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Christliche Sekten Und Neue Religiöse Bewegungen in Der Südlichen Hemisphäre

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Christliche Sekten Und Neue Religiöse Bewegungen in Der Südlichen Hemisphäre 1 Wissenschaftliche Arbeitsgruppe für weltkirchliche Aufgaben der Deutschen Bischofskonferenz Yves Bizeul CHRISTLICHE SEKTEN UND NEUE RELIGIÖSE BEWEGUNGEN IN DER SÜDLICHEN HEMISPHÄRE Eine Literaturstudie 2 Die Wissenschaftliche Arbeitsgruppe für weltkirchliche Aufgaben der Deutschen Bischofskonferenz hat die Aufgabe der wissenschaftlichen Behandlung von Fragen aus dem Bereich der weltkirchlichen Verantwortung der Kirche in Deutschland. Die Arbeit ist in vier Forschungsbereiche gegliedert: Forschungsbereich Theologie, Religionswissenschaft, pastorale Arbeit in der Dritten Welt/Dialog mit Kirchen der Dritten Welt Forschungsbereich Förderung des Friedens: kirchliche Entwicklungsar- beit, Entwicklungspolitik, Weltwirtschaft, Menschenrechte Forschungsbereich Sicherung des Friedens: Friedens- und Sicherheitspolitik, Europa Forschungsbereich Konfliktstudien. Yves Bizeul, geb. 1956, ist Professor für Politische Theorie und Ideen- geschichte an der Universität Rostock Christliche Sekten und neue religiöse Bewegungen in der südlichen Hemi- sphäre. Eine Literaturstudie (Wissenschaftliche Arbeitsgruppe für welt- kirchliche Aufgaben der Deutschen Bischofskonferenz: PROJEKTE 1) Bonn, August 1995 ISBN 3-928214-65-9 (Deutsche Kommission Justitia et Pax) Zu beziehen bei der Zentralstelle Weltkirche der Deutschen Bischofskonferenz, Kaiserstraße 163, 53113 Bonn, Tel. 0228/103-288, Fax. 0228/103-335 3 EINLEITUNG 5 TYPOLOGIE DER SEKTEN UND NEUEN RELIGIÖSEN BEWEGUNGEN 8 Typologie der Sekten von J. Milton Yinger 8 Typologie der Sekten und NRMs von Bryan R. Wilson 9 AUSMASS DER VERBREITUNG DER SEKTEN UND NEUEN RELIGIÖSEN BEWEGUNGEN IN DER SÜDLICHEN HEMISPHÄRE 12 Gesamtausmaß der Verbreitung der Sekten und NRMs in der südlichen Hemisphäre 12 Verbreitung der Sekten und NRMs in Schwarzafrika 15 Verbreitung der Sekten und NRMs in Lateinamerika 20 Verbreitung der Sekten und NRMs in Asien und Ozeanien 22 WACHSTUMSFAKTOREN DER SEKTEN UND NEUEN RELIGIÖSEN BEWEGUNGEN IN DER SÜDLICHEN HEMISPHÄRE 25 Exogene Wachstumsfaktoren 25 Die Verschwörungstheorie 25 Die Unterstützung nationaler Machthaber durch die Sekten und NRMs 29 Die Missionierungskampagnen 35 Die Medienmission 38 Endogene Wachstumsfaktoren 44 Die Sekten und NRMs als Antwort auf soziale und wirtschaftliche Umbruchsituationen 44 Die Sekten und NRMs als sinngebende millenaristische Gemeinschaften 47 Die Sekten und NRMs als Interessenorganisationen 48 Die Therapieprogramme der Sekten und NRMs 49 Die Sekten und NRMs als geschwisterliche Gemeinschaften 52 Die Sekten und NRMs als Protestbewegungen 53 Stärkung des Selbstwertgefühls und alternative Wege für einen sozialen Aufstieg 56 Synkretismus und Identitätsbewahrung 60 4 Die Schwächen der großen Amtskirchen 66 ZUR BILDUNGS- UND ENTWICKLUNGSHILFEARBEIT DER SEKTEN UND NEUEN RELIGIÖSEN BEWEGUNGEN 70 Die Bildungsarbeit der Sekten und NRMs 70 Die Entwicklungshilfearbeit der Sekten und NRMs 77 Zur Wohlfahrtstätigkeit der Sekten und NRMs 77 Zum sozialpolitischen und gewerkschaftlichen Engagement der Sekten und NRMs 84 Zur Beziehung zwischen puritanischer Lebensführung, Bildung und Entwicklung 86 OFFENE FRAGEN 91 GLOSSAR DER MEISTZITIERTEN RELIGIONSGEMEINSCHAFTEN UND RELIGIÖSEN BEWEGUNGEN 95 LITERATURVERZEICHNIS 102 ANHANG 203 Hinweis für den Leser: Der Pfeil () weist auf nähere Erläuterungen zu der jeweiligen Religionsgemeinschaft im Glossar hin. 5 EINLEITUNG „Le mot de secte (qui rappelle l’idée de rupture, coupure, retranchement) a été employé fréquemment dans le cours de l’histoire de l’Église et toujours avec une acception défavorable. Il a pu être appli- qué avec raison à des partis qui s’étaient détachés des croyances de l’Église uni- verselle, mais il l’a été souvent arbitrai- rement et injustement, et comme une flétrissure, à des chrétiens qui se sépa- raient d’une Église plus ancienne et plus ou moins dominante et privilégiée [...]. Il faut [...] être très circonspect dans l’emploi du terme de secte [...] Si quelque Église chrétienne est qualifiée de secte par telle autre, elle peut en appeler du jugement des hommes à celui de Dieu.“ Pastor Armand de Mestral, Tableau de l’Église chrétienne au XIXe siècle. Lausanne, Bridel 1870, S. 2- 3 (zitiert in Mayer 1987:10) Im Westen wie auch in vielen Ländern der südlichen Hemisphäre hat der im Gefolge der Reformation und der Aufklärung sich beschleunigende Prozeß der Rationalisierung für eine Komplexitätssteigerung des gesellschaftlichen Systems und für eine Differenzierung der Handlungsfelder und Lebensformen gesorgt. Diese Komplexitätssteigerung erweiterte die Privatsphäre und ließ einen breiteren Pluralismus sowohl in der Lebenswelt als auch im institutionellen Bereich entstehen. Dadurch wurde auch die Monopolposition der großen Religionsgemeinschaften ins Wanken gebracht. Die katholische und vor allem die historischen reformatorischen Kirchen brachten neue Gruppen hervor, die sich selbst oft spalteten. Der Prozeß der Rationalisierung und Säkularisierung wurde allerdings seit Ende der 70er Jahre stark gebremst. Derzeit wird immer häufiger von einer sog. „Wiederkehr“ irrationaler und fundamentalistischer religiöser Überzeugungen gesprochen. Bislang jedoch hat diese nur ausnahmsweise zu einer Restauration der alten religiösen Monopolposition geführt. Mit Recht hatte schon der Soziologe Pitirim Sorokin in der Nachkriegszeit darauf aufmerksam gemacht, daß Säkularisierung und Rationalisierung nicht linear, sondern eher spiralförmig ablaufen. Sie kennen Regressionsperioden, während derer das empirische Weltbild (sensate world outlook) sich in ein gleichzeitig empirisches und übernatürliches Weltbild (idealistic world outlook), und dann in ein rein übernatürliches Weltbild (ideational world outlook) umwandelt. Bald ändert sich jedoch wiederum das ideational Weltbild in ein idealistic und in ein sensate Weltbild, so daß man auf die nächste Stufe des Rationalisierungs- und Säkularisierungsprozesses gelangt (Sorokin 1947; Nelson 1987). Mit dem Scheitern der großen sozialpolitischen "Erzählungen" der Moderne, insbesondere des Positivismus und des Marxismus, verwandelt sich das empirische Weltbild der Aufklärung in ein idealistic oder sogar ideational Weltbild, ohne daß man deswegen von einem radikalen Rückgang des Rationalisierungstrends sprechen sollte. Ganz im Gegenteil: Anders als bei den großen Erweckungsbewegungen der Vergangenheit ist selbst die heutige Rückkehr zu religiösen Überzeugungen ungemein differenziert, vielfältig und bunt. Je nach 6 Bedürfnis basteln die meisten unserer Zeitgenossen mit Hilfe unterschiedlicher theologischer Teilelemente (aus dem Christentum, aus alten Ahnenkulten, dem Taoismus, dem Buddhismus, den tibetischen bzw. indi- schen Religionen, dem Spiritismus, dem Esoterischen, dem Satanismus bzw. dem Okkultismus, dem Neugnostismus, der Parapsychologie, den Keltenreligionen, der Astrologie und der UFO- Kontaktbewegung, usw.) eigene, meist provisorische Glaubensbekenntnisse. Die traditionellen bibel- fundamentalistischen und streng dogmatischen religiösen Strömungen haben einen raschen Zuwachs, und gleichzeitig sprießen zahlreiche neue synkretistische religiöse Sondergemeinschaften und Kulte aus dem Boden. All diese Gruppen werden von den Religionssoziologen als „Neue Religiöse Bewegungen“ (New Religious Movements, NRMs) bezeichnet. Dem englischen Soziologen Bryan R. Wilson zufolge besit- zen die NRMs folgende Merkmale: „Exotic provenance; new cultural life-style; a level of engagement markedly different from that of traditional Church Christianity; charismatic leadership; a following predominantly young and drawn in disproportionate measure from the better-educated and middle class sections of society; social conspicuity; international operation, and emergence within the last decade and a half“ (Wilson 1981:V; Barker 1991:10). Die fortschreitende Atomisierung des religiösen Feldes, die zu einem Spiel von Angebot und Nachfrage religiöser Güter, zu einer Art „göttlichem Supermarkt“ führt (Vgl. Ruthven 1989), charakterisiert auch immer mehr Länder der südlichen Hemisphäre. Das Gesamtphänomen ist von solcher Komplexität, daß es sich als notwendig erweist, durch ein mehrfaches Typologisierungsverfahren mehr Klarheit zu schaffen. 7 8 TYPOLOGIE DER SEKTEN UND NEUEN RELIGIÖSEN BEWEGUNGEN Der Begriff „Sekte“ wird in dieser Arbeit wertfrei im Sinne der idealtypischen Typologie von Max Weber und Ernst Troeltsch benutzt. Weber und Troeltsch sprachen Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts von der (protestantischen puritanischen) „Sekte“ als einer von der Gesellschaft getrennten Gruppe von Freiwilligen, die sich aus den unteren Schichten der Bevölkerung rekrutiert, in der religiöse Gleichheit herrscht und die sich durch Protest oder Indifferenz gegenüber dem Staat und den anderen religiösen Gemeinschaften ausweist. Dagegen ist die „Kirche“ eine hierarchische, bürokratische und traditionspflegende Organisation, die vor allem die höhere Bevölkerungsschicht anspricht. In ihr herrscht eine ausgebildete Arbeitsteilung (Regierende, Sakramentsvermittler, Asketen usw.), die in den Sekten nicht in gleichem Maße vorhanden ist. Sie ist eine „Nachwuchsorganisation“ und hat die Tendenz, sich der Welt zu fügen (Weber 19635; Troeltsch 19652). Typologie der Sekten von J. Milton Yinger Die Troeltsche und Webersche Unterscheidung zwischen „Kirche“ und „Sekte“ ist jedoch zu beschränkt, um das ganze Spektrum der Religionsgemeinschaften erfassen zu können. Sie sollte deswegen durch die Typologie von J. Milton Yinger erweitert werden. Yinger wies in Anlehnung an Howard Becker auf folgende religiöse Organisationsformen hin:
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