Memory Politics in Contemporary Russia
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A Guidebook to Historic City Centre
a guidebookPskov to historic city centre This publication has been produced with the financial support of Latvia-Russia Cross-Border Cooperation Programme 2014-2020. Its contents are the sole responsibility of Pskov City Administration and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Programme, Programme participating countries Latvia and Russia, alongside with the European Union. 1 A specialof russian city history The ancient city of Pskov, located at the confluence of the Pskova and the Velikaya 16 Rivers, was first mentioned in the “Tale of Bygone Years” under the year 903. But its PSKOV history goes much further and IS MOTHER LAND dates back about 2000 years OF PRINCESS OLGA, according to archaeological the first Christian ruler data. of Rus and its first saint. Olga, during whose reign a fortified settlement turned into a town, is considered the founder and the patron saint of Pskov. Once, standing on the left bank of the Velikaya River, princess Olga saw the three rays of light 43 crossed at one spot on a high cliff covered with a forest and prophesied a big and glorious town to be founded there. A smithed cross and Olginskaya chapel at the place from where princess Olga saw the heavenly sign according to the legend. 2 The seal of Pskov Hospodariat Being initially the tribal centre of “krivichi” in the 10th – THE VECHE (ASSEMBLY) beginning of the 12th centuries, SQUARE Pskov was a part of Old Russian is the centre of political life state and then of Novgorod of Pskov of the 13th – 14th land. In 1348 it became the centuries. -
OPERATION NEMTSOV”: 307 Disinformation, Confusion MARCH and Some Worrying Hypotheses 2015
Centro de Estudios y Documentación InternacionalesCentro de Barcelona E-ISSN 2014-0843 D.L.: B-8438-2012 opiniónEuropa “OPERATION NEMTSOV”: 307 Disinformation, confusion MARCH and some worrying hypotheses 2015 Nicolás de Pedro, Research Fellow, CIDOB Marta Ter, Head of the North Caucasus department at the Lliga dels Drets dels Pobles he investigation into the assassination of Boris Nemtsov reminds previ- ous ones on high-profile political killings, although the uncertainties grow with every new revelation. The verified, documented connec- Ttion between the main suspect, Zaur Dadayev, and Ramzan Kadyrov, Chechen strongman and close ally of Putin strengthens the theory linking the crime to the Kremlin and suggests possible internal fighting within the state security apparatus. Nemtsov joins a long list of critics and opponents who have been assassinated in the last fifteen years. Among the most prominent are:Sergey Yushenkov, member of parliament for the Liberal Russia party (assassinated on April 17th, 2003); Yuri Shchekochikhin, journalist on the Novaya Gazeta (July 3rd, 2003); Paul Klebnikov, US journalist of Russian origin and editor of the Russian edition of Forbes (July 9th, 2004); Anna Politkovskaya, journalist for Novaya Gazeta (October 7th, 2006); Alexander Litvinenko, former KGB/FSB agent (November 23rd, 2006); and Na- talya Estemirova, human rights activist for the Chechen branch of the NGO Me- morial (July 15th, 2009). Each of these assassinations has its own particularities, but none has been properly explained and all of the victims were people who dis- comfited the Kremlin. Despite this, political motivations and possible connections with state apparatus are the only lines of investigation that have been systemati- cally ignored or explicitly denied in all of these cases. -
Boris Kolonitskii, “'Democracy' in the Political Consciousness of The
"Democracy" in the Political Consciousness of the February Revolution Author(s): Boris Ivanovich Kolonitskii Source: Slavic Review, Vol. 57, No. 1 (Spring, 1998), pp. 95-106 Published by: Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2502054 . Accessed: 17/09/2013 09:58 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Slavic Review. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.197.27.9 on Tue, 17 Sep 2013 09:58:33 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions "Democracy" in the Political Consciousness of the FebruaryRevolution Boris Ivanovich Kolonitskii Historians of quite diverging orientations have interpreted the Feb- ruary revolution of 1917 in Russia as a "democratic" revolution. Sev- eral generations of Marxists of various stripes (tolk) have called it a "bourgeois-democratic revolution." In the years of perestroika, the contrast between democratic February and Bolshevik October became an important part of the historical argument of the anticommunist movement. The February revolution was regarded as a dramatic, un- successful attempt at the modernization and westernization of Russia, as its democratization. -
Exorcising Stalin's Ghost
TURNING BACK TOTALITARIANISM: Exorcising Stalin’s Ghost Matthew R. Newton The Evergreen State College N e w t o n | 1 "During times of universal deceit, telling the truth becomes a revolutionary act." --George Orwell The death of Joseph Stalin left the Soviet Union in a state of dynastic confusion, and the most repressive elements of the society he established remained. After Nikita Khrushchev secured power in the mid-1950s, he embarked on a campaign to vanquish these elements. While boldly denouncing Stalin’s cult of personality and individual authority in his ‘Secret Speech’ of 1956, he failed to address the problems of a system that allowed Stalin to take power and empowered legions of Stalin-enablers. Khrushchev’s problem was complex in that he wanted to appease the entire Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956 and yet legitimize his position of power. The level of embeddedness of Stalinism in the Soviet Union was the biggest obstacle for Khrushchev. Characterized with the “permanent” infrastructure of the Soviet Union, Stalin’s autocratic rule was intertwined with virtually all aspects of Soviet life. These aspects can be broken down into four elements: Stalin’s status as an absolute champion of Communism, and his cult of personality; the enormous amount of propaganda in all forms that underlined Stalin as the “protector” of the Soviet Union during threat and impact of foreign war, and the censorship of any content that was not aligned with this mindset; the necessity and place of the Gulag prison camp in the Soviet economy, and how it sustained itself; and the transformation of Soviet society into something horrifically uniform and populated with citizens whom were universally fearful of arrest and arbitrary repression. -
Boris Pasternak - Poems
Classic Poetry Series Boris Pasternak - poems - Publication Date: 2012 Publisher: Poemhunter.com - The World's Poetry Archive Boris Pasternak(10 February 1890 - 30 May 1960) Boris Leonidovich Pasternak was a Russian language poet, novelist, and literary translator. In his native Russia, Pasternak's anthology My Sister Life, is one of the most influential collections ever published in the Russian language. Furthermore, Pasternak's theatrical translations of Goethe, Schiller, Pedro Calderón de la Barca, and William Shakespeare remain deeply popular with Russian audiences. Outside Russia, Pasternak is best known for authoring Doctor Zhivago, a novel which spans the last years of Czarist Russia and the earliest days of the Soviet Union. Banned in the USSR, Doctor Zhivago was smuggled to Milan and published in 1957. Pasternak was awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature the following year, an event which both humiliated and enraged the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. In the midst of a massive campaign against him by both the KGB and the Union of Soviet Writers, Pasternak reluctantly agreed to decline the Prize. In his resignation letter to the Nobel Committee, Pasternak stated the reaction of the Soviet State was the only reason for his decision. By the time of his death from lung cancer in 1960, the campaign against Pasternak had severely damaged the international credibility of the U.S.S.R. He remains a major figure in Russian literature to this day. Furthermore, tactics pioneered by Pasternak were later continued, expanded, and refined by Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and other Soviet dissidents. <b>Early Life</b> Pasternak was born in Moscow on 10 February, (Gregorian), 1890 (Julian 29 January) into a wealthy Russian Jewish family which had been received into the Russian Orthodox Church. -
Municipal Elections in Russia: the Opposition’S Chance Key Findings of the Report
Municipal elections in Russia: the opposition’s chance Key findings of the report April 2020 1 Students of Russian politics rightly focus on the “vertical of power” that Vladimir Putin has created since he first became President of Russia two decades ago. Taking the top office in a country moving tentatively toward democracy, Putin’s “vertical” or “managed democracy” set the country back toward its authoritarian traditions. Without doubt, Vladimir Putin has control of the major sources of hard and soft power in a Russia. And many analysts believe this system has staying power, even after Putin leaves the stage. Yet the authoritarian features of the Putin system are not all encompassing. While he and his team may control the major issues on the agenda, they do not dominate all politics. This is particularly evident at the municipal level, where, despite all the advantages enjoyed by Putin and his United Russia party, competitive elections take place and real opposition party candidates can win. In this paper, produced by the Dossier Center, a project developed and supported by Mikhail Khodorkovsky, the authors provide interesting data from recent local elections. These data provide some indications of how Russian politics may evolve. For instance, the authors point out that with greater mobilization efforts, opposition candidates could defeat and replace as many as 3000 United Russia representatives. Historically, one interesting thing about authoritarian and totalitarian systems, is that they seem irresistible, until suddenly they are not. Recognizing this, we should be attuned to developments in Russian outside the big politics of the Kremlin. Municipal elections are a natural place to begin. -
History Is Made in the Dark 4: Alexander Nevsky: the Prince, the Filmmaker and the Dictator
1 History Is Made in the Dark 4: Alexander Nevsky: The Prince, the Filmmaker and the Dictator In May 1937, Sergei Eisenstein was offered the opportunity to make a feature film on one of two figures from Russian history, the folk hero Ivan Susanin (d. 1613) or the mediaeval ruler Alexander Nevsky (1220-1263). He opted for Nevsky. Permission for Eisenstein to proceed with the new project ultimately came from within the Kremlin, with the support of Joseph Stalin himself. The Soviet dictator was something of a cinephile, and he often intervened in Soviet film affairs. This high-level authorisation meant that the USSR’s most renowned filmmaker would have the opportunity to complete his first feature in some eight years, if he could get it through Stalinist Russia’s censorship apparatus. For his part, Eisenstein was prepared to retreat into history for his newest film topic. Movies on contemporary affairs often fell victim to Soviet censors, as Eisenstein had learned all too well a few months earlier when his collectivisation film, Bezhin Meadow (1937), was banned. But because relatively little was known about Nevsky’s life, Eisenstein told a colleague: “Nobody can 1 2 find fault with me. Whatever I do, the historians and the so-called ‘consultants’ [i.e. censors] won’t be able to argue with me”.i What was known about Alexander Nevsky was a mixture of history and legend, but the historical memory that was most relevant to the modern situation was Alexander’s legacy as a diplomat and military leader, defending a key western sector of mediaeval Russia from foreign foes. -
Boris Nemtsov 27 February 2015 Moscow, Russia
Boris Nemtsov 27 February 2015 Moscow, Russia the fight against corruption, embezzlement and fraud, claiming that the whole system built by Putin was akin to a mafia. In 2009, he discovered that one of Putin’s allies, Mayor of Moscow City Yury Luzhkov, BORIS and his wife, Yelena Baturina, were engaged in fraudulent business practices. According to the results of his investigation, Baturina had become a billionaire with the help of her husband’s connections. Her real-estate devel- opment company, Inteco, had invested in the construction of dozens of housing complexes in Moscow. Other investors were keen to part- ner with Baturina because she was able to use NEMTSOV her networks to secure permission from the Moscow government to build apartment build- ings, which were the most problematic and It was nearing midnight on 27 February 2015, and the expensive construction projects for developers. stars atop the Kremlin towers shone with their charac- Nemtsov’s report revealed the success of teristic bright-red light. Boris Nemtsov and his partner, Baturina’s business empire to be related to the Anna Duritskaya, were walking along Bolshoy Moskovo- tax benefits she received directly from Moscow retsky Bridge. It was a cold night, and the view from the City government and from lucrative govern- bridge would have been breathtaking. ment tenders won by Inteco. A snowplough passed slowly by the couple, obscuring the scene and probably muffling the sound of the gunshots fired from a side stairway to the bridge. The 55-year-old Nemtsov, a well-known Russian politician, anti-corrup- tion activist and a fierce critic of Vladimir Putin, fell to the ground with four bullets in his back. -
Russia's Many Foreign Policies
Russia’s Many Foreign Policies MICHAEL MCFAUL hat are Russian foreign policy objectives? It depends on whom you ask. W In making assessments of Russia’s behavior in the world, it is absolutely critical that we recognize that Russia today is not a totalitarian state ruled by a Communist Party with a single and clearly articulated foreign policy of expand- ing world socialism and destroying world capitalism and democracy. That state disappeared in 1991. Rather, Russia is a democratizing state—a weakly institu- tionalized democracy with several deficiencies, but a democratizing state nonetheless. Russia’s foreign policy, in turn, is a product of domestic politics in a pluralistic system. In democracies, “states” do not have foreign policy objectives. Rather, indi- vidual political leaders, parties, and interest groups have foreign policy objec- tives. Under certain conditions, these various forces come together to support a united purpose in foreign affairs. At other times, these disparate groups can have conflicting views about foreign policy objectives. They can even support the same foreign policy objective for different reasons.1 Russia today is no different. Although Russian leaders share in supporting a few common, general foreign policy objectives, they disagree on many others. They also disagree on the means that should be deployed to achieve the same for- eign policy objective. The foreign policy that eventually results is a product of debate, political struggle, electoral politics, and lobbying by key interest groups. Because Russia is undergoing revolutionary change internally, the foreign policy that results from Russian domestic politics can change quickly. This article makes the case for the centrality of domestic politics in the artic- ulation and implementation of Russian foreign policy. -
October 2, 2016 October 2, 2016 15TH SUNDAY AFTER PENTECOST 15TH SUNDAY AFTER PENTECOST ST
October 2, 2016 October 2, 2016 15TH SUNDAY AFTER PENTECOST 15TH SUNDAY AFTER PENTECOST ST. PHILIP Anna, princess of Kashin ORTHODOX COMMEMORATIONS: The Holy Right-believing Princess Anna of ST. DAMARIS OF ATHENS (1ST C.) Kashin, a daughter of Rostov Prince Demetrius CHURCH HIEROMARTYR CYPRIAN THE CONFESSOR & Borisovich, became the wife of the holy Great VIRGIN-MARTYR JUSTINA (304) 1970 Clearview Road Prince Michael Yaroslavich of Tver in 1294. After ST. LEGER, BISHOP OF AUTUN (677) Souderton, PA 18964 the death of her husband by Mongol Tartars, Anna THEOPHILOS THE CONFESSOR (BULGARIA, 716) www.st-philip.net (215) 721-4947 withdrew into Tver’s Sophia monastery and DAVID AND CONSTANTINE, PRINCE-MARTYRS OF accepted tonsure with the name Euphrosyne. She Emails: [email protected] GEORGIA (740) later transferred to the Kashin Dormition [email protected] [email protected] ANDREW OF CONSTANTINOPLE, FOOL-FOR-CHRIST Monastery, and became a schema-nun with the (911) name Anna. She fell asleep in the Lord on [email protected] [email protected] ANNA, PRINCESS OF KASHIN (1338) October 2, 1338. NEW-MARTYR GEORGE AT KARATZASOU (1794) Miracles at St. Anna’s grave began in 1611 during the siege of Kashin by V. Rev. Father Noah Bushelli, Pastor Polish and Lithuanian forces. There was also a great fire in the city which 215-721-1193 died down without doing much damage. The saint, dressed in her Rev. Father James Thayer Tone 6 215-692-0890 monastic schema, appeared to Gerasimus, a gravely ill warden of the Eothinon 4 Deacon Herman R. Acker Dormition Cathedral. -
Dacha Sweet Dacha Place Attachment in the Urban Allotment Gardens of Kaliningrad, Russia Pavel Grabalov
Dacha Sweet Dacha Place Attachment in the Urban Allotment Gardens of Kaliningrad, Russia Pavel Grabalov Urban Studies Two-year Master Programme Thesis, 30 credits Spring/2017 Supervisor: Tomas Wikström 2 Lopakhin: Up until now, in the countryside, we only had landlords and peasants, but now we have summer people. All the towns, even the smallest ones are surrounded by summer cottages [dachas] now. And it’s a sure thing that in twenty years’ time summer people will have multiplied to an incredible extent. Today a person is sitting on his balcony drinking tea, but he could start cultivating his land, and then your cherry orchard will become a happy, rich, and gorgeous place… Anton Chekhov, “The Cherry Orchard” (1903), translated by Marina Brodskaya Cover photo: The urban allotment gardens on Katina street in Kaliningrad. December 2017. Source: Artem Kilkin. 3 Grabalov, Pavel. “Dacha Sweet Dacha: Place Attachment in the Urban Allotment Gardens of Kaliningrad, Russia.” Master of Science thesis, Malmö University, 2017. Summary Official planning documents and strategies often look at cities from above neglecting people’s experiences and practices. Meanwhile cities as meaningful places are constructed though citizens’ practices, memories and ties with their surroundings. The purpose of this phenomenological study is to discover people’s bonds with their urban allotment gardens – dachas – in the Russian city of Kaliningrad and to explore the significance of these bonds for city development. The phenomenon of the dacha has a long history in Russia. Similar to urban allotment gardens in other countries, dachas are an essential part of the city landscape in many post-socialist countries but differ by their large scale. -
The Azef Affair and Late Imperial Russian Modernity
Chto Takoe Azefshchina?: The Azef Affair and Late Imperial Russian Modernity By Jason Morton Summer 2011 Jason Morton is a Ph.D. student in the Department of History at the University of California, Berkeley. “Petersburg streets possess one indubitable quality: they transform passersby into shadows.” -Andrei Bely “Now when even was come, he sat down with the twelve. And as they did eat, he said, Verily I say unto you, that one of you shall betray me. And they were exceedingly sorrowful, and began every one of them to say unto him, Lord, is it I? And he answered and said, He that dippeth his hand with me in the dish, the same shall betray me.” -Matthew 26: 20-23 Introduction: Azefshchina- What’s in a name? On January 18, 1909 (O.S.) the former Russian chief of police, A.A. Lopukhin, was arrested and his house was searched. Eleven packages containing letters and documents were sealed up and taken away. 1 Lopukhin stood accused of confirming to representatives of the Socialist Revolutionary Party that one of their oldest and most respected leaders, Evno Azef, had been a government agent working for the secret police (Okhrana) since 1893. The Socialist Revolutionaries (or SRs) were a notorious radical party that advocated the overthrow of the Russian autocracy by any means necessary.2 The Combat Organization (Boevaia Organizatsiia or B.O.) of the SR Party was specifically tasked with conducting acts of revolutionary terror against the government and, since January of 1904, Evno Azef had been the head of this Combat Organization.3 This made him the government’s most highly placed secret agent in a revolutionary organization.