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17 Infidel Turks and Schismatic Russians in Late Medieval Livonia

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17 Infidel Turks and Schismatic Russians in Late Medieval Livonia Madis Maasing 17 Infidel Turks and Schismatic Russians in Late Medieval Livonia 17.1 Introduction At the beginning of the sixteenth century, political rhetoric in Livonia was shaped by the threat posed by an alien power: Following a significant deterio- ration in the relations between the Catholic Livonian territories and their mighty Eastern Orthodox neighbour – the Grand Duchy of Moscow – war broke out, lasting from 1501 to 1503, with renewed armed conflict remaining an immi- nent threat until 1509. During this period of confrontation, and afterwards, the Livonians (i.e., the political elite of Livonia) fulminated in their political writ- ings about the gruesome, schismatic, and even infidel Russians, who posed a threat not only to Livonia, but to Western Christendom in general. In the Holy Roman Empire and at the Roman Curia, these allegations were quite favoura- bly received. Arguably, the Livonians’ greatest success took the form of a papal provision for two financially profitable anti-Russian indulgence campaigns (1503–1510). For various political reasons, the motif of a permanent and general ‘Russian threat’ had ongoing currency in Livonia up until the Livonian War (1558–1583). Even after the collapse of the Livonian territories, the Russian threat motif continued to be quite effectively used by other adversaries of Mos- cow – e.g., Poland-Lithuania and Sweden. I will focus here first and foremost on what was behind the initial success of the Russian threat motif in Livonia, but I will also address why it persisted for as long as it did. A large part of its success was the fact that it drew upon a similar phenomenon – the ‘Turkish threat’,1 which played a significant role in the political rhetoric of Early Modern Europe, especially in south-eastern 1 This research was supported by the Estonian Research Council’s PUT 107 programme, “Me- dieval Livonia: European Periphery and its Centres (Twelfth–Sixteenth Centuries)”, and by the European Social Fund’s Doctoral Studies and Internationalization Programme DoRa, which is carried out by Foundation Archimedes. The author wishes to express his deepest gratitude to the anonymous referee, Jonathan Adams, Vladimir Aleksić, Alexander Baranov, Cordelia Heß, Linda Kaljundi, Liisa Liivamets, Mihkel Mäesalu, Pärtel Piirimäe, Anti Selart, Remigius Sta- chowiak, and Matthias Thumser. The expression Türkengefahr is extensively used in German historiography; Höfert 2003, 50–54. The English term ‘Turkish threat’ will be used here (instead of ‘peril’ or ‘menace’), as it seems to correspond most accurately to the German usage. © 2015, Maasing, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 3.0 License. 348 Madis Maasing Europe and Germany. We will examine the substantial similarities between the rhetoric surrounding the Turkish threat and the way the Russian threat motif is formulated in Livonian political sources (i.e., in correspondence and in po- lemical writings) at the end of the fifteenth century and thereafter. To this end, the roots, the initial appearance, and the development of both motifs will be explored. Rhetorical constructs shared by both motifs are of particular impor- tance here, e.g., the ‘bulwark of Christendom’ (Antemurale Christianitatis). The motivations and intentions for using these adversarial rhetorical narratives is also significant: Was the threat posed by the enemy the central issue, or were there also other important and more complex motivations? The question of whether the depictions of Turks and Russians are factual or not, is not the main concern of this paper. Additionally, the motifs of menacing Turks (or Russians) seem to fit under one key concept of current social sciences – The Other, or Otherness2 – and one could also pose a question: How did the construction of the Turkish (and Russian) Other affect the development of the Christian European (and Livoni- an) Self? There is extensive literature addressing the Turkish threat motif: We will address only a cross-section of it here.3 Most literature exploring the Russian threat motif focuses on the period following the beginning of the Livonian War.4 However, an important document for our consideration is the Livonian propaganda piece Eynne schonne hysthorie van vunderlyken gescheffthen der heren tho lyfflanth myth den Rüssen vnde tartaren (hereafter, Schonne hystho- rie), a document that has piqued some interest among researchers.5 Anti Se- 2 Here, the Other, as well as the concept pair of Us and Them, is used generally in same manner as in anthropology or ethnography, as standing for alien culture (cf. a similar ap- proach in Höfert 2003). The Oriental Other as Edward Said sees it – a speechless, passive, and submissive construction in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European descriptions (Said 2003) – could not be attributed to the Late Medieval and Early Modern view of Turks (or Rus- sians), as here the Other was seen as active, menacing and sometimes even superior to Chris- tian Europe, although this construct could be seen as the ‘pre-colonial’ progenitor to ‘Saidian Other’. See Höfert 2003, 318–320; Çırakman 2002, 7–34, 210–217; Vitkus 1999. 3 Schwoebel 1967; Bohnstedt 1968; Schultze 1978; Erkens 1997; Gutmüller and Kühlmann 2000; Höfert 2003; Kaufmann 2008; Housley 2012a. 4 Kappeler 1972; Angermann 1972; Tarkiainen 1986; Filjuškin 2008; Filjuškin 2012; Tuchtenha- gen 2012. 5 Schonne hysthorie 1861. This edition also includes extensive commentaries from its editor (Schirren 1861). For an analysis and context, see Arbusow 1909; Benninghoven 1963; Thumser 2011; Kreem 2013. The title of Schonne hysthorie has been translated into English as: “A nice story about the wonderful business of the lords of Livonia with the Russians and Tatars”. Kreem 2013, 239. Infidel Turks and Schismatic Russians in Late Medieval Livonia 349 lart’s works will be the main source used to address Russian-Livonian relations and the development of the Russian threat motif.6 The primary sources used here are generally clearly polemical, and supporting a certain agenda, such as political speeches, political correspondence, and pamphlets. In comparing elements of the Turkish and Russian threat motifs, sources published in three- part volume 19 of the Deutsche Reichstagsakten. Ältere Reihe will be used. This will allow us to examine the primary and persistent topoi about the Turks that dominated European rhetoric for centuries.7 The Liv-, Est- und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch 8 will be the primary source for examining Livonian rhetoric, but the Akten und Rezesse der livländischen Ständetage 9 and the regestae Herzog Albrecht von Preussen und Livland10 will also be consulted. 17.2 The Turkish threat motif A fear of the hostile and powerful Other had haunted inhabitants of Europe since Antiquity. There had been many invasions by peoples (mostly from the East) who were perceived as a threat to all of Europe. During Early and High Medieval times, the idea of the unity of (Western) Christendom (Christianitas) developed,11 and the groups outside of it were seen as alien and potentially menacing. This included not only suppressed inner minorities (such as Jews or heretics in Europe12), and smaller alien groups on the border of Christendom (like ‘pagans’ of Northern Europe13), but also a strong and unknown force to be feared. Some of them could be even regarded as harbingers of the Apoca- lypse – e.g., Magyars.14 Before the Turks, the Mongols were one of the most widely feared invaders. They were often called ‘Tatars’ or ‘Tartars’, and were 6 Selart 1998; Selart 2001; Selart 2003; Selart 2004; Selart 2007; Selart 2009a; Selart 2009b; Selart 2012a; Selart 2012b. 7 Weigel and Grüneisen 1969; Helmrath and Annas 2013; Annas 2013. 8 From first series (Abteilung): vols. 5 (Bunge 1974 [1867]), 7 (Hildebrand 1974a [1881]), 8 (Hil- debrand 1974b [1884]), 9 (Hildebrand 1981 [1889]), 10 (Hildebrand and Schwartz 1981 [1896]), 11 (Schwartz 1981 [1905]) and 12 (Hildebrand, Schwartz, and Bulmerincq 1981 [1910]), and from second series vols. 1 (Arbusow 1981a [1900]) and 2 (Arbusow 1981b [1905]). 9 Arbusow 1910, vol. 3. 10 Hartmann 1999, vol. 2; Hartmann 2002, vol. 3; Hartmann 2005, vol. 4; Hartmann 2006, vol. 5. 11 Hay 1968, 16–36. 12 Moore 2006. 13 Kaljundi 2008. 14 Leyser 1992, 41–42. 350 Madis Maasing connected to Hell, Tártaros in Greek. The ‘Mongol-Tatar fear’ remained active until at least the fifteenth century, particularly in Eastern Europe, albeit the apocalyptic expectations were largely supplanted by more earthly fears.15 The greatest degree of antagonism towards a non-Christian Other during the medieval period was, however, reserved for the Muslim. Negative depic- tions of Islam became more common as the Crusades proceeded: During the eleventh and twelfth centuries, Muslims (usually called Saracens) were often perceived as Christianity’s natural enemy, and depicted as extremely atrocious and brutal, quite similarly as the Turks were later described.16 It is important, however, to note that the term Saracen was also used to denote all infidels,17 with the Tatar playing a similar role in Eastern Europe – Eastern European Tatars were Muslims by the fourteenth century.18 The Turkish threat motif began to spread during the fourteenth century, with the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans soon posing an existential threat to Byzantium, Serbia, and other south-eastern Orthodox powers.19 Attempts by the Byzantines to raise support in the West led to the failure of the church union proposed
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