Crowdfunded Human Rights Journalism in Post-2014
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CONTROL? INTERNET CENSORSHIP and SURVEILLANCE in RUSSIA © Pixabay
TAKING CONTROL? INTERNET CENSORSHIP AND SURVEILLANCE IN RUSSIA © pixabay A digital version of this report with links and references can be found online: www.reporter-ohne-grenzen.de/russiareport A REPORT BY REPORTERS WITHOUT BORDERS/ NOVEMBER 2019 © pixabay TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface 5 3 1 Overview 6 2 Laws restricting press freedom and freedom of expression 10 Chronology from 2012 to 2019 3 Changes of ownership and dismissals 23 Editorial departments under pressure 4 Courageous and committed 32 The diversity of Russian online media 5 Arbitrary and severe penalties 45 Every user risks prosecution 6 The intelligence service is reading right along 56 The fight against anonymous communication 7 Pressure on internet companies 66 The crucial role of international platforms 8 Recommendations 74 PREFACE Today the internet is thought to be a strategically crucial sector in Russian politics although for a long time those in power in the Kremlin did not recognise its importance. Ten years ago, the virtual space in Russia was still a place where lively debates about problems in society and politics unfolded. In the future, it is 5 planned to be censored and surveilled, if possible, centrally, according to Russia’s new “sovereign internet law”. The present report traces the development from the first bans on content in 2012 to the present day. It shows how critical editorial teams are put under pressure and how the authorities attempt to silence individual journalists and bloggers. It provides information about new online media that report on societal ills against all odds, and it raises the question about the relevance of international platforms for the freedom of expression in Russia. -
Russia 2020 Human Rights Report
RUSSIA 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Russian Federation has a highly centralized, authoritarian political system dominated by President Vladimir Putin. The bicameral Federal Assembly consists of a directly elected lower house (State Duma) and an appointed upper house (Federation Council), both of which lack independence from the executive. The 2016 State Duma elections and the 2018 presidential election were marked by accusations of government interference and manipulation of the electoral process, including the exclusion of meaningful opposition candidates. On July 1, a national vote held on constitutional amendments did not meet internationally recognized electoral standards. The Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Federal Security Service, the Investigative Committee, the Office of the Prosecutor General, and the National Guard are responsible for law enforcement. The Federal Security Service is responsible for state security, counterintelligence, and counterterrorism, as well as for fighting organized crime and corruption. The national police force, under the Ministry of Internal Affairs, is responsible for combating all crime. The National Guard assists the Federal Security Service’s Border Guard Service in securing borders, administers gun control, combats terrorism and organized crime, protects public order, and guards important state facilities. The National Guard also participates in armed defense of the country’s territory in coordination with Ministry of Defense forces. Except in rare cases, security forces generally report to civilian authorities. National-level civilian authorities have, at best, limited control over security forces in the Republic of Chechnya, which are accountable only to the head of Chechnya, Ramzan Kadyrov. Members of the Russian security forces committed numerous human rights abuses. -
Pussy Riot and the Translatability of Cultures
transcultural studies 13 (2017) 264-286 brill.com/ts Pussy Riot and the Translatability of Cultures Irina Dzero and Tatyana Bystrova Kent State University [email protected]; [email protected] Abstract The punk feminist collective Pussy Riot translate new ideas by embedding them in the visual symbols of the target culture. With their short bright-colored dresses and tights they tap into the stylistics of the Russian female performance as non-threatening am- biance to take the stage and protest against misogyny and authoritarianism. In 2012 they performed at Moscow’s Christ the Savior Cathedral and asked the Virgin Mary to put an end to Vladimir Putin’s rule. They were captured and sentenced to two years in prison for instigating religious hatred. Welcomed in the West, they made a music video “I Can’t Breathe” (2015) using the case of Eric Garner to explain the tolerance for au- thority in Russia. We look at the eclectic mix of thinkers and artists Pussy Riot named as their inspirers, and use the collective’s work to examine the changing attitude to the translatability of cultures. Keywords Pussy Riot – tolerance for authority – authoritarianism – intercultural translation – performance art Pussy Riot, a Russian punk feminist collective, rose to fame after their “punk prayer” – dancing at the altar at the Moscow Christ the Savior Cathedral and asking the Virgin Mary to “chase away” Vladimir Putin, Russia’s ruler since 2000. This article examines the collective’s work as intercultural translation: they seek to make intelligible bodies of knowledge poorly known or understood in the target culture. -
Russia 2019 Human Rights Report
RUSSIA 2019 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Russian Federation has a highly centralized, authoritarian political system dominated by President Vladimir Putin. The bicameral Federal Assembly consists of a directly elected lower house (State Duma) and an appointed upper house (Federation Council), both of which lack independence from the executive. The 2016 State Duma elections and the 2018 presidential election were marked by accusations of government interference and manipulation of the electoral process, including the exclusion of meaningful opposition candidates. The Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Federal Security Service (FSB), the Investigative Committee, the Office of the Prosecutor General, and the National Guard are responsible for law enforcement. The FSB is responsible for state security, counterintelligence, and counterterrorism as well as for fighting organized crime and corruption. The national police force, under the Ministry of Internal Affairs, is responsible for combating all crime. The National Guard assists the FSB Border Guard Service in securing borders, administers gun control, combats terrorism and organized crime, protects public order, and guards important state facilities. The National Guard also participates in armed defense of the country’s territory in coordination with Ministry of Defense forces. Except in rare cases, security forces generally reported to civilian authorities. National-level civilian authorities, however, had, at best, limited control over security forces in the Republic of Chechnya, which were accountable only to the head of Chechnya, Ramzan Kadyrov. The country’s occupation and purported annexation of Ukraine’s Crimean Peninsula continued to affect the human rights situation there significantly and negatively. The Russian government continued to arm, train, lead, and fight alongside Russia-led forces in eastern Ukraine. -
CONTROL? INTERNET CENSORSHIP and SURVEILLANCE in RUSSIA © Pixabay
TAKING CONTROL? INTERNET CENSORSHIP AND SURVEILLANCE IN RUSSIA © pixabay A digital version of this report with links and references can be found online: www.reporter-ohne-grenzen.de/russiareport A REPORT BY REPORTERS WITHOUT BORDERS/ NOVEMBER 2019 © pixabay TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface 5 3 1 Overview 6 2 Laws restricting press freedom and freedom of expression 10 Chronology from 2012 to 2019 3 Changes of ownership and dismissals 23 Editorial departments under pressure 4 Courageous and committed 32 The diversity of Russian online media 5 Arbitrary and severe penalties 45 Every user risks prosecution 6 The intelligence service is reading right along 56 The fight against anonymous communication 7 Pressure on internet companies 66 The crucial role of international platforms 8 Recommendations 74 PREFACE Today the internet is thought to be a strategically crucial sector in Russian politics although for a long time those in power in the Kremlin did not recognise its importance. Ten years ago, the virtual space in Russia was still a place where lively debates about problems in society and politics unfolded. In the future, it is 5 planned to be censored and surveilled centrally, according to Russia’s new “sovereign internet law”. The present report traces the development from the first bans on content in 2012 to the present day. It shows how critical editorial teams are put under pressure and how the authorities attempt to silence individual journalists and bloggers. It provides information about new online media that report on societal ills against all odds, and it raises the question about the relevance of international platforms for the freedom of expression in Russia. -
Totality Decomposed: Objectalizing Late Socialism in Postsoviet
Totality Decomposed: Objectalizing Late Socialism in Post-Soviet Biochronicles SERGUEI ALEX. OUSHAKINE For us art means the creation of new things. This is what determines our gravitation toward realism, weightiness (k vesy), volume, toward the earth. ... Every organized work—be it a house, a poem or a picture—is a thing with a purpose; it is not meant to lead people away from life but to help them to organize it. ... Abandon declarations and refutations as soon as possible, make things! El Lissitsky, “Blokada Rossii konchaetsia,” 1922. A NEW SOBRIETY: OBJECTALISM We proclaim the old feature films, with their romance, theatricality and so on, to be leprous. — Do not get close to them! — Do not touch them with your eyes! — Lethal! — Contagious! We affirm the future of cinema art by denying its present. “Cinematography” must die so that the art of cinema may live. WE call for its death to be hastened. … For his inability to control his movement, WE temporarily exclude man as a subject for film. ... Kinochestvo is the art of organizing the necessary movements of objects in space and time as a rhythmical artistic whole, in harmony with the properties of the material and the internal rhythm of each object. Thus spake Dziga Vertov in his manifesto “WE” in 1922.1 Old cinematography, with its sentiments and psychology, had to free space for “kino-things” (kino-veshchi).2 “Life with I would like to thank Mark Lipovetsky and Birgit Beumers for their persuasive suggestion to join this project. I am also indebted to Elena Baraban, Devin Fore, Helena Goscilo, Kevin M. -
CONTROL? INTERNET CENSORSHIP and SURVEILLANCE in RUSSIA Update © Markus Spiske / Unsplash
TAKING CONTROL? INTERNET CENSORSHIP AND SURVEILLANCE IN RUSSIA update © Markus Spiske / Unsplash This is an update of the report “Taking Control? Internet Censorship and Surveillance in Russia” published by RSF in November 2019. The deadline for this update was 1 July 2021. You can find the English version at: www.reporter-ohne-grenzen.de/russiareport-update Дополнение к докладу „Всё под контролем: интернет-цензура и слежка в России“, опубликованномy РБГ в ноябре 2019 года. Информация по состоянию на 1 июля 2021 года. Русская версия доступна здесь: www.reporter-ohne-grenzen.de/doklad-update Grundlage dieses Updates ist der Bericht „Alles unter Kontrolle? Internetzensur und Überwachung in Russland“, den Reporter ohne Grenzen im November 2019 veröffentlicht hat. Redaktionsschluss für dieses Update war der 1. Juli 2021. www.reporter-ohne-grenzen.de/russlandbericht-update A REPORT BY REPORTERS WITHOUT BORDERS / AUGUST 2021 © Markus Spiske / Unsplash TABLE OF CONTENTSI 1 Overview 5 2 Laws restricting media and internet freedom 9 Chronology from December 2019 to July 2021 3 Lawsuits and brutality 22 Journalists, bloggers and tech companies under attack 4 Taking aim at international platforms 35 Authorities up the pressure on Facebook, Google and Twitter 5 Digital security training and scholarships 49 How RSF supports journalists and bloggers 6 Recommendations 52 OVERVIEW What a contrast to the mood in the country before the last elections in the summer of 2019! Back then, tens of thousands took to the streets after opposition candidates were excluded from regional elections in the biggest protests the country had seen 5 since the 2011/12 demonstrations against Vladimir Putin. -
The Regional Newspaper in Post-Soviet Russia
JUKKA PIETILÄINEN THE REGIONAL NEWSPAPER IN POST-SOVIET RUSSIA Society, Press and Journalism in the Republic of Karelia 1985-2001 ACADEMIC DISSERTATION To be presented, with the permission of the Faculty of Social Science of the University of Tampere, for public discussion in the Paavo Koli Auditorium of the Pinni Building, Kanslerinrinne 1, Tampere on October 5th, 2002 at 12 oclock' University of Tampere Tampere 2002 Jukka Pietiläinen THE REGIONAL NEWSPAPER IN POST-SOVIET RUSSIA Society, Press and Journalism in the Republic of Karelia 1985-2001 Media Studies 1 Academic Dissertation University of Tampere, Department of Journalism and Mass Communication FINLAND Copyright © Tampere University Press Sales Bookshop TAJU P.O. BOX 617, 33014 University of Tampere Finland Tel. +358 3 215 6055 Fax +358 3 215 7685 email [email protected] http://granum.uta.fi Cover design: Mikko Keinonen Page design: Aila Helin Printed dissertation ISBN 951-44-5454-5 Electronic dissertation Acta Electronica Universitatis Tamperensis 209 ISBN 951-44-5463-4 ISSN 1456-954X http://acta.uta.fi Tampereen Yliopistopaino Oy Tampere 2002 2 Contents Preface ............................................................................................ 7 Acknowledgements ........................................................................ 9 1. Introduction.............................................................................13 1.1. Challenge of Russia .................................................................... 13 1.2. Research object.......................................................................... -
PUTIN's PATH to POWER (Forthcoming in POST-SOVIET
PUTIN’S PATH TO POWER (forthcoming in POST-SOVIET AFFAIRS) By Peter Rutland1 Abstract: Based on a close monitoring of the election campaign and the reports of Russian political scientists, the author analyzes the remarkable rise to power of President Vladimir Putin. Putin's ascent is a logical outcome of certain systemic features of the Yeltsin regime, such as patronage, populism, and the concentration of power in presidential hands. At the same time, Putin has a reformist agenda, since he recognizes that given new global realities, some structural features of Yeltsin's system of rule must be changed if Russia is to recover some of its lost strength and prosperity. This spring saw the first peaceful, democratic transfer of power from one leader to another in Russia’s 1000-year history. But Vladimir Putin remains an enigmatic figure. Is he liberal or authoritarian? Is he building a new Russia, or seeking a return to its Soviet past? Most Western commentary has treated Putin’s rise to power as evidence that Russia has slipped back into its authoritarian ways. However, the real story is more complex, and more hopeful. Russia has survived a period of tremendous instability and uncertainty, and its prospects for future progress look more favorable than at any time in the past decade. Putin arguably has a clear agenda for rebuilding the Russian state in the context of a highly competitive global economy. That Russian is run by a KGB veteran is less surprising than the fact that this ex-spy has embraced the philosophy of democracy and markets as the founding principles of the modern state which Russia must become. -
A Critical Analysis of Hooligan Laws in Russia Noelle Wurst [email protected]
Rollins College Rollins Scholarship Online Honors Program Theses Spring 2019 Power, Punk, and Performance: A Critical Analysis of Hooligan Laws in Russia Noelle Wurst [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.rollins.edu/honors Part of the Eastern European Studies Commons, Other Legal Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Wurst, Noelle, "Power, Punk, and Performance: A Critical Analysis of Hooligan Laws in Russia" (2019). Honors Program Theses. 94. https://scholarship.rollins.edu/honors/94 This Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by Rollins Scholarship Online. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Program Theses by an authorized administrator of Rollins Scholarship Online. For more information, please contact [email protected]. POWER, PUNK, AND PERFORMANCE: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF HOOLIGAN LAWS IN RUSSIA Noelle Wurst A Senior Honors Project Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of Requirements of the Honors Degree Program May 2019 Faculty Sponsor: Dan Chong Rollins College Winter Park, Florida 1 Table of Contents Chapter I: Introduction …………………………………………………………………………... 4 Introduction …………………………………………………………………………….... 4 Research Significance …………………………………………………………………… 6 Literature Review ………………………………………………………………………... 7 Power and Resistance …………………………………………………………… 7 Human Rights and the Law …………………………………………………….. 11 Methodology …………………………………………………………………………… 13 Chapter II: History of Hooliganism ……………………………………………………………. 18 Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………. -
“Like Walking a Minefield” Vicious Crackdown on Critics in Russia’S Chechen Republic WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS “Like Walking a Minefield” Vicious Crackdown on Critics in Russia’s Chechen Republic WATCH “Like Walking a Minefield” Vicious Crackdown on Critics in Russia’s Chechen Republic Copyright © 2016 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-33993 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org AUGUST 2016 ISBN: 978-1-6231-33993 Like Walking a Minefield Vicious Crackdown on Critics in Russia’s Chechen Republic Map .................................................................................................................................... I Summary ........................................................................................................................... 2 Recommendations ............................................................................................................. -
Bolshevik Wives: a Study of Soviet Elite Society
Bolshevik Wives A Study of Soviet Elite Society James Peter Young Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Government and International Relations SYDNEY UNIVERSITY 2008 A B S T R A C T Bolshevik Wives: A Study of Soviet Elite Society James Young University of Sydney This thesis explores the lives of key female members of the Bolshevik elite from the revolutionary movement’s beginnings to the time of Stalin’s death. Through analysing the attitudes and contributions of Bolshevik elite women – most particularly the wives of Lenin, Molotov, Voroshilov and Bukharin – it not only provides for a descriptive account of these individual lives, their changing attitudes and activities, but also a more broad-ranging, social handle on the evolution of elite society in the Soviet Union and the changing nature of the Bolshevik elite both physically and ideationally. Chapters one and two focus on the physical and ideological foundations of the Bolshevik marriage. Chapter one traces the ideological approach of the Bolsheviks towards marriage and the family, examining pre-revolutionary socialist positions in relation to women and the family and establishing a benchmark for how the Bolsheviks wished to approach the ‘woman question’. Chapter two examines the nature of the Bolshevik elite marriage from its inception to the coming of the revolution, dwelling particularly on the different pre-revolutionary experiences of Yekaterina Voroshilova and Nadezhda Krupskaya. Chapters three and four then analyse two key areas of wives’ everyday lives during the interwar years. Chapter three looks at the work that Bolshevik wives undertook and how the nature of their employment changed from the 1920s to the 1930s.