are resilience, especially in the context of climate expected to increase with future climate change. Due change? Islanders have developed ways to deal with a to their geologic history and vulnerability towards limited base of resources for centuries and with rare or further sea-level rise, the islands have been described unreliable contact to other world regions (Kerr 2005, as a ‘drowned landscape’ (Thomas 1985), and the 504). The experience of life in a constrained and ‘Maldives of the Atlantic’ (Anon 2009). The islands’ sensitive environment allowed for the development of smallness and peripheral setting, on the one hand, traditional and specifically local adaptation strategies. make them dependent on external assistance, Turner et al. (1996, 170) point out that some especially in terms of financial resources for large- traditional island societies have developed more scale projects. On the other hand, the islands depend effective networks for emergency response than on their own capacity to solve problems (cf. Grydehøj official programs in western countries. And Rainbird 2013). I consider the Isles of Scilly as representative of (2007, 173) observes a ‘distinct community identity a small dependent island territory that is vulnerable to located historically on sea and land’. the projected impacts from global climate change, but, in contrast to the discussion on SIDS (cf. Hay Social capital 2013), set in an economically advanced context. By means of qualitative interviews, participant Social capital theory observation, and literature review, I analyse the potential and limitations of social capital in its Social capital is a concept that is applied across the different dimensions for climate change adaptation on range of foci in social sciences. Originating in the Isles of Scilly. sociology with a focus on the individual – social capital as a resource that is beneficial for one’s individual status within society (Bourdieu 1983; Small island vulnerability Coleman 1988) – the concept has found large interest Small islands are often considered as particularly among scholars dealing with economics, institutions, sensitive and vulnerable places, summarised, amongst and regional development discrepancies since the others, in the concept of the ‘isola effect’ (Moro et al. work of the political scientist Robert Putnam (2000; 2005). Kerr (2005) distinguishes issues of location Putnam et al. 1993). He analysed social capital from a and scale. Issues of location include expensive and collectivist point of view and defines it as ‘. . . features unreliable transport (Brookfield 1990, 25), and of social organization, such as trust, norms, and physical vulnerability to environmental changes. networks, that can improve the efficiency of society by Issues of scale refer especially to economic and facilitating coordinated actions’ (Putnam et al. 1993, structural features. Limited economies of scale and a 167). narrow range of exports lead to low diversification Adger (2003, 392) distinguishes between bonding and high dependency on one economic sector and networking social capital. Bonding social capital (McElroy 2002, 49). This makes islands vulnerable to includes friends and family relationships, while fluctuations in the global market (Briguglio 2002, 73), networking (or ‘bridging’) social capital facilitates while the lack of natural resources leads to a links to people and resources outside one’s own dependency on strategic imports (Hess 1990, 4). community, e.g. through clubs and political

The Geographical Journal 2016 182 123–134 doi: 10.1111/geoj.12154 © 2015 Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers) Social capital for climate change: a case study on the Isles of Scilly 125 organisations. This rather horizontal dimension of Accordingly, Naughton (2014, 3) sees ‘the need for social capital is opposed to vertical networks linking context-driven understandings of context-dependent ‘unequal agents in asymmetric relations of hierarchy social capital processes’. and dependence’ (Putnam et al. 1993, 173; cf. Bohle My focus does not lie in showing how to assess the 2005). Measurement of the so-called structural level of social capital in an island community or elements of social capital is usually done by among its individuals (cf. Petzold and Ratter 2015). I quantitative methods, through assessments of rather analyse how the social capital is mobilised and membership in clubs and associations or by tools such how different islands’ geographic contexts influence as the ‘resource generator’ (van der Gaag and Snijders the relevance of social capital for adaptation to future 2005), which accounts for the number and types of climate change. I understand social capital as a social relations of an individual. The development collective good – a resource that is potentially of such tools, however, is ongoing and highly beneficial for a whole island community. unstandardised. An overview on approaches towards the measurement and quantification of social capital Social capital, small islands and adaptation can be found in Castiglione et al. (2008), Franzen and Pointner (2007), and Häuberer (2011). Understood as a collective good, social capital is particularly relevant in poor and rural communities, where people rely on cooperation for emergency response (Aßheuer et al. 2013). But even in an Social capital in geography economically more advanced context, social capital The geographical aspect of social capital can be can be important for communities’ adaptation to traced back to the question of what holds societies climate change (Young et al. 2014). A high degree of together, and to the analysis of discrepancies in social capital promotes self-organisation and a regional development of institutions and societies ‘capacity for learning and adaptation’ (Walker (Narayan and Pritchett 1999; Serageldin and et al. 2002, 5–6) through increased flow of Grootaert 2000). ‘From the communitarian information, reduced transaction costs, promoting perspective’ Hunka and Groot (2011, 40) simply civic engagement and public participation in characterise social capital as ‘the quintessence of a decision-making processes. Awareness of risks and society’. Being prominently applied in human opportunities is an important condition for building geography and development studies (Bohle 2005; resilience (Hay 2013, 311). In coastal areas, Narayan and Pritchett 1999; Radcliffe 2004), the awareness of the risks from further sea-level rise and World Bank has also adopted the concept for policy flooding is necessary for people’s acceptance of and institutional programmes (Krishna and Shrader adaptation measures (Hallegatte 2012, 3). So-called 1999). A more integrative approach makes use of the ‘bridging organisations’ (Berkes 2009, 1695) play a concept in the context of resource management and major role for conflict resolution, building trust environmental change, because of the value of social between members of a community, and integrating networks and collective action for the promotion of scientific and traditional knowledge. Also, informal community resilience and response to extreme events organisations and clubs contribute positively to (Adger 2003; Jones and Clark 2013). Moreover, the adaptation to environmental changes, because they role of social capital is stressed in the context of facilitate collective action even without regard to social-ecological systems dynamics (Goulden et al. governmental adaptation strategies (Ireland and 2013; Walker and Salt 2006), also applied on small Thomalla 2011, 5). Collective social capital is relevant islands (e.g. Wu and Tsai 2014). for adaptation to climate change, especially in An analytical element, which is often neglected, communities with a high degree of local knowledge however, is the mobilisation of social capital, in and adaptive environmental management, such as contrast to the mere quantification of social capital small islands (cf. Petzold and Ratter 2015). through social networks – the presence of networked Adaptation to climate change on small islands is not social capital does not necessarily guarantee that the only a technological challenge, but a particularly resources social capital gives access to are drawn on political and social task (cf. Nunn 2009, 2013). or beneficial for a community (cf. Gaag 2005; Lin According to Adger (2003, 398) ‘. . . networking 2001). To evaluate this mobilisation, or the use of social capital and comanagement institutions resources through social capital, is difficult, because it enhance the capacity to adapt to the impacts of depends on many factors, e.g. individuals’ personal changes in climate as manifested in periodic extremes skills and necessity for cooperation, as well as cultural in sea-surface temperatures and gradual changes in and institutional contexts (Häuberer 2011, 142). sea level’. Social capital promotes inter- and intra- Mohan and Mohan (2002, 193) call it ‘a geographic island cooperation (Campbell 2009, 91), as dense concept’, because ‘the quality of relationships social bonds and trust can enable the tradition of local between individuals is shaped by, and itself shapes knowledge as well as the dissemination of resources the character of, the context in which they live’. among members of a community and from external

The Geographical Journal 2016 182 123–134 doi: 10.1111/geoj.12154 © 2015 Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers) 126 Social capital for climate change: a case study on the Isles of Scilly links (Ireland and Thomalla 2011, 5; Kelman et al. agriculture, fishing, and boat building, still exist but 2009). The integration of local and expert knowledge are of minor relevance in terms of employment and avoids the risk of maladaptation and conflict (cf. economic output (Ash Futures 2014, 8). Politically, Barnett and O’Neill 2010). Hay (2013, 314), the Isles of Scilly are a special case, because they are therefore, stresses the importance of social the smallest Unitary Authority in the UK; the Council development to enhance island resilience, and of the Isles of Scilly is, however, the largest employer Baldacchino (2005, 32) suggests that ‘small island on the islands. The Isles of Scilly are extremely reliant territories may be the best sites for seeing the effects, on external financial support from national or absence, of a strong social fabric’. government and the European Union (Ash Futures 2014, 8–9). The ongoing submergence of the islands, which Case study: the Isles of Scilly, UK are designated as an Area of Outstanding National The Isles of Scilly are an archipelago composed of five Beauty (AONB), is evident in drowned ancient inhabited islands and many more islets and rocks settlements and agricultural areas that can still be 45 km off the south-west coast of the UK. The observed today at low water levels and by diving (cf. archipelago has a long history of submergence; in Johns et al. 2004). Erosion, high tides, and storm fact, most of the islands comprising the Isles of Scilly surges are a major concern for the local population today were the hilltops of a single, larger island, still and decision-makers. Thus, coastal protection and partly connected by the intertidal zone (Figure 1) coastal risk management are the main areas that (Mortimer et al. 2013). Sea-levels have been have to be considered in the context of climate continually rising in south-west England and on the change adaptation. There are no reliable data on the Isles of Scilly within the last century (Araújo and Pugh development of extreme weather events. Sea-level 2008). Indicators of submergence – erosion within the records, however, show an increase of sea level within last decades and century, as well as archaeological the past decades on the islands. Future projections for findings, submerged fields and artefacts – reveal the south-west England suggest a further sea-level rise of longer history of sea-level rise on the islands, and give about 20 cm by 2040 and 50 cm by 2100, increased the impression of Scilly as a ‘drowned landscape’ by processes of glacial isostatic adjustment (Council (Thomas 1985). of the Isles of Scilly 2010). There are vulnerable areas The islands’ economy is extremely dependent on on each of the inhabited islands, with different tourism (cf. Grydehøj and Hayward 2014); businesses consequences for sea defences, local planning, and from traditional occupations, such as flower farming, challenges for the local communities.

Figure 1 Map of the Isles of Scilly showing the present extent of the inter-tidal zone (green), land area (brown), and bathymetry from shallow (yellow) to deep (blue) Source: altered, after Mortimer et al. (2013, 156)

The Geographical Journal 2016 182 123–134 doi: 10.1111/geoj.12154 © 2015 Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers) Social capital for climate change: a case study on the Isles of Scilly 127

largest of them, Tresco (population: 175), is different from the other islands in terms of governance, because it is completely leased to one family, which runs a tourism resort, Tresco Estate, on the island. Tresco Estate is in charge of most of the services provided on the island, including waste management, water supply and coastal protection. Almost all of the residents are employed by Tresco Estate and there are not many traditional local families left on Tresco; local businesses have slowly disappeared. The island is vulnerable due to rising sea levels, because the main settlements and the major tourist attraction on the Isles of Scilly – the botanical garden – are very low lying. The southern part of Tresco, mainly consisting of large sand dunes and beaches, suffered from heavy erosion, losing several metres of land area during the winter storms in 2013/14. Figure 2 on St Mary’s The second largest of the off-islands is St Martin’s (population: 136), which has the biggest flower farm on the off-islands, some agricultural and handcrafts businesses, and several holiday facilities. The storms in 2013/14 caused more than the usual erosion along the southern dunes, where a small slipway was washed away and the old quay was damaged. Generally, the most vulnerable areas are agricultural areas behind the dunes, which partly erode and partly receive flooding. The island of (population: 92) is located close to Tresco and is influenced by its tourism economy. Strong winds combined with high tides cause overtopping of the sea defences and flooding of the low-lying areas. Some of the sea walls have suffered from heavy erosion during storms and need repairing. The low-lying southern part of Bryher could be cut off from the rest of the island if dunes and sea walls are further eroded and overtopped by increased Figure 3 Storm surge on 14 February 2014, hitting storm activity and higher sea levels. Porthcressa The most remote of the inhabited islands, St Agnes, Source: Isles of Scilly Museum (2014) is also the one with the smallest population (73). Still about 40% of the families have roots – more than on any other of the islands – and businesses St Mary’s, by far the largest of the Isles of Scilly both are more diverse than on the other islands, though still by area (6.29 km2) and population (1723), is the dependent on tourism. The island suffered from severe centre for local services and the transport hub. The erosion during the storms in winter 2013/14, most vulnerable area of St Mary’s is its main damaging critical sea defences on the western part of settlement, Hugh Town, which is located on an the island – several metres of coastline have been lost. isthmus and close to sea level (see Figure 2). Despite The main sea defences protect an SSSI, fresh water protection from sea walls, the town suffers from storm sources, residential properties, a boatyard and quay, damage and flooding (see Figure 3). An unusual and an electricity substation. combination of high tides, surges, and wind directions can seriously affect settlements and infrastructure on Methods the island as happened in winter 2013/14. Around the whole island of St Mary’s constant erosion is affecting I applied a mixed methods qualitative approach in protective dunes, archaeological sites and footpaths, order to analyse the most vulnerable areas on the historical sites, and small-scale agricultural areas. specific islands of the Isles of Scilly, the way the The four smaller inhabited islands Tresco, St respective communities deal with risks and impacts of Martin’s, St Agnes and Bryher, are considered as sea-level rise and storm surges, and the relevance of peripheral to St Mary’s (at least from St Mary’s point of social capital. This approach included stakeholder view), and are, accordingly, called the off-islands.The and expert interviews, participant observations, and

The Geographical Journal 2016 182 123–134 doi: 10.1111/geoj.12154 © 2015 Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers) 128 Social capital for climate change: a case study on the Isles of Scilly

Table 1 Interview partners; codes and total number of interviews for each category in parentheses (interviews will be referred to in the text by the respective code, consecutively numbered, e.g. SC1)

Civil society Administration/government Local population Media (SC; 6 interviews) (SP; 18 interviews) (SL; 8 interviews) (SM; 3 interviews)

Representatives from Representative from landholder Local residents with family Local radio environmental organisations roots on island Representatives from collective Officers from local authority Local residents initiating Freelance journalist action initiatives collective action Councillors from each island Editor of local magazine literature and media review. The period of research capital for the adaptation to climate change. Key included six weeks of field research in February and documents for literature analysis include the recent March 2014, and another three weeks in July 2014. economic strategy report by the consultancy Ash During the first period of field research, a series of Futures (2014), the Climate Change Strategy of the winter storms affected the UK (cf. Thorne 2014), Council of the Isles of Scilly (2010), the AONB Unit’s perceived on the Isles of Scilly as the longest and most Management Strategy (Isles of Scilly AONB Unit intensive period of storms in recent decades. 2010), the report for English Heritage by Johns et al. The qualitative interviews consisted of 35 (2004), and more historically relevant publications by semi-structured interviews with stakeholders and Matthews (1960), Ashbee (1974), Bowley (1980), and representatives from the community (see Table 1). The Thomas (1985). interview partners were chosen by their function in Furthermore, I analysed the most important local organisations that are relevant for environmental and media sources: the magazines Scilly up to date (1985– coastal management, and by the pyramid principle 2001), Scilly Now & Then (2003–14), The Scillonian regarding knowledge about social life within their (1925–2014), and RadioScilly (2011–14). community. Central topics of these interviews were: Results: social capital and adaptation on the Isles • vulnerability of the Isles of Scilly towards climate of Scilly change; • adaptation measures (past and present); As presented above, the specific islands of the Isles of • key stakeholders in decision-making; Scilly have different vulnerabilities towards climate • participation of population in decision-making and change, and they suffered differently from the storms planning; in winter 2013/14. Questions to consider are what • participation of population in coastal protection; roles the local population and identified elements of • initiatives of collective action within the social capital play on the islands; and how does the communities; population cope with storms, floods, and rising sea • social cohesion: levels of trust and cooperation on levels? islands; The stakeholder and expert interviews with • the role of clubs, associations, and civil society; decision-makers and officials from the local and authorities revealed how important a cohesive • levels and sources of information for the public. community, high levels of trust, and participation of the population are for the adaptation to climate The second method applied, participant change (SP10; SP17; SM3; for indications of the observation, served to understand everyday codes, see Table 1). Literature and media analysis community life and people’s response to erosion, showed that storms, ship accidents (cf. Larn 1994), flooding and storm impacts. This method has turned and the submerging landscape are part of the out to be particularly relevant for this research, due to Scillonian identity. Storm activity and impacts on the the unforeseeable extreme weather events during the islands take a big place in all of the media sources first period of research. In this way, I included direct analysed throughout their period of publication. observations about the most vulnerable areas, storm Several publications (Johns et al. 2004; Thomas 1985) impacts, and the reaction of local authorities and the and contributions to magazines and newspapers (e.g. community to the events. Sisam 1962; Smith 2008; Tregarthen 2000; Anon I applied literature and media review as a 2010) also picked up the risk of sea-level rise for the complementary approach to each of the sections of islands. People are generally quite well informed, not interest: past and present vulnerability towards only through media or official sources from the climate change impacts and perception of risks, the council, but also simply by the fact that information is development of the community, and the role of social passed on very quickly in an informal way. Regarding

The Geographical Journal 2016 182 123–134 doi: 10.1111/geoj.12154 © 2015 Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers) Social capital for climate change: a case study on the Isles of Scilly 129 extreme weather events, people feel well informed, islanders, who ‘are quite fiercely independent’ (SC4, because they are experienced in observing weather 8). A point of conflict was the planting of the conditions as part of their life at or near the sea; Hottentot-Fig (Carpobrotus edulis), considered as an especially in winter, daily changing weather invasive species, to stabilise dunes from further conditions influence transport links to and between erosion. Conflicts like this lead to some people the islands (SL1; SL2; SP1). disengaging from land management.

Institutions and civil society Collective action Trust in local institutions, and inclusion in the An important feature of how social capital can decision-making process are very relevant issues. promote adaptation to climate change is through Without the acceptance of the population, changes direct collective action by the community. Interviews are hardly possible to implement, especially when it and participant observation showed that this is comes to large-scale infrastructure developments on important and complementary to and even in place St Mary’s (SP10). The way the local council works, of, action by local authorities or other organisations – however, was not always free of problems. After to provide services, which the council can help to a history of conflict about the process of decision- coordinate and support with material, but which still making by the council and its officers, the role of the relies on the participation of the local population. councillors as representatives of the people is Especially ‘on the off-islands, the small islands, it is becoming more important again. Community groups vital’ (SP3, 12) – ‘self-help is the order of the day, I such as HEART (Honesty, Ethics, Accountability, think, on a small island’ (SP14, 19). Respect, and Truth/Transparency) try to fix the link Beach cleaning and site clearance Beach cleaning is between the population and the council. This relevant on all of the islands. On St Mary’s it is usually development is supported by locals who express their organised by the Wildlife Trust and the AONB Unit, concerns directly towards the council and through who provide bin bags and pickers. Especially before social media (SM1). A trustful relationship between the start of the tourism season in April/March, many the council and the population is very relevant also for people participate (SP4; SL4). Also after storms, beach the effective implementation of climate change cleanings are organised, often by engaged locals. On adaptation and mitigation measures (SP1; SP10). the off-islands usually the communities organise the The potential of community-based initiatives and beach cleanings themselves. On Tresco, however, public participation in local decision-making has they are initiated by the Estate Management and not been exploited enough in the past, but it is seen carried out by the staff (SP18; SL8). Volunteers of the as an opportunity to increase active collaboration, Wildlife Trust and the local archaeological group exchange of knowledge, and trust between monitor the erosion of archaeological sites and clear stakeholders and the population (cf. Ash Futures them from overgrowing vegetation and accumulated 2014; Isles of Scilly AONB Unit 2010; Pound 2004). garbage (SC4). Recently, integration of the community into local Maintenance of sea defences On St Mary’s the most decision-making and planning has been put on the relevant sea defences are sea walls, which are agenda, in order to implement strategies for the maintained under the auspices of the council. The role overall future development of the islands, including of collective action is not as relevant here as it is on issues of climate change mitigation, natural the off-islands (SP7). Some of the off-islands (e.g. St conservation, and economic development. Agnes and Bryher) have sea walls that were There are several civil society organisations on the constructed by the Environment Agency in the past. Isles of Scilly that deal with climate change mitigation Maintenance and repairing of these is rarely done, and adaptation. Civil society organisations provide however. It is often the task of locals to do as much as tools, funding, and the initiative for collective action. they can (SL5). On St Agnes and Bryher, sea walls They cooperate closely with each other and the local were severely affected by the storms of 2013/14. Signs council. This cooperation is now organised under the of heavy erosion call for action, because further heavy umbrella of the unit for the local AONB (SP4; SC4). storms would probably cause the sea defences to One of the most relevant actors on the islands, the breach. Local farmers and residents have had to fill Isles of Scilly Wildlife Trust, manages almost all of the the fragile areas of the sea defences with bags of rocks uninhabited or uncultivated land on behalf of the land (see Figure 4), and did so in a community effort. owner, the Duchy of . In this context the However, in the long term, external funding is Wildlife Trust relies on the support of the local essential to keep up the sea defences (SP15, SL1). population and volunteers from the Isles of Scilly and Besides local knowledge for coastal protection, non- the mainland. In the past, however, the role of the islanders contribute to fundraising and networks to Wildlife Trust has also caused tensions; before it took environmental organisations on the mainland that can over the task of managing the uninhabited land, this be important for future adaptation projects (SP14; land was considered as common land by some SM3).

The Geographical Journal 2016 182 123–134 doi: 10.1111/geoj.12154 © 2015 Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers) 130 Social capital for climate change: a case study on the Isles of Scilly

strongest storm in February 2014. Locals collectively installed provisional protection in order to avoid further damage to the building (SP9). Cooperative emergency response Each of the islands has a team of volunteers who are trained to organise evacuations and distribution of emergency medical equipment in times of extreme weather events and flooding. On St Mary’s, many members of the community helped with filling and distributing sand bags, as well as preventing some properties from further damage, in winter 2013/14. In situations of ship accidents, local people on the Isles of Scilly help to rescue ships in danger. Traditionally that was one of the roles of the gig boats; a tradition which is retained as a sporting competition. But still today locals happen to be the first to go out and help boats in danger, even before the official lifeboat reaches the place of emergency (SP10; SP17). Figure 6 summarises how, on the different islands, social capital has a different relevance for adaptation to coastal pressures.

Discussion As in the case of many small islands, the Isles of Scilly have always been vulnerable to certain risks that are Figure 4 Fixed sea wall on St Agnes projected to increase with climate change, such as storm activity, flooding and erosion. This is part of the islanders’ identity, and can promote self-reliance, e.g. in times of emergency, rough weather conditions, transport problems or food shortages. The people are self-organised as well as supported by local organisations. Newcomers and non-islanders are considered as less resilient due to their lack of traditional skills of land management, but they bring in capital, new ideas of governance and businesses, and external links to the mainland – networking social capital. On the Isles of Scilly, the declining ratio of people from traditional island families has, in fact, led to a loss of traditional skills of land management, including coastal protection techniques. But it also introduced new modes of living and running businesses, which can be important for the overall future development of island communities. Civil society organisations help to bring together Figure 5 Damaged slipway on St Martin’s local and external resources and mobilise the community. Top-down institutional decision-making and administrative barriers, however, can also hinder Repairing storm damages On St Martin’s, a slipway community action. Collective action often depends for gig boats and fishing boats was completely washed on certain individuals. On the one hand, these away in 2013/14 (see Figure 5). In order to get the individuals are people who are respected in the boats out for the season, locals had to come together community and initiate actions. Partly this is even and repair the slipway with local material (SL2; SP9). more efficient than when local authorities or Also the Old Quay, which is hardly in use any more organisations initiate such events. On the other hand, but has value as a landmark, was severely damaged by collective action is often only possible if certain storms in the past, particularly in the winter of 2013/ individuals or communities possess the relevant 14. It was built up again by members of the island knowledge, skill, and tools in order to make actions, community. A café on St Mary’s was damaged by the such as collective repairing of sea walls, possible.

The Geographical Journal 2016 182 123–134 doi: 10.1111/geoj.12154 © 2015 Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers) Social capital for climate change: a case study on the Isles of Scilly 131

Figure 6 Relevance of social capital on the respective Isles of Scilly

Social capital can be important for adaptation to barriers for collective action, which is more relevant climate change in different ways. Where a very on islands such as the Isles of Scilly. dominant management body organises environmental protection, the role of social capital is less relevant for Conclusions collective action, but rather for emergency response and flow of information. Trust and a cohesive The example of the Isles of Scilly shows the potential community – bonding social capital – promote people and limitations of social capital, and the importance coming together and helping each other. On small of context for the analysis of social capital in islands, where the communities are smaller and geography (cf. Naughton 2014). How relevant social more isolated, collective action for maintenance of capital is for the adaptation to climate change also infrastructure and sea defences is more important; if depends on the dimension of vulnerability of the communities are organised cooperatively and island, and its institutional setting. High social traditional skills or machinery are available, this is cohesion, levels of trust, and participation in clubs, do most effective. not automatically produce high collective action. The field evidence shows that social capital is Social capital has to be mobilised for climate change multi-dimensional, and is often neglected in research adaptation (cf. Gaag 2005, 16; Lin 2001); individuals that focuses on a development approach. Further, who initiate action and institutions that allow for and social capital in small dependent islands has to also facilitate the integration of community resources be analysed with respect to barriers from the influence whether existing social capital can play an institutional and demographic point of view, important role for adaptation. The analysis of the role especially on islands in an economically advanced of the local population for adaptation to climate context, which have a high physical vulnerability change on the Isles of Scilly has also shown the towards pressures that are likely to increase with limitations of social capital, especially in terms of further climate change. Rather than strengthening collective action. If sea levels rise as projected, the institutions and building social capital, it is also most important infrastructures and settlements cannot important to access the existing social capital, be protected without large-scale investments in integrate it into adaptation planning, and reduce further sea defences – if at all. Elements of social

The Geographical Journal 2016 182 123–134 doi: 10.1111/geoj.12154 © 2015 Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers) 132 Social capital for climate change: a case study on the Isles of Scilly

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