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Home , Andrew Hull, Battle of Fort Sumter, Battle of Kinston, Benjamin Butler, Francois Chau, George Meade (merchant)

catalogue three hundred thirty-one Archives & Manuscripts

William Reese 409 Temple Street New Haven, CT 06511

(203) 789-8081 A Note This catalogue is made up of manuscripts and archives, mostly acquired in recent months. Chronologically material ranges from Domingo Irala’s account of his ef- forts as a conquistador in South in 1555 to a Jacqueline Kennedy letter as newly elected First Lady in 1960. Notable items include a superb letter about slavery; a Jefferson letter on the ; a Sam Houston letter in the midst of the Revolution; an important Pierre DuPont manuscript; a remarkable manuscript from the Antarctic and Oregon portions of the Wilkes Expedition; important colonial road maps; a series of significant Civil War archives; a George letter about a donkey; important John Wood manuscripts on the flight of after the fall of the Confederacy; a topographical drawing by Robert E. Lee, and much else.

This is one of 75 copies of this catalogue specially printed in color.

Available on request or via our website are our recent catalogues: 324 American Military History, 326 Travellers & the American Scene, 327 World Travel & Voyages, 328 Arctic Exploration & the Search for Franklin, 330 Americana; Bulletins 39 Manuscripts, 40 From to Reconstruction, and 41 Original Works of American Art; e-lists (only available on our website) and many more topical lists.

Some of our catalogues, as well as some recent topical lists, are now posted on the internet at www.williamreesecompany.com. A portion of our stock may be viewed at www.williamreesecompany.com. If you would like to receive e-mail notification when catalogues and lists are uploaded, please e-mail us at [email protected] or send us a fax, specifying whether you would like to receive the notifications in lieu of or in addition to paper catalogues. If you would prefer not to receive future catalogues and/or notifica- tions, please let us know.

Terms Material herein is offered subject to prior sale. All items are as described and are con- sidered to be on approval. Notice of return must be given within ten days unless specific arrangements are made. Connecticut residents must be billed state sales tax. Postage and insurance charges are billed to all nonprepaid domestic orders. Overseas orders are sent by air unless otherwise requested, with full postage charges billed at our discretion. Payment by check, wire transfer or bank draft is preferred, but may also be made by MasterCard or Visa. William Reese Company Phone: (203) 789-8081 409 Temple Street Fax: (203) 865-7653 New Haven, CT 06511 E-mail: [email protected] www.williamreesecompany.com

On the cover: 78. Otsuki, Gentaku and Hiroyuki Shimura: Kankai Ibun. [ Japan]. 1807. Managing the Budget, 1702

1. Abeel, Johannes: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JOHN ABEEL TO EDWARD HYDE, VISCOUNT CORNBURY AND COLONIAL GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK, REGARDING PAY FOR ARMY PERSONNEL]. Albany. June 2, 1702. [2]pp. plus integral address leaf. Folio. Old fold lines. Light soiling, some bleedthrough of ink. Later ownership ink stamp on verso of address leaf. Very good.

Albany official Johannes Abeel (signed as John Abeel) writes to colonial gover- nor Edward Hyde regarding payments made according to Hyde’s orders. Abeel (1667-1711) was an Albany native who held various local offices, including mayor of Albany. In 1702, Abeel was serving as recorder for the city, which is likely why he was responsible for overseeing the dispersal of payments. Hyde was colonial governor of New York and New Jersey from 1701 to 1708, during which time he proved an unpopular administrator both in the colonies and at home in . Abeel’s letter lists those persons to whose companies he made payment (the errors are his own):

I have payd according your Excellencys order to Matthew Shanke Lieut. of Col. Richard Ingoldsby’s companee four weeks subsistance commencin from the ninth day of May to the sixth day of June according to the role deliver to mee, for 3 lieut, 3 sergt, 3 corprall, 2 drums & 85 private men the sum of ninty pound ninten schill. & eight pens; and to Henry Hollind lieut of Capt James Weemes compn. for 1 capt, 2 lieut, 3 sergt, 3 corprll., 2 drums & 88 privat men the sum of ninete five pound seventeen schill. & 2 pens....

He includes a postscript note in which he indicates that his wife wishes both the governor and his lady well. A scarce and early colonial document dealing with administrative affairs and defense on the frontier. $1750.

From One President to Another

2. Adams, John Quincy: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JOHN QUINCY ADAMS TO , SENDING THE FORMER PRESIDENT WARM REGARDS AND ADAMS’ RE- CENTLY PUBLISHED PAMPHLET]. Washington. Oct. 11, 1822. 1p. Minor toning, old folds, two separation neatly mended, tipped to a larger sheet. Very good.

A warm and conciliatory letter from a future president of the to a former president. During his time as Secretary of State under Monroe, Adams writes to Madison at Montpelier. The letter reads, in full:

Dear Sir, In requesting your acceptance of the copy herewith transmitted of a Collection of Documents recently published by me, I think it necessary to ask of your indulgence to overlook that part of it which is personally controversial. The transactions to which it relates having occurred during your Administra- tion and the discussion involving in some degree principles and measures sanctioned by you, I have thought they would not be without interest to you, on that account, as well as because they are of no inconsiderable moment to the permanent welfare of the Union. I have much satisfaction also in being thus offered the occasion of tendering anew the grateful sense I entertain of that public confidence with which you honour’d me at a time when, as now appears, there were not wanting efforts then unknown to me to shake it. I remain with great Respect, Dear Sir, your very faithful and humble Servt. John Quincy Adams.

The “Collection of Documents” to which Adams refers is The Duplicate Letters, the Fisheries and the . Documents Relating to Transactions at the Negotiation of Ghent (Washington, 1822; Shoemaker 7740). “This pamphlet was an answer to an attack on Adams by over proposals made during the Anglo- American negotiations at Ghent on the subject of the navigation of the . Adams’s rebuke was so overwhelmingly successful that thereafter to destroy someone’s reputation before the public was known as to ‘jonathanrussell’ someone” (founders.archive.gov/documents/Madison/04-02-02-0506). Madison would have been keenly interested in the work, which did indeed discuss many policies and decisions of his administration. The present letter was previously sold at Parke- Bernet on Nov. 13, 1968, lot 4. THE PAPERS OF JAMES MADISON, RETIREMENT SERIES 2:586-587. $11,000.

Presentation Copy from Adams

3. Adams, John Quincy: ORATION ON THE LIFE AND CHARAC- TER OF GILBERT MOTIER DE LAFAYETTE. DELIVERED AT THE REQUEST OF BOTH HOUSES OF THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES, BEFORE THEM, IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES AT WASHINGTON, ON THE 31st DE- CEMBER, 1834. Washington: Printed by Gales and Seaton, 1835. 94pp. Contemporary straight-grained morocco, ruled in gilt, spine elaborately gilt. Slight darkening to boards, but a near fine copy. In a red half morocco and cloth box.

A copy of Adams’ speech honoring the memory of Revolutionary War hero Marquis de Lafayette. This copy is in a presentation binding of red straight-grained morocco, of the sort favored by the Adams family for decades, and is printed on thick paper. John Quincy Adams devoted his entire career to government service. The son of President , he himself served as the sixth president, as a U.S. Senator from 1803 to 1808, as Secretary of State from 1817 to 1825, and in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1831 until his death in the U.S. Capitol in 1848. Presented to Isaac McKim (1775-1838), who served as aide-de-camp to Gen. Samuel Smith during the and was involved in the defense of . When Gen. Smith resigned from Congress to take a seat in the Senate, McKim was elected to fill the vacancy. McKim served in the House of Representatives as a Congressman from from 1823 to 1825 and from 1833 to 1838. He temporarily left national politics to become a director of the Baltimore and Railroad from 1827 to 1831, and he was an officer of the American Society for Colonizing the Free People of Color of the United States. Adams provides a review of Lafayette’s contributions to American independence and his activities in the decades after the Revolutionary War, particularly his involve- ment in the French Revolution and various French governments which followed. In this brief biography, Adams reflects “upon the life and character of a man whose life was, for nearly threescore years, the history of the civilized world – of a man, of whose character, to say that it is indissolubly identified with the Revolution of our Independence, is little more than to mark the features of his childhood – of a man, the personified image of self-circumscribed liberty.” An eight-page appendix records Congressional actions related to the death of Lafayette. SABIN 295. JACKSON, p.208. $7500.

A Magnificent John Quincy Adams Letter Attacking the Institution of Slavery and Predicting the Progress of the United States: “...It shocks the moral sense of every soul not contaminated by the practice of oppression.”

4. Adams, John Quincy: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JOHN QUINCY ADAMS AS A MEMBER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, TO ELIJAH HAYWARD, HARSHLY CRIT- ICIZING THE INSTITUTION OF SLAVERY, FORESEEING ITS END IN THE UNITED STATES, AND PREDICTING A BETTER FUTURE FOR MANKIND]. Washington, D.C. April 20, 1837. [4]pp. on a folded folio sheet. One horizontal and two vertical folds. Small separations at cross-folds. Light, old stains. In very good condition.

A truly remarkable letter from former president John Quincy Adams, giving full voice to his opposition to slavery and lashing out at the immorality of slave hold- ers, while at the same time displaying his optimism for the future improvement of mankind and the rise of the United States. Adams castigates the defenders of slavery and looks forward to the day when “Slavery shall vanish from the Earth; and the race of man, descended from one father shall live as a band of brothers upon Earth.” He also puts forth interesting views on the progress of the United States and the importance of technology, marvelling at the advances in transportation and observing that “speed is power,” while fairly accurately predicting the present-day population of the country. Written while he was serving in the United States House of Representatives, and deeply embroiled in the struggle to preserve the right of the people to petition government against slavery, this is the most powerful John Quincy Adams letter regarding slavery that we have encountered or are aware of. Adams was personally opposed to slavery but not a vocal public abolitionist. Regardless, as early as 1831 (his first year in Congress and two years removed from the presidency) he began submitting petitions to the House of Representatives that were sent to him by citizens who sought to abolish the slave trade in the District of Columbia. The mid-1830s saw a great rise in petitions to Congress to abolish slavery, especially calling for an end to the slave trade in the District of Columbia (the belief being that Congress could exercise this power in the District, if not in individual states). As a result, the right to petition came under assault beginning in late 1835, and Adams worked to defend the right against the efforts of southern slave holders and northern supporters of . Adams’ efforts “made him the most famous – or notorious – of combatants on the floor of Congress during the next decade” (Nagel). In May of 1836 the House of Representatives passed the Pinckney Resolutions, the third of which contained the so-called “,” which instructed that all petitions or memorials relating to slavery in any way would be laid on the table without being printed, discussed, or referred to committee. Adams’ vocal opposition to the Gag Rule only increased the flood of anti-slavery petitions that poured into his office. The Gag Rule was finally overturned in 1844, largely due to Adams’ efforts. In 1841, Adams once again occupied the public stage in opposition to slavery, arguing before the Supreme Court on behalf of the Africans who took over the slave ship Amistad. The present letter was written less than a year after the passage of the Gag Rule, and shows Adams at his most eloquent and powerful on the subject of slavery. He wrote this letter to Elijah Hayward of Ohio, who had recently written Adams to congratulate him on his speech in the House in opposition to the Gag Rule. A lawyer, Hayward was also involved in politics, wrote history, and had served as Com- missioner of the General Land Office. Fellow natives, Hayward and Adams were well acquainted but not close friends. Adams notes in the letter that he is proud of his Massachusetts nativity, and that “from her originated that Ordi- nance for the Northwestern Territory the first abolition of slavery on this Continent, which has already given to this Union four of its most flourishing states, in which there is neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, unless as punishment for crime.” He continues with a strong attack on slavery and a denunciation of its defenders:

The right of man to property in man has been for many years secreted out of all decent moral and intellectual company....It shocks the moral sense of every soul not contaminated by the practice of oppression. John Randolph declared the Declaration of Independence, the great charter of mankind, “a barrage of abstractions,” but John Randolph died with “Remorse” upon his lips, and emancipated his slaves by his will, “because in his conscience he believed they ought to be free.” Slavery is a part and parcel of the divine right of kings, and no thinking man can read Hobbes and Sir Robert Filmer, without perceiving that all the arguments which they urge in favour of despotic power in Government, and against the theory of human rights, are the identical and only arguments, by which a colour of justification can be given to slavery. This must eventually be the sense of all mankind; but that in this country with an appeal to God that all men are born with an inalienable right to Liberty; and that this is a self-evident truth – that a nation founding its existence upon the proclamation of that Law, should suffer its ears to hear from its own degenerate sons, that one sixth part of its own people are chattels, to whom no rights can belong,... my dear Sir, when Daniel O’Connell in the British Parliament, pronounces us in the face of Heaven and Earth a nation of Hypocrites and Liars, we may answer him with Billingsgate upon Earth, but will Bishop England just from Hayti tell us what we shall say to Heaven? No – never, never can Slavery again be reconciled to the rights, or to the duties of man. Our slave-trading Professors, and Governors, and Chancellors and Bishops, may cauterize their own consciences and those of their accom- plices, while they live, with sophistication worthy of Belial in Pandemonium, but with John Randolph, “Remorse” will be their dying word, without even the atonement of emancipating their Slaves at death. They may and I fear will rust the chains of slavery upon their unhappy fellow creatures whom they hold in bondage. They may, and I fear will restore the extinguished curse of slavery in , and thereby fortify and reinforce and spread its odious dominion in our own country; protracting its final doom for unblest ages to come – but in the chancery of Heaven that doom is sealed – Slavery shall vanish from the Earth; and the race of man, descended from one father shall live as a band of brothers upon Earth; at least without shedding each others blood.

As he writes in this letter, Adams was convinced slavery would ultimately be abol- ished in the United States and would vanish from civilization. Elsewhere in the letter he sets forth his vision for an improved human condition:

I believe the day will come when there will be neither War, Slavery nor hereditary kings upon Earth – how many centuries it will take to accomplish this Revolu- tion it is not given to me to foretell. If the population of the North American Continent should increase for two centuries to come in the same proportion as it has regularly done for the half century since the Establishment of the Constitution of the United States, in two hundred years from this day there will be three thousand millions of the human race living on its surface. There is room for them all, and for as many more on the continent of South America. The steamboat and the railway have already approximated distances so that we travel five hundred miles in a day – Speed is Power – and the multiplication of that Power in the last half century has at least kept pace with that of popula- tion. And in the same half century, notwithstanding the bloody wars that have raged, the uniform tendency of the minds and hearts of civilized men towards each other has been from cruelty to benevolence, from harshness to humanity. The question whether man has in any case whatever the right to take the life of man is sinking deeper and deeper into the consciences of men. The right of offensive war has not only fallen into disfavour but has become exceedingly problematical. Personal imprisonment for debt is gradually disappearing from all Christian Codes. Even the right of defensive war has been denied in theory and the denial has been supported by powerful argument.

Adams closes on a hopeful and uplifting note, prognosticating that in two hundred years there may be:

...three hundred million souls upon this Continent, and we contemplate what this mass of physical moral and intellectual, congregated human power may effect for the improvement of the Earth, and of the condition of its mortal and immortal inhabitant, may we not in humble hope invoke the blessing of the Father of Spirits upon every purpose intended to promote the universal emancipation of man?

A powerful, moving, and visionary John Quincy Adams letter on slavery, the most contentious issue of the age, foreseeing an end to that institution and a better future for mankind. William Lee Miller, Arguing About Slavery. The Great Battle in the (New York, 1996). Paul C. Nagel, John Quincy Adams. A Public Life, a Private Life (Cambridge, Ma., 1999), pp.354-81. $200,000.

A Firsthand Description of the Bombardment of as It Happened

5. Aldrich, Edward S.: [SUPERB AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM SURGEON EDWARD ALDRICH TO HIS SISTER-IN- LAW, GIVING A FIRSTHAND ACCOUNT OF THE BOMBARD- MENT OF FORT SUMTER AS VIEWED FROM A PASSENGER SHIP IN CHARLESTON HARBOR]. Charleston Harbor. April 13, 1861. [5]pp. Significant tanning, expertly de-acidified. Very good.

A fascinating letter from Dr. Aldrich to his widow’s sister, relating the events of the critical opening battle of the Civil War. Edward Sherman Aldrich was born in 1811 in Providence, . He married Corrine Brown and served as a surgeon attached to the U.S. Army during the Second Seminole War in , where they lived for a time. He traveled to during the Gold Rush era and belonged to the San Francisco Committee of Vigilance. His wife died in 1857, but he continued to look after her widowed sister, Ellen Brown Anderson, to whom this letter was written. He was on his way to Charleston to volunteer as a physician for the Confederate cause when the ship was forced to stop in Charleston Harbor to await the outcome of the battle. This letter humorously describes a lady on the ship who was having a problem adapting to her first sea voyage; the balance of the letter describes the action during and after the bombardment of the fort, including an encounter with the U.S.R.C. Harriet Lane. Dr. Aldrich writes: “We discovered at day light yesterday that the fight had commenced – The scare & the excitement it creates with all of us on board is inde- scribable.” He continues with interesting eyewitness observations on the fort itself:

Nine o’clock today the fort is on fire from the shells of the batteries. Eleven o’clock the old once honored stars & stripes have disappeared by fire never again to wave over the ramparts of Fort Sumpter [sic]. The fort has been one dense smoke for hours still the lower tier of cannon flash away and the batteries pour in to her in rapid succession – At twelve the firing has ceased, and we can discern with the glass the Confederate flag gaily floating from all the ships in the Harbor. Soon the same flag will wave over Sumtepr....Today Sunday, we have arrived. Fort Sumpter is deeply indented with hundreds of bullet holes. No less than three hundred shells exploded in & upon the Fort when the flag of the Fort came down & white flag of truce went up.

Dr. Aldrich describes the encounter with the Harriet Lane, evincing his support for the Confederates in the process:

Yesterday the Harriet Lane headed for us & fired a cannon across our bow for the ship to lay too. The obeyed the summons. The Lane steamed around us with all the men beat to quarters, with port holes open & bristling cannon, looking quite warlike & dangerous. This maneuver on the part of the officers evinced great coolness & courage to sail around an unarmed ves- sel instead of going to the assistance of their brethren. But it certainly shew much discretion – she did go near enough over to get a shot from one of the batteries which made her steam away like a quarter horse without taking time to return the compliment though armed to the teeth, and commanded by half a dozen nice brave officers all in their new clothes & nice swords belted on – how very brave. They hailed us, what ship, where from, & where to – All which the nice gentlemen knew before – I wish I had been with only one thirty two pounder armed ship. I would have blown Miss Lane out of the water. The ships of war belonging to the perjured government lay off the harbor manned by brave officers & fierce soldiers, with abundance of all the munitions of war – with small rifle cannon & barges for taking men on shore for attacking the rebels reinforcing Fort Sumpter.

Aldrich writes near the end: “Tomorrow I shall call on the Surgeon General & soon learn my destination. My health is perfect – And I am ready for duty....” A rare firsthand account of the , from a Confederate doctor ready to begin his service for the Southern cause. $12,500. The Revolution Changes the Form of Prayer: Remarkable Manuscript Revisions to the Book of Common Prayer in a Maryland Parish to Eliminate References to the British Crown

6. []: [Book of Common Prayer]: THE BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER, AND ADMINISTRATION OF THE SAC- RAMENTS, AND OTHER RITES AND CEREMONIES OF THE CHURCH, ACCORDING TO THE USE OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.... [Oxford: T. Wright and W. Gill, 1768]. [34],[340],[24]pp. [bound with:] A NEW VERSION OF THE PSALMS OF DAVID FITTED TO THE TUNES USED IN CHURCHES. : Charles Rivington, 1763. [44 (of 46)]pp. Lacks final leaf. Large folio. Modern speckled calf, gilt, with original gilt morocco label on front cover reading: “King and Queen Parish 1771.” Lower half of titlepage in expert facsimile. First and last few leaves repaired in gutter margin; final leaf with some facsimile restoration. Manuscript slips neatly repaired with tissue on verso. Very good.

This remarkable copy of the Book of Common Prayer from King and Queen Parish, Maryland, has been annotated with paste-over slips to mod- ify the form of prayer from offering prayers to King George III and his wife to new text praying for the United States. It is an extraordinary piece of evidence demonstrating the impact of newly declared independence on the religious life of the new United States. Though the Lords Baltimore, who established of the colony of Maryland, were Catholic, the colony’s charter provided for worship of both Catholic and Protestant. The Anglican congrega- tion at King and Queen Parish was established in 1640, shortly after the colony was founded. The Glorious Revolution of 1688, which ended any chance of Catholicism being reestablished as the official religion in England, paved the way for similar changes in the colonies. In Maryland, which became a royal colony in 1691, the Act of Establishment of 1692 declared the Church of England the official church of the colony, creat- ing thirty Anglican parishes and stripping Catholic citizens of most of their rights. Because the King of England was head of the Anglican Church, members of the Church of England in America faced special difficulties during the American Revolution. Anglican priests, in fact, swore allegiance to the King at their ordina- tion. The Book of Common Prayer offered prayers for the monarch, which could be construed as treason to the American cause. In an effort to remain loyal to the cause of Independence and conform to the new political realities, patriotic American Anglicans set about revising the Book of Common Prayer on the spot. On May 25, 1776 the Maryland Convention voted “that every Prayer and Peti- tion for the King’s Majesty, in the book of Common Prayer...be henceforth omitted in all Churches and Chapels in this Province.” George Goldie, the rector of Christ Church (then called Chaptico Church) in King and Queen Parish of St. Mary’s County from 1773 to his death in 1791, modified the present volume by inserting new prayers, written in manuscript, into the Litany. Four inserted slips modify the Litany to instruct for prayers to guide Congress and the governor of the state, as well as prayers for religious and civil liberty. These are affixed over prayers for King George III, Queen Charlotte, the Prince of Wales, etc. The petition that God “keep and strengthen in the true worshipping of thee, in righteousness and holiness of life, thy servant George, our most gracious King and Governour” was changed to a plea that “it might please thee to bless the honorable Congress with Wisdom to discern and Integrity to pursue the true Interest of the United States.” The prayer that “it may please thee to be his defender and keeper, giving him the victory over all his enemies” becomes “that it [may please thee] to be their defender and keeper, enabling them to be the supporters & guardians of the civil and religious liberty of thy people.” A prayer for the royal family is revised to ask that God “bless and preserve his Excel’y the Governor of this state, and so to replenish him with the grace of thy Holy Spirit that he may always incline to thy will and ever seek thy honour and glory.” A prayer to “illuminate all Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, with true knowledge and understanding of thy word,” now asks “to endue the Members of the Council with grace, wisdom and understanding, that they may become the happy instruments of promoting the honor of God and the good of the country.” A highly important document, showing clear evidence of the changes affecting religious and everyday life during the American Revolution. ESTC T93064, N472494. GRIFFITHS 1768:4. $15,000.

Cracking Down on Loyalists in Massachusetts Immediately After the Declaration of Independence

7. [American Revolution]: Doolittle, Ephraim: [AUTOGRAPH DOCU- MENT, SIGNED, BY EPHRAIM DOOLITTLE IN JULY 1776, RE- GARDING A CRACK DOWN ON LOYALISTS IN MASSACHU- SETTS DURING THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION]. Petersham, Ma. July 12, 1776. [2]pp. Folio. Minor fold wear and foxing, a few tiny holes along the center fold, affecting just a handful of words. Very good.

An excellent Revolutionary-era document recording the minutes of a meeting of several Massachusetts Committees of Safety, concluded just eight days after the signing of the Declaration of Independence. Ephraim Doolittle, who signed and probably wrote up these minutes, was a prominent figure and political agitator in Revolutionary Massachusetts. He had served in the French and In- dian War, at both Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and as a of Massachusetts minutemen in 1775, participating at the Battle of Bunker Hill in June 1775. The document begins: “At a Convention of the Committee of Safety of the Towns of Hutchinson, Templeton, Athol and Petersham.” The meeting was called to discuss how Tories would be treated in these central Massachusetts towns. They resolved that Tories “should deliver all their arms and emple- ments of war immediately into the hands of the select men of Peter- sham, and that they should not go out of the town of Petersham without a pass” and “that no more than two should assemble together at any place except public worship, legal town meetings, or funerals.” If any Tories “should presume to violate any such restrictions... at such a crittical day as the present that this body will use their utmost influence that they...shall be commited to close confinement and there be continnued until our polittical troubles are at an end.” In particular, the Rev. Aaron Whitney, an outspoken Loyalist, was called out for punishment after having “publickly declared that he will keep open doars for the assembling of such persons.” The minutes go on to trace the reasons for these restrictions, including a 1775 “riotous assembling” of several Tories who had “entered into a combination or covenant utterly subversive of our natural and charter’d rights and tending to strengthen and assist the enemies of our constitution.” A list of twenty-four restricted persons follows, including , a prominent, long-time selectman and local politician who had once served alongside Doolittle, but whose Loyalist leanings made him an enemy at this point. In fact, this document can be seen as the culmination of the struggle between Loyalists and Revolutionaries in central Massachusetts. Doolittle and Chandler had been at odds for a decade regarding issues of taxation and other controversial matters related to the Crown, and the situation had now come to a head. A very interesting Revolutionary Massachusetts document, written at a critical moment in the course of the American Revolution. The first copies of the Dunlap broadside of the Declaration arrived in on July 13, and the first Massachu- setts printings were the same day, so it seems unlikely that the news had reached rural Petersham by July 12. Still, the Revolutionary spirit in central Massachusetts is evident, even obvious, in the present document. Kenneth J. Moynihan, A History of Worcester, 1674-1848, pp.59-71. $12,000.

Swearing Loyalty to the New Revolution

8. [American Revolution]: [PRINTED LOYALTY OATH FROM REV- OLUTIONARY-ERA NEW YORK, COMPLETED IN MANU- SCRIPT]. Albany. March 1, 1777. [1]p., 5 x 6¼ inches. Old fold lines, minor soiling and foxing. Extensively docketed on verso. Very good.

A printed loyalty oath, completed in manuscript, declaring Edward Morrison of a New York regiment to be a faithful servant of the United States. The text reads as follows, with the manuscript portions in brackets:

[I Edward Morrison], Soldier inlisted by [Capt Ten Eyck] in the Regiment commanded by Colonel [Van Schaick] belonging to the State of [New York] in the Service of the United States of America; do swear, to be true to the said United States, and to serve them, honestly and faithfully, against all their Enemies and Opposers whatsoever; and to observe and obey, the Orders of the Continental Congress, and the Orders of the Generals and Officers set over me by them. So help me God. Sworn before me, at Albany, in the State of New- York, this [first] Day of [March] 177[7]. [ J Roorbach, justice of the peace].

The oath is docketed on the verso by Ten Eyck, certifying the veracity of the per- son of Edward Morrison, dated March 4, followed by a note signed by Gen. John Lansing stating that Morrison passed muster the same date. John Lansing (1754- 1829) was an Albany lawyer who served for a time as Gen. Philip Schuyler’s military secretary, then later as a representative in the state assembly. He was a delegate to the Constitutional Convention in 1787, but left without signing, having become strongly Anti-Federalist and opposed to the centralization of the government. A scarce and ephemeral piece of Revolutionary history. $1750.

9. [American Revolution]: Glover, John: A PAY ROLL OF CAPT. SILVS. SMITH’S COMPANY IN THE REGIMENT OF FOOT WHERE- OF TIMOTHY BIGELOW ESQR. IS COL. MADE UP FOR THE MONTH OF FEBRUARY 1779 [manuscript caption title]. [Providence. 1779]. Broadside, 19½ x 15 inches. Docketed on verso, signed by Gen. John Glover. Old folds. Slight loss, repaired, to central vertical fold and edges. Lightly soiled. Silked. Good.

Revolutionary War payroll document for the company of Capt. Silvanus Smith, part of the 15th Massachusetts regiment in Glover’s . The payroll muster contains details on seventy-nine men, listing their rank and time to be paid, together with the wages paid them. Total wages were £179/17/4. The document is certified on the verso, where it is written: “I do swear that the within pay roll is true without fraud to these United States or to any individual according to the best of my knowledge. [signed] Joseph Brown, En. for Capt. Smith.” It is further attested below, where it is signed by Brig. Gen. John Glover: “Sworn before me in Providence this 12th day of March 1779. [signed] John Glover BGeneral.” John Glover (1732-97) was a Massachusetts fisherman and soldier who was in- volved with the state for many years before the Revolution. Rising through the ranks, he eventually commanded the regiment that manned the boats in Wash- ington’s historic crossing of the Delaware River. In 1778 he was stationed in the Hudson Highlands to keep watch for a British advance, where he would stay for the remainder of the war. $1000.

An Interesting Group of Letters by Revolutionary Doctors

10. [American Revolution]: Smallwood, William, Maj. Gen.: [GROUP OF FOUR AUTOGRAPH LETTERS, SIGNED, ALL FROM REVO- LUTIONARY WAR PHYSICIANS, INCLUDING ONE FROM WASHINGTON’S PERSONAL PHYSICIAN, JAMES CRAIK, TO MAJ. GEN. WILLIAM SMALLWOOD]. , Georgetown, and Annapolis. Dec. 13, 1781 – April 14, 1782. [5]pp. total. Folio and quarto. Typical age toning and old folds, some minor splits along folds. A couple edges chipped, just touching a few letters. Overall very good.

A noteworthy collection of letters from three Revolutionary War physicians to Maj. Gen. William Smallwood, American planter, soldier, and the fourth governor of Maryland. Most notable of the four letters is from ’s physician, James Craik. He writes from Philadelphia on April 14, 1782:

Money matters seem to be as disagreeable as ever ere, all the departments complain grievously, & the finances as much as any. Congress are reducing the pay of the staff considerably & reducing a number of the officers. Men are enlisted very slowly in this State. A great deal of party bickering still continues which certainly must greatly retard public business & render their lives very disagreeable....

Craik daily expects “something interesting from Europe & the ” and complains that no trade can come into or out of the port because “the Bay is so closely watched.” Dr. W. Smith writes a pair of letters from Georgetown describing inherent difficulties faced by a physician in Revolutionary wartime, mainly how to process recovered troops, and how to get compensated for medical care provided to the American army. He writes on Dec. 13, 1781: “I’ve a few of the Troops remaining here of the third & fourth Regt. that you requested me to receive. They have now recovered their health & I shall be glad of your directions what is to be done with them....” He follows up three weeks later, on Jan. 2, 1782, complaining that his bill has been denied payment by the colonial army (“I’ve charged no more than I charge in my private practice nor more than I can afford to live by...”) and repeats his request as to how to dispose of the recovered troops under his care. The fourth and last letter here comes from Dr. Robert Johnston, a Pennsylva- nia surgeon, who writes from Annapolis regarding an inventory of items formerly belonging to the deceased Dr. James Browne. The medical inventory includes “A set of Amputating instruments” and “A small Medicine chest containing a variety of Medicines...[and] many articles of hospital furniture...which I cannot describe without having reference to the hospital books at Albany.” An interesting small archive of four letters by three Revolutionary War doctors, all writing to a notable Maryland general who would go on to serve as Mary- land’s governor, convening the state convention that adopted the U.S. Constitution in 1788. $4000.

11. Andros, Sir Edmund: [MANUSCRIPT DOCUMENT, SIGNED, FROM SIR , APPOINTING A LIEUTEN- ANT OF MILITIA IN ALBANY IN 1688]. Albany. Sept. 13, 1688. Broadside, 8¼ x 12¾ inches. Original folds, mild foxing and toning. Very good. With remnants of original seal. Matted and framed.

An early colonial military appointment signed by Sir Edmund Andros as Captain General and Governor of the Dominion of . Here Andros appoints Johannes Bensingh to the rank of of the Company of Foot in the Albany County Militia. Andros was colonial governor of New York, , and Maryland, though wildly unpopular for his Anglican leadership. Eventually Andros would be overthrown as a colonial authority in the 1689 Boston revolt, which took place just the year after this document was written. Andros would be recalled to England in 1698, and serve out his days as he had spent them before going to North America, as bailiff of the island of Guernsey. Manuscripts of any type signed by Andros are rare in the market. $3500.

Benedict Arnold’s Smuggling Career in the West Indies

12. [Arnold, Benedict]: [PROTEST LODGED AGAINST THE NEW HAVEN CUSTOMS HOUSE, AFTER REPEATED SEARCHES OF THE SHIP AND REFUSAL OF ENTRY; SIGNED BY TWO MEN OF THE CREW]. New Haven. Feb. 5, 1767. [2]pp. plus integral docketing leaf. Folio. Silked. Small paper loss to top of sheet, affecting a few words of text. A few minor losses at edges. Lightly soiled. Good. In a red half morocco and cloth clamshell case, spine gilt.

Written complaint lodged with the New Haven Customs House in which two sailors, Rutherford Cooke and Caleb Comstock, protest the treatment of their ship at port – a ship of which Benedict Arnold was captain and owner. The two men attest that the sloop Charming Sally, Benedict Arnold captain (not present), sailed for the West Indies and thence to , where they met Arnold on business, and then back again to the West Indies. The complaint reads:

Be it known and made manifest to all persons whom these presents shall come... before me Daniel Lyman, Esqr., one of His Majesty’s Jus[tices] of the Peace for the county of New Haven...personally came and appeared Rutherford Cooke, Mate of the good sloop Charming Sally and Caleb Comstock, mariner, and on oath depose and say that on the fifteenth of July last they sailed in sd. sloop from the island of St. Croix in the West Indies to Holland whereof was Master Benedict Arnold of New Haven where we arrived on the thirtieth of August following and having there discharged our cargo took on board a freight for sd. St. Croix on account of Mr. Daniel Cromeline, merchant at Amsterdam, at which place we left our Capt. sd. Benedict Arnold on shore on the fifth of October and from there arrived at sd. St. Croix on the fifteenth of Novemr. and after disposing our cargo sailed on the twenty-third of the same month in a sett of ballast for New Haven, where we arrived the tenth of January not having our Capt. on board. And the Dept. the Mate further says that thereupon he applied to his Maj- esty’s Custom House in sd. New Haven with the register of sd. vessel & her papers in proper office hours for entering the same, but being required he left his papers with the officers thereof for a time in which the said sloop might be searched by a waiter for that purpose, which was accordingly done; but nothing found on board or in any other place tho search has repeatedly been made; and that afterwards the sd. Mate applied to sd. office for the entry of sd. vessel & her papers but was refused tho tending to give oath as the Acts of Parliament require. And especially as the Dept. further say on the fifth of inst. February, and was denied the entry of the vessel & her papers after an attendance of near three weeks.

It is signed by Rutherford Cooke, Caleb Comstock, and Justice of the Peace Daniel Lyman. Not a great deal seems to have been known about Arnold’s early business ven- tures hitherto – the material available, for example, to Arnold’s principal modern biographer, Willard Sterne Randall, being comparatively scant. Arnold first entered business in 1761, and initially seems to have been successful. He visited London the next year, where he acquired stock on credit, then set up shop on Chapel Street in New Haven under the famous sign (still preserved at the New Haven Historical Society): “B. Arnold Druggist / Bookseller &c. / From London / Sibi Totique.” Later he also acquired a sloop and undertook trading voyages to the Caribbean and . Most of these voyages, however, were devoted to smuggling rather than upstanding trade. “Benedict Arnold’s business was secret by definition. To keep accurate records would have been self-destructive, yet not to engage to some degree of smuggling was all but impossible if such a business was to survive in- creasingly stringent British trade policies” – Randall (p.42). Despite these various enterprises, Arnold went bankrupt, owing some £16,000 when his business failed in the summer of 1766. Given the smuggling activities in which Arnold was engaged, and his business failure, the Customs House may have had good reason to be suspicious of his vessel, despite the lack of supporting evidence aboard ship. It is also possible that he had made enemies of the authorities, as in January 1767 he was involved in a notorious case of beating up a colonial tax collector. Willard Sterne Randall, Benedict Arnold: Patriot and Traitor (1991). $5500. A Traitor Wooing a Boston Debutante

13. Arnold, Benedict: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM BENEDICT ARNOLD TO MRS. HENRY KNOX]. Watertown. March 4, 1777. [1]p. plus integral address leaf. Folio. Small loss in margin from wax seal, repaired. Minor soiling. Silked. Very good. In a blue half mo- rocco and cloth clamshell case, spine gilt.

An anxious letter written by a smitten Benedict Arnold to Boston society matron Lucy Flucker Knox, enclosing a letter for delivery to young Miss Betsy De Blois. The love-struck hero of Fort Ticonderoga writes:

Dear Madam, I have taken the liberty of incloseing a letter for the heavenly Miss Deblois, which by the favour of your delivering, with the trunk of gowns &c., which Mrs. Colburn promis’d me to send to your house, I hope she will make no objections against receiving them. I make no doubt you will soon have the pleasure of seeing the charming Mrs. Emery, and have it in your power to give me some favourable intelligence. I shall remain under the most anxious suspense until I have the favour of a line from you, who (if I may judge) will from your own experience, conceive the fond anxiety, the glowing hopes, and chilling fears, that, alternately possess [me].

In February 1777, in Mrs. Knox’s draw- ing room, Arnold was introduced to Boston society and – more importantly – to the “beautiful...straight, tall, el- egant” Tory belle, Elizabeth (Betsy) De Blois. A widower for a little over a year, Arnold immediately fell head- long in love with the sixteen-year-old Betsy – twenty years his junior – and asked Mrs. Knox to present his case. Delighted with her role as matchmaker, Lucy Knox dutifully delivered Arnold’s ardent letters, along with a trunk of gowns and other lavish gifts, designed to show both his affection and financial solidity. He hoped that Betsy would accept these gifts as well as his desire to court her. Possibly owing to the vast difference in age, the “heavenly Miss Deblois” rebuffed Arnold’s several ad- vances, finally refusing to answer his dramatic and passionate love letters. Betsy had many subsequent suitors, but in the end, never married. Having failed to win the hand of Miss De Blois, Arnold began courting the lovely and vivacious Margaret (Peggy) Shippen in the summer of 1778, to whom he wrote equally ardent letters – one of which he lifted practically verbatim from a letter he had sent to Betsy De Blois. The two were wed in April 1779. $15,000.

Audubon Writes to His Engraver

14. Audubon, John James: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JOHN JAMES AUDUBON TO HIS ESTEEMED ENGRAVER, ROBERT HAVELL, REGARDING TRAVEL TOGETHER AND NATURAL HISTORY SPECIMENS]. Liverpool. July 21, 1839. [1]p., docketed on verso. Quarto. Small tears at folds, minor fraying and chipping at edges, affecting a few words of text including the last three letters of Audubon’s signature. Good. In a half morocco and cloth fold- ing case, gilt, with gilt leather label on front cover.

A significant letter from distin- guished American naturalist John James Audubon to his favorite en- graver, Robert Havell. Having spent over two years from 1837 to 1839 in England finalizing the publication of The Birds of America and its companion text, Ornitho- logical Biography, Audubon and his family prepare for the final journey home. Audubon writes to Havell, the principal engraver for the fa- mous elephant folio Birds, as the two men had become fast friends during the book’s creation. Havell decided to accompany Audubon to America, and days before their scheduled departure, Audubon writes to Havell:

...We will sail on Monday next...from this port for New York on board the packet ship the George Washington....You and Mrs. Havell & daughter will sail from London on the 1st of August; but it is difficult to say which of us will reach America first. Should you do so, please to inform our sons and daughters of the name of the vessel....

Audubon then asks Havell to have casks of natural history samples sent to Sheffield:

I wish you to have the goodness to forward to Mr. John Heppenstall of Shef- field, all the barrels or kegs which you had placed in a warehouse....Please to have shipped to Hull by steamer to be forwarded to Sheffield by canal boats, and have the said casks addressed John Heppenstall Esq., Sheffield, Natural History objects [the latter three words underlined by Audubon]. I wish you and yours could have been in the same ship with us....

Upon their arrival in America, Havell and his family first stayed with the Audubons in , then moved to Ossining, New York, and subsequently to Tarrytown, where they spent the remaining years of his life painting Hudson River views and landscapes, as well as engraving and publishing prints of the Hudson and of vari- ous American cities. Correspondence between these two important icons of 19th-century American natural history publication is exceedingly rare in the market. $8000.

15. Barry, John: [PRINTED CERTIFICATE, SIGNED BY JOHN BAR- RY, ENTITLING THE BEARER TO PRIZE MONEY]. [N.p. ca. 1780] [1]p., 3½ x 7½ inches. Minor wear and soiling. Very good.

Printed certificate signed by Capt. John Barry, captain of the first ship in the Con- tinental Navy. The document reads: “I do hereby certify, That the Bearer, [blank] late [blank] on board the [blank] under my command, is entitled to whatever share or portion of prize-money may accrue to him from [blank] to [blank] [signed] John Barry Capt.” Captain John Barry (1745-1803) entered the service of the Pa- triot cause in late 1775, taking command first of the Alfred and subsequently the Lexington. On April 6, 1776 the Lexington engaged with British sloop Edward, capturing the British vessel and resulting in the first American naval victory of the war. Following the war Barry was made a senior captain in the new and effectively protected U.S. shipping interests in the West Indies during the Quasi War with . He is credited with developing both the navy and its finest commanding officers, including Stephen Decatur. A scarce and ephemeral piece of American naval history. The only example of such a form, also unaccomplished, realized $1100 at Christie’s in 1993. $1500.

An Extensive Archive of a Connecticut Soldier in the Civil War

16. Bartlett, Halsey: [LETTER ARCHIVE FOR 6th CONNECTICUT INFANTRY SOLDIER HALSEY BARTLETT, KILLED IN AC- TION BY A CONFEDERATE SHARPSHOOTER AT BERMUDA HUNDRED]. [Various places including New Haven, but mainly Beaufort and Port Royal, S.C.]. 1861-1864. Fifty-seven autograph letters, signed, most with printed transcriptions. Typical age toning and foxing, else very good condition.

A wonderful Civil War archive consisting of fifty-seven letters spanning 1861 through 1864. Forty-nine letters of the letters are written by Halsey Bartlett, with eight letters by Bartlett’s fellow soldiers or contemporaries after Bartlett’s death on the battlefield. Halsey Bartlett was from Killingly, Connecticut, and enlisted in the as a private on Aug. 21, 1861. On Sept. 3 he mustered into Co. “A,” 6th Connecticut Infantry, and went to training camp in New Haven. Finding himself in an army camp four days after mustering in, he wrote a letter to his mother and sister (the majority of the letters contained within are addressed to them) and describes life in camp, including the singing of hymns, the rations for the day, and the name of the regiment’s commander, Col. John Chatfield, who was “in the Bull Run Battle.” By mid-October, Bartlett and the men of the 6th Connecticut find themselves heading south to join Gen. Thomas W. Sherman’s Port Royal Expe- dition in . While aboard the Steamer Marion on Oct. 27, 1861, he writes to his mother, echoing the sentiment found in so many early Civil War letters, that he does not believe “this war will last more than six months. Fremont has a large force under him. He is coming down the Missippi [sic] River and this under Gen. Sherman of 75000 is to meet him and one Great Battle is to be fought which will end the war.” That “Great Battle” was never realized, and on Jan. 16, 1862 he writes that his regiment has “not been in any Battle yet,” but that would change three months later, with their participation in the of Fort Pulaski: “April 7, 1862....While I am writing I can hear Heavy Cannons firing from some place. It sounds up in the direc- tion of Fort Pulaski. There is a battle somewhere.” The regiment was engaged in the Battles of Secessionville and Pocotaligo before taking part in the second assault on (, South Carolina, July 18, 1863), where their com- mander, Col. Chatfield, was wounded and later died. Seven weeks after the failed assault, the Union Army was still laying siege to the fort. In a letter dated Sept. 6, 1863, Bartlett, writing from Hilton Head, states he was “on Guard last night and I could hear the Guns from our Batteries on Morris Island and it seemed that they had opened every Gun for such a noise I have never heard in the shooting line... no cessation whatever from Eight o’clock last night until daylight this morning.” Later that night the Confederate garrison abandoned the fort. Eight days later he writes: “Morris Island is all ours now and hope other strongholds about Charleston will ere long will be ours.” The following spring the 6th Connecticut moved north into Virginia, where they participated in the Bermuda Hundred Campaign. Writing again to his sister on May 29, 1864, Bartlett thanks He that “ruleth the whole Nation above and below that I am still alive for I have been in some very hard battles since I came here.... Many who came here with us who were in the best of health are no more. Oh this cruel war when will it be over? I feel now is the time to prepare for the great change before it is too late and by all that I can do with Gods help I will try to live alright so that if we do not meet again on Earth we can meet on the other shore where all is love and sin is no more.” Sadly for Private Bartlett, his war would end less than three weeks later in the bloody Wilderness Campaign. In a letter from Sergeant Earl W. Fisher to his uncle (likely Bartlett’s father), dated June 18, 1864, less than three weeks after Bartlett’s last letter, Fisher relays the sad news:

It has become my very sad duty to inform that cousin Halsey was Killed yes- terday while on Picket-duty in front of our Battry. He was instantly Killed by a Rebel sharp shooter while in the Rifle pits. The ball entering in the right side and passing up through the heart. He only spoke and asked the boys to carry him off quick and died....I thought you could break the very sad news to Aunt much better than I could so I write to you the facts as they are to me.

There are several more letters concerning the death of Bartlett, one of which is written by the lieutenant commanding the company, Hiram L. Grant, regarding the pay that was owed to him when he died and the fate of his effects. Civil War correspondence archives from soldiers killed in battle are rare, especially an archive consisting of almost fifty letters from the fallen soldier. The letters are stored in plastic sleeves and neatly arranged chronologically in two binders, making it easy to follow Bartlett’s journey through the war, and to his untimely demise on a Virginia battlefield. $7500.

An Important Large-Scale Survey Accomplished for the Colonial Governor of Massachusetts in 1765 17. Bernard, Francis: [Miller, Francis, surveyor]: THE ROAD FROM BOSTON TO ALBANY BY WAY OF SPRINGFIELD AND GREAT BARRINGTON...[AND]...BY WAY OF NORTHAMP- TON TO ALBANY [manuscript title within the map]. [New England. 1765]. Pen-and-ink on laid paper, with the road colored in sepia and with water elements in green, with a yellow wash border within the gradients, on seventeen (of eighteen) sheets. Sheet size: 27½ x 214 inches, overall, if joined. Minor repairs, one small blank section in the upper border lacking. Very good. Provenance: Sir Francis Bernard, Colonial Governor of Massachusetts (1712-79); by descent to Robert Spencer Bernard, Nether Winchendon House, Buckinghamshire, England. A truly massive road map, measuring over seventeen feet from east to west, show- ing the roads across the colony of Massachusetts in great detail. It is one of only a handful of road maps to survive from the colonial era. It was created for Sir Francis Bernard, then colonial governor of Massachusetts. In November 1969 noted historian of cartography William P. Cumming discovered in the family home of Sir Francis Bernard “a collection of maps that, in purpose and type, differed so markedly from the more usual military, coastal and general colonial maps of the time that it stands out in both interest and importance. These were domestic maps, of a gentleman’s estates and the roads to them....Probably Sir Francis’s most important contribution to cartography was to have careful surveys made of the roads from Boston...westward to Albany, New York, on a one-inch to two-thirds-mile scale. It was along part of this Albany to Boston road that the American rebels dragged the heavy cannon captured at Fort Ticonderoga that, set up on Dorchester Heights, forced General Howe’s evacuation of Boston in 1776.... No route maps as detailed as these, except for two short New Jersey road maps, are known for any other section of the eastern seaboard until those of Christopher Colles in 1789” (Cumming, pp.29-30). The present manuscript map depicts the road across Massachusetts, but does not extend as far as Albany. The road, divided into miles throughout, extends from Boston to Springfield, where it splits into two westward routes to Albany: the first a more southerly route via Great Barrington, Massachusetts, which ends on the present map at a point approximately thirty-three miles from Albany; and the more northerly route which is shown on the map as far as Northampton, just past the Connecticut River. The map is done on a very large scale of approximately two-thirds of a mile to the inch, with towns, rivers, mountains, residences, meeting- houses, and numerous taverns identified along the way. Cumming records this map (as four separate entries [i.e. MP21-24, although with an incorrect sheet count]). Comprised of eighteen sheets (one narrow blank sheet is missing), the top half of the map is comprised of ten narrow sheets, varyingly long and short, while the bottom half is comprised of eight uniform sheets, each measuring 18½ x 26½ inches. The sheets are as follows: 1) Southeast corner of the map, blank except wash border. 2) Blank except for wash border with a segment of rhumb line. 3) [missing, but would clearly be blank except for wash border with section of rhumb line] 4) Text reading “Boston to Albany.” 5) Text reading “Way to Spr-” with part of the southern road. 6) Text reading “-ingfield” with part of the southern road, including Springfield and the Connecticut River. 7) A small sheet containing text reading “and” and part of the southern route. 8) [blank except for wash border] 9) [blank except for wash border] 10) Southwest corner of the map, blank except for wash border. 11) Northeast corner of the map containing Medford, Boston, and the route as far as Framingham. 12) Text reading “the road” with the northern route from Sudbury to Westborough. 13) Text reading “from” with the route from Shrewsbury to Leicester. 14) Text reading “by” and “road b-” with the route from Brookfield west to Coy’s Hill and the Porpoodock Mountains. 15) Text reading “-y way of Northampton to Albany” showing the route from Belcher- town to Northampton, including part of the Connecticut River and the Hadley Mountains. 16) Text reading “Gr-” with part of the route showing Blandford. 17) Text reading “-eat Barrington” showing the route from the Farmington River to Tyringham. 18) Northwest corner of the map, showing Great Barrington and a bit beyond to the Massachusetts-New York border. Sir Francis Bernard became the colonial governor of Massachusetts in late 1759, shortly after British troops were victorious in the Battle of Quebec. That decisive victory opened a vast region for renewed English settlement and trade, thus necessitating the need for more accurate surveys of the roads. The present manuscript map was surveyed and drawn by talented military mapmaker Francis Miller in 1765 for Bernard, the details of which are recounted by Bernard in a 1766 letter to Lord Barrington: I am desired to certify to your Lordship, that at the beginning of the Year 1764 Genl Gage at my Request, gave Leave to Ensign Francis Miller of the 45th regiment, then stationed in Newfoundland to come to Boston to assist me in some Works of Public Surveying, which I had undertaken in pursuance of resolutions of the general Assembly & partly by Orders from England. Mr Miller being then at an outpost & not easily relieved did not arrive at Boston till Nov in that Year, when the Season for actual Surveying was over. He was employed that Winter & Spring following in protracting the Surveys made that Summer, among which was a compleat Route from Fort Pownal on the River Penobscot to Quebec, & some other curious explorations of the Eastern parts of New England hitherto unknown to Englishmen: of which, elegant Maps drawn by Mr Miller have been transmitted to the Board of Trade. Early in the Last Summer I employed M’ Miller (having previously informed Genl Gage of the Intention) to make an actual Survey from Boston to Albany & back again by another Way being near 200 Miles; & afterwards from Boston to Penobscot being above 200 Miles; by which Means a true Geometrical Line of 400 Miles in length through part of New York & all the habitable part of New-England has been obtained, which will afford great Assistance to the Ascertaining the Geography of this Country & its Sea Coast. After this Survey was finished he was employed in protracting the Same & making Drawings thereof which he has done with great Accuracy & Elegance” [Bernard to Barrington, Jan. 1, 1766, quoted in The Barrington-Bernard Correspondence, p.103]. This important manuscript map, detailing the route from Boston westward towards Albany, constitutes among the earliest of American road maps. CUMMING, BRITISH MAPS OF COLONIAL AMERICA (: University of Chicago Press, 1974) pp.29-30 and Appendix A. The Barrington-Bernard Correspondence (Cambridge: , 1912). $110,000.

The Earliest Known Survey of the Upper Kennebec River

18. Bernard, Francis: [Miller, Francis, after surveys by John Small]: [MANUSCRIPT MAP OF THE KENNEBEC RIVER IN , FROM ITS MOUTH EXTENDING TO A POINT NORTH AP- PROXIMATELY 100 MILES ABOVE FORT WESTERN]. [New England. 1765]. Pen-and-ink with grey and light green wash, on two joined sheets of laid paper, with an unlettered cartouche in the upper right corner in yellow wash, a compass rose additionally decorated in green, red, and yellow, and period ink inscription on verso: “Kennebec River by Capt. Small.” Sheet size: 33¾ x 18¾ inches. Repaired tears in lower portion, old stain in upper right corner. Very good. Provenance: Sir Francis Bernard, Colonial Governor of Massachusetts (1712-79); by descent to Robert Spencer Bernard, Nether Winchendon House, Buckinghamshire, England.

In November 1969 noted historian of cartography William P. Cumming discovered in the family home of Sir Francis Bernard “a collection of maps that, in purpose and type, differed so markedly from the more usual military, coastal and general colonial maps of the time that it stands out in both interest and importance” (Cumming, p.29). The present manuscript map, done on a scale of approximately four and one-half miles to the inch, shows much of the length of the Kennebec, from its mouth to a point approximately 100 miles north of Fort Western, with its various tributar- ies and islands depicted. At the bottom of the map the coast of Maine is shown in much detail, depicting the numerous small islands and inlets from Penobscot Bay in the north to Cape Elizabeth in the south. Numerous forts along the coast are shown, including George’s Fort, Brunswick Fort, and Pemmaquid Fort; and a church is depicted at the mouth of Royall’s River near North Yarmouth. West of the Kennebec a portion of the “Sagadehock or Amorescoggin” River is shown. Along the lower Kennebec, Fort Francfort, Fort Western, and Fort Halifax are identified. Toponyms north of Fort Halifax include “Norridge Walk” and “An Indian Carrying Place” (i.e portage route), which is drawn via hachured line. Sir Francis Bernard became the Colonial Governor of Massachusetts in late 1759, shortly after British troops were victorious in the Battle of Quebec. That decisive French and Indian War victory opened a vast region for renewed English settlement and trade, thus necessitating the need for more accurate surveys of the roads and inland waterways. The present manuscript map was surveyed and drawn by talented military mapmaker Francis Miller in 1765 for Bernard, the details of which are recounted by Bernard in a 1766 letter to Lord Barrington:

I am desired to certify to your Lordship, that at the beginning of the Year 1764 Genl Gage at my Request, gave Leave to Ensign Francis Miller of the 45th regiment, then stationed in Newfoundland to come to Boston to assist me in some Works of Public Surveying, which I had undertaken in pursuance of resolutions of the general Assembly & partly by Orders from England. Mr Miller being then at an outpost & not easily relieved did not arrive at Boston till Nov in that Year, when the Season for actual Surveying was over. He was employed that Winter & Spring following in protracting the Surveys made that Summer, among which was a compleat Route from Fort Pownal on the River Penobscot to Quebec [i.e. Chadwick’s surveys], & some other curious explorations of the Eastern parts of New England hitherto unknown to Eng- lishmen: of which, elegant Maps drawn by Mr Miller have been transmitted to the Board of Trade. [Bernard to Barrington, Jan. 11, 1766, quoted in The Barrington-Bernard Correspondence, p.103]

The present map, based on the surveys of little-known Maine surveyor John Small, would appear to have been among these “curious explorations.” Small (1722/23-61), learned surveying from his father, Samuel Small of Scarborough, Maine, and actively engaged in surveying that region from a young age. In 1745 he was commissioned in the Army, serving at the first expedition against Louisbourg and again in 1757- 58 in upstate New York, including action at Ticonderoga. In 1758-59 he served as a surveyor on Pownall’s expedition to the Penobscot River and the construction of Fort Pownall, and was commissioned a captain in 1759 for service in Amherst’s march on Montreal. “At the expiration of his military duties, January 12, 1761, Captain John Small returned to his home in Scarborough....This contest [i.e. the French and Indian War] had been greatly protracted by the nature of the country... the problem of moving troops encumbered with baggage and artillery was most difficult...Massachusetts realized this need of roads to the utmost; and soon after the conquest of Canada, a highway was projected by the government to connect Maine with that country by way of the Kennebec and Chaudiere rivers. Captain John Howard, with a party of fifteen men, was sent out from Fort Western on the Kennebec River to explore the immediate country, ascertain the disposition of the Indians, and survey the proposed road. John Small joined these scouts September 1, 1761 as First Surveyor....Three weeks later while in the almost impenetrable forests of northern Maine, Captain Howard shot at what he supposed to be a bear, and was horrified to find that he had taken the life of one of his own men, – his first surveyor....At the death of the first surveyor, Captain John Small, since Captain Howard, the commander of the expedition, was entirely unfitted to carry on the work, the project for constructing a military road to Quebec was abandoned, – never to be resumed” – Underhill. Besides the inscription on verso indicating the map was protracted after Small’s surveys, the map itself includes the inscription to the left of Fort Halifax, “Here begins Capt. Small’s Survey,” as well as an inscription in the upper left corner: “Here Capt. Small was killed.” CUMMING, BRITISH MAPS OF COLONIAL AMERICA, pp.29-30; Appendix A. The Barrington-Bernard Correspondence (Cambridge: Harvard University, 1912). Underhill, Descendents of Edward Small of New England (Cambridge: The Riverside Press, 1910), Vol. 1, pp.164-213. $39,500.

Jim Bridger’s Bad Debts

19. [Bridger, Jim]: [Sarpy, John]: [Fur Trade]: [MANUSCRIPT DOCU- MENT SIGNED BY JOHN P. SARPY, TESTIFYING TO THE DISPERSAL OF THE ESTATE OF HENRY FRAEB AND THE DIFFICULTY OF COL- LECTING MONEY FROM FAMED MOUNTAIN MAN JIM BRIDGER]. St. Louis. June 20, 1843. [1]p., docketed on verso. Folio. Old fold lines; some separation at folds, a few repaired with older archival tape. Quite clean and bright. Good.

A remarkable window into the busi- ness dealings of famed mountain man Jim Bridger, this signed manuscript affidavit of John P. Sarpy testifies to his actions on behalf of the estate of fellow fur trader Henry Fraeb, who was killed by Indians in the Rocky Mountains. Sarpy, who was a partner in the major firm of Pierre Chouteau & Co., had worked closely with Fraeb and knew him well. In his affidavit he writes about the Chouteau Company’s concerns about Jim Bridger, Fraeb’s partner at the time of his demise, and the difficulty of getting Bridger to pay his debts. Dated at St. Louis, Sarpy’s affidavit states:

...on the 8th day of August last he was appointed...administrator of the estate of Henry Fraeb then lately deceased. Said Fraeb had been a trader in the mountains, & was at the time of his death in partnership with a man of the name of James Bridger, & said Bridger & Fraeb were indebted to the firm of Pierre Chouteau Jr. & Co., & it was feared by the members of said firm that unless some one became the administrator of the said Fraeb, the said Bridger might interpose difficulties in the settlement of the accounts existing between them & Bridger & Fraeb. & for the purpose of doing justice to themselves, as well as to the said Fraeb, the said Sarpy applied for letters of administration, which were granted to him as above mentioned. The said Bridger has however since this time been here & has settled in full the accounts existing between the firm of Pierre Chouteau Jr. & Co. & the said Bridger & Fraeb. And the said Sarpy says that no property has come into his hands as the administra- tor of the said Fraeb, although it may be that the said Fraeb has property in the [mountain?] country or in the hands of James Bridger his former partner.

Though he may have been one of the greatest and most beloved mountain men of all time, Jim Bridger was not the best debt in the world, nor did Pierre Chouteau & Co. forget business. $5500.

The Marquess of Rockingham’s Manuscript Account of Proceedings in the House of Lords

20. [British Parliament]: [Rockingham, Marquess of ]: [TWO MANU- SCRIPT VOLUMES CONTAINING PARLIAMENTARY PRO- TESTS FILED IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS FROM 1641 TO 1799]. [London. 1641, 1660-1799]. Two volumes. [10],610; 311,[24]pp. Large folio. First volume in black morocco, elaborately tooled in gilt; second volume in dark green calf, also elaborately gilt. Hinges cracked, head and foot of spine worn; extremities rubbed, boards lightly scuffed. Internally fine, with very minor scattered foxing. Contemporary armorial bookplate of the Marquess of Rockingham on front pastedown. In matching blue half morocco clamshell cases, spines gilt.

An exhaustive manuscript set of protests lodged by Members of the House of Lords over the period from 1641 to 1799, copied by the clerks in the Parliament Office and bound for Charles Watson-Wentworth, Second Marquess of Rockingham, with his bookplate. Peers had the right to protest decisions reached by Parliament into the journal or formal record of the House’s proceedings, simply by signing their names against the record of the decision. Members could also add a protest consisting of a reason or series of reasons for their dissent; the first such protest originated in 1641. Such protests were not published at the time and would not have been available in printed form. This set includes, among other things, protests lodged against the Stamp Act and the Declaratory Act during the period preceding the American Revolution. Charles Watson-Wentworth, Second Marquess of Rockingham (1730-82) had long been a supporter of American rights and played a major role in the indepen- dence of the United States. He was Prime Minister first in 1766, and oversaw the repeal of the Stamp Act. His second stint as Prime Minister came in 1782, when he led Parliament in recognizing the independence of the United States at the end of the American Revolution. Rockingham always urged moderation in his government’s treatment of the colonies, but nevertheless condemned the Boston Tea Party and other outrages, and in this respect did not differ from the rest of the British establishment during the time. Close connections with prominent British merchants influenced his support of the colonies, which were highly profit- able for British trade, when not engaged in open rebellion. He was also the political mentor of Charles James Fox, the leading voice of American sympathy in British debates, and Edmund Burke was his personal secretary and political mouthpiece. Protest against the repeal of the Stamp Act takes up fourteen pages, covering the dissent over the second and third readings of the bill, on March 11 and 17, 1766. Among the reasons given for protesting the repeal in the second reading, the journal states that a bill could have been made to amend the Stamp Act, without repealing it, which the Lords would have considered “with a warm desire of relieving our countrymen in America, from any grievance or hardship; but with proper care to enforce their submission and obedience to the law so amended and to the whole Legislative Authority of Great Britain, without any reserve or distinction whatsoever.” Likewise listed as reasons are the irrefutable authority of the power of taxation and the need for Americans to be taxed like all other British subjects, and the obvious ability of the Americans to bear their portion of the tax burden. Another point indicated is that if Americans are given the free trade they desire, the colonies will no longer be of any benefit to Britain, and would in fact be “in the highest degree prejudicial to the commerce and welfare of their Mother Country.” The dissent on the third reading opens with the statement:

We think, that the Declaratory Bill we pass’d last week, cannot possibly obviate the growing mischiefs in America where it may seem calculated only to deceive people of Great Britain, by holding forth a delusive and nugatory affirmance of the legislative right of this Kingdom, whilst enacting part of it, does no more than abrogate the resolutions of the House of Representatives in the North American Colonies, which have not in themselves the least colour of authority; and declares that which is apparently and certainly criminal only, null and void.

The dissent closes with the statement:

...repeal of this law, under the present circumstances, will we fear not only sur- render the honour and essential interests of the Kingdom now and forever both at home and abroad...[but] we in effect annihilate this branch of the legislature and vote ourselves useless; or if by passing this bill, we mean to justify those who in America, and even in Great Britain, have treated a series of British Acts of Parliament, as so many acts of Tyranny and Oppression, which it is scarcely criminal to resist...we shall then give our approbation to an open breach of the first article of that great palladium of our liberties, the Bill of Rights....

The second volume contains numerous dissents related to the conflict with the American colonies, including an eloquent protest directed to the King regarding the imprudence and potential disgrace of hiring foreign mercenaries to fight the colonists. Additionally, protests against ceasing trade with the colonies and the impressment of American seamen. Altogether, a trove of British Parliamentary opinions, with important commentary on the American Revolution, with excellent and significant provenance. $37,500.

21. Brown, Jacob: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM GEN. JACOB BROWN TO NATHAN WILLIAMS, CALLING FOR AS- SISTANCE AT THE SIEGE OF FORT ERIE]. West Bloomfield, N.Y. Aug. 30, 1814. [1]p. plus integral address leaf. Quarto, on a folded folio sheet. Old fold lines. Minor soiling. Near fine. In a green half morocco and cloth clamshell case, spine gilt.

A hasty note written by Maj. Gen. Jacob Brown to New York politician Nathan Williams, requesting more arms and equipment for the siege of Fort Erie, currently underway. The Americans, led by Brown, captured Fort Erie on July 3, 1814. Brit- ish forces led by Lieut. Gen. Gordon Drummond engaged the Americans at the bloody Battle of Lundy’s Lane on July 25, where Brown was wounded; the Ameri- cans retreated to Fort Erie, and Brown was sent off to convalesce. After repeated sorties and engagements American commander Gen. Gaines was gravely wounded and Brig. Gen. Eleazer Ripley (who thought the whole operation was doomed to failure) took command. Brown, though not quite recovered from wounds taken at the battle of Lundy’s Lane the previous month, was sent to replace the pessimistic Ripley as the commander of the Fort. Brown had made a name for himself at the battles of Sackett’s Harbor and Lundy’s Lane, and his actions at the Siege would cement his position as a national hero, winning him the Congressional Gold Medal in November 1814. Brown jotted this note before setting out to command the troops at the Fort. He writes:

My dear Sir I am so far on my way towards Buffalo. The militia turn out better than was expected. We shall I fear be deficient in arms. You will jump into your easy carriage and ride to Rome as fast as possible upon the receipt of this and see that the keeper of the arsenal there forwards fifteen hundred stand with equipments compleat with all the rapidity possible. Your attention is of much importance.

A wonderful letter, written by Maj. Gen. Jacob Brown on his way to the battle that would ensure his lasting fame. $1500. The Civil War in the American West

22. Burton, Chester W. [and others]: [EXTENSIVE ARCHIVE OF BUR- TON FAMILY CORRESPONDENCE, INCLUDING LETTERS FROM DENVER CONCERNING POSSIBLE REBEL INVASION AND POST-WAR LETTERS FROM MONTANA]. [, Mon- tana, and other locations. Mid-1800s to early 1900s]. Approximately 750 items, including correspondence between Chester W. Burton and family and friends throughout the country, financial documents concerning money trans- actions and deeds, pamphlets, account books, diaries, family photographs, and newspaper clippings. Overall good to very good condition.

A massive archive of family correspondence with important western American content. Chester Warren Burton (1831-1916) was born in Portland, New York to War of 1812 veteran Hiram Burton and his wife, Harriet. Burton’s grandfather and uncles also fought in the War of 1812, with one uncle, Salmon Burton, los- ing his life as a result of wounds received at the Battle of Little York, Canada in 1813. Burton married fellow Portland resident M. Harris (1838-1916) in 1861, and together they had three children. Freedom was heavily involved in the Universalist Social Society, which provided aid to local soldiers. Although Burton was drafted during the Civil War on Aug. 18, 1863, he provided a substitute named James Kelly, who deserted after one month of service. An 1881 Portland/Chautau- qua atlas includes a brief biography of Burton, identified as a “fruit grower” who also worked as a civil engineer for six years and served as an assessor. He was also described as a “Universalist and a republican.” The present archive includes approximately seventy-five pre-Civil War letters, documents, land indentures, and more, which focus primarily on Burton’s grandfa- ther, Simon, and his father, Hiram, as well as Freedom’s father, Joseph Elliot Harris. Some of the correspondence pertains to the family’s pursuit of bounty claims owed Simon in . Hiram Burton’s handwritten application for a pension in which he outlines his service as a War of 1812 veteran, which he submitted in 1871, also accompanies the archive. Another noteworthy, pre-war item is a penciled note calling for a public demonstration against the introduction of slavery into the ter- ritories, dated March 1861. The collection contains close to 100 letters, documents, and other ephemera dating from the 1860s, including Civil War-era correspondence, such as a small batch of letters written to Burton from soldiers from Co. D of the 9th New York , namely James Ogden, who enlisted as a corporal and was promoted to bugler (which he noted in a December 1861 letter), and Charles Crosby, who enlisted as a corporal and was later promoted to sergeant. Burton also corresponded with Joe E. Cook of Western , who wrote in a Jan. 20, 1861 letter:

Surely I “Hurrah for Anderson,” and groan for our treason-fostering President. It is folly to predict on the events that are transpiring, and which are in immedi- ate connection and dependence with so vacillating and treacherous old Benedict Batch. But, let the events take whatever turn they may, at the beginning; ever so horrid and bloody, the result will be glorious. I cannot believe but that we are about to witness the worst stage on which this nation has ever acted, and do tremble when I think of the guillotine of vengeance that the southern people are raising higher and higher above their own heads, trampling with haughty tread and iron heel over the mute-floored powdermills that for years have been accumulating with black fulminating dust of hate.

Another letter written early in the war to “Friend Chet” from Cook includes strong content about joining the war effort, the Constitution, and the issue of slavery. In the Oct. 14, 1861 letter Cook states, in part:

With Gerrit Smith I abhor war, but with him I am “sick of the shams of this war” and am quite unable to decide what will be the eventuation of the Ad- ministration in regard to Slavery. If it shall decide to emancipate unreservedly then the war will be protracted and very bloody, but if they shall continue as the watch-word, “Vive la Constitution,” then the war will be short....

He goes on to mention John Brown Jr. taking a number of men from Erie County, where he resided, as well as Crawford County, Pennsylvania. A small group of war-dated documents pertain to Burton being drafted, including a partially printed draft notice from the provost marshal’s office, with a railroad pass to the muster location in Dunkirk, New York, and two small printed notices, one a circular about types of exemptions, the other outlining the procedure for supply- ing a substitute or paying $300 to Internal Revenue. The circular emphasized that the drafted individual must appear in person with receipt or send substitute, or be charged with desertion. Burton’s draft deferment is also included. Some of the most interesting Civil War-period letters in this archive were writ- ten from Denver, Colorado by Burton’s sister, Maria, and her husband, J. Billings. They concern the sizable population of southerners in the Colorado gold fields and in Denver itself, and the agitation among them to claim the territory for the Confederacy. In a letter dated Sept. 5, 1861, believed to be from Maria, panic in Denver over a possible rebel invasion/insurrection is discussed:

We are having exciting times here & have had for the last 4 weeks. There are a great many secessionist here & they talk pretty tough, but as yet have done nothing but talk. There is a regiment raising here for home protection & it does not suit the southern Chivalry here. They make all sorts threats & there are all sorts of rumors fresh ones every day. First comes about the Texas Rang- ers then the Indians then the secessionists from the mountains & I suppose the next thing will be something else. The first United States court met last Monday & the Grand Jury has been doing something I should think by the way the Rebels are leaving town this afternoon & I hope that it will have the effect to keep them away. One of them is our nearest neighbor & the big gun among them. I think the grand jury must have a traitor among them. I hope that he may get his just desserts....There is a great deal of anxiety to hear from the states here to know what is going on there. Times are very dull here and have been all summer. Money is out of the question...it is dicker, barter & trade. There are a great many men in the mountains that are taking out money very fast & then again there are a great many that are making nothing. I have some property here that is very valuable if there was money here to pay for it.

In a follow-up letter dated Oct. 20, 1861, Maria mentions the increased level of security in Denver: “ has 150 men stationed throughout town every night. Men serve duty every four days.” Burton’s brother-in-law, Billings, provides an interesting description of early Denver, and he mentions the following incident in a letter of Dec. 14, 1863, while speaking of the local sheriff: “I have not been able to see him yet as he went South about the time you left. He will be back tomorrow, then I suppose he will take Van Horn up to Central and hang him.” Billings was likely referring to William S. Van Horn, who was convicted of murdering a man by the name of Josiah Copeland with the help of his mistress, although she was not charged with the crime. Van Horn was taken to Denver and held in the Arapahoe County Jail in an attempt to avoid a lynching, and on Dec. 18, 1863 he was hanged in front of a crowd of thousands in Central City. This was the first legal execution carried out under territorial authority. Two letters written to Burton from an unidentified homesteader in Montana, between February and the “First day of Spring” 1867, feature rich content about the Gold Rush and surviving the winter out west. In the Feb. 27 letter he offers a detailed description of the machine used in hard-rock gold mining to pulverize the quartz to remove the gold, which is then “amalgamated” with mercury to extract the gold. In the second letter he describes in great detail stampeding during the harsh Montana winters:

You must not call the Stampeder foolish. He came here to make a big thing, has worked all summer for wages which though good will never approach riches...a stampede occurs. The weather is mild; he has enough money to buy an outfit, and with those prospects before him...home by another winter. Is he to blame for not seeing the terrors of a winter’s stampede in the rocky moun- tains! I studied my plans carefully, and know that they will operate, among which I was to let out the stampeding, but my notion is to move and the fact that I was unable to purchase an outfit has left me still thirsting for gold....

The archive also includes hundreds of post-war documents, manuscripts, and re- lated ephemera, such as letters from children and grandchildren to Burton and his wife in Chautauqua, and while wintering in Florida; many church pamphlets; and Women’s Christian Temperance Union pamphlets. A vast and research-rich archive for Civil War and Western American scholars and collectors. $9000.

The King of Spain Writes About Indian Revolts in New Spain, 1651

23. [California]: Philip IV of Spain: [AN EXCEPTION- AL LETTER, SIGNED, BY KING PHILIP IV TO THE VICEROY OF NEW SPAIN, WITH REFERENCE TO THE THREATENED RE- VOLT OF THE INDIANS OF SINALOA AND NUEVA VIZ- CAYA DURING THE COM- MANDING OFFICER’S AB- SENCE IN CALIFORNIA]. Madrid. March 27, 1651. [2]pp. Folio. Minimal edge toning, else fine.

An important letter from the King of Spain, Philip IV, regarding Indian revolts on the California border in the mid-17th century. The King is also asking the Viceroy’s opinion as to whether it would be advisable to place the government of Sinaloa under that of Nueva Vizcaya or to agree to its complete separation. Little is known of the thirty-year period in California before the arrival of Kino, making this letter of special interest to historians of the Golden State. The letter reads, in part and in translation:

...In a letter from Don Diego Guardo Faxardo, my Governor and Captain General of the provinces of New Vizcaya, dated 14th June, 1649, he gives an account of the intended rising of the Taraumares Indians who live in the midst of those provinces and that of Sinaloa; and, foreseeing the danger that might arise should the Indians retire towards that part, he decided – the of- ficer commanding the garrison having set out for the – to send a responsible person to command the troops and to catch the enemy in the midst of their preparations and make them my subjects...that he found the Captain of the Garrison showed much resistance because the said province was always under the Government of Nueva Vizcaya and their predecessors had refrained from nominating a commanding officer of the Garrison merely to please my Viceroys of New Spain, which had led to much inconvenience, for, not being under their command in military matters, the good effect gained in the other way was lost; because they do not wish to come under the rule of the Gover- nors of the provinces of New Vizcaya....I therefore request you to make full investigations and notify me, together with your own opinion on the subject.

Previously offered as item 4293 in Maggs’ Bibliotheca Americana V (1926). $12,500.

No Mercy for Deserters

24. Carleton, Guy: [LETTER, SIGNED, FROM GEN. GUY CAR- LETON TO GEN. CLARKE, REGARDING DESERTERS AT THE CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR; TOGETHER WITH A DOCUMENT SIGNED BY GEN. FREDERICK MACK- ENZIE ON THE SAME SUBJECT]. New York. May 15, 1783. 2pp. Letter with integral blank. Folio. Old fold lines. Minor soiling and wear. Very good. In a half morocco and cloth clamshell box, spine gilt.

Brig. Gen. Guy Carleton writes to Brig. Gen. Alured Clarke regarding clemency for deserters from the British Army at the end of the American Revolution; to- gether with orders for Gen. Clarke from Deputy Adj. Gen. Frederick Mackenzie, dated May 14, to deny any deserters wishing to return to the ranks. At the time, Carleton, who was Commander in Chief of all British forces in North America, was overseeing the evacuation of the British forces and Loyalists from New York, a process that would last until November. He writes:

I enclose a copy of an order [not present] I have given here relative to deserters: Such as come in and surrender themselves to the officer commanding at any of our posts, shall be pardoned in like manner. You will take such measures for the transportation of the sick from Philadelphia to this place, as, from their numbers and other circumstances, you shall judge most convenient and adviseable, paying some attention to their own wishes.

The order from Gen. Mackenzie, however, is far less forgiving and countermands Carleton’s order:

The Commander in Chief has so far pardoned several English deserters, as to allow them to return within the lines, and to send them home; but their dishonor is not done away. No regiment here shall receive them, nor shall they again serve in this army. ’Tis recommended to the soldiers of every British, and to the soldiers of every British American , to kick all such rascals out of their quarters, should they have the impudence to come in among them.

$2500.

25. Carlisle, John W.: [MANUSCRIPT DIARY OF UNION SOLDIER JOHN CARLISLE OF COMPANY “F,” 95th PENNSYLVANIAN INFANTRY]. 1861-1866. 190pp. plus two photos and four tintypes. 12mo. Contemporary calf. Boards rubbed, minor chipping to extremi- ties, hinges tender but holding. Quite good condition generally.

The detailed and extensive journal of John Carlisle of the Pennsylvania In- fantry from 1861 to 1866. Carlisle’s entries vary from a single sentence to a full page, with recordings nearly every day. His first entry begins with his enrollment on Sept. 12, 1861 and re- cords day-to-day troop movements and engagements with the enemy, including the Battle of Gaines’ Mill.

[Oct. 24, 1861] Regt attended the funeral of Col Baker at Washington 1028 went on review at Washington by Gen Geo B McClellan about 11,000 men in line....[Dec. 13] A soldier of the first regt NY Cavalry was shot by a detachment of 12 men of his own Regt for trying to desert over to the Rebels.... [ Jan. 5,1862] Received new Belgian rifles....[ Jan. 11] on a visit to Alexandria went in the Marshall house where Col Ellsworth was shot by Jackson while hauling down the rebel flag....[May 17] Left camp and went in the woods to reconoitre [sic] by companies. Came across 2 divisions of Rebels had a fight for about 3 hours on pickit for over night....[ June 27] fine day, got marching orders called into line several times through the day, left camp at one p.m. for battle. crossed the river. Had a severe battle with the enemy at Gains Hill. Our Col, Major, Capt, and Lieut wounded. Regt returned to camp after dark.... [ June 30] fine day left picket at 7 a.m. and marched back 2 miles to act as rear guard for the wagons, under arms all afternoon. Heavy artillery fight around us laid on the ground for three or four hours.

In December 1862, Carlisle fell ill and was hospitalized. He was discharged for disability a few months later but re-enlisted in February of 1862 with the 112th Regiment Pennsylvania Volunteers. Entries for the last days of the war include mention of Petersburg and transport of prisoners.

[April 3, 1865] Comp in the evening at a place called chester 8 miles from Point of rocks, 12 miles from Richmond on the Petersburg and Richmond railroad.... [April 4] the right of our comp (1/2) went out in the afternoon a scouting. I staid in comp with the left about 1 hour after the left of our comp and part of comp K and M fell in line and went to some coal pits, a distance of 20 miles from chester reached there 12 midnight. Captured about 60 prisoners on the march, and 3 locomotives at the coal pits. After getting up steam we left the coal pits, with the prisoners on board....

Also included are an undated Grand Army of the Republic reunion photo with the note, a carte de visite of Carlisle’s brother, Godfrey, and four tintypes of Carlisle’s family members. A well preserved and detailed account of the war, with good content on the movements of the Pennsylvania Regiment. $4500.

26. Carroll, Charles: [RETAINED COPY OF AN AUTOGRAPH LET- TER, SIGNED, FROM CHARLES CARROLL OF CARROLLTON TO CORNELIUS HOWARD, CONCERNING THE SALE OF SOME LAND]. Annapolis. Dec. 23, 1789. [2]pp. Quarto. Old fold lines. Some light chipping and wear. About very good.

Retained copy of a letter written by Maryland notable and signer of the Declaration of Independence, Charles Carroll of Carrollton, discussing land transactions with his agent, Cornelius Howard. The land in question was in the vicinity of Rochester, New York. Charles Carroll of Carrollton (1737-1832) lived a long and fascinating life. Born in Annapolis, he was a member of Maryland’s revolutionary government known as the Annapolis Convention as well as the Annapolis Committee of Safety, a signer of the Declaration of Independence (and the only Catholic signatory), a delegate to the Continental Congress, and a United States Senator from Maryland. Carroll was a planter, investor, and businessman, and one of the wealthiest men in the United States. He writes:

Sir, I should be glad to be informed whether you have made any progress to- wards completing the survey of Rochester, and whether you have sold any more parcels of land out of that tract, and to whom, and on what terms. Be pleased to furnish me with a list of the person’s names to whom sold, if you have sold any land, since I saw you in Baltimore town, setting down in said list ye price p. an. & quantity of acres sold to each. I request you will receive for me the rent & arrears of rent of the man, who formerly paid Richd. Ridgeley....I wish also to be informed whether you have sold to Mr. Owings, the land which Macklefresh had agreed to buy of Richd. Ridgeley. I request you will receive for me of the persons underneath mentioned the respective sums due from each of them for a year’s interest, and your receipt for the same shall be good against.

He proceeds to list eight names and the sums owed. A second, shorter letter, also to Howard, is written in a cramped hand on the verso of the sheet. Dated Jan. 19, 1790, it also includes some discussion of the purchase of land in Rochester, and is signed “C.C. of C.” $1500.

Charles II Writes the Governor of Virginia 27. Charles II, King of England: [LETTER, SIGNED, FROM KING CHARLES II TO COLONIAL GOVERNOR SIR WILLIAM BERKELEY, REGARDING A DEBT OWED BY THE KING’S DECEASED SERVANT TO A RESIDENT OF VIRGINIA]. Stir- ling, Scotland. May 20, 1651. [1]p. on a folded folio sheet, docketed on verso. Original folds, minor toning, remnants of seal. Very good. Matted and framed.

An early colonial Virginia document in which King Charles II asks the colonial governor of Virginia, Sir William Berkeley, to pay a £460 debt owed by the King’s deceased servant, Charles Murray, to Edward Whitney. The King vows to then reimburse Berkeley for the debt. He explains that Whitney intends to settle in Virginia for “the remainder of his dayes.” The text is written in a fine scribal hand, with the King’s signature above the text. The docketing reads: “To our trusty and welbeloved William Berkely Our Governour of Virginia.” Colonial documents from Virginia as early as this are rare in the market. Charles II became King of England when his father was executed in 1648. He was recognized as king by Scotland in 1649, and operated from there in 1650 and 1651. On Sept. 3, 1651, Charles was soundly defeated by Oliver Cromwell’s forces at the Battle of Worcester, and was forced to flee to Europe. This document thus stems from the narrow time frame between his accession to the throne and his exile. In 1660, after Cromwell’s death, Charles was restored to the English throne. Sir William Berkeley was appointed governor of Virginia in 1641 by Charles I. He held the post until 1652, when he was removed by the forces of the Com- monwealth but was allowed to remain on his Virginia plantation. In 1660 Charles II reappointed him governor, and he remained in that post until his death in 1677. $3750. A Superb Archive of Civil War Service in the Trans-Mississippi West

28. [Civil War]: Kirkpatrick, Samuel Cotter: [EXTENSIVE LETTER AR- CHIVE FROM UNION SERGEANT SAMUEL COTTER KIRK- PATRICK OF THE 11th WISCONSIN VOLUNTEER INFANTRY, TO VARIOUS FAMILY MEMBERS, 1861 – 1865]. [Wisconsin, Mis- souri, , Mississippi, , Texas, and . 1861-1865]. Approximately ninety-five letters (ranging from two to four pages each and most with original transmittal envelope), a carte de visite of Kirkpatrick, two military documents, and additional post-war correspondence from various correspondents to Kirkpatrick family members. Also includes a typescript of Kirkpatrick’s itinerary during the Civil War and copies of typed transcriptions of many of the letters. Some dampstaining and minor chipping, a couple ar- chival tape repairs, with a handful of tears and paper loss affecting some lines of text; but most letters in good to very good condition.

An outstanding Civil War letter group from a twice-wounded Wisconsin soldier who experienced much of the Civil War on the western side of the Mississippi River. Samuel Cotter Kirkpatrick, the oldest of six children of James Gilliam and Caroline Newman Kirkpatrick, was born and died in Grant County, Wisconsin. On Sept. 11, 1861 the nineteen-year-old Kirkpatrick enrolled in the 11th Regiment, Wisconsin Volunteer Infantry at Mineral Point, Wisconsin. He was discharged at Indianola, Texas on Feb. 13, 1864, having attained the rank of sergeant. That same day Kirkpatrick re-enlisted and served until Sept. 4, 1865, when he was discharged at Mobile, Alabama. He suffered two wounds during the war: the first in the left ear at Port Gibson, Mississippi about May 1, 1863; the second in the left breast by shrapnel at Big Black River, Mississippi on May 17, 1863. Kirkpatrick married Caroline Mary Ritchey on April 4, 1864, and together they had five children. The 11th Wisconsin served west of the Mississippi in Arkansas, Louisiana, and Texas. The regiment served in Arkansas from March 1862 to March 1863, took part in the Vicksburg campaigns during the spring and summer, then in Louisiana in the fall. In late November 1863 the regiment was transported by steamship to Point Isabel, Texas. For the next three months they fought in difficult campaigns on the Texas coast before returning to in late February 1864. They then returned to hard campaigning in western Louisiana until they had completed their three-year enlistment terms in late September 1864. Kirkpatrick had completed his full three-year term earlier that year. Kirkpatrick wrote many letters over the course of his time in the service to family members in Grant County, Wisconsin, describing his life as a soldier, his health, descriptions of the various locations of his camp, and military news. His letters date from Sept. 30, 1861 to July 17, 1865. Several excerpts are presented below and represent only a small percentage of the excellent content contained in this extensive archive. In the first letter, dated Sept. 30, 1861, Kirkpatrick writes to a cousin from Camp Cairo [Defiance?], , exhibiting the bravado of a young soldier lacking experience in battle: “There is a bout five thousand soldiers hear now. Up the Ohio River about forty miles, there is twenty thousand more and acrost the river there is four thousand more and down the mississippi at norfork there is eight thousand more. We defy old jeff davis to come up hear and we will give him hell.” A few months later on Dec. 11, 1861, Kirkpatrick writes from Camp Curtis in Sulphur Springs, Missouri, in part:

I was corporal of the guard last night at 10 o’clock the picket guard was fired upon. One of them came in to camp and gave the alarm. The adjutant...gave the captains the...order for the men to fall in with musket, arm[s] and equip- ment. The boys fell in very quick, but some of them was scared so bad....It was a false alarm. The cavalry [had] been out on a scout and fired on the pickets for fun. There is 300 cavalry from Wis., Milw. here now and Larabee [?] is with them. He is in our tent now...he had been in the service 4 months. He is the same old Laraby. 3 of our companies has gone 60 miles down the river to the Burnt Bridge. I was down to the banks of the river and I saw lots of the boys in swimming. That was the 7 of this month...we rip around here in our shirt sleeves. There was a squad of us went out three or four miles...we saw sum purty rough co[untry] and sum ruff gals...things was sober here last Sunday. The flag hung at half mast all day. One of our boys died on Saturday night. He was one of the Mineral Point boys. His name was Mike Bender. We buried him about three hundred yards from the camp....

The 11th Wisconsin soon found themselves facing Confederate marauders. In a four-page letter dated Jan. 11, 1862, Kirkpatrick reports:

We left Sulpher Springs the 10[th] for Victoria 20 miles down the river it is 25 miles back of the river further west. There is only 2 companies left in Camp Curtis...the Eight Regiment is all at Sulpher Springs. They are going on a march...northwest to guard the bridges. Capt. [ Jesse] Miller and his company is here with us and the rest of the regiment is along the road to watch bridges. Victoria is a very nice place. It is on the railroad. The cars run from St. Louis to Pilot Knob every day and they make it a very lively little place. Victoria is the nicest place that I see[n] in Mo. I was down the railroad to a bridge with 3 men...a big red fox crossed the creek which frightened us....We have 3 of Jeff Tomsons [Thompson’s] men in our camp...that Capt. Miller has taken. They have taken the oath and have to report themselves here ever Saturday. They was here today. One of them is a boy 18 years old. It looks hard to see them. They are about skeered to death. One of them had his father with him. They said they was forced in it. They was told that they would get 24 dollars a month but they did not get anything not even their clothes. They say that Jeff Thompson’s army is more like indians than anything else. One day there will be a lot of them together and the next they will be disbanded....We had a Devel of a time yesterday. Our first lieutenant and orderly sergeant went out to a little town to get one of their boats mended and...they was surrounded. They drew out their revolvers and told them to stand off. They kept backing off and soon fell back to a bridge where some of our men was and then they was safe they came into camp and gave the alarm. We sent out 20 men. They went back to the town under the command of the first lieutenant. We marched up to the saloon and [they] began to run out and we sirkled out around town and commanded halt which they did. We took 4 horses and seven men and the rest got away. One horse that we took is supposed to be a captain’s horse. He is a fine dark iron gray. The rest are scrub horses. It is supposed that there was about 30 of them....

The 11th Wisconsin settles in Missouri, and two months later Kirkpatrick sends news regarding mid-term elections:

[March 2, 1862]...it is lection day tomorrow down here and we started 20 men out this morning abbot 20 miles from the camp. They are to see that every man takes the oath before he comes to the poles to vote. There is another squad and the orderly sergeant going out to a little town called Hillsbur [Hillsboro], the county seat tomorrow...there was 30 of our men went down the road last thursday to relieve some of the Illinois troops. It is 20 miles from this place is called Politte [Potosi]. There is three blockhouses to build where they are and it is impossible for 30 men to go all that work and stand guard...the major [Arthur Platt] thinks that the rest of our Co. had better go down there...so after we all get back from the election we will go....Col. Carland at Pilot Knob is getting up a brigade. We thought that we would be put in that brigade... tuesday I seen the most mules that I ever seen. They passed a going to the Knob. There 40 cars and 18 mules in a car. They was a splendid lot of mules. Yesterday there was fifteen h[un]dred cavalrymen and horses...they are a going to join Col. Carland’s Brigade. This brigade is going out into Arkansas after Old [Sterling] Price....

In an Aug. 17, 1862 letter to his father Kirkpatrick wrote from camp in Old Town, Arkansas, sending news about his regiment and describing the presence of escaped slaves following his regiment and seeking work:

7 Co. out of [our] Regiment and sum of the 33 Ill. Reg gone down the river with the fleet of gunboats. Our troops is in Little Rock at last and the report is that General Hindman is a coming down White River to get Vicksburg...as our men got in 15 miles of Little Rock the rebels left and...the boats left this morning with 5 days rations. Simple Scrogen [ James Simple Scoggin] died nite before last and was buried yesterday morning. He had the brain fever and was a getting along very well...we was very sorry to lose him for he has proved to be a good soldier and a good boy. We have a darkey to do all fatigue duty such as cooking, loading the wagons and cutting new roads...the negroes has meeting every Sunday. Oh Lord how they dress nice with white silk stockings. [If ] one see[n] the legs of them [they] would think it was somebody. Oh golly how they strut. The officers don’t let any stay in camp without [being] em- ployed. Some of them comes to the general and swear that they have worked on fortifications that beaver seen a fortification.

Still stationed in Old Town, Arkansas, he writes on Sept. 11, 1862:

We have been down the river on another cotton expedition to Laconia it is on the Arkansas side there was 7 Cos out of our Reg and 6 of the 33 Ill Reg. We went down on the Emma and the 33 went on the Starr. Our Co. and Co. K took the hurricane deck...we found 3 acres of watermelon 2 Cos. of cavalry found them and the officers put a guard over them the Captain of the Cavalry came to Col. Hoag and told...it was impossible to keep the boys out of the patch. The Col. went and seen the man that owned the melons and the Col. told him to let the boys have the melons and he would guard his property...we was here thursday a hunting cotton. They had burned the most of it. We only got about 100 bales...we was at several splendid plantations. One in particular it was a very large plantation and splendid buildings and about 200 blacks. The yard was most like the yard around the academy in Plattsville....things look very dark on our side...[referring to the Antietam campaign] if the rebels gets into Washington it will make Old Abe prick up his ears...the report is that they have had another fite at Bull Run and licked us a very bloody battle. A great many lives lost...there was 4 boats went down...loaded with prisoners for Vicksburg to be exchanged. As they passed they hollered for Bull Run No. 2 and for Jeff Tomson....

In a letter dated Sept. 24, 1862, Kirkpatrick describes a skirmish in which two contrabands are killed:

Camped in 6 miles of Helena, Ark...we have moved our camp again it is a flat country on the bank of the river in an old field....Six Cos of the 33 Ill. Reg was down the river after cotton. They did not come out so well...as they was coming back the rebels got a battery planted back of the levy and as our boat came up they fired into her several times and would have captured our boat if it had not been for a Ram that was ahead. It heard the firing and came back. We fired into them several times...we must have killed several as...our men [that] could see them thought there was about 2500. They outnumbered us...our loss was 2 men out of the battery and 4 men out of the 33 Ill and 2 negroes....[T]he fleet is just returning from Vicksburg...Old McClellan’s clan was giving the rebels gas in Vir...got a letter from A.F. Niles and he wrote that he was afraid of being drafted...such men as that helped bring on this war and now they are the last to take hold and help squash it. We are under marching orders...we are ordered to Memphis....

By 1863, Kirkpatrick’s confidence in Union victory had dimmed considerably. He writes a long letter describing foraging campaigns, an ambush, and an amputation:

Camp on the Current River, Mo., Jan. 1, 1863....General Daverson [Union Brig. Gen. John Wynn Davidson] came here and when he came into camp we fired a general’s salute....[W]e have the pontoon bridge laid across the river... and we send out a train everyday a foraging....[L]ast Sabbath we started out to forage from the 11th and 33 Ill. under command of Lieutenant [Eli H.] Mix of our Reg and the other in command of Lieutenant [Spencer P.] Wright of the 24 Mo. Reg. They went out from the river some 9 miles. Mix got his train loaded and started for camp. There was not corn enough in that field to load both trains. There was another field close by so Lieutenant Wright took the remainder intu the other field and Mix went to camp. He had not gone very far when he heard considerable firing...he sent into camp for reinforce- ments which was sent out on the double quick...our Co had to go and Co. G... and 2 companies out of the 33 Ill...and one Co. of the first Wisconsin and 2 parts...of 13 Ill. Cavalry...the Secesh had out numbered them and taken them all prisoners, Lieutenant Wright and 21 privates and 7 wagons and all the teamsters...the cavalry pressed them and when they got up to them the rebels was too strong for our men. They numbered between 8 and 9 hundred so they got away with all when the scrimage tuck place. We found 2 men dead of the rebels and they wounded 4 of our men, one so bad that they had to take his leg off. I seen the doctor take it off. It looked pretty rough. We went to camp for an ambulance to haul the wounded...we got started at 8 o’clock. It was pretty dark and a awful road, lots of streams...we got into camp at 11... there is 9 thousand rebels at Pokahontas...the rebels is three times as thick now as they was when we went through heer last spring...our force is as follows. The 11 Wis. and the 33 Ill and 8 Indiana...18 and the 24 and several other regiments enough to make eight regiments of infantry and we have part of the first Wis. Cavalry and 13 Ill Cavalry...we have four batteries. The largest piece of cannon is a 18 pounder....[W]e do not let citizens in camp without particular business and then they are blindfolded and taken to head quarters and taken out the same way...this war is not turned out as I thought....I believe that the Southern Confederacy will be established before 2 years...we never hear the Union mentioned now days...the minds of the private soldier is changed considerable in the last six months....

Kirkpatrick’s mood begins to brighten while in Vicksburg:

This is a beautiful morning and the old canon is roaring as usual. We haint took Viksburg yet and I cant tell how long it will take but we are bound to have it. We can hold the works that we have got and in three months they will be out of grub from ther owns mens tales that have deserted and come over in our lines....It is a beautiful site to knite to see the boats a shelling the town.

His mood has improved immensely by July 5, 1863, when he writes from a camp outside Vicksburg and informs his parents of the fall of city:

I sit down this fine afternoon to let you now that I am alive and the best of all to let you know that Vicksburg is ours. The morning of the third at 8 oclock in the morning the Rebels came over to our lines with a flag of Truce and wanted to make a compromise but Grant said no. I will have it in a few days without so he sent the flag back and comenced firing again and at 3 oclock it came out again and the firing was stopped all along the line and we did not know what was up but we thought they had surrended but did not know it till next morning at 8 oclock and therr was a white flag run up over the fort.... Dear parents it would do you good to hear us cheer. It was the best feeling fourth to me that I ever injoyed.

After Vicksburg, Kirkpatrick spends about three months in Texas, at Point Isabel, Matagorda Bay, and Indianola. His first letter from Texas, on Dec. 2, 1863, de- scribes his landing at Point Isabel, and the environment in Texas, including easy access to livestock:

There was only 4 companys of our Reg that got off the Scott out to the Banks... the rest of our command went to Corpas Cristia [Corpus Christi] 100 miles from here. The military Governor of Texas was on bord with us...he is a brigadier general...his name is General Hamilton....We are close to the mouth of the Rio grand. We can see the french fleet from here. There is lots of Mexicans comes in ever day with coten...there is getting quite a pile of it here....We are living fine now. We went out and killed 2 small beefs. Beef is splendid this time a year. The report came yesterday that the balance of our Detachment has taken several pieces of artillery and several hundred prisners. I hope it is so.

A week later Kirkpatrick describes a skirmish with the Confederates:

The first Brigade in our Division had a little brush here with the Rebels. They had a splendid fort here. It mounted 7 large size guns. It is a splendid fort and would bin hard to taken if the rebels had stood but they fell back to Corpes Cristia that is about 30 miles from here but I dont think they will make mutch of a stand short of Galveston. That is about one hundred and 30 miles from here and we cant move soon for the want of transportation.

In Indianola in February 1864, perhaps anticipating his discharge on the 13th of that month, Kirkpatrick writes about his life as a soldier and about continuing in the military:

The way I look at it, it is as good a thing as a single man can do. I think that I will try it. I have always had my health good and I can make more money a-soldiering and easery [easier] than i can any where else. I can get 17 dolars a month and bord and clothes and $400 and 2 dolars bounty. That is purty good....And another thing I dont think that the war will last three more years. And as for soldiering in time of peace that is good enough for me. But there is a great deal of hardships that a soldier has to endure and a great deal of danger. But he must run his chance. I have bin in 7 fights and it is true that I had a slight wound but I was lucky....Our men is busy fortifing Powderhorn building forts and diging rifle pits. I dont think there will be a moove made here for some time proba[bly] next month. We can see rebels ever day out on the Prairie.

He spends most of 1864 in Louisiana, variously at Carrollton, Tigerville, Brashier City, and Bayou Ramus. He reports on the campaign in a letter from Aug. 7, 1864: “I would like if the war was over. They seem to sold out to the last in the East. It seems that General Sherman had an awful fite at Atlanta. Our loss was heavy but the enemy greater.” Kirkpatrick spends 1865 in Alabama, mostly near Montgomery, where he writes his last letter on July 17. In addition to Kirkpatrick’s letters, present in the archive is a carte de visite of the young soldier, with a pencil notation on the verso reading, “Uncle Samuel Cotter Kirkpatrick,” a document mustering him into the 11th Wis- consin as a first corporal, and also a handwritten list of officers, from captain down to eighth corporal, of “Tanner’s Guards” (nickname for the 11th Wisconsin), that appears to be in Kirkpatrick’s hand. He lists himself, of course, as first corporal. Accompanying Kirkpatrick’s war-dated letters are about ninety later letters from various correspondents to certain members of the Kirkpatrick family, seemingly unrelated to Samuel. A monumental collection of correspondence for study of the Trans-Mississippi West during the Civil War. $38,500. Service in Virginia and

29. [Civil War]: Martin, Harlan P.: [ARCHIVE OF TWENTY-SIX CIVIL WAR-DATED LETTERS, AND FIVE LATER LETTERS, FROM UNION PRIVATE HARLAN P. MARTIN TO HIS MOTH- ER, 1861 – 1865]. [Washington, D.C.; Stafford, Va.; Franklin, Tn., and other locations. 1861-1901]. Twenty-six war-dated letters, plus five post-war letters. Most at least two pages in length on a single bifolium, with original transmittal envelope. Smooth folds, minor toning and soiling, a few missing the upper left corner (apparently removed with scissors), some weakness at folds, with minor fading and smudging to a few examples, though most ev- erything is highly legible.

An engaging archive comprised of twenty-six Civil War-dated letters, spanning nearly the entirety of the war, dated from Dec. 10, 1861 through May 26, 1865, with three undated letters. All correspondence is addressed to Martin’s mother, and includes several post-war letters, from 1866, 1891, and 1901. Some letters are written in ink, the others in pencil, most with content relating to Martin’s family and his camp life in the military. Harlan P. Martin (1845-1923) was from Hartford, a small town in Washington County, New York. He mustered into Company E of the 123rd New York Volunteer Infantry in 1861. Private Martin wrote extensive letters detailing day-to-day life as his regiment travelled southward, making camp as they went. The letters from late 1861 through early 1862 find Martin stationed in Washington, waiting on his regiment’s marching orders. Being only approximately sixteen years old at the time, he writes with a fresh-faced exuberance that alternates between excitement and boredom at the monotony of camp life. On Feb. 20, 1863 the young soldier is stationed near Stafford, Virginia, and encounters his first peril, albeit one brought about not by enemy troops but pesti- lence. He writes, in part: “There is considerable sickness in the regiment now and there has been quite a number of deaths since we came here. There was one that died in our company the other day his name was Raymond from Hebron.” From there the 123rd moves camp to Kelly’s Ford, Virginia, along the Rapidan River. He spots rebels encamped on the other side, but no fighting ensues. They leave the Rapidan, travelling the Ohio River through Ohio, Indianapolis, and Louisville, on to Tennessee, finally making camp in Bridgeport, Alabama. On Oct. 3, right after the Union defeat at the Battle of Chickamauga, Union pride and resolve is still strong: “The soldiers here say that Gen. Rosecrans was not defeated. They say the rebels got the worst of it.” About a week later, Martin observes, while out on a march to a railroad bridge in the vicinity of his regiment’s camp at Decherd, Tennessee, “the rebels had been here and fired the bridge but had left before we got here.” Nov. 13, 1863, back in Bridgeport, Harlan writes of the Union grinding down the tough Confederate will: “The rebels are getting very dispirited and squads of deserters and prisoners are brought in here from the front nearly every day. They are all tired of the war and willing to give up.” After leaving camp at Bridgeport and setting up in Franklin, Tennessee, on Jan. 18, 1864, Martin recounts an incident dealing with the tracking of Confederate guerillas:

One of Company A’s men was shot dead the other night while they were out hunting after some guerillas. It appears a nigger woman came in and reported them down the river about 5 miles and the Lt. Col. took his companies and went out after them when he got there it was to [sic] dark to do anything so they put up for the night and threw up four or five outposts. The fellow that was shot was walking his beat by an old shed when the guerilla shot him dead. His name was Nathan Lanphere.

Martin stays camped in Tennessee the remainder of 1864. In 1865 he travels to , then Virginia where he has a stay at a hospital for Rush Fever. He recovers and travels north to Maryland, with all the boys in the company excited for home. Martin’s last two letters here, in 1891 and 1901, place him in Sacramento, California, where he had moved in 1880. He died in Sacramento in 1923. An intimate correspondence from a devoted son to his mother covering a broad range of time during the Civil War. $3000.

A Remarkable Album of Photographs of Union Generals, with Their Signatures

30. [Civil War Photographica]: [Union General Autographs]: [A RE- MARKABLE PHOTOGRAPH ALBUM CONTAINING EIGHTY- SEVEN CARTES DE VISITE OF UNION , MOST WITH AN ORIGINAL CUT SIGNATURE MOUNTED BE- NEATH THE PHOTO]. [Various places. ca. 1862-1865]. Eighty-seven carte de visite photographs by Anthony, Taber, and Brady, and sixty-three mounted cut signatures, within twenty-four pasteboard leaves with diecut win- dows. With a lithographed title printed in gilt by the album’s manufacturer (lithographed by Milton Bradley): “The Mason Auto Photographic Album. Samuel Bowles & Co., Springfield, Mass.” Contemporary brown morocco, covers elaborately tooled in gilt and with a central inset sunken panel, spine gilt, brass hinges and clasps embossed with Union shields and onlaid belt buckles, a.e.g., silk endpapers. Very good.

An extensive Civil War photo album containing carte de visite portraits of eighty- seven Union generals, admirals, commodores, and a captain, sixty-three of which include original signature cuts or letter closings mounted underneath the portraits. Of the eighty-seven cartes de visite, thirty are published by Anthony, ten by Taber, and one by Brady. A comprehensive list of the photographic subjects, in order in which they appear in the album, is as follows (those with cut signature, as noted):

1) , with cut signature 2) Ulysses S. Grant, with cut signature 3) Nathaniel Banks, with cut signature 4) , with cut signature 5) George McClellan, with cut signature 6) , with cut signature 7) Edward Vose Sumner 8) , with cut signature 9) William T. Sherman, with cut signature 10) , with cut signature 11) , with cut signature 12) , with cut signature 13) John Gray Foster, with cut signature 14) William Stark Rosencrans, with cut signature 15) , with cut signature 16) John Charles Fremont, with cut signature 17) , with cut signature 18) Governeur Kemble Warren, with cut signature 19) Daniel Butterfield, with cut signature 20) John F. Reynolds 21) 22) William Woods Averell, with cut signature 23) Silas Casey, with cut signature 24) Irvin McDowell, with cut signature 25) Lew Wallace, with cut signature 26) Robert Schenck, with cut signature 27) , with cut signature 28) O.O. Howard, with cut signature 29) , with cut signature 30) , with cut signature 31) Michael Corcoran 32) Robert Anderson, with cut signature 33) William B. Franklin, with cut signature 34) , with cut signature 35) Lovell Harrison Rousseau, with cut signature 36) Christopher C. Augur, with cut signature 37) Napoleon J.T. Dana, with cut signature 38) Samuel R. Curtis, with cut signature 39) “Genl. Smith” 40) Samuel P. Heintzelman, with cut signature 41) William H. French 42) George Lucas Hartsuff 43) Philip H. Sheridan, with cut signature 44) Innis Newton Palmer 45) Francis J. Herron, with cut signature 46) 47) Hiram Gregory Berry 48) John Pope, with cut signature 49) , with cut signature 50) Ormsby McKnight Mitchel 51) John Alexander McClernand, with cut signature 52) David Sloane Stanley 53) Alexander McDowell McCook, with cut signature 54) John A. Logan, with cut signature 55) James A. Negley, with cut signature 56) , with cut signature 57) Erasmus D. Keyes, with cut signature 58) John G. Parke, with cut signature 59) , with cut signature 60) Darius N. Couch, with cut signature 61) , with cut signature 62) John J. Peck, with cut signature 63) Thomas Francis Meagher 64) Gordon Granger 65) Jesse Lee Reno 66) Robert H. Milroy, with cut signature 67) 68) Henry Warner Slocum, with cut signature 69) James Birdseye McPherson, with cut signature 70) , with cut signature reading “C P Hamilton” 71) Franz Sigel 72) Montgomery C. Meigs, with cut signature 73) William Alexander Hammond, with cut signature 74) 75) David G. Farragut, with cut signature 76) John A. Dahlgren 77) , with cut signature 78) Charles Wilkes 79) David D. Porter 80) Charles S. Boggs 81) William D. Porter 82) Francis Preston Blair, with cut signature 83) , with cut signature 84) John Rodgers, with cut signature 85) Louis M. Goldsborough, with cut signature 86) A.H. Kelty 87) Joseph Smith, with cut signature

The index leaf in the rear is inscribed in a contemporary hand with almost all of the names of the officers contained in the album. A handsome and painstakingly created memorial of the men who saved the Union. Sotheby’s, New York, sale of Jan. 26, 1983. $13,500.

Letter from Explorer William Clark to His Nephew, Benjamin O’Fallon, Another Missouri River Pioneer

31. Clark, William: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM WILLIAM CLARK TO HIS NEPHEW, MAJOR BENJAMIN O’FALLON]. St. Louis. Dec. 7, 1821. [2]pp. plus integral address leaf. Bifolium. Small tears at fold lines of second leaf. Minor toning and offset- ting. Very good.

A family letter, with a clear ex- ample of William Clark’s signa- ture, written just after the close of his tenure as governor of Mis- souri Territory, addressed to his nephew, Maj. Benjamin O’Fallon. Clark describes the health of his children, including his young daughter, Mary, who lived only a short while after this letter was written: “The night Mary... got home she was taken with a spur of asthma which lurked sev- eral days when little Charles was taken and both sick until a few days past, the child was very bad breathing, they are now well....” Clark also discusses his re- cent marriage to Harriet, the first cousin of his recently deceased wife, Julia: “I must tell you what has taken place which I know you approve as I have consulted with you on the subject. On the 28th I married Mrs. Radford who now requests to be affectionately remembered to you.” He closes the letter with business, letting his nephew know that he recently sent funds to the Secretary of War:

I sent by the last mail a Certificate of Deposit of the check of 757.50 to the Secy of War by his request to be placed to your Order on the Books of the Treasury. The Col. has drawn from Maj. Graham that amount. The Secy writes me that he has authorized Graham to pay you $11.75 out of fund to be received from the Colector [sic] at New Orleans.

Clark’s signature is quite scarce in the market, and even more rare are the intimate details of his family and home life, which he discusses here. In 1820, Clark was voted out of office after seven years as the governor of Missouri Territory. He was shortly appointed Superintendent of Indian Affairs, a position in which he would serve until his death in 1838. His nephew, Benjamin O’Fallon, led the 1819 ex- pedition up the Missouri which founded the key military post at Council Bluffs, across the river from present-day Omaha. $10,000. Reporting on Indian Captives

32. Claus, Daniel: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED (“D. CLAUS”), FROM DANIEL CLAUS TO CAPT. MATHEWS, REPORTING ON INDIAN CAPTIVES DURING THE AMERICAN REVOLU- TION]. Montreal. March 23, 1780. [2]pp. on folio sheet. Old folds. Four small pin holes. Very good. Accompanied by a typed transcription.

Daniel Claus (1727-87) came to North America from in 1749 and settled for a time in Philadelphia. Almost immediately upon his arrival he became inter- ested in the various languages of the tribes of the Six Nations. He worked under William Johnson, and in 1760 was based in Montreal, becoming deputy agent to the Canadian Indians and reporting to both Johnson and the local military government. By the mid-1760s he had married and had acquired considerable land in the vicin- ity of Albany, New York. His life changed, both administratively and personally, when in 1774, Sir William Johnson died suddenly, and Sir Guy Carleton replaced Claus with John Campbell. Shortly thereafter, with the outbreak of the American Revolution and the subsequent defeat of Burgoyne at Saratoga, the Loyalist cause in the upper Hudson valley was lost, and Claus and his family fled to Canada, leaving behind their lands and their possessions. In 1778, Frederick Haldimand, Carleton’s successor, appointed Claus deputy agent of the Six Nations in Canada, with special emphasis on the Mohawks. In this hurriedly written letter (probably the original draft of the letter, containing many manuscript corrections), which pertains to one , “active in ye Rebellion,” whom the Indians had taken for the British “for intelligence,” Claus also mentions in an afterthought: “The Mohawk Village here is somewhat sickly within this short time.” $4250.

A Wonderful Manuscript from an Epic Exploration: Original Music and Artwork Composed by Officers During the Wilkes Expedition, with Original Watercolors of Antarctica and the Oregon Territory

33. [Dana, James D.; James C. Palmer; et al]: THE NATIVITY AND OTHER MUSIC [manuscript title]. [Various places, including Antarc- tica, the Northwest Coast, and shipboard. 1841-1842]. 54pp. including four original color sketches. Oblong quarto. Contemporary black morocco, ornate gilt cover, stamped with the initials of James D. Dana and James C. Palmer, neatly rebacked with most of the original spine preserved. Corners slightly worn. Internally bright and clean. Later presentation inscription on front free endpaper. Overall in fine condition.

A superlative album of music, lyrics, and artwork composed by officers of the United States Exploring Expedition (1838-42), originally composed during their landmark voyage. Included are several of the earliest views of Antarctica, as well as a superb watercolor of Oregon. The work is the collaboration of expedition scientist James D. Dana and expedition Acting Surgeon James C. Palmer, shipmates aboard the U.S.S. Peacock and evidently close friends. Dana, a young officer of twenty-five, was the only scientist of the expedition with previous naval experience. His work was shaped by his mentor, Prof. Benjamin Silliman of Yale, who became his father-in-law upon his return. Palmer served as a well respected medical officer. Together the two, with artistic contributions from colleagues, recorded the events of the expedition in this album in remarkable fashion. The musical scores were Dana’s forte, while the lyrics fell to Palmer. The album consists of eight selections of music, four of which are adorned by original artwork, delineated as follows:

1) “The Nativity, A Dramatic Canticle.” The first and longest piece in the album, likely written and performed in the interest of buoying morale. Stage directions and music were later printed in broadside format, located in only one copy, at the John Hay Library of . 2) “Veni Parvule.” Dedicated to Palmer’s wife, Juliet, occasioned by the death of his son during the expedition. An unattributed color portrait of the little boy precedes the music. 3) “The Stars May Aye Their Vigils Keep. Pacific Ocean – 1841.” A melancholy tune, lamenting a father’s absence upon the death of his newborn child, no doubt related to the previous title. 4) “A Breeze from the Unpopular Opera of The Iceberg!!” Below the ornate manu- script title of this piece appears a detailed watercolor of the Peacock locked in Antarctic ice, labeled in large block letters: “The Icebergs!” A small party of men in the foreground are engaged in what is likely repair of the damaged ves- sel. The sketch is captioned: “Accurately drawn by Dr. Guillou [a quarrelsome medical officer and Palmer’s subordinate], January 24, 1840. Computed area, 32 miles.” At the time the Wilkes expedition had travelled closer towards the pole than any previous American venture, making this image among the earliest evidence of the United States’ “farthest south.” This song was later published in Palmer’s Antarctic Mariner’s Song... (New York: D. Van Nostrand, 1868), pp.75-76. Historian David B. Tyler cites Passed Henry Eld’s journal de- scription of the Peacock at this moment as a “happy” ship, continuing that the crew could be heard “stamping about the decks the whole day in the most merry mood – dancing and singing most of the time.” This merriment was likely the product of Dana and Palmer’s song-writing efforts, though the mood changed dramatically in a moment. Tyler writes:

On the morning of the twenty-fourth this merry mood suddenly changed into one verging on panic. It was a clear day with light winds and smooth water as the ship worked her way into a bay searching, as always, for a means of reaching land. Space for maneuvering was limited...the first crash threw those having breakfast out of their seats, making them think the whole bow must be stove in, but actually the most serious damage was at the stern where the starboard wheelrope was carried and the neck of the rudder wrenched so that it became inoperable.

The next twenty-four hours saw the condition of the Peacock deteriorate sub- stantially, and it was only through the competent labors of the ship’s carpenters that catastrophic disaster was avoided. The resulting “Breeze,” also titled “The Old Peacock,” was written in Honolulu, to entice shipmates to re-enlist by reminding them in song of the hardships that had brought the crew so close together. A selection referring to the loss of the ship’s rudder reads: “Our pluck did not fail, till we lost our tail / And then ‘t was high time to belay; / But we stuck here clean through, and it came out anew, / And if any man says this yarn is not true, / Let him go there himself, some day.” 5) “One Gentle Word...Oregon – 1841.” A romantic love song addressed to an un- named lover, likely Palmer’s wife. 6) “My Tent Beside the Oregon.” A light ditty, with an introduction based on the Chinook language. Above the title of this piece is a detailed watercolor of the expedition’s camp beside the Columbia River drawn by Joseph Drayton, the primary artist of the expedition. The sketch is among the first views of Army exploration in the Pacific Northwest. It shows two tents surrounded by ever- greens, with an American flag mounted on a makeshift pole to the right. An officer is shown seated upon a captain’s chair outside the nearest tent. A pencil note, evidently added later, reads: “Sketched with camera lucida. The flag is the one referred to by Dr. Kane, vol. I, p.298.” In that narrative, Elisha Kane’s Arctic Explorations... (Philadelphia: Childs & Peterson, 1856), the author writes that the flag was later flown high into the Arctic near Cape Constitution. The camp, affectionately dubbed “Peacockville,” was built along the Columbia fol- lowing the wreck of the Peacock at the river’s mouth. The ship had struck the bar upon approaching what was thought to be the channel to the Columbia River. Over the next forty-eight hours the ship was wrecked entirely as a ris- ing sea repeatedly smashed the vessel against the shore. Through the heroics of Capt. William Hudson no lives were lost, and enough supplies were salvaged to allow for the construction of the camp a short distance from Astoria where, for a time, Palmer was assigned command of a shore party. The accompanying music and lyrics, later published in the aforementioned Antarctic Mariner’s Song (pp.44-45), describe the loss:

My tent beside the Oregon o’er looks the sullen wave, Whose turbid waters darkly frown, Above the Peacock’s grave; Where surges weave the shifting sands Around her for a pall; And like a spectral sentry, The toppling over. Mourn not her fate that, round the world, Thrice circled with the sea. And thrice to every land unfurled, The banner of the Free: She came to plant her standard fast, Where it had drooped before; Content to lay her bones at last, Beside it on the shore....

Despite their unlucky landing, the time spent at Peacockville was singularly pro- ductive. Under Wilkes’ immediate direction the entire Columbia River region was systematically surveyed for the first time, thus elevating the Northwest’s commercial potential. 7) “Young Shepards’ Canzonet. China Sea. 1842.” An introduction to “The Nativ- ity,” composed at a later date. 8) “Antarctic Mariner’s Song. From ‘Thulia’ unpublished poem. Sooloo Sea – 1842.” At the head of this score appears the last watercolor, of a schooner tacking hard amidst a sea of small icebergs and floes. Like “The Iceberg!!” before it, this sketch also ranks among the earliest views of America’s southward progress and records the highest southern latitude of any exploring expedition vessel. The short ink caption reads: “Wm. May, USN. (on the spot).” William May served as a Passed Midshipman on the expedition and was later tried for insubordination. The po- lar ambitions of the Wilkes expedition are summed in a simple phrase repeated throughout the short tune: “Ease the sheet and keep away; Glory guides us South today.” At the time of writing, this song was unpublished as stated, though it later appeared as Thulia. A Tale of the Antarctic... (New York: Samuel Coleman, 1843), pp.27,42-46, and again as part of Antarctic Mariner’s Song (pp.65-72). Given its lavish binding, stamped with the authors’ initials, and superlatively neat interior, it is most likely the present album was assembled immediately after the expedition’s return, though the songs and watercolors were undoubtedly composed en route. The illustrations are probably fine copies of rougher sketches done “on the spot” by the original artists. That Dana, Palmer, Guillou, May, and Drayton would have collaborated on the album is not unlikely; all were simultaneously engaged in the production of the official expedition report and remained in close contact. The penciled captions were added later, as the 1856 Kane reference attests. While the extant narrative journals of the Wilkes expedition are invaluable research sources, the present album offers a unique sentimental view of morale and good spirits under repeated extreme duress. Dana and Palmer have provided in song a description of the mood of the endeavor in a way that would be impossible in a traditional narrative account. Further, the artwork supplied by Guillou, May, and Drayton offers wholly original and early views of two of the expedition’s most important stops: the Northwest Coast and Antarctica. The juxtaposition of scenes from these diverse locations is testament to the broad range and scope of the ex- pedition. Palmer himself writes in his introduction to Thulia that his journals and notes were lost with the wreck of the Peacock, making this volume, reconstructed from memory, the best record of his experiences. That this voyage was the defin- ing event in the careers of both Dana and Palmer is certain, and it is evident both took great pride in their participation. Dana’s scientific contributions, especially his work with crustaceans, elevated him to the forefront of American scientists. Palmer, for his part, was later offered the direction of naval hospitals in Washington and Brooklyn. Though Wilkes’ expedition was riddled with strife and discord, the efforts and character of these two men, appropriately displayed here, offers an early hint to their future successes. In all, a tremendous and singular memoir of the expedition that vaulted the scientific efforts of the United States to new and unparalleled heights. David B. Tyler, The Wilkes Expedition... (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1968), passim. DAB XIV, p.185; V, pp.55-56. $60,000.

Signer of the Constitution, Burr Conspirator, and Black Market Operator

34. Dayton, Jonathan: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JONATHAN DAYTON TO HIS FATHER, ELIAS DAYTON, REGARDING THE CATTLE TRADE AND OTHER TRADE, PROBABLY SMUGGLING, AROUND NEW YORK AT THE END OF THE REVOLUTION]. Elizabethtown. June 8, 1782. [2]pp. plus in- tegral address leaf. Folio. Old fold lines. Lightly soiled, slight separation at some folds. Outer edge portion of address leaf (about an inch wide) lacking, not affecting text. Small repairs to fold of address leaf. Very good. In a blue half morocco and cloth clamshell case, spine gilt.

Jonathan Dayton writes to his father, Col. Elias Dayton, regarding the trading and movement of cattle during final days of the American Revolution. Jonathan Dayton, politician from New Jersey and namesake of the town in Ohio, was the youngest delegate to the Constitutional Convention and the youngest signer of the Constitution, being only twenty-six at the time. He was elected to several terms in Congress and held important political offices, in addition to dabbling in land and securities speculation. There seems to be no question that Dayton played a significant, albeit minor, role in the Burr Conspiracy, a plot to encourage the west- ern states to secede and together invade Texas, thereby carving out an independent nation in the west. Though he was acquitted, this and other incidents led to poor public perception of Dayton in the later years of his life. In this letter Dayton describes the way in which some of the militia are assert- ing themselves on behalf of a local farmer, Aaron Winant, serving as a guard for his cattle. In fact, there seems to have been a good deal of trade between the lines, with the war effectively over; and Dayton’s statements about the New York trade and goods as well as cattle moving back and forth suggest Dayton was running a neat little black market operation. The letter was sent by way of William Shute (mentioned in the text), who served with Jonathan Dayton in the New Jersey mi- litia. $1500.

An Important Book-Length Manuscript on Constitutional Theory and South American Independence Movements by the Progenitor of the DuPont Dynasty, Sent to Thomas Jefferson for Comments

35. [DuPont de Nemours, Pierre Samuel]: [MÉMOIRE] AUX RÉPUB- LIQUES ÉQUINOXIALES, ET A CELLES QUI LEUR SERONT NATURELLEMENT CONFÉDÉRÉES. []. March 1815. [2, manu- script title],[viii, manuscript letter],138,[3, index]pp., with original foliation of main text in manuscript. Quarto. Original plain brown wrappers bound into contemporary three-quarter morocco and marbled boards, gilt morocco label on front board. Minor shelf wear. Mild foxing, moderately but evenly toned, binder’s ticket on front pastedown. Very good.

An important manuscript treatise on constitutional theory, and a proposed system of government for the for the new republics emerging from the independence movements of South America, by French-American writer, economist, publisher, government official, and aristocrat Pierre Samuel DuPont de Nemours. DuPont wrote numerous influential treatises on political and economic theory. This, his last major work, was never published and only survives in the present manuscript. This is almost certainly the manuscript DuPont loaned to Thomas Jefferson for his comments and advice in the spring of 1816. DuPont first came to prominence with his major economic treatise, Physiocra- tie, ou Constitution Naturelle du Gouvernement le Plus Avantageux au Genre Humain, written in 1768, in which he coined the term “physiocracy.” He went on to become an economic advisor to Jacques Necker and King Louis XVI, serving as Inspector General of Commerce. Although he initially supported the French Revolution with other moderates like Lafayette, he soon became its victim, and was awaiting execution in 1794 when the Terror ended with the downfall of Robespierre. Still at odds with the French government, he emigrated to the United States in 1799 with his son, Eleuthere Irenee DuPont, who there founded E.I. DuPont de Nemours & Co., creating one of the great family dynasties in America. Pierre Samuel DuPont continued to write important works of political theory, and became a friend and correspondent of many leading figures in the United States, most notably Thomas Jefferson, whom he had first encountered in Paris in the 1780s. Between 1800 and 1817 they exchanged dozens of letters on various topics, including this manuscript. In 1800, at Jefferson’s request, he drew up plans for a national educational system. In 1802 he returned to France, where he was an important promoter of the Louisiana Purchase. He remained in France and took an active part in the restoration of the monarchy in 1814. In the spring of 1815 he fled Paris during Napoleon’s Hundred Days and returned to the United States, where he remained until his death in 1817. DuPont’s last major work, the Républiques Équinoxiales was never published, and until the emergence of this manuscript from the estate of a DuPont descen- dant, only known through references in his correspondence. DuPont and Jefferson corresponded about the work in 1815 and 1816. The first reference appears in a letter dated May 26, 1815 where, amid a broader discussion of various political developments in South America, DuPont alludes to what would prove to be one of his final literary undertakings and the impetus behind it:

Ten or twelve large republics are being created on your continent. They will establish themselves and grow stronger, although a few might be temporarily vanquished by the strength or weakness of European Spain. Three of these republics, which are already united, have done me the honor of consulting me....They had no idea yet about representative governments, and they had experienced the danger of tumultuous assemblies.

In mentioning this “consultation,” DuPont refers to an occasion which must have occurred in Paris at some point in 1814. The collapse of Spanish government during the Napoleonic era had opened the door for independence movements in the Spanish colonies in the Americas. At that stage Manuel Palacio-Fajardo, representing the state of New Granada, approached DuPont and asked him to draft a constitutional guide book for the practical and economical management of his fledgling republic. The manuscript has a dedicatory inscription to “Don M. Palacios” on the fly leaf. The main body of the manuscript, presumably executed in at least one sec- retarial hand, with the dedicatory epistle to Manuel Palacios-Fajardo in a second, distinctive (and likely authorial) hand. The colophon is dated with a holographic signature: “Paris 13 Mars 1815, DuPont [de Nemours].” The manuscript shows abundant corrections in ink, with period repairs and pasted corrigenda to certain passages. The slightly later engraved ownership bookplate and various later owners’ inscriptions tie the manuscript to the DuPont family, including Frances “Fanny” DuPont (nee Solana), Alexis and Elizabeth DuPont, and [A.I.] DuPont. Shortly after completing the manuscript DuPont fled Paris to escape the return- ing Napoleon. By the time he wrote Jefferson in late May he was in Delaware. In December 1815, DuPont visited Monticello and left a manuscript of the Républiques Équinoxiales with Jefferson for his perusal. DuPont had asked Jefferson on several earlier occasions to proofread and critique his latest writings, but only shortly after its dispatch, he asked Jefferson to return the manuscript. He explains the reason for this in his letter of December 20:

If you have read the Mémoire aux Républiques Équinoxiales, I would be grateful if you could send it back to me, either directly if your franking privilege allows it, or through either the president or the secretary of state, who could get it to me under their countersignatures. I will send you another copy of it, which I am having prepared right now. But I need to give the former one to Don Pedro Gual, who has been sent to the United States by the republics that consulted me and that are united as New Granada. It may be that General Palacio has not received either of the two copies I sent him; and the opportunity of transmit- ting one personally to a civil officer of these republics is not to be neglected.

Jefferson returned the manuscript sometime around the beginning of the new year, 1816, as may be inferred from his Dec. 31 and Jan. 3 replies to DuPont. Having delivered the desired copy to deputy Don Pedro Gual, DuPont then resent the manuscript of Républiques Équinoxiales to Jefferson for his commentary. On March 31, 1816, DuPont writes:

I have the honor of sending you again my little gospel for the use of the Spanish republics, which I brought to you four months ago. Thank God I have had and will still have several copies of it to give away, as I have only one secretary.... This book on republics, newly born, to be born, or to be restored, is one of my writings for which I most desire your approval and blessing. I would like to find a good writer to translate it into Spanish.

On April 24, 1816, Jefferson wrote DuPont a long letter from his second home, Poplar Forest, discussing the manuscript in depth. Jefferson was critical of Du- Pont’s proposed system. In his observations on the dangerously oligarchic structure DuPont recommended, Jefferson directly criticizes the arguments found in chapter twelve of the present manuscript, “Assemblee communal, seconde section: des as- semblees de canton,” and in its concluding chapters, feeling that the upper levels of government were too far removed from “the people.” However, he praised DuPont’s “moral principles” and provides a ringing statement of his democratic theories of government. Jefferson evidently returned the manuscript to DuPont with this letter. Until now the unpublished treatise, Républiques Équinoxiales, has been known solely through the foregoing letters. Nevertheless, there are several crucial indica- tions that the present manuscript is the working copy, now coming to light after two centuries in the care of the DuPont family. The title and dates of composition, which match those signaled in the Jefferson correspondence; the dedicatory inscrip- tion and letter to M. Palacios, whom DuPont identified as his intended recipient in his letter to Jefferson of Dec. 20, 1815; and, finally, the colophon, which DuPont signed and dated, together allow for little doubt that this particular copy is identical with the literary work which DuPont himself described, and thereafter sent twice, to his friend, Thomas Jefferson. The overall scope and narrative content of this newly rediscovered manuscript demonstrate that it must be the formerly “lost” treatise. It is clear that the chap- ter headings in the present copy (as outlined below) conform to DuPont’s more general interests and views on agriculture, economics, constitutional theory, and anthropology; these were themes which he discussed with an unwavering consistency throughout his other works. The body of the manuscript consists of sixteen chapters (several having com- plex groupings of subsections). The chapter headings are as follows: 1) “Objet et motifs de cet ouvrage”; 2) “Apperçu général”; 3) “Principes de la société”; 4) “Application de ces principes aux nouvelles républiques américaines”; 5) “Des mâitres et des esclaves”; 6) “Des engagés pour dettes”; 7) “Avantages de la liberation des esclaves”; 8) “Dignité et droits des propriétaires des terres et de mines”; 9) “Obligations attachées a la haute dig- nité des propriétaires des terres”; 10) “Principes des finances”; 11) “Des rapports entre les différentes classes d’hommes et de citoyens – articles de la constitution”; 12) “Hierarchie des administrations publiques inférieures”; 13) “De la représentation nationale”; 14) “De quelques institutions nécessaires”; 15) “De la grande confédération américaine”; 16) “Résumé de ce travail.” One final observation on the “state” or “edition” of this manuscript: it seems likely that this particular copy represents a second (or possibly third) authorial recension of the text of Républiques Équinoxiales. This is evidenced not only by the frequent revisions and corrections throughout, but also by a statement DuPont makes in the manuscript’s prefatory letter to Don Manuel Palacios, wherein he remarks on the superiority of this present state of the text: “J’ignore si la premiere copie du Memoire ici joint a pu vous parvenir, et je vous envoie une seconde en peu corrigee.” A monumental political work by the progenitor of the DuPont family, a work thought lost for almost 200 years. Gilbert Chinard, The Correspondence of Jefferson and DuPont de Nemours (Paris, 1931). Founders Online provides access and translations of dozens of letter between DuPont and Jefferson. $75,000. 36. Ealy, Elijah, Dr.: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM FORTY-NINER ELIJAH EALY TO HIS WIFE, DESCRIBING HIS TRIP ACROSS THE PLAINS TO CALIFORNIA]. Uba [sic] River, Ca. Sept. 30, 1849. [3]pp. autograph letter, on a folded folio sheet. Addressed for mailing on the fourth page, with an inked circular “San Francisco Cal. Nov 1” postmark and an ink “40.” Old folds. Small tears at several cross-folds, af- fecting a few letters of text. Paper tanned and lightly stained. Good overall, and quite readable. In a half morocco and cloth folding case, spine gilt.

Dr. Elijah Ealy of Dayton, Ohio departed St. Louis in late April 1849, and proceeded to Independence and then St. Joseph. He and his party followed the Platte River Road, but eventually veered south toward Salt Lake City. They arrived in Cali- fornia in mid-September, 1849, and this letter was written from Ealy’s camp along the Yuba River in northern California. Ealy died in December 1851, just a little more than two years after writing this letter to his wife. In this letter he recounts the details and hardships of his overland journey in vivid style, giving an excellent description of the challenges he (and thousands others) faced. He writes, in part:

Benj. Kniseley was drowned in attempting to cross the north fork of Platte River....He had a hard time of it, indeed, it is no sport to cross over a barren, sandy & rocky country, as it is from Fort Laramie here. There is no grass except on the water courses & in one place we had neither water nor grass for 60 miles, with the exception of what we carried with us. Cattle died on this desert in great numbers. We did not lose a single mule. And fortunately for the emigrants, the citizens here, have sent out, on all the routes, provisions & cattle to help the emigrants through. Capt. King, McCorkle, the Smiths & others we passed on Humboldts River. King had a fight with the Indians. It appears from what I could learn that they had some of their oxen stolen. A party went out into the mountains in search. They found the Indian thieves & they commenced shooting their arrows. King was wounded in the arm. He succeeded, after a hard struggle in which the Indian seized his rifle & at- tempted to wrest it out of his hand, in shooting him through the heart. The others in seeing their red comrade fall, took to their heels & were soon out of sight. They were very troublesome & stole away a great many oxen & horses. I saw one company from Missouri that had all their oxen stolen.

Ealy goes on to describe their difficulty in obtaining provisions along their overland journey, then turns to the excitement in California over the prospects of riches from mining:

There is great excitement here, in regard to the gold. There is just at this time, a bustle of running from one gold region to another. Great stores are told of men making fortunes in a few days. And I have no doubt many have done so. The fact is gold is abundant on all the streams which rise in the mountains east & south-east of the Sacramento River. And almost every man you see has his little bag of gold....We came to this place 8 days ago, but found the richest diggings all claimed by others. It is only in places that fortunes are to be made, but it is exceedingly hard labour to get it out from amongst the rocks.

He then discusses the difficult methods of mining, the high prices for goods, and his plans to go to the “dry diggings” south of Sutter’s Fort for the winter. A fine Gold Rush letter, describing the hardships of the overland journey to California and conveying the hopes of riches in the mines. $3000.

Unpublished Civil War Memoir

37. [Eaton, Herman J.]: A SKETCH OF ARMY LIFE OR ARMY DAYS & NIGHTS ON THE BATTLEFIELD. Vol. 2. [N.p. ca. 1865]. 168,57pp., about 35,000 words. Quarto. Original three-quarter sheep and brown cloth. Extremities very worn, boards nearly detached. Internally bright and clean. Good.

The unpublished memoir of Union soldier Harold J. Eaton, through the Army of the Potomac campaigns in the spring of 1864. The first vol- ume of his memoirs has been lost. This manuscript volume picks up on May 18, 1864 and appears to be based on his war journals, with many detailed passages on specific battles. The memoir begins at the Battle of Spotsylvania in the brutal Wilderness Campaign in the spring of 1864, as Grant smashed his way toward Richmond by brute force. Eaton was present at some of the most horrific battles of the Civil War. His experience at the bloody Battle of Cold Harbor is recounted over five pages. “All through the woods the dead were buried, or only half buried, with their feet and hands sticking out of the ground. In many places these dead were not buried but were laying just as they fell, many of them riddled with shot and daylight was plainly shining through them.” Although the battle was deemed a decisive victory for the Confederates, Eaton claims a fair amount of casualties for the enemy as well, and recounts disparagingly their treatment of their dead. He concludes the narrative of the scene by offering an honest portrait of the face of war. “People at home who would like to see a battlefield had ought to have seen this one...you would have seen what desolation war makes, and what havoc the shot and shells makes among men and horses, and among the trees. I hope all who may read this will never see anything of this kind....” Eaton continues to narrate, with considerable verve and style, the campaign through early July 1864, by which time the offensive had ground to a halt in front of the fortifications of Richmond. He was wounded in the arm at the battle of Peters- burg on June 16, and withdrew to a forward hospital and then to Washington. He spent the remainder of the war in hospitals, and was mustered out on May 25, 1865. The later part of the text is devoted to poetry written by Eaton and fellow soldiers. These patriotic, and at times heartbreaking works, touch on topics such as the death of President Lincoln, the loss of limbs during battle, and the fear of being forgotten in death. A unique and extremely personal account of the Civil War and a month of the most terrible fighting of the entire war, filled with anecdotes of fear and bravery alike. $5000.

An Important Report to Charles IV from His Primary Minister

38. Floridablanca, Moñino y Redondo, Jose Conde de: GOBIERNO DE ESTADO DEL CONDE DE FLORIDABLANCA [manuscript title]. Spain. Nov. 6, 1789. [128]pp. In Spanish. Folio. Contemporary vellum, pigskin loop closures. Minor soiling to binding. A few small tears, minor scattered soiling. Written in a neat and legible humanist-style hand. Bookplate of Dr. Don Vicente Bas de Tejada on final leaf. Very good.

A manuscript report addressed to King Charles IV of Spain from his chief minister, detailing the state of Spanish affairs, including involvement in the Americas. An impressive report, providing unique insight into Spanish, European, and world history. The Count of Floridablanca served as the reformist chief minister to both Charles III and IV, and is now regarded as one of Spain’s most effective statesmen. He undertook a complete reform of the government, revamped the educational sys- tem after successfully lobbying the Pope’s support to expel the Jesuits from Spain, established commercial freedom in the American Colonies, and deftly maneuvered Spain’s involvement in both the American Revolution and the French Revolution. The report details, among numerous other topics, the negotiations between Portugal and Spain relating to the boundaries in the New World (including the United States, Brazil, Paraguay, Mexico, , and Asia). The report documents the treaty of 1777, which redistributed land between Spain and Portugal, includ- ing the return of la Colonia de Sacramento to Spain. It likewise enumerates the successful achievements of the junta of state formed in 1787. It also discusses the intervention of various European courts, including those of France and England; and an extensive discussion of the American Revolution, the support of the “insurgents” by the French in 1778, including the Franco-American Alliance, and the position of several European courts related to the American independence, describing in great detail the events and names of people involved. The report was clearly of extreme secrecy, only one known copy was made: “...executado muy reservadamente y a puerta cerrada” [executed very discreetly and behind closed doors] and sent to Pedro Rodrigues, the Conde de Campomanes (1723-1802), who was serving as the president of the council of Castile at the time. A highly significant manuscript. $21,000.

An Important Manuscript Map of the Country Near the Black Hills

39. Foote, Morris C., Lieut.: [ORIGINAL HAND-DRAWN TOPO- GRAPHICAL MAP OF THE NORTH AND NORTHWESTERN AREA ABOVE THE BLACK HILLS]. [Near the Black Hills, S.D. ca. 1878]. Manuscript map, colored in outline, 12½ x 15¾ inches. One horizontal, one vertical fold; minor staining, some fold separations. Good.

A highly important work of cartography of the American West, a hand-drawn topographical map of an area immediately north of the Black Hills of South Dakota, drawn from Lieut. Morris C. Foote’s survey notes by a cartographer involved in the 1878 Black Hills expedition. The map is referred to in Foote’s manuscript journal for 1878. After marching from Fort Laramie, Cheyenne, then to Deadwood, South Dakota, Foote was ordered to help build telegraph lines in the wilds of South Dakota north of the Black Hills. He created this topographical map during this time. His journal entries for Friday, Sept. 13, 1878 and the next day: “Command remained in camp. Warm. I went over and climbed on top of one of the Little Missouri buttes...for a very extended view took directions of prominent points....Marched down the Belle Fourche about 17 miles hard work on topog. on account of pain in my bowels and a general sickness.” Both of these areas (Little Missouri and Belle Fourche) feature prominently on the map. Foote writes on Sept. 19: “Had map of scout made from my notes and handed it in to Capt. Johnson.” Other prominent landmarks or features labeled on the map include Alum Creek, Oak Creek, Johnson Creek, Camp Davis, and Camp Green. A unique and important map made for the U.S. Army during a critical time in the development of the area. $6750.

A War Tax to Take on the Paxton Boys

40. [Franklin, Benjamin]: [AN AUTOGRAPH ACT, SIGNED, BY BEN- JAMIN FRANKLIN FOR A WAR TAX IN RESPONSE TO THE CONESTOGA MASSACRE]. [Philadelphia]. May 30, 1764. 85 leaves. Folio. Fastened with original seal and ribbon at upper corner. Minor soiling, edges rather brittle. Very good. In a maroon morocco clamshell box.

A fascinating manuscript, with an unusual example of ’s signature, written on behalf of the Pennsylvania Assembly, and signed by Gov. , issuing a war tax in response to the horrific Conestoga Massacre. The massacre, incited by alleged hostile acts of natives on local residents, saw a group of Scots- Irish frontiersmen, known as the Paxton Boys, attack the small tribe of Conestoga Indians on Dec. 14, 1763. Though many of the residents were not at home, the group managed to kill six men, burning their cabins. After news of the murders spread, Gov. John Penn condemned the actions and called for the capture of the Paxton Boys, putting the remaining Conestoga in protective custody. The group laid siege on the building where the Conestoga were held, maiming, scalp- ing, and killing fourteen men, women, and children in what was seen as one of the most barbaric acts in Pennsylvania’s history. In January 1764 several hundred men joined the Paxton Boys en route to Philadelphia to confront the government. Benjamin Franklin met the mob and convinced them to offer up their grievances peacefully and return home. Franklin’s disgust at their actions is readily apparent in this legislative response:

Whereas many barbarous Invasions have been made on several of His Majesty’s Colonies in America, & on the frontiers of this province in particular, by... Parties of the Northern & Western Indians, whereby a great number of the inhabitants have been driven from their Habitations, [and] many perfidiously murdered...in manifest violation of the most solemn Treaties...therefore, We, the representatives of the People of this Province, desirous of complying in the fullest Manner, with the Requisition made of them by His Majesty’s said Commander in Chief, and of cooperating with such offensive Measures as shall be judged necessary for reducing the said Indians and securing the future peace and quiet of the Colonies...pray that...the sum of Fifty-five Thousand Pounds...shall be given to the King’s Use....

A significant document illustrating the continued uneasiness of settlers in the period after the French and Indian War, particularly interesting for Franklin’s involvement as mediator, and for his unabashed repugnance of the these acts. “Although Governor Penn had ordered the arrest of the Paxton Boys, many of the settlers were sympa- thetic to them and refused to condemn their misdirected actions. Consequently, a strong frontier defense measure, such as the one outlined in the present docu- ment, was necessary to quell the frontiersmen’s growing fear of Native American ambushes” – Siebert. This document realized $31,625 at the Siebert Sale in 1999. SIEBERT SALE 174. $35,000.

41. [French and Indian War]: Emery, Daniel: A TRUE & PERFECT LIST OF ALL THE OFFICERS & SOLDIERS LIABLE TO BEAR ARMS & ATTEND MILITARY DISCIPLINE IN THE FOURTH FOOT COMPANY IN KITTERY UNDER THE COMMAND OF CAPT. NOAH EMERY, LIEUT. CHARLES FROST & ENSIGN CALEB EMERY TAKEN AT KITTERY, MARCH THE 22nd, 1757. Kittery, Me. March 22, 1757. Broadside, 12 x 7½ inches. Old folds, mild ton- ing. Very good. Appears to be docketed on verso, but not examined outside frame.

A manuscript roll-call for a company of Maine military personnel organized to participate in the French and Indian War. The document lists over seventy names of regulars in two columns, plus an additional dozen names under “The Alarm List,” essentially a reserve list of soldiers appointed to defend the homefront. Be- low the Alarm List is the following text: “The above is a True & Perfect list of all the soldiers in the Train’d band & Alarm List from sixteen years old to sixty as far as has come to my knowledge. Attest, Daniel Emery jun. Clerk und. Oath.” The Emery family supplied seven members of this list of officers and soldiers, with others, such as the Furbush, Ferguson, and Wamouth families, also providing more than one man for the army. Several names are crossed out, about half of which belong to a family supplying more than one member to the list. Most of the men on the Alarm List are also identified by profession, such as deacon, miller, or sailor, among others. Such lists of colonial American military personnel for the French and Indian War are exceedingly rare in the market. An important colonial Maine and military document. $950.

An Important French and Indian War Diary

42. [French and Indian War]: [Moody, Thomas]: [SIGNIFICANT MAN- USCRIPT DIARY RECORDING TROOP MOVEMENTS AND EXPERIENCES FROM THE CAMPAIGN OF 1760 DURING THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR, AS WELL AS A PARTIAL AC- COUNT OF SERVICE IN HALIFAX IN 1761]. Maine, Massachusetts, New York, Quebec, Vermont, & Halifax. 1760-61. [148]pp. Contemporary calf journal. Front cover and spine largely perished, rear leather worn. Text corners creased, a few corners clipped. Altogether still good. In a half morocco box.

An important and substantial manuscript journal recording a soldier’s movements during the French and Indian War. Thomas Moody (1733-99) was a farmer, tanner, and shoemaker in York, Maine. He was descended from two Harvard-educated ministers: his grandfather, Samuel Moody, pastor of the First Parish Church of York; and his father, Joseph “Handkerchief ” Moody, pastor of the Second Parish Church, the latter thought to be the inspiration for Nathaniel Hawthorne’s story, “The Minister’s Black Veil.” Moody, a in the company of Capt. John Wentworth of Kittery, here records the daily progress of the militia unit bound to engage in action near Montreal during the French and Indian War. Moody describes the expedition by foot, horseback, and water transport, beginning in York on “Monday the 12th of May 1760.” The militia’s movements then take him south through Massachusetts, west to Albany, then north toward Ticonderoga, Crown Point, Lake Champlain, and Isle aux Noix, returning to York via Vermont and New Hampshire on Dec. 1. The diary includes rare and important lists relating to the war: officers of the Provincial regiments assembled at Crown Point, a list of those returning arms at Ticonderoga, supplies purchased by the men of his company, and a list of company members who either died in service or deserted. Moody includes daily news of movements, mentioning locations and officers by name, and includes news of training, courts-martial proceedings, the gory de- tails of camp deaths from disease and injury, encounters with native peoples, and much more. Moody was serving during the critical closing months of the war in an important geographical area. He mentions British general Jeffery Amherst by name (Amherst was responsible for negotiations with the French in Montreal in the Fall of 1760, essentially ending the war in North America). Moody’s militia unit was close to the action in this area during Autumn 1760, and his journal helps to contextualize events towards the end of the war. A handful of short excerpts from the diary follow:

May 12, 1760: “Set out for the Expedition and May the Eternal Jehovah the Protector of all the end of the Earth and of them that are afar off upon the Seas Protect and defend me from all Dangers and return me in safety in His Good Time.” June 11: “Receiv’d news that the French had Quit the Siege of Quebec.” July 29: “This Day a Detachment of 150 Provincials went to carry prov. to the New Hampshire forces. Mr. Warren is with them.” Aug. 17: “This morning a very unfortunate accident...Capt Legy of the Royals Artillery both his Leggs shot off died soon after. Christopher Langley the calf of his Leg shot away, Nathaniel March both of his Legs. James Unin[?] of our Company shot off by the knee, the Amputation was above. Robart Towerson his knee which was Amputated. This Morn I was order’d with 60 Men of our Regiments to carry the Provision down to a small Island where I had a view of the Poor unhappy Persons above Mentioned.” Aug. 27: “This Moments had a view of one that was torn and Burnt after a most Miserable Manner a Number of Shells catcht on Fire and made a most Terrible explosion a Regular Soldier had his Thies Shot off.” Aug. 28: “Last Night about midnight the French abandoned their Stronghold and we and the Regulars some of them took Possession of it found one Capt. and 30 Privates together with a great many that were sick and wounded. Hoisted an English Flag.” Sept. 5: “Lt. Furnam from Fort Chambley brings advice that the French surrendered the Fort without fireing more than once or twice.” Oct. 21: “This Day 10 Indians with Wives & Children came in and surrendered themselves.” Nov. 27: “Thanksgiving Day I understand but no sines of it for we can scarcely get any thing to eat.” Dec. 1: “From Exeter home after a very Fatigueing Journey of 13 Days one and a half of which I rested on the road.”

The journal also includes a few pages from Moody’s time in Halifax, where it ap- pears he served with his militia unit in 1761, as well as a substantial number of pages recording business transactions, including a list of hides Moody most assur- edly used in his tannery. A segment only of the journal was published as The Diary of Thomas Moody: Campaign of 1760 of the French and Indian War, edited by P.M. Woodwell (South Berwick, Maine: Chronicle Print Shop, 1976). A very interesting and significant journal chronicling one soldier’s experiences in the closing months of the French and Indian War. $25,000.

A Civil War Navy Gunner

43. Furlong, Joseph: [CIVIL WAR-ERA HOLOGRAPHIC NOTE- BOOK KEPT BY A UNION NAVAL GUNNER ABOARD THE U.S.S. QUAKER CITY]. [Various American ports. ca. 1861]. [106]pp. of lined paper. 12mo. Original limp calf. Minor edge wear, front cover bowed. Pencil notes and drawing of a woman in profile on front endpapers. Minor dust soiling in text, last two leaves removed. Very good.

An engaging manuscript journal kept by “Joseph Furlong, Acting Gunner, U.S.N.,” per his ownership inscription on the first leaf. According to David Dixon’s Naval History of the Civil War, Furlong served as the acting gunner on the U.S.S. Quaker City, a heavy sidewheel steamship built in 1854 and leased by the at the start of the Civil War. Chartered in 1861 and subsequently purchased by the Navy, the ship was outfitted with a powerful twenty-pound long rifle and assigned to help enforce the of the ports of the Confederate States of America. The journal opens with fifteen manuscript pages in pencil listing the “Table of Allowances of Ordnance Stores for 2nd Class Sidewheel Steamer” and other “Miscellaneous” supplies. This is followed by ninety-one manuscript pages in ink titled “Questions and Answers in Naval Gunnery” and consisting of 396 numbered questions and answers ranging from “Q. What is a Gun made of? A. Of Cast Iron Metal” to “Q. What is the charge for a 24 Pdr of 1310 lbs? A. 2 lbs.” One of the last entries addresses the recipe for gunpowder, here given as fifteen parts nitre, ten parts sulphur, and fifteen parts charcoal. There are no notations or references for the source of these entries, but they read as class notes copied from a standard reference work. It would be another fifty years before the publication of the first Bluejacket’s Manual, the standard handbook for personnel of the United States Navy. Many sailors at this time were practically illiterate, so the oral tradi- tions and procedures of petty officers were the basis of enlisted sailors’ education. Furlong could have gleaned the material from James Harmon Ward’s An Elementary Course of Instruction on Ordnance and Gunnery: Prepared for the Use of the Midshipmen at the Naval School (1846). Placed in service only six days after President Lincoln declared a blockade of the Confederate coast, the Quaker City was one of the most active and effective blockaders in the Union Navy, capturing at least ten ships flying the Confederate flag. At various times the ship patrolled the entrance to Chesapeake Bay, , New York, the Gulf of Mexico, up the Mississippi River, the Bahamas, Key West, Charleston, and more, capturing Confederate ships in every port of call, including Confederate commerce raiders such as the Model, the Lilla, and the Adela. After taking a pounding during its service in the war, the ship was decom- missioned in 1865 and sold back to commercial interests. Interestingly, during a trip to Europe in 1867, Mark Twain chose the ship as a setting for his Innocents Abroad. The Quaker City was later renamed several times and served in the Haitian Navy before sinking off Bermuda in 1871. This manuscript journal is an enthralling read for naval historians, especially of the Civil War era. Naval operations during the war are often overlooked in favor of the famous land battles, but they were no less important in winning the war for the Union. This journal is a firsthand memento of the sailor’s life from one of the defining eras in American history. $2500.

44. Galbraith, Thomas: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM THOMAS GALBRAITH TO GEN. EDWARD HAND, COM- PLAINING OF THE MILITARY’S DEPREDATIONS TO HIS PROPERTY]. [Squirrel Hill Farm, Pa.] Jan. 15, 1778. [1]p., docketed on verso. Folio. Some loss to right margin, repaired, affecting a few words of text; small loss to left margin, repaired, not affecting text. Bottom of sheet trimmed, affecting postscript. Washed and pressed; silked on verso. Fair. In a half morocco box.

Thomas Galbraith writes to Gen. Edward Hand, stationed at Fort Pitt, decrying the damage to his property caused by the militia stationed at Palmers Fort. He writes:

My farm at Squirrel Hill hath been this Fall their place of calling at when out on scout or on their necessary occasions to their farms. My fencing is burnt & the fields laid open, the house pillaged of the farming utensils, the grain of which there was a large quantity left a prey to cattle. When I heard militia be- ing stationed on the frontiers by your approbation, I considered my property as safe. Unless I have satisfaction made, in a regular way, it will make no odds to me whether the enemy destroys my property or the militia takes it by violence or robbery at a time when I am rendering my personal services to my county.

The services to which Galbraith refers concerned property destruction of his own. Galbraith was appointed an agent of Forfeited Estates in October 1777, and in that capacity he confiscated the properties of Loyalists in Westmoreland County. $1500.

Gerry Writes on Massachusetts Politics in the Midst of War

45. Gerry, Elbridge: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM EL- BRIDGE GERRY TO AN UNIDENTIFIED RECIPIENT, DIS- CUSSING MASSACHUSETTS POLITICS]. Washington. Feb. 21, 1814. [3]pp. Quarto, on a folded folio sheet. Old fold lines. Some separation at central fold. Minor soiling. Trimmed closely at bottom, with loss of a line of text. Good.

Elbridge Gerry writes to an unidentified recipient – likely a son-in-law or another close male relative – regarding the recipient’s political post and advancement in Massachusetts society. Gerry dispenses advice, based on many years in the field of political play:

The appointment of the Judge Advocate can easily be accounted for, by the pres- ence of his advocates. Every wheel is put in motion on such occasions, & gives a great impetus. No application has been made for yourself, to my knowledge, as a secretary of legation. There was an enquiry, on this point, made to J.Q. Adams; but it is not a place in my estimation adequate to your talents & grade in society, & the emoluments, about 3000£, would not, when the expenses are deducted, be worth your acceptance....I do not conceive that circumstanced as you are at present, holding ‘by courtesy’ under the government of the state, a beneficial office, you can with propriety attack the government. To vote is one thing, but it is quite another thing, to be open in opposition. There seems to be an obligation of decency & consistency, if not of honor, to be neutral at least whilst you cannot be an advocate for the government; & previously to hostilities, to relinquish the office. The latter is a measure which cannot be justified to your family, under existing circumstances, & as it is not requisite or indispensable, I think you are justly entitled to a truce, until you are called on by your country to act, & a post is assigned worthy of your rank in society.

Elbridge Gerry was a politician and signer of the Declaration of Independence from Massachusetts with a well established mercantile business. He would go on to become governor of Massachusetts and vice president under James Madison, and become notorious for being the namesake of the term “gerrymandering.” He was a close friend and associate of John Adams, among others. This letter was written in the last year of his life. $2750.

Gerry Discusses His Role as President of the Senate, and His Conflict with Senators Over “Usages” of the Senate

46. Gerry, Elbridge: [LENGTHY AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM VICE PRESIDENT ELBRIDGE GERRY, DISCUSSING HIS ROLE AS PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE AND RECOUNT- ING THE PRACTICE OF USAGES IN THE SENATE]. Washington. March 22, 1814. [8]pp. Quarto. Old fold lines. Two small tears in foredge of last two leaves. Minor soiling. Very good plus. In a folio-sized brown half morocco and cloth clamshell case, spine gilt.

A superb letter written by Elbridge Gerry to an unidentified recipient discussing his role as presiding officer of the Senate during his term as vice president, written just a few months before the end of his life. Gerry served as President Madison’s vice president and staunchly supported Madison’s aggression against the British in the War of 1812. The vice president’s job, as stated in the Constitution, is to preside over the Senate; most holders of that office, however, had relinquished the post to a president pro tem. In a move that went entirely against tradition, Gerry refused to relinquish his position as presiding officer of the Senate after the close of the session, lest a peace advocate from Virginia take his place. Gerry’s letter, which is entirely focused on his work as the presiding officer of the Senate, discusses the issue of “usages” – unwritten rules that governed the Senate in addition to the recorded rules. He was informed by the Senate that they would let him know, as needed, what these usages were and where they were applicable, a practice Gerry refers to near the end of the letter as “a mean snare to entangle the presiding officer.” Gerry writes:

I suspect from appearances, there have been anonymous complaints against our friend B.; there certainly have against Mr. [Henry] Dearborn. Your conduct in regard to the former was wise, honorable & friendly; & let the issue be as it may, he never can impute blame to you, & would I think prefer you as a successor, to any other person. This mode of shooting in ambush is savage, & if countenanced, would drive from office every man of honor & substitute in his place an assassin....The attempt to criminate Governor [Return Jonathan] Meigs has failed, & he after an ordeal is confirmed by the Senate [as postmaster general]. In it there is at present such a number of Federalists, & of ostensible Republicans, as to nicely ballance this body on some points, & to preponderate in their favor or others. The former, in regard to myself, have preserved in general more delicacy than the latter; several of whom, at the moment of my taking the chair, opened a masked battery on it, under the denomination of usages. The written rules & Jefferson’s Manual were sent to me by the Secretary before I came to this city, & another set of them was placed on the Senate table. These I applied but was informed of another kind of rule called usages, which were to govern my conduct & that of the Senate. I enquired whether they were in the Journals, or any record, or in print, & was answered in the negative, but that the mem- bers knew them & would from time to time give me information. This queer kind of orders was communicated to me from time to time & submitted to the awkward mode adopted by some gentlemen of being thus catechized into the knowledge of their usages; but took the precautions always writing them as stated, & of taking the sense of the Senate, whether they were to be considered as the usages of that body. This record I left on the table for the use of new members, as well as for the government of myself in the last session; during which, one of the members being disposed at a time to dispute the usage, the chair was supported, & Judge Anderson declared, that the President ought to be embarrassed with such kind of rules, but that they ought to be exploded.

Gerry then launches into a lengthy and detailed account of an incident involving a dispute in the Senate over usages. He notes that the entire incident was subsequently stricken from the record, likely making this one of the only records of the occurrence:

One of these usages required that each member presenting a petition should not only comply with the written rule by stating the purport of the petition, but should declare that ‘it was conceived in respectful terms.’ Mr. King soon after my arrival presented a petition, [which] complied with the written rule, & refused to comply with the usage; altho it was read & confirmed by a number of gentlemen who declared it to be correct. Mr. Mason demanded whether the usage was on the journals, & objected to my record of it; but he was corrected by Mr. Dana of Connecticut & others....[Mr. King later] preferred another petition from the city of N. York, complying with the written rule only. I enquired whether it was conceived in respectful terms, he refused to answer, & demanded whether he was in order; saying that if the chair refused to receive the petition, he would take it back, & return it to his constituents with a state- ment of the facts. In answer, I informed the Senate that the member was in order according to the written rules, but out of order according to the usage; & requested the sense of the Senate, in order to put an end to such unpleasant conflicts on this question, whether not having complied with the usage of the house requiring the declaration mentioned, he was in order? This produced a warm debate....During the debate, Mr. Giles in an illib- eral, & I tho’t ungentlemanly manner cast blame on the chair for having in one instance only produced excitement in his feelings by merely enquiring whether a petition which he had preferred, was (agreeably to the requisite of his usage) conceived in respectful terms. He stated that the question had not been presented by any President pro tem, & implied a distrust of the honor of the member. I stated if there existed a distrust, it was not on my part, but on that of the Senate; which had established the usage & made it binding on the members of the Senate, & who made it the duty of the President to apply it as a rule....After the [flame?] had risen, I informed the gentlemen, that they had not supported the Chair in applying their usage, which was here apparently a mean snare to entangle the presiding officer; & that until the usages were ascertained, recorded & determined to be rules of proceeding by the Senate, they would not again by me be applied as such. The next day Mr. Dagget moved to amend the Journal so as that the decision of the Senate should not appear to have been against a usage. I read the motion & informed the Senate that they had a right to put what they pleased in their Journals, over which I had no control; but that the motion did not state the fact, & that this was truly recorded by the Secretary. Another member then moved to strike out the record in regard to this matter & so it ended.

Gerry adds in a post script: “The members of the Senate have appeared since this affair attentive, more so than usual. But it develops I think a high degree of party prejudice. I shall bury it however in oblivion, & alter my future proceedings, so as to stand on recorded rules and practices.” Gerry served in the Continental Congress and was a signer of the Declaration of Independence. He was an early and vigorous advocate of American Independence, and played a crucial role in the formation of the new United States government, insisting on a bill of rights being added to the new Constitution. “Gerry warned that the Constitution would not be ratified without a bill of rights, and he proved to be right. Massachusetts accepted the document, but only with the strong rec- ommendation that a bill of rights be added. Several other states followed suit, and the Constitution was ratified but only with these provisos. Gerry staunchly supported the new government, helped to frame the Bill of Rights, and served as congressman from 1789 to 1793” – ANB. His name is perhaps most remembered, however ignominiously, in connection with the term “gerrymandering.” In his second term as governor of Massachusetts, Gerry redrew district lines to consolidate his party’s control in the state senate. “The shape of one electoral district on the map resembled a salamander, and one wit promptly dubbed it a ‘Gerrymander.’ Hence, the term used today when redistricting results in a concentration of the strength of one political party and a weakening of its opponent’s strength” – ANB. Though this was not necessarily a new practice, the name stuck. Gerry ran on the ticket with President Madison in 1812, for Madison’s second term as president, and died in office in November 1814. An interesting and detailed letter by Gerry, unraveling the intricacies of the rules in the Senate, coupled with the difficulties of handling party politics in that body. $9500.

Primary Source for Information Relating to the Barbary Captives in 1698

47. [Great Britain – Lords Commissioners of the Treasury]: [CON- TEMPORARY MANUSCRIPT ENTRY BOOK RELATING TO MONIES OWED TO CAPT. GEORGE DELAVAL FOR HIS DIP- LOMATIC MISSION TO BARBARY TO FREE ENGLISH CAP- TIVES, THE ESTATE OF WILLIAM ALEXANDER, 1st EARL OF STIRLING AND THE DISTRIBUTION OF CROWN PROFITS FROM THE SETTLING OF HIS LANDS IN NEW YORK AND LONG ISLAND, AND OTHER MATTERS, MOSTLY WRITTEN IN THE HAND OF JOHN TAYLOUR, SECRETARY TO THE LORDS OF THE TREASURY]. [London. 1699-1705]. 52pp. Manu- script listing of contents in the front, numerous additional blank leaves in the rear. Small folio. Contemporary vellum, covers tooled in blind, spine lettered in manuscript. Very good. Provenance: 18th-century manuscript inscription on the front free endpaper: “Bought at an auction of Mr. Edwin’s Library 19 Nov 1763.”

The majority of this entry book concerns Capt. Delaval’s 1698-1700 mission to Barbary to free over 200 imprisoned English captives. Besides transcriptions of numerous letters and detailed accounts concerning the costs associated with the freeing of the slaves (such as £1200 for a ring and “sundry other things” presented to the Emperor of Morocco), this manuscript copy book includes documents relat- ing to loans given and repaid by Thomas Cuddon, the Chamberlain of London, as well as a detailed listing of stationery supplies, with costs, used by the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury. The entry book concludes with two petitions by the executor of the estate of the Earl of Stirling, relating to a share of the Crown’s profit for his lands in New York and Long Island. $6000.

An Architectural Traveller

48. Hannah, Ian C.: THREE CONTINENTS NOTE BOOK [manuscript title]. [Various places]. July 1911-1920. Approximately [300]pp. plus extensive material laid in. Folio. Contemporary three-quarter black roan and cloth, spine detached but laid in. Corners heavily worn. Internally clean. Highly legible. Very good.

Lengthy manuscript account, illustrated with numerous clippings, postcards, and photographs, detailing travels through Scotland, France, the American Southwest, Mexico, and Japan, made by architectural historian Ian C. Hannah (1874-1944). A British academic, in 1915 Hannah was appointed to a post at Oberlin Theological Seminary in Ohio as a professor of church history. He was also somewhat of an expert on ancient Scotland and published several books on the subject. Both those passions are in evidence in the present manuscript. His handwritten notes give details on the history of construction and numerous architectural details, as well as sketches of details and floor plans. Hannah married Oberlin alumna and artist Edith Brand, who may be the creator of the original watercolor laid into the book. As listed in the front of the volume, Hannah’s journeys are through Scotland; Louisiana, Utah, Colorado, ; France; New Mexico, California, Kansas, Texas, Missouri, Oklahoma; Japan; and Mexico. The opening section on Scotland contains numerous observations on church architecture, together with photographs, clippings, and manuscript floor plans to illustrate the commentary. Moving on to the United States he continues describing architecture and monuments, finding considerable fault with New Orleans. He writes: “The Cathedral of St. Louis is an unsatisfac- tory building which has been much reconstructed, partly from the slipping of its foundations....” “Christ Church Cathedral. A deplorable Gothic effort, its chief feature being metal pillars, each with four detached shafts of wood.” He comments on the cemetery and the process of vaulting versus in-ground burial due to the soil and water table. In each town in Louisiana (New Orleans, Lafayette, Shreveport) the churches and other eminent buildings receive similar treatment, being described as “fair” at best. He does have kind words for the new capitol building in Salt Lake City, calling it “a very successful piece of work.” He describes the courthouse in St. Louis as “dignified if not very distinctive,” and the Cathedral of San Francisco in Santa Fe as “a poor modern structure in a sort of mongrel Byzantine style...,” but praises the efforts to preserve the original Spanish character of the city. Approximately a quarter of the volume is devoted to Japan. His description of the Village of Hachi-Ishi includes a watercolor map of the area. Much like his laudatory descriptions of Scotland and France, Hannah seems to have enjoyed Japan and its architecture, and this section is extensively illustrated with drawings, photographs, and postcards showing the areas and buildings which he toured. The last few pages of the volume comprise an index by region. $1250.

A Superb Sam Houston Letter in the Midst of the Texas Revolution, as He Assumes Its Presidency: “The eyes of the world are upon us....the bright star of Texian Independence is seen moving rapidly onward....”

49. Houston, Sam: [MANUSCRIPT LETTER IN A SECRETARIAL HAND, SIGNED BY SAM HOUSTON AND WITH TWO CON- CLUDING SENTENCES WRITTEN IN HIS HAND, TO ELIJAH HAYWARD, DISCUSSING HOUSTON’S ASSUMPTION OF THE PRESIDENCY OF THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS, THE POSSIBLE ANNEXATION OF TEXAS TO THE UNITED STATES, AND CRITICISING HIS POLITICAL RIVAL, DAVID BURNET]. Co- lumbia [Tx]. Nov. 1, 1836. [3]pp. on a folded folio sheet. Addressed for mail- ing (apparently in Houston’s hand) on the blank fourth page, with a circular New Orleans postmark (in blue ink), “2/3” in red ink, and “10 for. 85” in black ink. Old folds from mailing, two small remnants of old red wax seal. Small hole from a seal, not affecting text. Two small tears near a cross-fold, affecting five letters of text. In very good condition.

An outstanding letter from Sam Houston, one of the towering figures in Texas history, written just days after he became President of the Republic of Texas, and a little more than six months after he led Texian forces to victory at the Battle of San Jacinto, which secured the independence of Texas from Mexico. Houston was elected President of the Republic of Texas on Sept. 5, 1836, then took office on Oct. 22, succeeding David Burnet, who had been interim President the previous seven months. In this letter Houston notes that “the eyes of the world are upon us,” and that Texas is but an “infant Republic just emerging from the political season” with “difficulties and dangers on every side.” He goes on to assert, however, that “these difficulties and dangers have been gloriously surmounted, and the bright star of Texian independence is seen moving rapidly onward to the meridian of its glory.” Houston makes reference to his victory at San Jacinto, his initial disinclination to seek office, and exhibits gratitude to the people of Texas in investing him with their confidence by making him president of the fledgling Republic. Significantly, Houston writes: “the people of Texas have shown through the ballot box at the late election that they are decidedly in favor of annexation to the United States, and it is a matter worthy to be made known throughout your coun- try.” This is a remarkably early pronouncement from Houston on the desirability of annexing Texas to the United States, a subject to which Houston returned in his address to the Texas Legislature in May 1837. He discusses the “common ancestry” of the peoples of both nations, urges Hayward to use the American press to lobby for annexation, and lauds Texas as a market for goods and produce from the United States. Houston closes the letter by attacking his predecessor and political enemy, former Texas President David Burnet, whom he calls “a poor dog, and I believe a very bad man, if not corrupt.” Burnet and Houston were longstanding antagonists, and they would face each other again in a contentious campaign for President of Texas in 1841. The animosity between the two became so great, Burnet challenged Houston to a duel, which the latter declined. Houston wrote this letter to Elijah Hayward, a prominent Ohio lawyer and former judge of the Ohio Supreme Court, who had recently resigned his position as Commissioner of the General Land Office in Washington, D.C. The relation- ship between Houston and Hayward is unclear, though the tone of this letter is certainly warm. Houston wrote this letter from Columbia, Texas, which served as the capital of the Republic of Texas from September to December, 1836. The bulk of the letter is in a secretarial hand; Houston, always an erratic speller, generally preferred to dictate official correspondence. He writes:

Dear Sir, I have just received your letter of the 6th August, and it gives me much pleasure to know that although far removed from the most of my old friends in the United States, they still evince some interest in my own prosper- ity and an anxious solicitude for the success of the great cause of political and religious liberty in Texas. The eyes of the world are upon us, and the events of the last twelve months have excited the generous sympathies of any patriot heart. We are an infant Republic just emerging from the political season, dark and gloomy have been our prospects, difficulties and dangers have attended on every side, but that gloom has in a great measure been dissipated, these difficulties and dangers have been gloriously surmounted, and the bright star of Texian independence is seen moving rapidly onward to the meridian of its glory. It is indeed enough for one man to have been the leader of that noble band who achieved the ever memorable victory of San Jacinto, and under the influence of that [feeling?] I had determined to hold no office under the government other than that which I then held, and to retire from that as soon as the circumstances of my country would permit to the powerful shades of private life, but the continued and increasing confidence of a grateful people has forced me from that deter- mination, and by an almost unanimous voice called me to occupy the highest station within their gift. Placed in that peculiar position with regard to the other nations of the earth, many important duties necessarily devolve on me, some in the performance of which difficulties must be encountered, but rely- ing with perfect confidence upon our ability to sustain the principles we have [ordained?] I have reason to hope for the best results. The people of Texas have shown through the ballot box at the late election that they are decidedly in favor of annexation to the United States, and it is a matter worthy to be made known throughout your country, that with the excep- tion of about forty votes they are unanimous on that subject, and so nearly are as allied in feeling and interest in a geographical point of view, and springing as we do from our common ancestry, if it be but accomplished it cannot fail to produce the happiest consequences. I think much might be done to facilitate this grand object through the public press, would our friends in different parts of the union take the matter in hand and urge its importance upon the people, particularly the people of these western states who are accustomed to look to New Orleans as the only market for their produce, for even now, could it find its way here a portion by no means inconsiderable of this surplus, would meet with a ready sale at infinitely better prices than can be obtained in any part of the United States.

The following two sentences as well as the salutation, signature, and postscript are all written in Houston’s hand: “Burnet is a poor dog, and I believe a very bad man, if not corrupt. Major Ford [Famous Texas soldier and ranger John S. ‘Rip’ Ford], is a clever sort of man and shall be provided for. Truly your friend, Sam Houston / write often to me! H.” This letter is not included in The Writings of Sam Houston, 1813-1863, edited by Amelia Williams and Eugene Barker, and we are unable to locate any letters with similar content written by Houston during this period. An outstanding Sam Houston letter, written just days into his presidency of the Republic of Texas, displaying confidence in the future of the Republic, looking forward to its annexation by the United States, and belittling his political adver- sary. $95,000.

50. Houston, Sam: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER OF INTRODUCTION, SIGNED, BY SAM HOUSTON]. Washington. Jan. 18, 1853. [3]pp. Quarto, on a folded folio sheet. Old fold lines. Slight separation at verti- cal fold, minor soiling and light ink bleed. Very good. In a red cloth folder, spine gilt.

Written in a bold and flourishing hand, this letter from Sam Houston to , U.S. Minister in England, introduces an up-and-coming Congress- man from New York, Caleb Lyon. Lyon served just one term in the House of Representatives, and later served briefly as governor of Idaho Territory, where he was very unpopular. Houston writes:

My dear Sir, It affords me great pleasure to present my friend, Hon. Caleb Lyon of Lyonsdale, member elect, to the next Congress from N. York, to your notice, and regard. You will find him a gentleman, of the purest honor and feelings. Mr. L. is in every way worthy of your friendly attentions. He will extend his tour, from London and any thing in your power to make it pleas- ant, I hope you will contribute upon our partial acquaintance. I may press too far and if I do, you will please to excuse me on the grounds of my respect for you, and a desire to make my friend happy by presenting him to you as he is anxious to become acquainted with you!

Houston’s closing signature is quite large and underscored with flourishes. $3000.

Supplying Connecticut Laws to the Federal Government, from a Signer of the Declaration of Independence

51. Huntington, Samuel: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM SAMUEL HUNTINGTON AS GOVERNOR OF CONNECTI- CUT]. Norwich, Ct. Nov. 3, 1788. [1]p. Foxed, paper infill to replace paper loss from removal of wax seal, not affecting text except for one word of closing address. Backed on archival tissue. Good.

Samuel Huntington, signer of the Declaration of Independence, writes as governor of Connecticut to an unidentified recipient regarding sending copies of Connecticut’s state statutes to the newly formed federal government. He writes:

Sir, I am in want of thirteen setts or copies of all the statutes of this state which have been made & passed since the adjourned Assembly in 1784 Janu- ary sessession [sic] that is, since the laws were revised. Those late statutes are wanted for use of the United States agriably to an Act of Congress. I wish to be informed as soon as may be whether you have them in print, not bound, & can supply me with thirteen sets of them.

In addition to marking his place in history with his signature on the Declaration of Independence, Huntington also served as president of the Continental Congress, and was the third governor of Connecticut, serving for ten years until his death in 1796. $1850.

A Massachusetts Commission, Engraved by Silversmith Nathaniel Hurd and Signed by Gov. Thomas Hutchinson

52. Hutchinson, Thomas: Sewall, Samuel: THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ESQUIRE; CAPTAIN-GENERAL AND GOVERNOR IN CHIEF, IN AND OVER HIS MAJESTY’S PROVINCE OF MASSACHU- SETTS-BAY, TO SAMUEL SEWALL ESQ GREETING. BY VIR- TUE OF THE POWER AND AUTHORITY IN AND BY HIS MAJESTY’S ROYAL COMMISSION TO ME GRANTED TO BE... FIRST MAJOR OF THE REGIMENT OF MILITIA.... Boston. Aug. 5, 1771. Broadside, 14¼ x 16 inches. Expertly silked, with some strengthen- ing of fold lines on verso, mild loss along centerfold. Good. In a blue cloth folding case.

A superb engraved colonial appointment from Loyalist Massachusetts governor Thomas Hutchinson, completed in manuscript and signed by him during his first official year as governor of the colony. In the document Hutchinson appoints Samuel Sewall, Esq. to the position of first major for the Militia of York County, Massachusetts (now the southernmost county in present-day Maine), under the command of Col. Nathaniel Sparhawk. Hutchinson has signed the document at top left, just beneath the seal. The manuscript portions of the document appear to be in the hand of Hutchinson’s secretary, John Cotton, whose signature appears at the bottom of the document. Additionally, there are two witness signatures on the verso. This interesting document involves two important Massachusetts figures. Thomas Hutchinson was a merchant and politician, and the most prominent Loyalist in the province, ascending from lieutenant governor to governor of Massachusetts, serving in the latter role from 1771 to 1773 after a brief period as acting governor. Hutchinson was a nuisance to the Revolutionaries, as he continually sided with the Crown on the most hated of British taxes. Hutchinson fled Boston for London in late 1773 and remained in exile in England until his death in 1780. He also wrote an important history on Massachusetts Bay, the first volume of which was published in 1764, with the third volume published posthumously. The appointee is Maj. Samuel Sewall, Esq. Sewall was a great-nephew of famed Salem witch trial judge Samuel Sewall. He was an accomplished inventor, furni- ture maker, architect, and engineer, credited as the first person to drive piles into deep rivers as foundations for bridges. He designed and helped build the bridge that would later bear his name in York County, and helped design and erect the Charlestown Bridge in Boston in 1786. Very little is known of Sewall’s military career; it is very likely that Sewall switched allegiances and served with the patriots during the Revolution, as he was a respected and influential citizen of York for the remainder of his days. The document was engraved by talented Boston silversmith Nathaniel Hurd. Hurd was an expert with precious metals, especially the ornate decorations that characterized the rococo style of the period. He also produced a large number of bookplates for prominent citizens of Boston, trade cards, paper currency, tables of weights and measures, various important prints, and engraved military commis- sions ordered by the provincial government, such as the present example. Hurd died just six years after the date of this document, cutting short the career of an early American silversmith engraver who was at least the equal of Paul Revere, if not the best silversmith in Boston of his period. An outstanding colonial appointment signed by the penultimate British governor of Massachusetts. $6000. A Conquistador’s Narrative, of Paramount Importance for the Early History of La Plata

53. Irala, Domingo Martinez de: [MANUSCRIPT, SIGNED BY DOMINGO MARTINEZ DE IRALA, FOR THE EMPEROR CHARLES V AND THE COUNCIL OF THE INDIES, NARRAT- ING HIS ACTIONS AND EXPLORATIONS AS THE DE FACTO GOVERNOR OF LA PLATA FROM 1545 TO 1555]. Asuncion [now Paraguay]. 1555. [4] leaves, approximately 3,500 words. Folio. Bound in limp red morocco for Sir Thomas Phillipps at the Middle Hill bindery. Fine. In a red half morocco and cloth box.

An extraordinary manuscript of the greatest importance for the early history and exploration of South America. Written by the famed conquistador, Domingo Martinez de Irala, it narrates for the Emperor Charles V and his Council of the Indies the history of the Province of La Plata and Irala’s activities and explorations during the decade from 1545 to 1555, a period when the Province was virtually cut off from Spain. This manuscript must rank as one of the most important in the early history of the Americas still in private hands. Irala is the dominant figure in the early history of the Province of La Plata. He left Spain with the Mendoza expedition in 1534, a young Biscayan adventurer full of ambition. He played a distinguished part in the many Indian fights over the next five years, and was one of the founders of Asuncion in 1539. The deaths of the leaders of the expedition and Irala’s natural abilities caused him to be elected governor the same year. In 1540, Alvar Nunez Cabeça de Vaca, already famous for his exploits in North America, was appointed governor of La Plata by Charles V, and arrived in Asuncion in March 1542. Unwisely, he retained Irala as lieutenant- governor. The two were frequently at cross-purposes over the next two years, and in 1544, Irala staged a coup and imprisoned Cabeça de Vaca. The following year Irala shipped his prisoner back to Spain, along with several of his partisans, to justify his actions and ask for his formal appointment as governor of La Plata. For the next ten years, the period covered by the present manuscript, Irala held power as de facto governor of La Plata, but without an official appointment. He was keenly aware of the tenuous nature of his position and made various attempts to be officially appointed. This manuscript was clearly written to further that endeavor, justifying Irala’s own actions and ending with a plea for appointment. In the meantime, several plans to replace him were stymied by the deaths of the officially appointed governors before they could take office, and other strokes of fate. Either because of this 1555 letter or bowing to reality, in 1556, the year of his death, Irala was officially appointed to the position he had held so long. In fact, news of his appointment reached him only a few weeks before his demise. With the exception of Cabeça de Vaca’s two years as governor, Irala had been the effec- tive ruler of La Plata from 1539 to 1556, making him by far the most important conquistador of the territory. This manuscript provides a detailed account of Irala’s actions in the decade from the deposing of Cabeça de Vaca to his own appointment as governor, from 1545 to 1555. He first describes his explorations up the Parana in 1545, as far as 16° south. Then in 1546, Irala led an expedition to the borders of Peru, almost as far as the mines at Potosi. There he was warned by the Viceroy to stay out of Peru, but camped in the foothills of the Andes and sent his trusted lieutenant, Nuflo de Chaves, to Lima to see the Viceroy, the first overland expedition from La Plata across the continent. Nuflo de Chaves transmitted the first of Irala’s petitions to officially be made governor. After an absence of almost two years, Irala returned to Asuncion to discover a coup had taken place, led by soldiers still loyal to Cabeça de Vaca. He describes his efforts to suppress this rebellion and justifies his actions. With the period of strife over, Irala sent Nuflo de Chaves on further explorations, and conducted more campaigns against various Indian tribes. During all of this time there was very little communication with Spain, and Irala’s province was virtually a world unto itself. This manuscript sheds considerable light on this period, the first part of which is covered elsewhere by the narrative of the German mercenary, Hulderico Schmidel, but the latter years of which are very poorly documented. Finally, in June 1555 a ship arrived from Spain with instructions (but still no appointment) for Irala. The present narrative, evidently written in July 1555, was clearly intended to be sent back with that ship. Written in a secretarial hand, it is signed by Irala (here translated into English): “Most powerful Lords, your least servant who kisses your royal hands and feet, Domingo de Irala.” This is one of two known copies of this manuscript, the other being in the Archive of the Indies. That copy contains some variants in spelling and form, and has been published in R. de Lafuente Machain’s Domingo de Irala (Buenos Aires, 1939). The present manuscript’s provenance begins with diplomat-bookseller Obadiah Rich, who acquired it in Spain sometime after 1815 and sold it to the collector, Lord Kingsborough. At the Kingsborough sale it passed to Sir William Betham, and later to the famous British collector of manuscripts, Sir Thomas Phillipps, who had it bound in its present limp red morocco binding. It was later sold at one of the Phillipps dispersal sales, in 1938, and has been off the market ever since. A manuscript of the utmost importance and interest. PHILLIPPS MSS. 13301 (see PHILLIPPS STUDIES 4:182). R. de Lafuente Machain, Domingo de Irala (Buenos Aires, 1939), pp.499-509. Fernando de Valle Lersundi, Irala, Al- gunos Documentos... (Madrid, 1932) (compare signature illustrated on p.27). Julian M. Rubio, Exploracion y Conquista de Rio de la Plata Siglos XVI y XVII (Barcelona, 1942). $125,000.

Detailing Sugar and Rum Production in Jamaica

54. [ Jamaica]: Arozarena, Ramon de, and Pedro Bauduy: [CUBAN MAN- USCRIPT REPORT ON SUGAR AND RUM PRODUCTION IN JAMAICA]. Havana. June 25, 1828. 66pp. in Spanish (leaves numbered on rectos 72-104). Accompanied by a page-by-page summary in English. Folio. Dbd. Toned, long closed tears to two leaves, minor edge wear. Very good. In a half morocco box.

An extensive and illuminating manuscript report regarding sugar production in Jamaica, by two Cuban commissioners, Ramon de Arozarena and Pedro Bauduy. The manuscript is written by Arozarena and signed at the end by both men. In 1828 the two Cuban commissioners traveled to Jamaica to study sugar production. Both islands had long histories of intensive production that had exhausted the soil and damaged the environment, and the Cubans wanted to see how their neighbors had adapted. The two men inspected several sugar farms. They reported that the Jamaican ecology was more damaged than their own, with most of the forest cover being destroyed. The scarcity of wood had led to changes in the refinement pro- cess which the Cubans hoped to emulate, requiring far less firewood. This process involved a great technique for the production of muscovado sugar, which could be successfully transplanted into . They also advocated the use of fertilizer and praised the superior Jamaican infrastructure of roads and irrigation. The report contains several statistical tables and narrative accounts of many aspects of Jamaican agriculture, as well as rum production. It was published later that year as Informe Presentado...el Estado de la Agricultura, y Elaboracion y Beneficio de los Frutos Coloniales en la de Jamayca. Monzote, From Rainforest to Cane Field in Cuba, p.148. $7500.

A Wonderful Jefferson Letter About the Constitution and the French Revolution: “There are heads among us itching for crowns... we shall sooner cut them off than gratify their itching.”

55. Jefferson, Thomas: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JEAN ANTOINE GAUTIER, RE- LATING JEFFERSON’S INTENSE DISTASTE FOR FEDERAL- IST POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY, HIS FAITH IN THE AMERI- CAN CONSTITUTION, AND HIS SUPPORT OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION]. Philadelphia. June 8, 1792. [2]pp. manuscript letter on a folded folio sheet, the third page blank, and the fourth page with the address written in Jefferson’s hand and with further receipt docketing. Old folds. A bit of wear at edges and fold cross-sections. Very good.

A very forceful, interesting, and remarkably candid letter from Thomas Jefferson revealing his intense distaste for Federalist policies and political sympathies, and illustrating the growing rift in the administration between Jefferson and Treasury Secretary . Jefferson also relates his support for the American Constitution and his hope for the success of the French Revolution. This letter was written to a French friend of Jefferson in Paris named Jean An- toine Gautier. Jefferson writes from Philadelphia, where he was serving as George Washington’s Secretary of State, at a time when he was becoming more critical and distrustful of Alexander Hamilton’s policies. Just two weeks earlier, on May 23, Jefferson had written Washington a long letter criticizing Hamilton’s policies and political philosophy. In that letter Jefferson condemns Hamilton’s plan for increas- ing the federal debt, arguing that it would lead to a heavy tax burden, a reliance on bank bills, a corrupt legislature, and sectional strife. Even more significantly, Jefferson argues that it would steer the American government toward a monarchi- cal system on the British model, instead of the representative system enshrined in the Constitution. In the present letter to his French friend, Jefferson continues his condemna- tion of Hamilton, and what he considered to be the pro-British, pro-monarchical, anti-republican forces in the American government. Most forcefully he writes that “there are heads among us itching for crowns, coronets, and mitres. But I hope we shall sooner cut them off than gratify their itching.” Jefferson’s phrase is even more ringing and bold when one considers that the French revolutionary government had just a few months earlier adopted the guillotine as the official instrument of executing political enemies. Jefferson then moves to a defense of the American constitution, writing that “our constitution is a wise one, and I hope we shall be able to adhere to it.” Earlier in the letter, in encouraging Gautier and the young lawmakers of the French Legislative Assembly, Jefferson writes that he “wish[es] them all possible success, and I hope they will issue in a free & a good government. If your first assay is unsuccessful as ours was, make a second as we did. When you have got what is good, hold it fast as we do.” In the first paragraph in the letter Jefferson asks Gautier to help him procure a watch from famed French watchmaker Romilly. The watch was for Jefferson’s friend and political ally, William B. Giles, and was to be the same as a Romilly watch Gautier had helped acquire for Jefferson. Jefferson requests of Gautier: “be so good as to get M. Romilly to make exactly such another watch as he made for me before, only adding a second hand on the eccentric plan, because this will not require a single additional wheel.” Jefferson then instructs Gautier to draw on his account with the London banking firm of Donald & Burton to pay for the watch. He further asks Gautier to send the watch to Thomas Pinckney, American Minister Plenipotentiary in London, who would then send it on to Jefferson, thereby help- ing Jefferson avoid paying English duties. The cost of the watch for Giles would ultimately come to £37-10. This is the copy of the letter received by Gautier. The text as recorded in The Papers of Thomas Jefferson is taken from Jefferson’s retained copy, now at the Library of Congress. That copy appears to have significant loss of text, as the transcription in the printed Jefferson Papers notes missing words and phrases, and hypothesizes an “estimated one or two pages missing.” In fact, thanks to the present copy of Jefferson’s letter, we now have the complete text, and know that only a few lines are missing from the copy at the Library of Congress. A fine Jefferson letter, pithily encapsulating his political philosophy and vibrantly illustrating the growing rift between Federalists and Republicans, a schism that would lead Jefferson to inform Washington that he planned to resign as Secretary of State a little more than a year after he wrote this letter. PAPERS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON 24, pp.42, 25, 317-18 (ref ). $97,500.

President Jefferson Sends the British Ambassador Some Pecan Nuts to Plant in England

56. Jefferson, Thomas: [AUTOGRAPH NOTE FROM PRESIDENT THOMAS JEFFERSON TO AMBASSADOR DAVID ERSKINE CONVEYING SOME PECANS]. [N.p., but Washington]. Dec. 1, 1807. [1]p., on a single quarto sheet. Old folds. Neat separation at center horizontal fold and small tears in edges expertly mended. Backed with thin Japanese paper. Minor soiling. Good.

An interesting letter from President Thomas Jefferson to British Ambassador David Erskine, sending him a gift of pecan nuts and a book. The nuts were to be sent to Erskine’s father, Lord Thomas Erskine, then Lord Chancellor of England. Jefferson writes:

Th. Jefferson presents his respects to Mr. Erskine and begs leave through him to present a bag of Paccan nuts ( Juglans Paccan) for the acceptance of Lord Erskine & as a mark of his respect for him. They are of this year’s crop & will probably vegetate if planted before the spring; and the sooner the better, they may perhaps be a year in the ground. They bear our climate to the northward of this where the degree of cold is much greater than in the middle parts of England. The richer the soil they are planted in, the more thrifty will they be. He sends also Mde. de Stael’s Corinne for the perusal of Mr. Erskine & Mr. Foster.

The note has been docketed: “From the President Jefferson of the U.S. of America.” David Erskine served as the British Ambassador to the United States from 1807 to 1809. He had lived in the United States for some time after graduating from Cambridge, and was married to an American. Both he and his father tended to be pro-American in their views. After the fall of the “Ministry of All Talents,” which turned his father out of office, David Erskine was fired as Ambassador by the new Foreign Secretary, Canning, who thought Erskine had gone too far in his offers to compromise over the Chesapeake-Leopard affair. This gift certainly illustrates his friendly relationship with Jefferson. The development of varied plantings of trees and plants from around the world was a passion of many British aristocrats from the early 18th century. Jefferson’s gift, highlighting his own passion for plantings, was also a canny way of reaching out to those in power in England, using an American product, in a way which could not be construed as a political gaffe. $19,000.

Jefferson Refuses a Demand “for certain services performed”

57. Jefferson, Thomas: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JAMES L. EDWARDS OF BOSTON, REFUSING DEMANDS FOR PAYMENT FROM A NEWSPAPER PUBLISHER]. Monticello. Sept. 5, [1811]. [1½]pp. on a single leaf, with separate leaf folded as cover, addressed and franked with Jefferson’s signature. Pen and ink on paper. Quarto. Clean, partial split along one fold, old 1/16- inch archival repairs to three corners, else fine. Cover leaf with modest soiling, traces of seal. In a blue half morocco and cloth slipcase.

An interesting Jefferson letter in which he rebuffs a request for payment of a thou- sand dollars by the editor of the Savannah Republican newspaper. He stridently objects to the payment demand, and seeks to defend his honor and reputation in setting his correspondent straight. Jefferson subscribed to a number of newspapers while he was president, including the Savannah Republican. He cancelled almost all of these subscriptions, including that for the ...Republican, when he left office at the beginning of 1809, taking care to pay all his outstanding bills. It appears from this letter that Norman McLean, one-time editor of the ...Republican, promised his successor, James Edwards, that he would pay Edwards money he owed him once he collected $1000 owed McLean by Jefferson. Edwards wrote to Jefferson on Aug. 20, 1811 asking for the money that Jefferson owed McLean. In the present letter Jefferson stridently objects to the request and insists that his account with McLean is settled. A review of Jef- ferson’s memorandum and account books corroborates Jefferson’s claim. McLean was seemingly trying to forestall Edwards’ requests for payment by claiming that Jefferson still owed him money, and that he would pay Edwards when he was paid by Jefferson. Jefferson writes:

Sir, Your letter of August 20th has truly surprised me. In that it is said that, for certain services performed by Mr. James Lyon and Mr. Samuel Morse, for- merly editors of the Savannah Republican, I promised them the sum of 1000 D. This, Sir, is totally unfounded. I never promised to any printer on earth the sum of 1000 D., nor any other sum, for certain services performed, or for any services which that expression would imply. I have had no accounts with printers but for their newspapers, for which I have paid always the ordinary price and no more. I have occasionally joined in moderate contributions to printers, as I have done to other descriptions of persons, distressed or persecuted, not by promise, but the actual payment of what I contributed. When Mr. Morse went to Savannah, he called on me and told me he meant to publish a paper there, for which I subscribed, and paid him the year in advance. I continued to take it from his successors, Everett & McLean, and Everett & Evans, and paid for it at different epochs up to December 31, 1808, when I withdrew my subscription. You say McLean informed you ‘he had some expectation of get- ting the money, as he had received a letter from me on the subject.’ If such a letter exists under my name, it is a forgery. I never wrote but a single letter to him; that was of the 28th of January, 1810, and was on the subject of the last payment made for his newspaper, and on no other subject; and I have two receipts of his, (the last dated March 9, 1809) of payments for his paper, both stating to be in full of all demands, and a letter of the 17th of April, 1810, in reply to mine, manifestly showing he had no demand against me of any other nature. The promise is said to have been made to Morse & Lyon. Were Mr. Morse living, I should appeal to him with confidence, as I believe him to have been a very honest man. Mr. Lyon I suppose to be living, and will, I am sure, acquit me of any such transaction as that alleged. The truth, then, being that I never made the promise suggested, nor any one of a like nature to any printer or other person whatever, every principle of justice and of self-respect requires that I should not listen to any such demand.

Jefferson sent James Lyon a copy of the letter the same day: “You will perceive at once its swindling object. My confidence in your character leaves me without a doubt of your honest aid in repelling this base and bold attempt to fix on me practices to which no honors or powers in this world would ever have induced me to stoop. I have solicited none, intrigued for none.” Jefferson died severely in debt, and he was plagued by money problems through- out his life. He was no doubt sensitive to the problem of his outstanding accounts and, as this letter shows, overly sensitive to demands for money which he did not owe. An evocative letter. WRITINGS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON (1907) XIII, pp.82-84. $45,000.

Sir William Johnson Writes the Governor of Pennsylvania on Indian Affairs

58. Johnson, Sir William: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM WILLIAM JOHNSON TO GOV. JOHN PENN, JR., CONGRATU- LATING PENN ON HIS NEW POSITION AS GOVERNOR OF PENNSYLVANIA]. Johnson Hall, N.Y. Jan. 29, 1772. [3]pp. Folio bifo- lium. Some age toning, slight separations at folds, some repairs to folds. Very good.

An important letter from Sir William Johnson, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Northern Colonies of British America, to John Penn, Jr., congratulating Penn on his new position as governor of Pennsylvania. Johnson held his position from 1755 until his death two years after writing this letter. Written in the uneasy period before the Revolution, Johnson also informs Penn about important Indian matters. He writes, in part:

[I] take this first opportunity...to congratulate you on your taking upon you the government of Pensilvania which I do with great sincerity from the Esteem I have for all the Branches of your Family....The Shawnees, Delawares, Munsies &c have been, and are to be considered as Dependants on the Five Nations, and having nothing to do with the Western Indians farther than in an intercourse common with all Indians in time of Peace. But as they resided at a Distance from the chief residences of the Five Nations, I thought it necessary to appoint a Deputy for the District of the Ohio &c in which they were comprehended. During the War and afterwards for a time they partook liberally of his Majestys Bounty, and another officer was appointed as a commissary to inspect the Trade at Fort Pitt & prevent abuses, but the Expenses...were thought too great by the Crown, and therefore by his Majesty orders the commissary were discontinued.

The letter continues with content about the expenses of the Department of Indian Affairs. Johnson also informs Penn:

...a proper officer is now at the Ohio, to hear them [Indians] when ever they have any business; So, that this application to you is only from a few People, who want more favours than they deserve, or than government inclines to bestow, not only without the knowledge but contrary to the inclination of the Five Nations, as they are a busy People they but too often make us of, because that they are connected with Some Emigrants from the Senecas, & some oth- ers of the Five Nations who have removed from under the influence of their chiefs to the Ohio.

Johnson ends the letter by discussing trade. Sir William Johnson had served as major A page-by-page summary in English accompanies the manuscript.general in the British forces during the French and Indian War. His estate in the Mohawk River Valley covered over 400,000 acres. Johnson Hall, built in 1763 and located northwest of the present city of Johnstown, New York, was Johnson’s home until his death in 1774. Molly Brant, sister of Mohawk leader Joseph Brant, was Johnson’s common law wife and would aid the Loyalist cause during the upcoming Revolutionary War. They had eight children. A rare colonial-era letter with exceptional Indian content from the official source for such news, the Superintendent for Indian Affairs. $4000.

A John Paul Jones Letter Written on Board the Bonhomme Richard

59. Jones, John Paul: [MANUSCRIPT LETTER, SIGNED BY JOHN PAUL JONES, ORDERING A MEMBER OF THE MARINES TO ATTEND A COURT-MARTIAL ON BOARD HIS SHIP, THE BONHOMME RICHARD]. On Board the Bonhomme Richard at L’Orient, France. June 14, 1779. [1]p. manuscript letter on a folded folio sheet. Docketed on the fourth page and addressed in Jones’ hand to “Captain M[atthew] Parke of the Marine troops.” Sheet strengthened around the edges, closed tear mended in the second sheet. Very good. In a half morocco and cloth folding box, spine gilt.

A very interesting manuscript letter, signed by Capt. John Paul Jones as commander the American squadron off the coast of Europe, ordering Matthew Parke, a member of the Marine troops, to attend a court-martial on board his ship, the Bonhomme Richard. Jones would gain everlasting fame and glory just a few weeks after he signed this letter, when he captured the H.M.S. Serapis in the North Sea. In 1779, John Paul Jones took command of a 900-ton French East Indiaman, armed and renamed Bonhomme Richard as a compliment to his patron, Benjamin Franklin. The outfitting of the ship in the port of L’Orient consumed several months, and it was not ready for sea until June. The ship’s crew was originally formed of prisoners taken from English ships by the French. Evidently a group of these prisoner-sailors conspired to capture the ship, and Jones ordered their court- martial to take place on June 15 on board the Bonhomme Richard. The manuscript text, signed by Jones in his own hand at the end, reads:

By the Honble. John P. Jones Captain in the American Navy and Commander in Chief of the American Squadron now in Europe. Sir you are hereby re- quired and directed to attend at a Court Martial to be held on board the Bon homme [sic] Richard tomorrow for the Trial of James Enion, John Atwood, John Lomney, John Balch, John Layton, Andrew Thompson, George Johnston, William Carmichael, Alexander Cooper, William Hanover, Thomas Cole and Nathaniel Bonner – all of whom have been put under confinement by Lieuten- ant John Brown for mutinous behaviour and for refusing to do their duty on board the American ship of war the Bon homme Richard. You are also to try any other person or persons belonging to the American service who may in the course of the evidence appear to have been principally concerned in that mutiny – for which this shall be your order. Given on board the Bon homme Richard at L’Orient the 14th day of June 1779.

Along with the letter, laid into a compartment in the box, is a commemorative medal, 2¼ x 3¼ inches, with a portrait on the recto of Jones after the bust by Houdon, and an allegorical scene on the verso entitled “America claims her illustrious dead – Paris Annapolis 1905.” The medal was issued to commemorate the exhumation and re-burial of Jones’ body from beneath the streets of Paris to its final resting place in Annapolis, Maryland in 1905. Any substantive, Revolutionary-era John Paul Jones letters or manuscripts are extremely rare in the market. This is an especially interesting and displayable artifact of Jones’ tenure as commander of the Bonhomme Richard, with several references to the ship, where he earned his greatest fame during the Revolution. $75,000.

60. Kennedy, Jacqueline: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JACKIE KENNEDY TO EVELYN PEYTON GORDON, AT THE START OF MS. KENNEDY’S TENURE AS FIRST LADY]. Wash- ington. Dec. 7, [1960]. [3]pp. plus original envelope, also signed. Old folds. Envelope with some wear and soiling. Near fine. In a half morocco and cloth clamshell case, spine gilt.

An interesting letter written by First Lady Jacqueline Kennedy to newspaper col- umnist Evelyn Peyton Gordon of the Washington Daily News, just a month after her husband’s election to the presidency. In this letter Kennedy provides insight into her expectations and her hopes for her life as First Lady. She is remarkably candid about her expectation that the press will publish inaccurate information, her desire to preserve some privacy for her children, and her concern that her family’s new position not disrupt the lives of their friends. She writes:

It is so nice to read things written by someone with such great common sense. I am thinking of your column tonight about my fox hunting in Virginia. You are most correct – my greatest wish is not to disrupt that peaceful community, and spoil it for my many friends who live there, and for my own children. That is why I chose it – because it is such a private place.

Her son, John Jr., was born just days earlier on Nov. 25, and Kennedy notes that she will not be well enough to ride or hunt before the season ends in March. She explains that her purpose in renting a house in Virginia is not to hunt but rather “just to be in the country with my children & occasionally go riding.” She also clarifies she has only one horse, which she shares with a friend, not “a stable full of thoroughbred hunters.” In closing she adds: “This letter is just for you so please don’t quote any of it – though of course the facts you may use if you ever wish, in your words.” $3000. Presentation Copy from Kennedy to His Former Boss

61. Kennedy, John: PROFILES IN COURAGE. New York. 1956. xix,266pp. Blue cloth with black cloth spine, gilt. Light edge wear. Presentation inscrip- tion on front fly leaf. Very good. Lacks the dust jacket. In a blue morocco slipcase, gilt, and with the presidential seal stamped in gilt on the front.

Later printing of this famous work, which won Kennedy the Pulitzer Prize. The front fly leaf is inscribed in Kennedy’s hand: “To my former boss Louis Ruppel – with warmest regards, John Kennedy.” Louis Ruppel was the associate edi- tor of the American Weekly newspaper in New York. Kennedy previously worked for Ruppel as a reporter, and maintained a warm relationship with him as his political career took off. $7500.

62. Key, Francis Scott: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED (“F S KEY”), FROM FRANCIS SCOTT KEY TO IGNATIUS DAVIS “NEAR FREDERICK TOWN,” ON LEGAL BUSINESS]. Georgetown. Dec. 5, 1810. [1]p. Quarto. Old folds, slight wrinkling and soiling; closed tear repaired. Else very good.

“After graduating from St. John’s College in Annapolis, [Key] studied law and in 1801 opened his law practice in Fredericktown with Roger B. Taney, who married his sister and would later serve as chief justice of the U.S. Supreme Court. In 1802 Key married Mary Tayloe Lloyd; they had eleven children. Soon after his marriage, he moved to Georgetown, D.C., and began legal practice there in association with his uncle Philip Barton Key” – ANB. The letter to Davis from the author of our national anthem reads:

I have had a great many talks with Judge Garett about your judgment. We had consented to leave the balle [?] to be settled by E.B. Caldwell, Esq and at last month’s Court I took Henry O’Neale’s deposition which is very strong in your favor. He now says he is prepared to let Mr. Caldwell determine it, but has sent me the annexed which he wishes to sign & return. – He says you ought to return my money which he can prove he has overpaid. You will therefore determine whether you will assent to this & inform me. Mr. Garett, if it was even possible to prove he had overpaid the debt, would be still bound to pay the costs of the judgt....

Over the last thirty years, only one other Francis Scott Key letter of an earlier date has appeared at auction. $2500. 63. Leach, William H.: [MANUSCRIPT DIARY OF WILLIAM H. LEACH, OF THE 3rd MASSACHUSETTS REGIMENT, 1862 – 1863]. Massachusetts & North Carolina. Oct. 1, 1862 – March 24, 1863. 175pp., each with 10-15 lines of text. Oblong. Contemporary limp cloth. Minor edge wear. Minor scattered foxing. Very good.

The fascinating diary of Union soldier William H. Leach, from his training at Camp Hooker in Massachusetts to his service in North Carolina at the battles of Kinston and Goldsboro Bridge. Each page of Leach’s journal covers one day and is signed by him, much like a letter. Leach presents a comprehensive and engrossing account of his military service, peppered with entertaining anecdotes of spotting sperm whales on the trip to North Carolina, pitching pennies and encountering “darkies.” He mentions an accident which occurred as the men prepared to set sail on Oct. 23: “We hauled in anchor about 5 o’clock am and started on our journey...I went on deck while they were hoisting up some hay and after they had unhooked it the hooks swung off and took a man in the head. I felt kind of sick but did not heave.” Further on he discusses battle conditions. From Dec. 14th at the Battle of Kinston:

...on our march over a muddy road saw some rebel prisoners...heard firing ahead and saw the wounded as they were brought by us. We were drawn up in line of battle. At 1 P.M. firing soon ceased the victory was ours...as we marched through the woods saw many dead bodies both rebel & federal. A meeting house was used for a hospital. We encamped at Kinston that night at 6 o clock. The 10th Com suffered severely in the fight.

A few days later they met rebels again at the Battle of Goldsboro Bridge:

...marched towards Goldsboro met rebels they skedaddled. We pressed forward when within a few miles of said city the batteries commenced shelling the rebels in the woods...the shot was whistling over our heads...and the rebels rushed out of the woods. We were drawn up into line again we had the privilige [sic] of firing also the battery and you could see the rebels fall in great numbers. They led on a pond of water and some of us had a swim.

Leach describes these definitive battles in great detail as well as adding numerous particulars of daily life in camp and service. A fascinating report of the Union campaign in North Carolina. $4750.

An Original Drawing by Robert E. Lee as a Topographical Engineer on the Mississippi

64. Lee, Robert E.: [ORIGINAL PENCIL SKETCH, SIGNED, OF , MINNESOTA BY CAPT. ROBERT E. LEE, 1839]. [Fort Snelling, Mn. probably July 1839]. Stiff card stock, approximate- ly 4½ x 7 inches. A few small stains, mounting remnants on verso. Very good.

A remarkable surviving sketch of the interior of Fort Snelling, Minnesota, executed during the early U.S. Army career of the future Confederate general Robert E. Lee. The sketch is signed at bottom right: “Fort Snelling Cpt. Lee.” The sketch shows an interior view of part of Fort Snelling, with several buildings, a few cannons, its distinctive large round tower, and a large American flag flying prominently over the fort. The view is readily recognizable from other artwork of the period (particularly that of Seth Eastman made while post commander in the 1840s) as Fort Snelling as it appeared in the late 1830s and early 1840s. Fort Snelling was first established in 1819 on a high bluff at the strategic conflu- ence of the Mississippi and Minnesota rivers, just south of present-day Minneapolis- St. Paul and very near the airport of those cities. The fort was completed in 1825 and was a major linchpin in frontier security until the 1850s, when its importance declined. It was closed in 1858, although reopened in the Civil War and later. In recent times the fort has been recreated on its original site as it appeared in the 1830s and ’40s. The large drum tower is distinctive and unique among American fortifications of the period. Robert E. Lee, scion of a famous American military family, graduated from West Point in 1829. He was second in his class overall and first in topographical drawing, a necessary skill for any army officer of the period. Graduating officers had first choice of available assignments, and topographical and civil engineering were considered the plum positions. Lee worked in various engineering and sur- veying positions, including three years in the chief engineer’s office in Washington in 1834-37, from his graduation until the Mexican-American War. In July 1837, Lee received what the DAB calls “his first important independent assignment” as superintending engineer for the upper Mississippi River. He worked on surveying and navigation improvement projects from St. Louis northward on the Mississippi until he was transferred to New York in 1841. During this period Lee was promoted to captain, earning the rank on July 7, 1838. As captain in the Corps of Engineers, Lee achieved his greatest peacetime feat: shifting the course of the Mississippi River back towards St. Louis, allowing the great midwestern city to remain a river port. During the latter part of his time in the upper Mississippi region, Lee also worked on engineering projects at Keokuk, ; the Rock Island Rapids near present-day Moline, Illinois; and subsequently surveyed the navigation of the river northward to the effective head of river traffic at Minneapolis-St. Paul (which is why those cities became major centers). While there he certainly would have visited Fort Snelling, the only military base in the region and headquarters for any Army activity. Douglas S. Freeman, in his monumental biography of Lee, describes his engineering career on the river in depth, and specifically mentions a visit to Fort Snelling in July 1839, perhaps the occasion on which this sketch was executed, although Lee probably visited the fort at other times in 1839 and 1840. Despite Lee’s known ability as a topographical artist (based on his West Point grades) and the necessity of his having to produce such work as an engineer (par- ticularly during his years on the Mississippi), virtually no such work by him survives. Lee’s ability as a topographer stayed with him during the Civil War, when his choice of ground and position was often a key to his success. This is a remarkable, rare piece of artwork by the man who would become the leading general of the Confederacy. Douglas S. Freemen, R.E. Lee, I (pp.140-83 describes his career on the Mississippi, and the Fort Snelling visit on p.175). Stella M. Drumm, “Robert E. Lee and the Improvement of the Mississippi River” in Missouri Historical Society Collections, VI, No. 2 (1929), pp.157-71. $17,500.

A Horticultural and Pomological Scrapbook

65. Little, Henry: [SCRAPBOOK OF COL. HENRY LITTLE OF BAN- GOR, MAINE, CONTAINING NUMEROUS ITEMS OF HOR- TICULTURAL AND POMOLOGICAL INTEREST]. [Bangor, Me. 1846-1876]. Approximately [89] leaves, pasted with numerous clippings. Sev- eral small pamphlets or other pieces laid or pasted in. Folio. Original three- quarter sheep and boards. Spine and corners heavily worn, boards heavily worn. Leaves loose or loosening. Light foxing and soiling. Good.

Henry Little (b. 1788) was the proprietor of Henry Little & Co., a Bangor nurs- ery which flourished in the 1840s and 1850s, specializing in fruit trees. He was a veteran of the War of 1812 and was present at Castine when it was captured by the British. In 1829, then residing in Bucksport, he joined the Massachusetts Horticultural Society. Little moved to Bangor in 1836, where he established his nursery and became a leading figure in Maine horticulture. His life was spent in dedicated pursuit of the best fruit varieties for New England culture, and he wrote numerous articles on the subject which he contributed to local and national peri- odicals. He was a founder and long-time president of the Bangor Horticultural Society, president of the Maine Board of Agriculture, and a regular Maine delegate to national pomological conventions. In 1873, Col. Little moved to Boston to be near his children, at which time he was presented with a gold-headed cane by the citizens of Bangor. His scrapbook contains numerous clippings of his horticultural articles, some of which were published anonymously. Also included in the scrapbook are various addresses, his reports of conventions and exhibitions, his accounts of Canadian travel, an occasional letter written to him, articles of interest, poems, prints, and other similar items. His annotations are evident throughout. Among the more interesting individual items are a manuscript diagram of Little’s property in Bangor, showing positions of buildings and gardens, all labeled, and a trimmed but still striking broadside advertisement for Little’s nursery (dated 1846), with the fruits handcolored, possibly by Little himself. A tantalizing aspect is that Little used an earlier account book containing his nursery accounts to create this scrapbook, which, though obscured by the current contents, could be revealed by careful conservation. A fascinating artifact from this important Maine horticulturist. $2500.

Commissioner Laussat Writes of the Impending Transfer of Louisiana to the United States

66. [Louisiana Purchase]: Laussat, Pierre Clément de: [MANUSCRIPT LETTER, SIGNED, FROM PIERRE LAUSSAT, THE COLONIAL PREFECT OF LOUISIANA, TO FRENCH GENERAL ROCHAM- BEAU, INFORMING HIM OF THE IMPENDING TRANSFER OF LOUISIANA TO THE UNITED STATES, AND OF HIS IN- ABILITY TO SEND SUPPLIES TO ROCHAMBEAU IN HAITI]. New Orleans. Sept. 30, 1803 [i.e. 7 Vendémiaire, an 12]. [3]pp. letter on a folded folio sheet, with engraved scene entitled “Republique Francaise” at the top of the first page. Addressed in manuscript on the fourth page: “au General en chef Rochambeau, Capitaine General de l’Ile St. Domingue.” One-inch tear in center vertical fold (with some small tape repairs), where wax seal had been affixed, not affecting any text. Very good.

An excellent letter from the French Colonial Prefect of Louisiana, informing the French general in charge of suppressing the slave uprising in Haiti that he has few supplies to send him, and also transmitting information of the impending trans- fer of Louisiana Territory to the United States. Laussat’s letter to Rochambeau, informing him that he has little in the way of supplies to send and that Louisiana will soon be given to the United States, is a prime example of the United States finding advantage in Europe’s distress. The Louisiana Purchase Treaty had been signed on April 30, 1803, and though rumors of the transaction were rampant, official news of the transfer circulated slowly throughout French political and military circles. At the time the letter was written, the impending transaction was still a state secret; the treaty would not be ratified by the U.S. Senate until the next week. The sale was partially motivated by circumstances in Haiti, where France was losing the struggle to put down the independence movement. The fight against the Haitians was costing the lives of thousands of French soldiers and putting a strain on the treasury. The resumption of European hostilities meant that the Royal Navy could cut off any supplies from Europe, and Napoleon had decided to abandon his American strategy. Within three months of this letter Louisiana would belong to the United States and Rochambeau would surrender his forces in Haiti to the British rather than be massacred by the insurgents. Pierre Clément de Laussat, the last French Colonial Prefect of Louisiana, arrived there in late March 1803, just a month before the Louisiana Purchase Treaty was signed. This letter, on his official letterhead (with the seal of the French Republic and the engraved text, “Marine. Colonie. Louisiane.”), is written to the French general in command of Saint Domingue (Haiti), Donatien-Marie-Joseph de Vimeur, the Vicomte de Rochambeau (son of the Comte de Rochambeau, who led French forces in the American Revolution). Rochambeau had been made commander of French forces following the death of Gen. Leclerc in 1802. He initiated brutal tactics against the Haitians, which only served to unite the island’s blacks, mulattos, and mestizos against the French. The British navy had curtailed supplies to Haiti from France, and Rochambeau turned to Laussat for supplies to feed his troops. Laussat writes (in translation from the French):

I’ve learned with a great deal of probability of the cession of Louisiana to the United States, but up until now I have neither orders, nor instructions, nor official advice of any kind. If the cutter could have been loaded with flour, as proposed...I would have taken upon myself to send you some....In the event that the Government authorizes me to use my resources to assist you, I would try at once to combine the liveliest and most eager zeal with the necessary prudence; these resources, I must tell you, General, are fewer than you would think.

Laussat also criticizes the actions of the captain of the French cutter that had come to New Orleans to receive the supplies. Dramatic events would take place in Louisiana and Haiti over the next few weeks. On Nov. 18, 1803 the French army under Rochambeau was devastated by Haitian forces at the Battle of Vertieres, and proclaimed its independence shortly thereafter. Laussat had been hearing rumors since his arrival of a potential sale of Louisiana to the Americans, and those rumors were officially confirmed to him in August. On Dec. 20, 1803 he presided over the ceremony officially transferring Louisiana Territory to the United States. This letter from Laussat, sent less than three months before he officially trans- ferred Louisiana to American control and less than two months before France’s ultimate defeat in Haiti, is a remarkable document. It ably demonstrates the shift- ing balance of power in North America as the United States more than doubled its size, and France lost control of its colonies in the Caribbean. $27,500.

A Dramatic Firsthand Account of the Sinking of the Lusitania

67. [Lusitania]: Beattie, Allan: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED (“LOVE TO ALL, ALLAN”), FROM ALLAN BEATTIE TO MARC (BOWMAN), A TWELVE-PAGE SURVIVOR’S ACCOUNT OF THE SINKING OF THE LUSITANIA]. Folkestone [England]. May 15, 1915. [12]pp. Pen and ink on letterhead of Coman’s Hotel, 21 & 23 Castle Hill Avenue. 15 lines per page (approximately 750 words). Quarto. With typed transcript. Old folds, large pinhole in top center margin. Old envelope of Lewis-Clark Hotel, Lewiston, Idaho, with “Allan Beatty’s letter” in ink. Fine. In a half morocco and cloth box, leather labels.

A dramatic and detailed account by a survivor of the sinking of the Lusitania. Al- lan Beattie, eighteen, of Winnipeg, travelling Second Class with his mother Grace, was sitting on the hurricane deck when the ship was struck.

I got an awful smash in the back from the water and was thrown about thirty feet on my face. I got up and ran down stairs people were pouring up from the decks below and I caught sight of Mother. I ran up to her and kissed her goodbye, then I lost her for a while....I thought to myself I haven’t much of chance if I don’t get a life belt so I thought a minute and then rushed down to my own stateroom and grabbed my own belt....I had to hang on the side of my bed to get a hold of it. The lights were practically all out.

He gave away the first life belt he found, then went down three decks to his state- room to get his own life belt. Returning topside despite “a pretty hard time,” he met his mother again.

She says, “I am not nervous I don’t think there is much danger do you?” I replied that “It looked about as bad as it could” and I told her to take my life belt but she refused, I made her put it on after promising that I would get another. I kissed her goodbye again and just as I got the top straps of her life belt tied, the boat went down. I was sent sliding the whole width of the deck.

Allan was flung free, and was soon picked up by a life boat. He describes how the boat soon became perilously crowded. When another boat was located, survivors were shifted across. In due course his boat was rescued by the Flying Fish, and the survivors were brought to Queenstown. Beattie (whose first name is given as “Allen” in list of survivors), writes his correspondent: “Mother is gone, and altho we have not heard of her I don’t think that she can be alive.” Beattie appears to have been one of the Lusitania survivors who were profoundly traumatized by the incident. He was rejected from military service because of poor eyesight and was reported to have suffered a series of breakdowns beginning in 1920, and was unable to hold steady employment. A remarkable, detailed narrative by a survivor of one of the most notorious maritime disasters of the 20th century, written in the immediate aftermath of the event, by a young man whose actions show proof of calmness in the tumult. $15,000.

68. Madison, James: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JAMES MADISON TO VICE PRESIDENT MARTIN VAN BU- REN, THANKING HIM FOR SENDING A COPY OF ANDREW JACKSON’S STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS, AND COM- MENTING ON OUTSTANDING ISSUES IN UNITED STATES RELATIONS WITH FRANCE]. Montpelier, Va. Jan. 22, 1836. [1]p. manuscript on a folded folio sheet. Signed by James Madison on the address leaf above his “free” franking stamp, addressed in the hand of Dolley Madison, docketed in ’s hand. Old folds. Early repair to a closed tear beside Madison’s name on address leaf. Some staining. Remnant of wax seal. About very good. In a half morocco and cloth box, spine gilt.

A brief letter, uniting a past president of the United States with a future one, and one Secretary of State with another. Most interestingly, the letter contains a remark from Madison regarding current United States relations with France, and Ameri- can attempts to secure reparations from France for depredations against American shipping dating back to the period when Madison was Secretary of State. James Madison (1751-1836) was the fourth president of the United States, and the nation’s fifth Secretary of State, serving in that position from 1801 to 1809. Martin Van Buren (1782-1862) was vice president of the United States when he received this letter from Madison. He was the nation’s tenth Secretary of State (1829-31) and was elected president in 1836, serving a full four-year term in office. The text of the letter is completely in James Madison’s hand, and he has also signed his name on the address leaf, beside his “free” frank stamp. The letter is addressed in Dolley Madison’s hand, “The Vice President of the U. States. Washington,” and Martin Van Buren has docketed the letter himself. The text of the letter reads: “J. Madison, with his best respects to Mr. Van Buren, thanks him for the copy of the President’s late special message and the documents accompanying it. He wishes he could have found in the posture of the controversy with France less of a remaining cloud over the desired issue to it. Montpellier [sic] January 22, 1836.” Though not explicitly stated, it was certainly a copy of Andrew Jackson’s re- cent State of the Union Address, delivered on Dec. 7, 1835, that Van Buren sent Madison. Jackson spent most of the foreign policy portion of his address discussing United States relations with France – specifically the outstanding issue of twenty- five million francs in reparations from France for depredations against American shipping during the so-called Quasi War of the late 1790s, and into the adminis- tration of Thomas Jefferson, in which James Madison was Secretary of State. An 1831 treaty between the United States and France should have settled the matter to the satisfaction of the United States, but the French delayed making payment for several years, and Jackson used his message to criticize them for it. It is unclear whether Madison’s cryptic remark to Van Buren on the issue, “he wishes he could have found in the posture of the controversy with France less of a remaining cloud over the desire issue to it,” was meant as a criticism of France for not proceeding with the reparations in a timely fashion, or as a jab at the Jackson administration’s handling of the matter. Madison died a few months later. $3500.

The Montezuma Estates in Mexico

69. [Mexico]: COPIA DE UNAS INFORMACIONES, FEES DE BAP- TISMO, Y CASAMIENTOS, Y OTROS INSTRUMENTOS QUE SE PRESENTARON POR DOÑA MARIA DE VIVERO MON- TEZUMA Y DON NICOLAS DE VIVERO Y PEREDO EN EL PLEITO DE TENUTA SOBRE EL ESTADO DE FUENSALDAÑA Y SAN JUAN SACADA EN VIRTUD DE REAL PROVISION SU- PLICATORIA DE LOS SEÑORES PRESIDENTE Y OYDORES DE LA SEÑOR CONDE DE LA ENJARADA PARA TEXTIMAR SU PERSONA...[manuscript title]. [Valladolid. May 14, 1727]. 339 leaves of manuscript. Ornate titlepage. Folio. Contemporary plain wrappers. Minor edge wear and curling at corners. Internally clean. Near fine, untrimmed. In a half mo- rocco and cloth box.

An exhaustive transcript of baptismal and marriage records presented by Doña Maria de Vivero in support of her claim to the Mon- tezuma estates of Fuensaldaña and San Juan. The many lawsuits perpetuated by the several heirs persisted over hundreds of years and lasted into the 19th century. The documents pres- ent here include an overwhelming amount of genealogical evidence, presumably gathered to prove the legitimacy of Vivero’s claim on the estates, as well as other data relevant to the famous lawsuits. The persistence of Vivero and the other heirs is a testament to the value of the land in contest. Such disputes were not limited to the Montezuma estates. In the early years after Cortés’ conquest, nascent Mexican agriculture developed on an ad hoc basis. Land grants were common, but the most frequent method of expanding one’s property was to simply seize adjacent acreage. Natu- rally, this behavior gave rise to numerous lawsuits, and the problem never reached a satisfactory decision until large haciendas emerged and consolidated available resources and power. A fine resource for Mexican legal history, reaching back to the earliest Spanish colonization. MAGGS BIBLIOTHECA AMERICANA 2049a, 5313 (this manuscript). Cambridge History of Latin America, pp.153-88. $7500.

A Young Lady on a Louisiana Plantation in the Civil War

70. Milburn, Theresa Rebecca: [IMPORTANT AUTOGRAPH DIARY, SIGNED, BY A SOUTHERN WOMAN LIVING ON HER FAM- ILY’S LOUISIANA PLANTATION IN 1863 – 1865, WITH CIVIL WAR CONTENT]. Gold Dust, La. 1863-1865. 152 [of 172]pp. of diary content plus 10pp. of poetical verse and notes, accompanied by a printed transcription of the diary. Twenty pages of the diary are accounted for only in the printed transcription. Small quarto. Dbd. Minor chipping to first two leaves with minimal loss to text, some general light browning, occasional wear to edges. Overall, very good.

This very interesting diary gives an intimate account of the life of Theresa Rebecca Milburn (1844-1928) for a span of nearly two years on her family’s plantation in Gold Dust, Louisiana in the midst of the Civil War. The entries are dated from Aug. 10, 1863 to May 13, 1865. Milburn was nineteen when she commenced and just over twenty-one when she concluded the diary. Milburn describes the goings-on of her life as a civilian in Civil War-era Louisiana. She details the circumstances of male relatives enlisted in the Confederate Army, family business, and her hopes for Southern independence, as well as accounts of numerous encounters with Confeder- ate and Union soldiers. Milburn’s diaries reveal the life of a young woman caught in the midst of the conflict, as she writes: “Oh! When will this unholy war cease? I am sick and tired of hearing of Yankees, War and Negroes.” Other excerpts are as follows:

Aug. 18, 1863: “Ma received a letter from Aunt E.C. Scott yesterday, it brought the good news that our dear relatives, who were engaged in the fight at Jackson, Miss. [presumably The Battle of Jackson, May 14, 1863] were safe.” Sept. 2, 1863: “...our little band of soldiers are not sufficient to keep back the over whelming hosts of yankee hirelings that can be brought against us, our state may be given up but I will not despair of victory, I will ‘hope on, hope ever.’” Sept. 6, 1863: “Two hundred soldiers and four pieces of cannon passed up a few days since. Heard the sad news of Capt. William H. Murdock’s death yesterday, sad is our hearts to see one in the bloom of life cut off. These times bring us to think seriously, for death is in the land.” Sept. 23, 1863: “Dear Journal, my heart is sad this morning, the yankees are expected up here in a few days, dear friends have left for Texas in hopes of escaping them. Several families, we among them, are going to remain; oh! God what will become of us....If we remain at home they may not drive us out of our comfortable house, the slaves may leave us, this is one of the reasons why I do not wish to remain at home, for I know all of the male slaves between the ages of 15 and 35 will be trained for soldiers whether they wish to go or not. Oh! it is really heart sickening to think of our slaves being part of the army to fight their owner. I cannot refrain from murmuring sometimes, or cannot think why it is that a just God will allow such an unholy thing done.” Dec. 31, 1863: “Another year has come and gone and still this unholy war is waged against us, oh! if we only knew when it would end, if I knew it would end in a year more and favorable to the Confederacy, oh! patiently could I wait; it is rarely that I doubt the success of our arms, fighting in such a cause as we are, who can doubt but that victory will finally perch itself upon our flag, and peace be restored to our land; though years may roll on, battles be fought, and more of the brave ones may fall, yet we will by the help of Him who rulest all things, be successful.”

The diary provides interesting views from one young woman’s life on a plantation in the South during the Civil War. Her views on the War, slavery, lost relatives and friends, and other issues flow naturally from her pen, revealing important perspec- tives worthy of far deeper study. Also, her frequent, personal contact with Civil War soldiers is unusual in a journal of this nature, though not surprising considering her location, and taking into account the breadth of the diary, encompassing almost two years of entries during the very heart of the war years. Laid in are two autograph letters, signed, to Theresa’s sister Sophie, plus several leaves of verse in Milburn’s hand. Accompanying the diary is a braided hair bracelet, woven to an engraved clasp on one end, and a locket on the other, containing a ferrotype portrait of Milburn’s brother, Elijah Curry Milburn. Also included is a printed transcript of the diary, along with copies of documents providing background on Milburn’s family history assembled from a descendant and, presumably, former owner of the diary. $12,500.

An Extraordinary Work of American Folk Art

71. [Miller, Lewis]: FIRST VOLUME, II. LUDWIG MILLER’S REISE JOURNAL IN DEUTSCHLAND...VON DEM JAHRE 1840-41... [manuscript title]. [Various places in Europe, mostly in Germany, as denoted below. 1840-1841]. Illustrated manuscript travel diary, with text in ink, and illustrations in ink, watercolor, and wash on each page. Three leaves of illustra- tions bound in at front (two of them large and folding), followed by 114pp. (numbered in manuscript), with an additional [29]pp. inserted throughout the text. Plus manuscript table of contents on front pastedown. Small quarto notebook, the pages generally 7½ x 6½ inches. Original three-quarter calf and marbled boards. Boards worn and rubbed. A few leaves loosened, a large grouping of leaves detached but still bound together and intact. The illustra- tions are clean, neat, and bright. Overall, near fine. In a cloth chemise and half morocco box, spine gilt.

A remarkable and beautiful sketchbook illustrating the travels of the major Pennsyl- vania-German folk artist, Lewis Miller, through Europe in 1840-41. Miller visited several countries on his tour, but the great majority of views in this sketchbook are of towns and villages in Germany, with especially magnificent double-page views of Stuttgart and Frankfurt. Miller also includes sketches of dozens of smaller town and hamlets he visited all over Germany, as well as other large towns, such as Mu- nich and Darmstadt. The illustrations and accompanying descriptive text provide a crucially important record of urban and rural Germany in the Industrial Age. They also provide an invaluable view into everyday German life, society, architecture, manufacturing, farming, and modes of transportation. Miller’s sketchbook is an astonishing visual memoir of a first generation German-American returning to the land of his ancestors, and an important work by an immensely talented folk artist. Art historian Donald Shelley has called Miller “one of America’s greatest folk artists,” and the authors of Young America, a survey of American folk art, assert that Miller “epitomizes the role of the folk artist as chronicler of daily life.” His art is best known through his illustrated diaries and sketchbooks, which together chronicle most of the 19th-century life of York, Pennsylvania. He also produced sketchbooks of sights and scenes in New York, Virginia, and Europe. Miller has been described as a “pictorial raconteur” (Shelley) and as a travelling visual reporter. Virtually everything he portrayed was drawn from firsthand experience, and he often included himself in his scenes. He worked in watercolor, wash, and ink, and his text captions are in ink. He not only presents the sights he observed in his fascinating illustrations, but interprets them in the accompanying text. In his sketchbooks he presents events both trivial and historic, from classrooms, churches, and circuses to the funeral processions of eminent Americans, the celebrations of freed slaves, and the wonders and everyday life in Europe. In this way Miller is both squarely in the Pennsylvania-German folk art tradi- tion – capturing the ordinary and everyday – and in that of the urbane, observant travelling artist who explains the foreign and exotic through his own experiences. His sketchbooks are immensely valuable for their pictorial realism, their vitality, and their accuracy of detail, as well as for their accompanying descriptive text, filled as it is with historical context, sociological observations, and personal reactions. His work is suffused with important information about the way the people of his era – from all classes and walks of life – looked and behaved, what they wore and how they worked, what they ate, how they travelled, and how they lived. Trained as a carpenter, his sketchbooks also give excellent renderings of exterior and interior de- signs of buildings, from simple Pennsylvania churches to elaborate European palaces. Lewis Miller (1796-1885) was born of German emigrant parents in York, Penn- sylvania. His father, Ludwig Miller, was a teacher originally from Schwabish Hall in Wurtemberg. His parents came to Pennsylvania during a period of great German migration to the mid-Atlantic colonies, and young Lewis was raised in a German- American environment. A fair part of the text in his journals and sketchbooks is written in German, often in Fraktur style, and the artist occasionally identifies himself as “Ludwig” Miller. Miller was trained as a carpenter by an older brother and practiced that profession for some thirty-five years. He apparently never received formal artistic training, but his earliest drawings date from circa 1815. Miller composed several sketchbooks of his native York, chronicling the people of the community and their everyday life in their professions, at church, in school, and in social settings, as well as depicting important historic events that touched on his town. He travelled widely, first in his native York County, then throughout the mid-Atlantic, seeing much of New Jersey, , Maryland, and Virginia, and he produced several sketchbooks during these journeys. Miller lived the last years of his life in rural Virginia, producing several portraits of local Virginians. Several of his sketchbooks are in the Historical Society of York County, while others are in the New-York Historical Society, the Virginia Historical Society, and the Henry Ford Museum in Dearborn, . Another six are located as in a private collection (as of 1966). In 1840-41, Ludwig Miller, along with his friends, Dr. Alexander Small and Henry Hertzog, took an extended tour of Europe. Miller visited Great Britain, France, Holland, Switzerland, Italy, Poland, and Bohemia, but he spent most of his time visiting his ancestral homeland in the German states, as well as going to Prussia and Austria. He produced at least six sketchbooks of this European tour: the present volume, another at the Historical Society of York County, and four others in a private collection. It is probable that Miller produced this and most of those other sketchbooks either on his European tour or shortly thereafter. Each page in the volume is taken up by one or more illustrations with accompa- nying text, and virtually all the pages have been numbered in manuscript by Miller. The numbers for the illustrations given below conform to his pagination. The first eight illustrations described below have been bound in before the titlepage and are unnumbered, and are therefore designated by Roman numerals, with subsequent illustrations inserted later in the book (and unnumbered) also designated by Roman numerals. English language captions are quoted where available, though almost all of the illustrations have German language captions as well. A detailed list of the illustrations is available on request. Lewis Miller, Sketches and Chronicles: The Reflections of a Nineteenth Century Pennsylvania German Folk Artist, introduction by Donald A. Shelley (York, Pa.: Historical Society of York County, 1966). Jean Lipman, Elizabeth V. Warren, and Robert Bishop, Young America: A Folk- Art History (New York: American Museum of Folk Art, 1986). Lori Myers, “Lewis Miller: Through the Looking Glass” in Central PA Magazine, December 2002. $65,000.

Louisiana Border Tensions

72. [Mississippi Territory]: Carmichael, Jonathan: [AUTOGRAPH LET- TER, SIGNED, FROM JOHN CARMICHAEL, COLLECTOR OF DUTIES AT FORT ADAMS IN MISSISSIPPI TERRITORY, TO JOHN STEELE, COMPTROLLER GENERAL OF THE UNITED STATES, DESCRIBING CARMICHAEL’S DIFFICULTIES IN PERFORMING HIS DUTIES]. Port of Fort Adams, [Mississippi Ter- ritory]. Sept. 30, 1801. [3]pp. manuscript letter on a folded folio sheet. Slight edge wear. Three very small holes in sheet, not affecting text. Very good.

A very interesting letter from Fort Adams, which at the time was the frontier outpost in the far southwest corner of the United States. Through the 1795 treaty with Spain (popularly known as Pinckney’s Treaty), American citizens gained the right to navigate the Mississippi and to ship goods through New Orleans. The nearest American fort to the southern portion of the Mississippi River and to New Orleans was Fort Adams (named after President John Adams), built in 1799 and commanded by Gen. James Wilkinson, who would later play a major role in the Burr conspiracy. The fort had a garrison of some 500 troops and was equipped with a powder magazine. Fort Adams was not only an important frontier defense, but also served as the port of entry into the United States for goods coming up the Mississippi River from New Orleans, and remained the initial port of entry until the Louisiana Purchase of 1803. In the present letter Jonathan Carmichael, collector of duties at Fort Adams, writes to John Steele, Comptroller General of the United States, and discusses his difficulties in performing his tasks. For example, he writes that he is having to accept “provisional bonds” from local merchants in lieu of direct specie payment. Carmichael describes a particular shipment that came from New York via New Orleans “without any certificate [of ] inspection, manifest or document whatsoever.” He concludes: “at this place, either from a deficiency of inducement or smallness of the number of resident inhabitants, it has during the last quarter been impossible to engage capable and confidential persons, which will excuse the singularity of the several accounts for services appearing in my own name.” An interesting letter from a remote and important post on the southwestern frontier which, in the years before the Louisiana Purchase, was the main point of entry for commerce into the United States on the Mississippi River. $900.

A Signer of the Declaration from New York

73. Morris, Lewis: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM LEWIS MORRIS TO HIS SON, JACOB, CONGRATULATING HIM ON THE BIRTH OF HIS DAUGHTER]. Morrisania. Aug. 23, 1788. 1p. plus integral address leaf. Folio. Old fold lines. Light soiling and toning. Slight separation at some folds. About very good. In a blue half morocco and cloth clamshell case.

Affectionate letter written by Lewis Morris to his son, Jacob, congratulating him on the birth of a daughter. Lewis Morris, the brother of Gouverneur Morris, was one of the few members of the landed gentry of the state of New York who sup- ported the colonial cause. He served in the Continental Congress, was a signer of the Declaration of Independence, and served in both the New York State Militia and its Senate. His son, Jacob, though educated for a mercantile career, was moved by the patriotic fervor of the times and served as aide to both generals Charles Lee and Nathanael Greene; he served with distinction at . After the war he served in the New York legislature; the town of Morris, New York, which he settled, is named for him. Lewis Morris writes:

My dear Son, I most sincerely congratulate you on Polly’s safe delivery of as fine a girl as ever you saw, it looks like your Mother, the finest feature in her face is her nose, which is very large; Polly was delivered on the 21st instant, a little after four o’clock in the afternoon, by old Mother Sickels, and she had a very fine time of it, and the old woman went away well pleased after tea with her fee. She is now very well, and has her nurse with her who seems a good creature, so that we expect in a short time she will be down again and making her boys winter cloaks, which she was very busy about just before she lay in. Your boys and girls are all very well. Yesterday by the packet I had a long letter from your brother James, who was then at Spaw in Germany and by a vessel from London, your good uncle Staats before he went to Spaw, sent me four pr. of most excellent shoes, and two pr. of boots, one a strong pr the other for day. I find this letter flying; a day or two ago I saw Mr. Upton at New York and he says in a short time he will go up then I will write you a long letter. Give our love to Billy tell him his cattle thrive very well. By Mr. Upton I will write you both and give you all the politick going.

The letter is sent care of Charles Webster, printer at Albany who, in partnership with Solomon Balantine, established the second newspaper printed in that city. $4000.

Robert Morris Tries to Sell Off Land

74. [Morris, Robert]: [MANUSCRIPT DETAILING THE SALE OF LAND FROM ROBERT MORRIS TO THE ]. [Philadelphia]. March 18, 1797. [12]pp. Folio. Stitched as issued. Toned, minor wear to extremities. Very good.

Manuscript outlining Robert Morris’ contract with the Bank of North America regarding fifty-eight large parcels of land in central and western Pennsylvania. In an act of desperation Morris signed over his investment, attempting to appease his growing legion of creditors. Morris, with his two partners, James Greenleaf and John Nicholson, formed the North American Land Company in 1795. The company acquired nearly six million acres of land which was put into a trust, with stock being issued at $100 per share, and each share representing 200 acres of real estate. When the market for real estate investment collapsed due to the Napoleonic Wars and the Panic of 1797, Morris was besieged with creditors. Although Morris made several attempts, such as this sale, to raise funds, he was eventually sent to debtor’s prison, where he remained for three and a half years. The official document bears the original wax and seals of the Court of Common Pleas of Philadelphia. $6500.

75. [New York]: Roosevelt, Jacobus: Beate, Alexander: [COLONIAL LAND INDENTURE FOR PROPERTY IN NEW YORK, 1760]. New York City. May 13, 1760. Broadside, 19¾ x 15 inches, with scalloped top. Old folds, minor toning, some expert repairs, remnants of seals. Good. Matted and framed.

An indenture for sale of land in New York City by merchant Jacobus Roosevelt to stonemason Alexander Beate. Roosevelt has signed the document along with his wife, Catharine, who is also mentioned in the indenture. Colonial New York land documents are scarce. $900.

The New York Alderman’s Court, 1797-98

76. [New York Laws]: [MANUSCRIPT RECORD OF THE COURT OF ALDERMEN OF NEW YORK CITY, 1797-98]. [New York. 1797- 1798]. [138],[5]pp. Folio. Dbd. Minor edge wear and soiling. Very good. In a modern half morocco slipcase and chemise.

An important original manuscript document composed of the decisions handed down by the New York City Court of Aldermen between Oct. 25, 1797 and March 23, 1798. New York law in the late 18th century stipulated that aldermen could sit as justices of the peace in any city in the state to hold court for the trial of certain cases involving debt, trespass, detinue, and other causes of action. Aldermen were also judges of the court of general sessions of the peace, and were associated with the associate judge of the court of common pleas in holding court for certain cases. This manuscript includes summaries of the decisions and subsequent sentences and fines issued by the alderman of New York City for cases involving indentured servitude, theft, counterfeiting, assault and battery, illegal liquor sales, , and other assorted misdeeds. The aldermen include Theophilus Beekman, Anthony Post, Jotham Post, Jacob De La Montagnie, Richard Furman, Gabriel Furman, and John B. Coles. These aldermen were additionally involved in the New York City Common Council and served in other capacities. Jotham Post was later elected a U.S. Congressman and served from 1813 to 1815. Includes a five-page partial manuscript index at the rear. A significant surviving New York legal manuscript. $2500.

Coming Home from Oregon in 1838

77. [Oregon]: Thing, Joseph: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JOSEPH THING ON THE OREGON COAST, TO BOS- TON MERCHANTS WILLIAM TUCKER & SON, RELATING HIS PLANS TO RETURN EAST]. At the Mouth of the Columbia River. Feb. 12, 1838. [1]p. autograph letter, signed, on a 10 x 8-inch sheet. Docketed in manuscript on verso. One-inch tear in left edge, with loss of paper but no loss of text. Two other closed tears, not affecting text. Very good and easily legible.

An early letter from the Oregon coast, written by a pioneer who travelled there with Nathaniel Wyeth in 1834. Joseph Thing was second in command on Wyeth’s 1834 expedition, and apparently spent much more time in the Columbia River re- gion than many of his cohorts, Wyeth included. By early 1838, Thing had secured passage eastward on the Hudson’s Bay Company ship, Nereide, but his return was delayed when the ship’s captain, David Home, and four others were drowned in the Columbia River. Thing writes:

This is mearly to let you know that I am detained here mutch longer than it was intended by the agent of the H.B. Co. or my wishes in consequence of the death of Capt. Home who commanded this ship and was drown on the 26 of last month with four of his men by capsizing the ships long boat in a squall in crossing the river. This has been a tardy trip one delay after an other it seems as if we shall never git clear of this port. I am quite out of patients & all most made up my mind to turn back a crost the Mountains.

Thing goes on to write that he expects to depart by sea on another ship as soon as they have a “fair wind,” and that he is sending this letter to Boston by express across Canada. $2250.

A Remarkable Tale of Shipwreck and Voyaging: Japanese Sailors Visit Alaska, the Russian Imperial Court, and Return to Japan with Krusenstern

78. Otsuki, Gentaku, and Hiroyuki Shimura: [ Japanese Manuscript]: KANKAI IBUN [Translation: EXOTIC TALES FROM OVERSEAS TRAVELLING]. [ Japan]. 1807. Approximately 842pp. on rice paper, illus- trated with a three-page map of the return journey and eighty-eight handcol- ored drawings in pen and ink (five double-page). Fifteen volumes (of sixteen, lacking volume fourteen). In Japanese. Original blue wrappers, paper labels. Some wear and rubbing to covers. Very good. See cover of this catalogue for another illustration.

An early Japanese manuscript set of the Kankai Ibun, the extraordinary tale of Japanese shipwrecked sailors from the Wakimiya-maru and their journey from 1792 to 1804, documenting their time in the Aleutians and in Siberia and their journey to the Court of the Tsar in St. Petersburg. Rescued by agents of the Rus- sian American Company, the sailors travelled in Russian Asia, and some of them were brought to St. Petersburg and the court of the Tsar. They were returned to Japan by the voyage of Krusenstern in 1803-06, and this manuscript also gives an important account of that voyage. In December 1793 the ship Vakamia-Maru sailed from Edo, Japan with a cargo of wood and rice, and a crew of seventeen. A storm in the Pacific damaged the ship and eventually wrecked the crew in the Aleutian Islands. All but one of the crew managed to survive over a ten-month period, when they were found by the agents of the Russian American Company and taken to Okhotsk. The Japanese sailors spent eight years in Irkutsk, then four of them went on to St. Petersburg. There they came to the attention of the Tsar Alexander I and visited his court. At that time Japan was still closed to Russia and most other European countries, and the Japanese sailors would have been as exotic to the Russians as the life at the court was to them. While there they saw many remarkable things, including the first Russian hot air balloon ascension in 1803. They remained in St. Petersburg for over a year, when they were sent on Krusenstern’s famous voyage into the Pacific, the first Russian circumnavigation, arriving back in Japan in 1805 after visiting various Pacific islands, including Hawaii. Krusenstern’s voyage, one of the principal objectives of which was the establish- ment of diplomatic ties between Russia and Japan, was made under the patronage of Tsar Alexander I and Nikolai Rezanov, Russia’s first envoy to Japan, who sailed on the expedition with his diplomatic mission. The two ships on this expedition, once they had rounded Cape Horn from the Atlantic, took slightly different routes across the Pacific: both visited the Sandwich Islands (Hawaii), but the Nadezhda (under Krusenstern, and with the Japanese on board) also visited the Marquesas, while the Neva (under Lisianski) visited Easter Island. The ships arrived in Japan in 1804, but the Japanese passengers did not disembark until early the next year. On their arrival home the Japanese seamen were closely interrogated by authorities before being released. Their account was a rare, astonishing (and probably threaten- ing) glimpse of the outside world at a time when Japan was still to a large extent in cultural isolation. They were not treated well and were considered almost treasonous; one tried to commit suicide. But their story was of great interest. Scholars Otsuki and Shimura recorded the story in an illustrated manuscript, which became a work of great fascination to Japanese readers. It circulated in manuscript throughout the 19th century, but remained effectively a “clandestine” work until it was ultimately printed and published in 1899. The present manuscript dates from about 1807. Kankai Ibun gives a vivid visual record of the Japanese men’s experiences in Russia and the Pacific. The illustrations cover the journey across the cold wastes of the Russian Arctic (ethnographic and topographical scenes, and depictions of animals, beginning in the Aleutians), kayaks and Inuits, and life in St. Petersburg: a visit to the St. Petersburg Kunstkammer with a splendid double-page depiction of the giant globe there, the centre of the world’s largest planetarium at the time, palaces, a fairground, the theatre, an ascent in Montgolfier balloons – the earliest manned Russian flight, portraits of Catherine the Great and Tsar Alexander I, drawings of western-style clothing, military uniforms, musical instruments, everyday objects such as coins and cutlery, and the Cyrillic alphabet; an important color map of the world (based on a world map presented by Rezanov to the Japanese) which shows the route to Japan taken by Krusenstern, a South American alligator (labeled as a crocodile), as well as a marvelous depiction of a Marquesan man with full-body tattoos, and a Marquesan canoe. Early images show natives, objects, and natural history of the Aleutian Islands. Other native peoples are illustrated with a great sense of wonder. There are magnificent depictions of Krusenstern’s ships. Manuscripts of Kankai Ibun are extraordinarily rare. A close study of a similar manuscript in a Russian collection has been made by Prof. V.N. Goreglyad (“The Manuscript of Kankai Ibun in the Collection of the St. Petersburg Branch of the Institute of Oriental Studies” in Manuscripta Orientalia, Vol. 3, No. 2, June 1997, pp.58-67, available online at http://www.orientalstudies.ru/eng). A wonderful, highly illustrated example of the first widely circulated Japanese account of the outside world for many people in the Edo period. $30,000.

Combining a Signer and a Key General

79. Paine, Robert Treat: Gates, Horatio: [THREE MANUSCRIPT DOC- UMENTS, ALL ON A SINGLE SHEET OF PAPER, RELATING TO PAY FOR NATHANIEL SNOW AND HIS MILITIA DUR- ING THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, SIGNED BY ROBERT TREAT PAINE AND MAJ. GEN. HORATIO GATES]. Raynham, Ma. 1779. [2]pp. manuscript on a folio sheet. Lightly silked. Paper darkened and stained. Writing on verso a bit faint. Good. In a half morocco and cloth folding box, spine gilt.

An interesting group of documents relating to the Revolutionary War service of Capt. Nathaniel Snow’s militia, signed by Robert Treat Paine (a signer of the Dec- laration of Independence) and by Revolutionary War major general Horatio Gates. The verso of the sheet contains “A Pay Abstract of Capt. Nath’l. Snow’s Company of Militia,” listing the names and ranks of the fifty-eight men in the militia, their time served, and the pay due them. It is attested to by Snow and dated March 15, 1779 at Raynham, Massachusetts. At the top of the recto of the sheet is an attestation that the information on the recto “is just and true.” This attestation, also dated March 15, 1779, is signed by Robert Treat Paine as justice of the peace. Below the attestation on the recto is a letter dated at Providence on May 31, 1779, instructing Benjamin Stelle, deputy Pay Master General of the Army in the State of Rhode Island, to pay Nathaniel Snow $404 for his militia’s service. This letter is signed by Maj. Gen. Horatio Gates. Robert Treat Paine (1731-1814) was one of the five Massachusetts delegates to the Continental Convention who signed the Declaration of Independence. Born in Boston, a graduate of Harvard, Paine was admitted to the Massachusetts Bar in 1757. One of Paine’s earliest and most celebrated trials came when the town of Boston hired him as one of the prosecuting attorneys for the Boston Massacre trials, in opposition to John Adams. Paine was elected to the provincial assembly in 1770, and chosen delegate (along with John and , Elbridge Gerry, and ) to the Continental Congress of 1774 and 1776. Horatio Gates (ca. 1727-1806) was a British-born army officer who served with Gen. Braddock during the French and Indian War. He was part of the ill-fated (along with George Washington) to capture Fort Duquesne and retake the Ohio Valley in 1755. When the Revolutionary War broke out, Gates offered his services to Washington, and was in command of the Northern Depart- ment at the Battle of Saratoga in 1777, an important victory for the Continental Army. His signature is scarce. $4250.

A Pioneering Western Joint Venture Between Founders: Hamilton, Knox, and Paterson Look for Copper

80. Paterson, William: Knox, Henry: [Hamilton, Alexander]: [MANU- SCRIPT MEMORANDUM CONCERNING COPPER MINING AND EXPLORATION IN CARVER LAND GRANT IN THE GREAT LAKES REGION, SIGNED BY WILLIAM PATERSON, HENRY KNOX, AND FOUR OTHERS, AND INVOLVING AL- EXANDER HAMILTON]. [N.p.] March 13, 1795. [1]p. plus integral docketing leaf. Small quarto, on a folded folio sheet. Old folds. Minor soiling. Narrow strip of later paper attached to left edge. Very good. In a brown half morocco and cloth clamshell case, spine gilt.

A significant memorandum signed by several important Revolutionary- era figures, including William Pat- erson and Henry Knox, concerning a joint venture to investigate copper mines in the Great Lakes region on the so-called Carver Grant. Many public figures in the founding days of the United States dabbled in land speculation and other similar ventures. This group of eminent Americans was apparently involved with the Carver Grant, a land grant totaling hundreds of square miles located in western Wisconsin and in Minnesota (including the present- day location of Saint Paul), which was supposedly given to explorer Jonathan Carver by two local Sioux chiefs in 1767. For several decades after Carver’s death his heirs and various others tried to capitalize on the grant by petitioning the United States Congress to recognize its validity, and by selling and reselling lands in the region. Jonathan Carver (1710-80) was born in Weymouth, Massachusetts, raised in Connecticut, and spent most of his adult years in western Massachusetts. He distinguished himself through his service in the French and Indian War, and in 1766-67 undertook to explore Great Britain’s newly-won lands around the Up- per Mississippi River, partly with a mind to seeking a route to the Pacific Ocean. Carver spent the 1770s in London, petitioning the Crown for compensation for his explorations and seeking to publish the journal of his travels. Carver’s Travels Through the Interior Parts of North America was published in London in 1778 and was immediately popular, appearing in several editions. Despite this, Carver died penniless in London in 1780. In 1781 a “third edition” of Carver’s Travels appeared, issued by Dr. John Lettsom, a benefactor of Carver’s British widow. In that edi- tion, as part of biographical material on Jonathan Carver, the text of a deed dated May 1, 1767 was published for the first time, in which Carver was apparently given hundreds of miles of land in Minnesota and western Wisconsin. Over the next several decades Carver’s heirs in the United States and England, as well as dozens of others who bought and tried to sell land in the grant area, worked to prove the validity of the grant and to profit from the sales. Congress was petitioned to validate the grant, the heirs of the Sioux chiefs were appealed to, and various schemes were developed by Samuel Harrison of Vermont, the Rev. Samuel Peters, and others, to sell and resell the land. The decades-long tale of the Carver Grant is best told by Milo Quaife and John Parker in the references cited below. The present document reads:

Memorandum that we whose names are hereunto subscribed do covenant, promise and agree with each other to use our separate and joint interest in obtaining a right of preemption for the lands mentioned in a book known by the title of Carver’s Travels and where he mentions having seen vast quantities of virgin copper and we further covenant with each other that we will become equally concerned in the above undertaking both in profit and loss. Witness our hands this thirteenth day of March and year seventeen hundred and ninety five. [signed] Benj. Henfrey / Wm. Paterson / H. Knox / W. Macpherson / Anthy. W. White / James Chambers.

The docketing on the second leaf contains a list of “parties to the within articles respecting the exploring the country on Lake Superior, &c,” and the list includes Knox, Paterson, Alexander Hamilton, New Jersey Governor Richard Howell, and six others, plus “if approved by him, His Excellency the Honble. Major General [Anthony] Wayne.” Hamilton at this point had been a private citizen for six weeks, having retired as Secretary of the Treasury on Jan. 31, 1795. The document is signed by William Paterson, a signer of the Constitution, U.S. Senator, governor of New Jersey (1790-93), and Associate Justice of the Supreme Court from 1793 until his death in 1806; Henry Knox, Washington’s first secretary of war (1789-94); William Bingham, a Pennsylvania Congressman; Benjamin Henfrey, an Englishman who had emigrated to Pennsylvania and patented a method of making gas light, using his “thermo-lamp,” which he showcased in Baltimore, Richmond, and Philadelphia; and William Macpherson and Anthony W. White, who both served in the and were involved in quelling the Whiskey Rebellion in 1794. A remarkable document illustrating a pioneering western joint venture, and Alexander Hamilton’s return to private investing. This document sold for $7170 at Heritage Auctions on Oct. 24, 2007. Milo M. Quaife, “Jonathan Carver and the Carver Grant” in The Mississippi Valley Histori- cal Review ( June 1920), pp.3-25. John Parker (editor), The Journals of Jonathan Carver and Related Documents, 1766-1770 (Minnesota Historical Society Press, 1976), pp.1-56, especially pp.47-51. $8000.

An American Businessman in China

81. [Peckham, W.C.]: JOURNAL IN SHANGHAI AND TRAVELS IN CHINA. [Various places, including China, Hong Kong & Japan. February to June, 1871, transcribed ca. 1920s]. 83,151pp. typescript on loose sheets. Minor soiling and two closed tears to first leaf, one inner leaf repaired on verso, a few leaves spotted. Small hole in last leaf, costing just one word. Overall very good.

The journal of an American, W.C. Peckham, written after his arrival in China, and encompassing his various business and trade excursions in China, Japan, and Hong Kong during a five-month period. It is divided into two parts and includes Peck- ham’s candid observations on a host of subjects, including architecture, cemeteries, public bathroom habits, prostitution, agriculture, clothing, religion, medicine, and other social aspects of life in Asia. The manuscript covers February to June, 1871, but is a later typescript, most assuredly taken from Peckham’s manuscript that has likely not survived. Peckham has arrived in China, as the narrative begins: “The end of the expedition is reached, the goal is gained. We have landed unopposed on Chinese soil.” Following are a few brief excerpts from this lengthy typescript, which deserves much attention and study. Peckham describes floating down the “Yang Tse” River; comments on city nomenclature, Chinese life spans, and agriculture, and on Chinese and Japanese prostitution. He observes Chinese men smoking opium:

They seem to smoke a great deal. One need not go to opium shops to see it smoked. One-fourth of the passengers are smoking and will smoke till ten o’clock tonight when all the lamps must be put out for fear of fire. The process of smoking has often been described and very clearly. The pipe is a stick about as long and large as an ordinary flute but of the same diameter throughout. At about the same distance from one end of the embouchure of the flute is the bowl while they draw the smoke through the other end. The bowl is either round or hexagonal and about 1½ inches in diameter though the opening in it would not contain a pea unless a very small one. To smoke opium a small lamp is required and this they protect from the wind by a glass cover which has a hole in the top. A small wire, besides the pipe, completes the apparatus. Some of the more wealthy men had very nice silver trays on which the apparatus was placed by their sides as they reclined on their pillows. The opium is a brown liquid of about the consistency of honey. It looks just like light colored tar. They put the wire into the opium which they carry in little tin canisters and take up a drop on one end. This is held in the heat of the lamps. It melts and bubbles and swells to six or seven times its former size, and while this is going on, they roll it in their fingers and on the side of the pipe bowl and thus shape it into a plug which just fills the hole in the bowl. When properly prepared they put one end of the plug in the bowl and shape the other end up into a globule outside the bowl. With the wire they make a hole for the air through the opium which is now the consistency of soft wax. It is now ready for smoking. They hold the opium in the flame of the lamp and as it burns, inhale the smoke.

He provides his initial impression of Hong Kong, and after a brief stop in Korea, Peckham arrives in Japan, where he spends time in Nagasaki, Hogo, and Yokohama. His keen observations on Japanese life comprise about fifty pages. The journal ends as Peckham’s steamer approaches San Francisco on its way back to America. This is, as far as we can determine, the only surviving copy of this previously unknown and unpublished portion of Peckham’s journey. It appears to have been typed up in the 1920s, possibly by the family of Peckham himself, as it has a few pencil an- notations and emendations. A prize typescript for scholars of 19th-century Asian culture, particularly as seen through western eyes. $3000. 82. Pendleton, Edmund: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM EDMUND PENDLETON TO HIS AGENT, COL. WILLIAM PRESTON, REGARDING A SALE OF PENDLETON’S LANDS]. Caroline, Va. Nov. 16, 1778. [2]pp. plus integral address leaf. Quarto, on a folded folio sheet. Silked. Small paper loss from wax seal (repaired), affecting several words of text. Significant paper loss to top quarter of address leaf, as well as seal area; repaired and not affecting text. In his highly legible hand. Very good. In a folio-sized tan half morocco and cloth clamshell case, spine gilt.

Virginia lawyer and Revolutionary patriot Edmund Pendleton writes to his agent, William Preston, regarding several land transactions Preston is carrying out on his behalf. Edmund Pendleton served as a representative to the First Continental Congress, was president of both of Virginia’s revolutionary conventions in 1775, and was also president of the powerful Committee of Safety for the state. Only an injury sustained in a fall from a horse (to which he refers in this letter) kept him from being in the Second Congress and a signer of the Declaration. He was elected president of the Virginia convention again in 1776, and under his direction, Virginia’s delegates to the Continental Congress put forth a motion for independence from Britain. Following Independence, he helped revise Virginia’s own Constitution, and worked tirelessly on behalf of the judicial system, serving as a chief justice in Virginia’s courts. Finally, he presided as president of Virginia’s Ratifying Convention for the Constitution in 1788. William Preston was a political and military leader on the Virginia frontier. During the Revolution he organized Virginia’s frontier defenses, and personally organized and led a group of militiamen who fought at the Battle of Guilford Courthouse in North Carolina. In this letter Pendleton writes Preston about several sales of land, detailing a number of accounts. The one of most concern to him, however, involves settlers who have not paid for the land and are now demanding to buy it at a very low price. Though he is loathe to part with the land so cheaply, if Preston has entered into such an agreement on his behalf, he is willing to honor it. He writes:

Since I wrote you a few days agoe I have reached home & have made up a list of the several payments made on account of Col. Patton’s estate, which I now inclose to you. The debets I judged you did not want, as I furnished you in 1774 a copy of the whole account wch. the last 4 payments have discharged, nothing being added to the debet. I am sorry it did not suit you to be at Williamsburg, as I might have had the pleasure of seeing you once more.... I would gladly visit my Washington lands & take you in the way but tho’ I have sufficient health for such a journey, yet it would be too much for a man to undertake who can’t walk a step without the assistance of crutches. Permit me to trouble you with a word or two on the subject of those lands. Of the several purchasers Mr. Logan only has paid off; Mr. Robert Craig paid in June 1775 £99, & Mr. Wm. Cocke in April 1776 £60; as I did not receive these sums myself I know not if it came through your hands & therefore note it for yr. direction to be indorsed on the bonds. I fear I am to have some trouble with the settlers on the reedy creek land, who because I will not take £30 a hundred for [text loss] (tho’ not more than 1/5th of the value money was at when I offered it at the [text loss] £60) seem disposed to dispute the title with me, and I am uncertain [whether?] they have not had it assessed as theirs, tho’ Mr. Bledsoe inform’d the assessors it was mine & that he was ready to pay the tax. If they have done so, unless they agree before witnesses to give me possession next fall, I will send out ejectments against them from the General Court, as I shall think they make an ungrate- ful return for my offer last winter to pay them for their improvements, where the use of the land had not been equal to their value. You informed me they had all agreed to become my tenants, I don’t recollect whether you mentioned their having signed a writing to that purpose and will thank you to inform me by the first opportunity & mentioned their names. I hear some of them insist on your having promised them the land at £30. If any thing passed between you & them, which tho’ not a legal contract, did in any manner engage yr. honour to let any of them have land at that price, be assured I will perform it with as much punctuality and cheerfulness as I would if I had myself pledged my own honour on the occasion; the principles of moral rectitude & not mere legal obligations being the rule I wish to observe in all my dealings, so that you have full latitude to put an end to any disputes of this sort by fixing the bargain. But if they have none other ground to expect the land at that price, than your having offered it 6 years ago, when money was of five times its present value, and they refused to give it, I can by no means think that honour or any other virtue calls on me to comply with such expectations, and the land being mine, I am surely at liberty to keep, or demand what price I please for it, wch. no person is obliged to give.

An interesting letter between Virginia patriots, illustrating both the disruptions of the war years, the problems of inflated currency, and the issues of squatters on Vir- ginia lands in this period. Pendleton letters are extremely rare in the marketplace; only two autograph letters signed appear in ABPC for the last thirty-five years. $3750.

Interesting Delaware Tradesman’s Account Book

83. [Richards, Nathaniel]: [ACCOUNT LEDGER BOOK FOR GIM- LET MAKER NATHANIEL RICHARDS OF WILMINGTON, DELAWARE, 1779 – 1780]. [Wilmington, De. Mainly 1779-1780]. Ap- proximately [60]pp. Folio. Original full suede. Some edge wear, rubbing, and minor soiling; front hinge repaired. Light foxing. Very good.

An important account ledger book belonging to Nathaniel Richards, early Delaware gimlet maker and iron worker. The ledger records cash and merchandise sales and expenditures for the period from July 1779 through 1781, with a handful of line- item entries for 1781-85. Richards has arranged itemized entries by short nota- tion, but includes accounting organized by name on numerous pages. Richard’s clients and customers include many tradesmen and prominent citizens operating in Wilmington or New Castle during the colonial and early national period, in- cluding John Janvier, Israel Brown, Obidiah Dingee, Joseph Shipley, John Stow, Joseph Shallcross, Samuel Paxson, Vincent Gilpin, , and many others. Shallcross was a miller, West Indian trader, and eventually mayor of Wilmington. Janvier was a civic leader in New Castle, noted banker, and president of the New Castle Turnpike and Railroad Company. Richards records sales of various items of his own manufacture, including quantities, such as bellows, saw files, trunk nails, padlocks, spoons, screws, brass knobs, hinges, castings, hand irons, dutch ovens, gimlets, and more. A fascinating ledger for students of early American trade his- tory. $1250.

Presentation from FDR to His Children

84. [Roosevelt, Franklin D.]: Lindley, Ernest K.: FRANKLIN D. ROO- SEVELT: A CAREER IN PROGRESSIVE DEMOCRACY. India- napolis. 1931. 379pp. plus frontis. Original blue cloth, gilt. Corners lightly worn, spine a bit sunned. Presen- tation inscription on front fly leaf. Very good.

Biography of Franklin D. Roosevelt, inscribed by him to his children: “For my very dear children, James & Betsy, from their devoted Pa. Franklin D. Roosevelt. Christmas 1931.” A won- derful association. $5000.

85. Roosevelt, Franklin D.: [TYPED LETTER, SIGNED BY FRANK- LIN D. ROOSEVELT, TO THE FEDERAL EMERGENCY AD- MINISTRATOR OF PUBLIC WORKS, REGARDING PERSON- NEL]. Washington. Dec. 6, 1938. [1]p. Folio. Old folds. Minor soiling. Near fine.

President Franklin Delano Roosevelt writes to Harold L. Ickes, Administrator of Public Works, regarding a transfer of four employees to that agency, with their former and future positions and salaries listed. The four men in question, transferred from various departments and agencies, were all to become Engineer Inspectors for the Public Works Administration. The Public Works Administration was a New Deal agency created in 1933, in an attempt to stimulate the economy with the construc- tion of large-scale public infrastructure projects, such as dams and bridges. It was closed in 1939, with the advent of World War II. $1250. A Future Signer of the Declaration Calls the British Quartermaster on His Overdrawn Account

86. Ross, George: [LETTER, SIGNED, FROM GEORGE ROSS TO SIR JOHN ST. CLAIR, REGARDING ST. CLAIR’S BANK AC- COUNT]. London. May 10, 1766. [1]p. plus integral address leaf. Quarto, on a folded folio sheet. Slight paper loss to address leaf, not affecting text. Slight separation at fold; other separations repaired. Minor soiling. Very good. In a folio-sized blue half morocco and cloth clamshell case, spine gilt.

George Ross, a Pennsylvania signer of the Declaration of Independence, writes to Sir John St. Clair, Deputy Quarter Master General of the British Forces in America, regarding St. Clair’s over-drafted account. George Ross was a lawyer, serving as the King’s prosecutor for Lancaster, Pennsylvania from 1756 to 1768, after which he was elected to the Pennsylvania legislature; swayed toward the colonial cause, he was a delegate to the Continental Congress, where he signed the Declaration of Independence. St. Clair was appointed Deputy Quarter Master General of the British forces in North America in 1754. He died just a year and a half after this letter was written. Writing from London, possibly on official business, Ross includes a detailed list of the bills which have been paid out of St. Clair’s account, beyond his available funds; the whole totals £386/1/2. His note reads:

Dear Sir, I have your favour of 20th March advising Bill for £100, which I shall honour, to prevent the distress of its return, but I must request of you, for your own sake, not to draw again till your funds have discharged the above heavy ballance [sic]. For tho’ my inclination to serve you be great, yet it is quite irregular as well as unsafe to have so great a ballance on an open account, without shadow of security. Your Subn. and Staff pay of last year will soon discharge this debt, and afterwards, I hope, you will be open to go on comfort- ably with your current income.

A good letter from Ross, before his crucial move into colonial politics. Ross letters are rare; there is only one letter signed in ABPC in the last thirty-five years, while all the rest are signed documents. $4250.

Dr. Rush Consoles a Friend Whose Wife Has Died in the Epidemic: “We live among the dead, and in a valley of human bones.”

87. Rush, Benjamin: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM BEN- JAMIN RUSH TO ELISHA BOUDINOT, CONDOLING BOUDI- NOT ON THE LOSS OF HIS WIFE]. Philadelphia. Sept. 8, 1797. [2] pp., plus integral address leaf. Folio. Old fold lines. Reinforced with tissue at some folds. Tear in blank leaf from wax seal. Lightly soiled. Very good. In a half morocco clamshell case, spine gilt.

A warm letter written by Dr. , Philadelphia physician and signer of the Declaration of Independence, to fellow patriot Elisha Boudinot, expressing his condolences upon the loss of Boudinot’s wife. Boudinot (1749-1819) was an early supporter of the Revolution, and was active in New Jersey political and social circles, interacting with many of the important men of the era. He had eleven children with his first wife, Catherine Smith, to whom this letter refers. She died in the terrible yellow fever epidemic of 1797. Boudinot remarried the year following her death. Benjamin Rush was a delegate to the Continental Congress and signed the Declaration of Independence; he later served as surgeon general for the Middle Department of the Continental Army, though he resigned in outrage over the dis- organization and corruption in army hospitals. Rush established several medical facilities in Philadelphia, including the College of Physicians in 1787. “Writing prolifically over nearly half a century, Rush was the first American physician to become widely known at home and abroad. More than any other physician, Rush established the reputation of Philadelphia as a center for medical training....His drive to understand mental illness and render the treatment of mental patients more humane earned Rush the title ‘father of American psychiatry’” – ANB. Rush’s letter conveys his sympathies as well as Christian hope for life beyond the grave. It reads, in part:

My dear sir, Permit me to join in the general sympathy your late bereave- ment has excited in the breasts of all your friends....Yes, my dear friend, we live among the dead, and in a valley of human bones. Every newspaper we pick up is an obituary of departed friends, or fellow citizens. At the present awful moment, the passing hearse, the shut up houses, and the silent streets of our city, all proclaim that we are made of the dust, & that we are doomed to return to it. But let us not complain as those who have no hope. The grave shall ere long be robbed of its prey. Even Hell itself shall give up its prisoners. The conquests, & grace of Christ extend to the utmost limits of fire & misery, & all, all shall in due time be made to partake of the benefits of his infinite atonement. P.S. The fever encreases, but it is confined chiefly to one part of the city. I have hitherto been preserved, except from a light attack of it, which confined me but one day.

In fact, Rush had stayed in Philadelphia to treat those sick with the fever, and was lucky to survive. Later his political opponent, William Cobbett, accused Rush of using his treatments to kill off Federalists. Rush successfully sued Cobbett for libel, driving him out of the United States. $5500.

Dr. Rush Accepts Thanks for Defeating William Cobbett, and on Medical Matters

88. Rush, Benjamin: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM BEN- JAMIN RUSH TO FELLOW PHYSICIAN NATHANIEL POT- TER, DISCUSSING MEDICAL MATTERS AND THE LIBEL CASE AGAINST WILLIAM COBBETT]. Philadelphia. Jan. 8, 1800. [1]p. plus address leaf. Folio. Old fold lines. Some light soiling and toning. Slight separation at folds. Address leaf moderately soiled, with small loss from wax seal. Very good. In a red half calf and cloth clamshell case, spine gilt.

Dr. Benjamin Rush writes to his col- league in Baltimore, Dr. Nathaniel Pot- ter, discussing the libel case of William Cobbett and mentioning the winter’s diseases. Cobbett, one of the most scurrilous journalists of the Federal pe- riod, was an inveterate enemy of Rush. In his newspaper, Porcupine’s Gazette, and in various pamphlets, Cobbett at- tacked the Republicans and defended Federal interests. His downfall came with a direct attack on Rush, a series of pamphlets called The Rush-Light, which culminated in accusing Rush of delib- erately killing his patients during the Philadelphia yellow fever epidemics in the 1790s (Rush’s harsh purgatives may have done in a few people, but the Doc- tor courageously stuck it out in the city when other doctors fled). Rush sued for libel and won, as he describes here. After the Philadelphia judgment against him, Cobbett fled to England to avoid payment. Rush writes:

Dear Sir, Accept my thanks for your kind congratulations upon the decision of our court against Wm. Cobbett. It has given general satisfaction in our city. Some of my brethren I have reason to believe are not pleased with it. “Father forgive them’ – I wish I could add, ‘they know not what they do.” The winter with us has been sickly, but our diseases, though violent, have seldom proved mortal. The lament has been used freely by all our practitioners. The forms of disease are cynanche trachialis [sic], catarrh, pleurisy, and angina inflam- matoria, accompanied nearly in every case with bilious discharges from the stomach and bowels. My class consists of 102 pupils who honour me with the most patient and regular attention. I have made many additions of facts to my lectures all of which I hope add support to my principles. Present my respects & congratulations to Dr. Alexander. I consider you & him as the pivots of my system in Baltimore. May you both be useful, and successful in all your pursuits and enterprises in medicine.

Benjamin Rush was a delegate to the Continental Congress and signed the Declaration of Independence; he later served as surgeon general for the Middle Department of the Continental Army, though he resigned in outrage over the disorganization and corruption in army hospitals. He established several medical facilities in Philadel- phia, including the College of Physicians in 1787. “Writing prolifically over nearly half a century, Rush was the first American physician to become widely known at home and abroad. More than any other physician, Rush established the reputation of Philadelphia as a center for medical training....His drive to understand mental illness and render the treatment of mental patients more humane earned Rush the title ‘father of American psychiatry’” – ANB. ANB (online). $5000.

89. [Saint Domingue]: [TWO PARTIALLY PRINTED DOCUMENTS, COMPLETED IN MANUSCRIPT, CONCERNING FRANÇOIS DE CHAUMONT, PRESIDENT OF THE FINANCE COMMIT- TEE OF THE COLONIAL ASSEMBLY]. Cap Français. Feb. 25 & Sept. 1, 1793. [2]; [2]pp., each with an integral blank leaf. Folio. Old folds, minor dust soiling. Very good.

Two partially-printed manuscript documents concerning François de Chaumont, president of the Finance Committee for the French government in Cap Français, Saint Domingue (present-day Cap-Haïtien, Haiti). The first of these, Au Nom de la République Française. Commissission Nationale-Civile..., is a declaration by Léger- Félicité Sonthonax, Commissioner of the Republic in Saint Domingue, clearing François Chaumont, chairman of the Finance Committee of the erstwhile colonial assembly, of false charges against him regarding colonial expen- ditures. Sonthonax was a radical Jacobin who sought to upturn what was left of Royalist right. He hoped to get rid of Chaumont. The second document, Au Nom de la République. Adminstration Générale... (Le Cap Français. Sept. 1, 1793), is an appointment of the same François Chau- mont as Commissioner in charge of the Editorial Office of Audit, by Charles- Etienne-Pierre Wante, civil organizer of the French Leeward Islands. Chaumont managed to outlast Sonthonax, who was sent back to France. Here he gets another post from Wante, Sonthonax’s successor. $3000. A Receipt from the Great Portraitist, St. Mémin

90. [St. Mémin, Charles B.J.F. de]: [MANUSCRIPT RECEIPT ISSUED TO “MR. READ” FOR A PORTRAIT AND FRAMES, SIGNED “ST. MEMIN”]. Philadelphia. March 8, 1801. [1]p. Old fold lines. Minor foxing and wear. Very good.

A receipt from celebrated French-American profile portraitist, Charles St. Mémin for “a profile in crayons, a plate engraved, and twelve impressions” for $25. Mr. Read is also charged for “two dozen extra impressions...a large burnished frame... [and] two small round frames.” His total expenditure was $37. This was almost certainly , at that time a member of the House of Representatives from Massachusetts, and the only person of that last name in Miles’ catalogue of St. Mémin’s works. A Harvard graduate, Read was a pioneering inventor in steam navigation and iron ship’s materials. He served two terms in Congress and would have been in Philadelphia just before the government moved to Washington. During a career that spanned fourteen years, from 1796 to 1810, itinerant French artist Charles St. Mémin captured the profiles of an astounding number of influential Americans. His miniature engravings were in great demand among the wealthy and powerful, and he travelled from New York to Washington, Alexan- dria, Georgetown, Annapolis, Richmond, Norfolk, Charleston, and other cultural centers, executing commissions in his distinctive style. An interesting document recording what was likely a typical transaction for the artist, selling to the sitter the original crayon portrait, the engraved plate based upon it, a number of engravings for distribution to family and friends, and a few frames. MILES, ST. MÉMIN 686. $2000.

The Governor of Maryland Writes About Catholicism and the Penn Boundary Dispute

91. Seymour, John, Gov.: [Penn vs. Baltimore Dispute]: [MANUSCRIPT LETTER, SIGNED, FROM MARYLAND GOVERNOR JOHN SEYMOUR TO ONE OF THE LORDS OF TRADE, DISCUSS- ING ISSUES IN THE COLONY]. Maryland. March 10, 1709. [6]pp. on folded folio sheets. Accompanied by a transcript. Old fold lines. Bright and clean. Very good plus.

An especially noteworthy and very lengthy manuscript letter from John Seymour, governor of the Maryland Colony from 1704 to 1709, to one of the Lords of Trade, detailing the tumult in the colony, namely the conflicting attitudes of Catholics and Protestants, and discussing the developing border dispute between William Penn and Lord Baltimore. Of the Catholics and Protestants the Governor writes, in part:

The first by his Lordships favour in lands not only – makes a considerable Interest with many of ye Inhabitants & Delegates, but also gains many Proslites, their Priest being encouraged and supported on all Occasions so that One of them had the Confidense to tamper with One of my Domestiques; and when they checked for these Abuses, the whole party is in a flame, and ready to raise a considerable Contribution for their Defense & Protection & with the extreamest Spite and Malice exclaimed against the severity, as they terme it, of her Majesty’s Instructions....

With mention of the Penn-Calvert dispute:

My Lord I should be glad to have her Majesty’s Command about running the Northern Lyne of this Province, or to heare my Lord Baltimore and Wm. Penn had adjusted that Difference between themselves...the Borders in both Provinces being hardly restrayned from committing violence on each other... in the mean tyme take the best Care I can to prevent it.

Seymour closes the letter with a notably early and rare mention of slaves: “Having in my last to the Lords of Trade sent them a generall account of all Negro Slaves imported into this Province Since the year 1698...the Royall African Company have not imported any....” The Royal African Company lost its monopoly on the slave trade in 1698 and with a growing number of merchants now engaging in the slave trade, there was a marked transition in the economic development and population of Maryland. In 1700 the population of Maryland was around 25,000. By 1750 the population had grown to about 130,000 and was wholly dependent on slavery to fuel its plantation economy. This copy signed as a duplicate, although it appears to have been enclosed with the original when sent to London. $9500. Signed by Two Connecticut Signers of the Declaration

92. [Sherman, Roger]: [Wolcott, Oliver]: [Connecticut General Assembly]: [LIST OF MONIES OWED TO REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UPPER HOUSE OF THE CONNECTICUT GENERAL ASSEM- BLY FOR THE OCTOBER 1771 SESSION, SIGNED BY ROGER SHERMAN, OLIVER WOLCOTT, AND OTHERS]. [N.p., but likely New Haven]. November 1771. [1]p. plus integral docketing leaf. Folio. Backed with tissue. Faint old fold lines. A few small edge tears at folds, repaired. Minor soiling. Very good. In a red half morocco and cloth clamshell case, spine gilt.

List of monies paid to twelve members of the House of Assistants of the Con- necticut General Assembly, signed by several of them, including two future signers of the Declaration of Independence, Roger Sherman and Oliver Wolcott. Sherman is notable as the only person to sign all four of the major foundational documents of United States: the , the Declaration of Independence, the Articles of Confederation, and the U.S. Constitution. He also served on the Committee of Five that drafted the Declaration of Independence, and later drafted the Connecticut Compromise for the U.S. Constitution, which proposed a bicameral representative government and guaranteed equal representation in the Senate for every state, no matter its size. Wolcott signed not only the Declaration, but also the Articles of Confederation, and later served as Connecticut’s fourth governor. This document was likely written in New Haven, which served as the joint capital of Connecticut with Hartford until 1776, hosting the October legislative sessions. In addition to Sherman and Wolcott, it is signed by representatives William Pitkin, Robert Walker, Abraham Davenport, William Samuel Johnson, and Joseph Spencer. The remaining members are noted as having been “paid by receipt.” It is docketed on the verso and signed by Joseph Trumbull, deputy to the Assembly. For his time in the House of Assistants (later the Connecticut Senate), Sherman was paid £6/18/0; Wolcott, £5/15/4. $3000.

William T. Sherman’s Original Manuscript Account of His Career in California During the Conquest and Beginning of the Gold Rush

93. Sherman, William Tecumseh: GENERAL SHERMAN IN CALIFOR- NIA 1846 – 1850 [manuscript title]. Washington, D.C. 1871. [2],181pp., plus four additional pages (numbered 74¼, 74½, 150½, 150¾). The entire original manuscript is in Sherman’s distinctive hand, written in ink on the rectos of sheets of white lined paper. Occasional corrections, cross-outs, or emendations in ink and pencil. A total of approximately 32,000 words. Folio. Contemporary three-quarter morocco and cloth, gilt, spine gilt, raised bands. Boards rubbed and shelfworn. A few leaves with some small tears or chips, but on the whole very neat, clean, and legible. Near fine.

An exceptional American manuscript memoir, this is the original manuscript of Gen. ’s memoirs of his experiences in Cali- fornia from 1846 to 1850. Written entirely in Sherman’s hand, the manu- script describes his experiences dur- ing the Mexican-American War, the American conquest of California, the discovery of gold at Sutter’s Fort in 1848, and the subsequent Gold Rush. This is the original text of what be- came the first two chapters of Sher- man’s Memoirs..., regarded as a classic American autobiography. General Sherman began writing a memoir of his life before the Civil War some time around 1870, chiefly for the edification of his family. The present manuscript is that memoir, written entirely in Sherman’s hand. The manuscript is dated March 1871, and Sherman presented it to his loyal aide-de-camp, Joseph C. Audenried, at that time. These recollections of Sherman’s early years in California became the first two chapters of his Memoirs, published in 1875. This original manuscript is therefore the earliest part of Sher- man’s memoir, and the earliest autobiographical writing in which he engaged. In early 1874, Sherman began to expand his memoirs to encompass the Civil War years, and this grew into a larger, more disciplined project, which resulted in a two-volume work, published in 1875 by Appleton and Company, entitled Memoirs of General William T. Sherman, Written by Himself. In the preface to the first edi- tion Sherman wrote that he intended his memoir to be merely his “recollection of events, corrected by a reference to his own memoranda, which may assist the future historian when he comes to describe the whole, and account for the motives and reasons which influenced some of the actors in the grand drama of war.” Sherman’s work, priced $7 a set, was immediately popular, and sold some 10,000 copies in the three weeks after publication, and ultimately sold some 25,000 sets, for which Sherman was paid $25,000. The present manuscript is very much in the form of a rough draft, with numer- ous corrections, cross-outs, and emendations, and also with variations from the published text. For example, in the opening paragraph Sherman lists the officers stationed at Fort Moultrie, South Carolina in the Spring of 1846. In the published text a “Surgeon McLaren” is listed, while in this manuscript the name is given as “Surgeon Hawkins.” The manuscript also shows clarifications and corrections by Sherman that were incorporated into the published text. This manuscript actually goes beyond the two chapters in Sherman’s published memoirs devoted to his time in California, concluding with some of the initial events described in his chapter entitled “Missouri, Louisiana, and California 1850-1855,” particularly his experiences in Washington. This portion is substantially different from the published version of Sherman’s memoir. In all, this manuscript is an excellent source through which to study the writing, re-writing, and editing of Sherman’s work. As mentioned, this manuscript became the first two chapters of the first edition of Sherman’s published Memoirs (the second edition, published in 1886, added a preceding chapter, describing Sherman’s life up to the Mexican-American War). Sherman recounts his being assigned to California, his voyage around Cape Horn in the winter of 1846-47, his scouting trips around California in 1847, and his assignment as assistant adjutant to Col. Richard B. Mason, the civil and military . Sherman also relates how he received the news of the initial discovery of gold at Sutter’s Fort, his meeting with Kit Carson, who brought the first overland mail to California, his trips to inspect the gold fields, and his drafting of an official report on the discoveries. In February 1849, Sherman became adjutant to Gen. Persifor Smith, the new commander of the Division of the Pacific, and he describes those experiences, as well as his work surveying for land speculators and ranchers. In the Fall of 1849, Sherman attended the California constitutional convention at Monterey and describes his experiences there, as well as his observa- tions in Sacramento as the region was flooded with gold seekers. Two excerpts from the text give fine examples of the high narrative quality and sense of immediacy with which Sherman recounts his experiences in California. The first describes the circumstances when he first heard of the great gold strikes, the second is his recollection of his first meeting with Kit Carson:

I remember one day in the Spring of 1848, two men Americans came into the office & inquired for the Governor. I asked their business and one answered that he had just come down from Captain Sutter on special business, and he wanted to see Governor Mason. I took them in to the Colonel and left them together. After some time the Colonel came to his door & called to me. I went in and my attention was directed to a series of papers unfolded on the table on which lay about half an ounce of Placer Gold. Mason said to me what is that? I touched it & examined one or two of the larger pieces & said, is it Gold? Mason asked me if I had ever seen native Gold, and I answered that in 1843 I was in upper Georgia and saw some native gold, but it was much finer than that, and that it was in a phial or transparent quill. But I said that if that was Gold it could be easily tested, first by its malleability and next by acids. I took a piece in my teeth and the metallic lustre was perfect.

On Kit Carson:

As yet we had no regular mail to any part of the United States, but mails had come to us at long intervals around Cape Horn and one or two by land. I well remember the first overland mail. It was brought by Kit Carson in a saddle bag from Taos in New Mexico. We heard of his arrival at and waited patiently for his arrival at h’quarters. His fame then was at its height from the publication of Fremont’s books and I was very curious to see a man who had achieved such feats of daring among the wild animals of the Rocky Mountains and still wilder Indians of the plains. At last his arrival was reported at the town in Monterey and I hurried to meet him. I cannot express my surprise at beholding a small, stoop shouldered man with reddish hair, freckled face, soft blue eyes, and nothing to indicate extraordinary courage or daring. He spoke but little, and answered questions in monosyllables. I asked for his mail and he picked up his light saddle bags containing the ‘Great Overland Mail’ and we walked together to Head Qrs., where he delivered his parcel into Col. Mason’s own hands.

This paragraph alone contains a few instances where the manuscript of Sherman’s memoir is at variance with the published version. Mark Twain called Sherman “a master of narrative,” and literary critic Edmund Wilson wrote that while Ulysses S. Grant’s Personal Memoirs... are “aloof and dis- passionate,” in Sherman’s memoir “the man is all there in his book; the book is the man speaking.” Wilson goes on in his appreciation of Sherman:

He had a trained gift of self-expression....his memoirs are quite amazing. The vigorous accounts of his pre-war activities...is varied in just the right proportion and to just the right degree of vivacity with anecdotes and personal experi- ences....He tells us what he thought and what he felt, and he never strikes any attitudes or pretends to feel anything which he does not feel. His frankness and self-dependence, his rectitude in whatever he undertakes...and his contempt for petty schemes and ambitions, together with a disregard for many conventional scruples, make Sherman, in spite of his harshness, a figure whom we not only respect but cannot help liking.

This original manuscript of the California section of Sherman’s Memoirs was presented by Sherman to his long-serving, trusted aide-de-camp, Col. Joseph C. Audenried. Sherman has written, below the manuscript title, “presented to Col. Audenried A.D.C. by Gen. Sherman in consideration of Col. Audenried having copied the same for the General. Hd. Qr. of the Army Washington D.C. March 17, 1871.” At the conclusion of the text is a similar inscription. It appears that Sherman gave this copy of his original manuscript memoir to Audenried after Audenried made a copy for Sherman himself to keep. This copy, entirely in Sherman’s hand and the original manuscript of the memoir has descended through the Audenried family, appearing on the market here for the first time. Joseph Crain Audenried (1839-80) was born in Pennsylvania and graduated from West Point in 1861. Brevetted a second lieutenant, he assisted in organizing and training troops in Washington before being assigned as an aide to several generals, including Daniel Tyler, William H. Emory, Edwin Sumner, John Wool, and Ulysses S. Grant. In October 1863, Audenried was transferred to Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman’s command, and he served as Sherman’s aide-de-camp and principal as- sistant until his death in 1880 at age forty. With Sherman, Audenried participated in the events for which Sherman is most famous: the siege of Atlanta, the March to the Sea, and the March through the Carolinas. He was promoted to captain in the 6th Cavalry in 1866, and then to colonel in 1869. Audenried was stationed with Sherman at St. Louis for much of this time, and joined his commander in the Indian Wars of the West and on tours of the West, and also on Sherman’s tour of Europe and the Middle East in 1871-72. Audenried married Mary Colkett in 1863, and the two had a daughter, Florence, in 1867. After Audenried’s death in 1880, Sherman and Mary Audenried grew quite close, and it has been speculated that the married commander engaged in an affair with his aide’s widow. The original manuscript of Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman’s memoir of his time in California during the tumultuous late 1840s. A highly significant portion of one of the great American memoirs. $95,000.

A Leading American Diplomat Writes Elbridge Gerry

94. Short, William: [Gerry, Elbridge]: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM WILLIAM SHORT TO ELBRIDGE GERRY, DISCUSSING SHORT’S RETURN TO THE UNITED STATES]. Paris. April 3, 1802. [3]pp. on a folded sheet. Old fold lines. Significant ink stain on bottom half of first page, not affecting legibility of text. Minor soiling. Else very good. In a green half morocco and cloth clamshell case, spine gilt.

A fond and lengthy letter from American diplomat William Short to Elbridge Gerry, Founding Father and signer of the Declaration of Independence. William Short (1759-1849) was an American diplomat who spent much of his political career in France. Beginning in 1784 he served as Jefferson’s secretary while Jef- ferson was U.S. Minister to France; he subsequently served as chargés d’affaires when Jefferson left, overseeing U.S. interests in France. He served as Minister to the in 1792, and briefly as Minister to Spain in 1795, after which he returned to France to live with his mistress. In 1802, after nearly twenty years abroad, Short finally took Jefferson’s advice and returned to revisit his native land; in the present letter he mentions to Gerry that he is planning to embark in the next month or so. Short was not entirely impressed with America, however, nor it with him – he earned James Madison’s lasting enmity when he derided Madison’s naive belief that all French directors were good republicans. After a brief return to France in 1808, Short settled in Philadelphia in 1810 and lived out his days as a wealthy man. Elbridge Gerry (1744-1814) served in the Continental Congress and was a signer of the Declaration of Independence. He was an early and vigorous advocate of American Independence, and played a crucial role in the formation of the new United States government, insisting on a bill of rights being added to the new constitution. His name is perhaps most remembered, however ignominiously, in connection with the term “gerrymandering.” In his second term as governor of Massachusetts, Gerry redrew district lines to consolidate his party’s control in the state senate. Though this was not necessarily a new practice, the name stuck. Gerry ran on the ticket with President Madison in 1812, for Madison’s second term as president, and died in office in November 1814. Gerry had served in France on the commission involved in the famous XYZ affair, in which the French attempted to extort bribes from the American commis- sioners (which inspired fervent anti-French sentiment in the States). It is likely that he became friendly with Short at that time. Short writes that he hopes to see Gerry upon his arrival back in the States, and that he plans to travel extensively upon his return. The letter reads, in part:

I can assure you I shall never forget the sentiments which you inspired [in] me during the short time I had the pleasure of cultivating your acquaintance, & shall always put at an high price every proof of not being forgotten by you. After our separation I wished to hear from you the account of your arrival in America before writing to you, except that of Augt. 27 which I wrote you a few days after my return to Paris from Havre. Having learned that every thing which came from this quarter was at that time liable to suspicion in our country, & supposing it might be peculiarly so under your circumstances, I did not chuse [sic] to obtrude a letter to you until I should first receive yours. Your silence therefore regulated mine. Times have much changed since then my dear sir all over the world; & events which could not have been expected, have taken place almost everywhere. Those which have been exhibited here have been of course, & according to usage, on the great scale & marked in light colors.

Short then remarks that he would have thought Gerry an excellent choice for Minister to France, given his experience, and says that he had received some letters and papers mistakenly stating that he had been nominated to that position: “...so that I was receiving letter & compliments on the subject, until the arrival of the frigate which brought the official account of the person designated.” He continues:

The accounts which we receive here from our country give us the most pleas- ing view of its prosperity & tranquility. There is nothing which can be more satisfactory to a true American; & I do really believe that it gives him still a more exalted satisfaction when he is in a foreign country than when at home.... This mode of feeling I do not suppose peculiar to Americans, but common to all men of all countries. I learned from Mr. Skipweth that you had a good passage out. I have frequently regretted since that I had not continued my voy- age with you. The year after you left us was a terrible one to pass here – ruin and desolation hung on the heads of all my friends from that time until the revolution of Brumaire. It was really a most distressing and hopeless scene.... At that time I had hopes of being able to arrange my affairs in America by proxy – but every year since has continued to shew the contrary – of course I have every year since been meditating a voyage....The moment is now at hand when I shall experience it, as I am preparing for the voyage. I expect to embark in the month of May. It is yet uncertain at what port I shall land, but wherever it be I shall certainly ere long after my arrival have the pleasure of seeing you, as it is my intention to travel through all the states, at least those north of Virginia. I have so often repented having not visited & made myself acquainted with the different parts of my own country before visiting foreign ones, that I will not fail executing this plan as soon as practicable.

The letter is docketed on the verso of the second leaf in Gerry’s hand: “Paris letter / Honble Wm Short / rec. April / 8th 1802, ansd. / 21 July 1802.” $2500.

The United States Invades Russia, 1919

95. [Siberian Expeditionary Force]: []: [LARGE PHOTO- GRAPHIC ARCHIVE RELATING TO AMERICAN EXPEDI- TIONARY FORCES IN ASIA, NOTABLY RUSSIA AND CHINA, DURING WORLD WAR I AND JUST AFTER, WITH A BRIEF SOLDIER’S DIARY, CIRCA 1917 – 1920]. [Mainly Russia, Siberia, Mongolia, Manchuria, China, and others]. 1917-1920. Six photograph albums and some disbound album leaves (with approximately 830 images), large col- lection of negatives, manuscript soldier’s diary, and various ephemeral items. Some wear to albums, some photographs removed, cover of diary detached. Generally good to very good condition.

An outstanding archive of photographs and negatives, a soldier’s diary, and related ephemera documenting the Siberian Expeditionary Force, the first and only time American troops invaded Russian soil. When the Bolshevik government made a separate peace with Germany in the latter days of World War I, the Allied nations decided to send troops to Siberia for a number of purposes: to protect military stockpiles in Vladivostok (almost $1 billion worth had been sent by the United States); to rescue the Czechoslovak Legion that was fighting its way east along the Bolshevik-held Trans-Siberian Railway; and to support the White Russians in their fight against the Bolsheviks. The present collection appears to come from at least two different soldiers and includes mostly vernacular shots, with a handful of purchased postcard photographs. Images include much in Vladivostok and Irkutsk, two important cities along the railway line that were main areas of operation for the Allies, but also a number that document the journey to and from Russia, including images of Japan, the Philippines, Honolulu, Manchuria, Mongolia, some throughout America and Canada, and quite a few of Harbin (the Chinese city to which many of the defeated White Russians retreated) and Peking. The images strike a curious balance between depicting the horrors of war (piled casualties captioned “Bodies in street – Irkutsk” and “They really smell bad after days in hot sun waiting for someone to bury them”), hanged soldiers, armored train cars and military vehicles (“Battleships in Vladivostok”), various assembled troops and refugees (“Refugees by thousands lived in waiting room at R.R. station waiting for a train to take them East ahead of Bolshevicks”) and the wonders of travel. The archive consists of the following, in detail:

1) Six albums of photographs, plus some loose album pages and many loose photo- graphs, predominately gelatin silver prints, from thumbnail photos to 5¾ x 8¾ inches. Many of the photographs mounted in the albums and loose album leaves include annotations below or around the images, with information pertaining to the subjects, locations, and/or dates of the images. These mainly cover the activities of the expeditionary force, most in Siberia and Manchuria, but some en route. One album is signed by its owner, presumably a soldier who served in Russia and Asia, named Robert N. McRea of Eugene, Oregon. His album features photographs from before his deployment, but swiftly turns to images of Vladi- vostok, most notably casualty photos from Gen. Rudolph Gaida’s failed revolt in that city. This album also includes images of Japan, China, and other Pacific locales, alongside numerous photos of familial subjects in . A similarly bound album, unsigned, appears to be annotated in a different hand, and is packed with over 200 photographs in Manchuria, Irkutsk, Vladi- vostok, and other locations in Russia and Asia. Several officers are identified in the photos, and the author of the annotations writes in the first person several times, identifying his ship, his quarters, the train on which he traveled, and more. There appears to be much on military life in this album. A third album contains numerous small images in Manchuria, Mongolia, and China, and includes numerous images of military figures (“French and American officers at Hailar”) and hardware (“Russian armored car ready”). It also contains views of various locals, including “Mongol kids afraid of the camera” in Hailar, Mongolia. Another album features the Harbin horse races, the “Harbin Telephone Girls,” along with a handful of military-related images, with captions such as “Chinese soldiers at Harbin” and “Bolchewick prisoners en route.” A fifth album contains a good number of photographs of Chinese temples in one half, and military movements in Manchuria and Mongolia in the latter half. The annotations among the disbound album leaves include one written above a stark image of a hanged soldier reading: “Bolsheviks hanged prisoners along Railway – frozen.” On the same page a caption reads, “Alex. the Great statue, blown up as we evacuated Irkusk” below the image of same. Several of the loose photographs are annotated as well on the verso. One example: “Eng [Englishman], in Round house at Irkutsk, Siberia, which was captured from the Bolsheviks at Lumara by the Czecks, & which is now used by the latter. 8/10/19.” Another example: “Volley ball at ‘D’ Company. Company ‘D’ 31st USA. Building housed Russian Army during Russo-Japan War 1904 Diomed Inlet near Vladivostok, 1918-1919.”

2) Large collection of photographic negatives, generally 2¾ x 4¾ inches. The total number of negatives in the entire archive is approximately 600, counting all in albums (including those housed in the manuscript diary below) and the approxi- mately 185 loose examples. Most are stored and indexed in three small albums, one of which is specifically designed for negatives, and most with identifying captions in manuscript. A good number of the loose negatives might belong in a fourth album that is present here but empty. These loose negatives seem to be in addition to the printed photographs in the albums, although some may overlap. According to the manuscript notations, most of these negatives depict locations in Peking and Vladivostok, with perhaps other locations in Russia, evidenced by notations in Cyrillic in one album.

3) Manuscript diary of an unknown American soldier. Harbin, China. Aug. 15 – Nov. 5, [1918?] 38pp. of a small cloth notebook, the remainder used as a file for ninety additional photographic negatives. The diary portion begins:

10000 Czeck Slovak troops arrived in Harbin. They are sure a wonderful bunch of soldiers. Some of them can talk pretty good English. They been fighting their way through Russia and Siberia against German prisoners and Bolchevick troops with clubs and stone. One of them was talking about how they captured 30 German machine guns at Irkutsk with stone [on] account [of ] no ammunition.

A week later 10,000 Japanese troops arrive in Harbin, whom the author also praises as “a nice looking bunch of soldiers, all the same height and well drilled but they think they can do anything.” The entry on Aug. 25 relates in simple, stark detail the horrors of war: “Bolchevick captured 5 Japanese today on Habarovsk [Khabarovsk] front. They disfigured them and cut their arms off.” The next day the diarist records that the Japanese “captured 3500 Bolchewick and Ger- man...and killed every one of them as penalty for yesterday’s massacre of the 5 Japanese.” The diary continues through the next few months recording battles and troop movements & casualties, activities of the Red Cross, the arrival of French troops, and other related activities.

4) Four military-related ephemeral items, as follows: a United States of America War Department Certificate of Identity for Russian Railway Service Corps member Everett Howard Showalter (perhaps another source for the photograph albums described above), Nov. 15, 1917; a Christmas Day menu for American Red Cross and Russian Railway Service Corps Mess dinner in Vladivostok, Siberia; Chinese Eastern Railway Service Pass, 1st Class for Lieutenant R.N. McCrea (who inscribed one of the photograph albums above), in Cyrillic with English translation; Issue no. 4 of The Bolshoi Pravda, October 1931.

A remarkable collection illustrating a little-known but significant part of World War I and its aftermath. Russian anger over the American part in what they viewed as an invasion (and the military support of the White Russians) added significantly to the difficulty of establishing diplomatic relations later. This rich archive will reward detailed study. $12,000.

Seventy-five-Year-Old Slave Sold for $10

96. [Slavery]: Albritton, P.J.: [TWO AUTOGRAPH DOCUMENTS, SIGNED (“P.J. ALBRITTON”), TO HON. ZO. S. COOK]. Wilcox County, Al. May 9 & Nov. 24, 1859. [2]pp. total. Quarto. Fine. In a cloth chemise.

Documents presented to Judge Cook of the Court of Probate by the administrator and administratrix of the estate of Samuel Smoke. Among the possessions to be settled were mules, horses, hogs, cattle, a buggy and harness, fodder “& some other articles of trifling value...also a negro man named Jack, who is about 75 years old & who is of little or no value – & whom it is necessary to sell for the purpose of divi- sion among the widow, one of your Petitioners, and the children of said intestate....” The second document reads, in part:

By virtue of an order of the Hon Probate Court of said County, I did expose to sale at public auction at the late resid. of Samuel Smoke...the negro man Jack a slave belong[ing] to said estate and on such sale Mrs. Eliza Smoke became the purchaser thereof for the price & sum of ten dollars, that being the highest & last bid for the same. Said negro was sold as a credit till 1st day of March 1860.

$1000. Seeking Payment for a Slave’s Service in the U.S. Army During the Civil War

97. [Slavery]: [Maryland]: [ARCHIVE OF THE ANDERSON FAMILY OF MARYLAND, WITH GOOD CONTENT ON SLAVE OWN- ERSHIP DURING AND AFTER THE CIVIL WAR]. [Maryland. 1863-1893]. Twenty-one items. Usual folds and light wear. Generally very good.

An interesting grouping of documents, receipts, and letters related to the Ander- son family of Somerset County, Maryland, on the lower Eastern Shore. This area was heavily slaveholding and of pronounced Southern sympathy. Documents date from the mid- to late-19th century and include tax documents, business letters, and personal letters. Of particular interest are documents related to Charles Nelson, a slave once owned by the Anderson family. After the Civil War the Anderson family sought financial restitution for their slave, Nelson, who had fought in the U.S. Colored Troops with the Union Army. The documents concerning Nelson include a Proof of Ownership for a slave named Charles Nelson and his enlistment in the Union Army’s 7th Regiment United States Colored Troops, Co. “G,” on Oct. 21, 1863; a pay document for $100 for Charles Nelson (partially filled out); a document entitled “Office of Board of Claims For Slaves Enlisted in the U.S. Service” dated July 1, 1865, urging Anderson’s lawyer, William Daniel, to correct “certain imperfections in the claim of W.A. Wilmer Anderson...otherwise Anderson may lose his claim;” and one Evidence of Title form (blank) for previous owners of slaves who served in the U.S. Colored Troops. The small archive also includes an interesting manuscript letter dated July 17, 1865 from a correspondent of Perry Anderson, regarding the assassination of President Lincoln and jokingly accusing Anderson of killing the President. A wonderful and important archive with interesting content on slave ownership at the end of the Civil War, during the early months of Reconstruc- tion. $2750.

98. Thomson, Charles: [DOCUMENT, SIGNED BY CHARLES THOMSON, REQUISITIONING SUPPLIES FOR THE CONTI- NENTAL ARMY]. [Philadelphia. Nov. 4, 1780]. [3]pp., docketed on verso. Folio. Repaired at central horizontal and vertical folds with tissue, some small tissue repairs at edges. Silked. Good.

List of requisitions for specific supplies, as issued by the Continental Congress on Nov. 4, 1780, extracted and signed by Charles Thomson as the Secretary of that body. This copy has been docketed “Delaware” on the fourth page, indicating its intended destination. At this time Gen. Nathanael Greene was about to be ap- pointed to relieve Horatio Gates. After departing from West Point, Greene made numerous stops on his way to Hillsboro, North Carolina, requesting men, uniforms, weapons, and food. Under the Articles of Confederation, Congress could likewise only request, not order, such provender. This portion of the minutes begins with supplies of beef, pork, flour, rum, and salt, due from Pennsylvania, likewise listing supplies needed from Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina. It closes with the detailed resolutions concerning substitutions of pork for beef, of continental rum for the West Indian variety, of Indian meal for flour, and concerning methods of adjustment for any state that supplies more than its due proportion. $4500.

Indian Raids on the Mohawk, 1780

99. Treat, Malachi: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM DR. MALACHI TREAT TO MAJ. NICHOLAS FISH, DISCUSSING INDIAN RAIDS IN THE MOHAWK VALLEY]. Albany. June 28, 1780. [3]pp. Quarto. Old fold lines. A few slight separations and small edge tears. Light soiling and foxing. Good. In a blue half morocco and cloth clam- shell case, spine gilt.

A friendly letter written by Dr. Malachi Treat, Physician General of the Northern Department of the Continental Army, to Maj. Nicholas Fish, in which he mentions Indian raids on settlers in the Mohawk River Valley. Treat was a New York City physician called upon during the American Revolution to serve in the hospitals of the Continental Army. Nicholas Fish, also from New York, served with Treat and Alexander Hamilton, with whom he became good friends. In his letter Treat expresses pleasure that Fish’s brigade has arrived safely at West Point; though this may have been the case, it is likely that Fish was already gone from West Point by the time this letter was written, as he was appointed brigade inspector with Gen. James Clinton’s brigade, which was sent with Maj. Gen. John Sullivan’s force to fight the in the Mohawk Valley in early July 1780. Thus Treat’s letter is particularly interesting, as it involves the campaign on which Fish was currently embarking. He writes, in part:

I feel a real pleasure in knowing your brigade is safely arrived at West Point, as the enemy are coming up against you in force; you will now be a match for them, and have a fine opportunity to reconnoiter their position, numbers, and intention, from the various [?] of this celebrated place. The prospects are very intrusive and commanding, take care not to perform the retrograde in their presence, but the [?], or offer them a charte blanche, all and [similar?] of these things will be very affecting to all yr. friends. This Gibraltar of America, and the brave troops that defend it will do honor I make no doubt to the cause they contend for, and have their temples crowned with immortal laurels if occasion offers of showing their pro[w]ess and fortitude. I expect soon to see you at West Point if nothing turns up to prevent me. Alarms are frequent from the westward, the savages appear here and there in small parties, as forerunners of a larger [force] composed of Tories and Indians who are acoming down, to scatter destruction and horror around them. The inhabitants on the Mohock [sic] River are exceedingly distress’d, and I am afraid will leave their fine farms and luxuriant crops to the merciless hands of their unrelenting savage enemy if not supported. Today we have a report that great part of Stone Roby is destroyed by a party of Indians. All this is distressing, yet my motto is never despair, that Providence...has determined that this should be the grand epoch of American independence, and altho clouds gather over our heads, and grow thicker and heavier every moment, yet they will disperse and leave us in the noble possession of all we wish and contend for.

He closes with personal asides and enquiries after mutual friends. A fine war let- ter. $2500.

An Interesting Incident in the Life of John Trumbull

100. [Trumbull, John]: [AUTOGRAPH MEMORANDUM REGARD- ING THE DETENTION OF THE SHIP HOLLAND ON AUG. 7, 1796]. [N.p. 1796] [4]pp. One bifolium sheet, each page 9½ x 7¼ inches. Old fold lines, some tanning and tearing to one interior fold. Else clean. Very good.

John Trumbull’s undated account of the British detention of the ship Holland of Philadelphia, captained by Joseph Dawson. During a period when he engaged in commercial trading in Europe, Trumbull was travelling with his cargo of brandy from Rochefort, France to Gothenburg, Sweden aboard the Holland when she was stopped and boarded by the British fourteen-gun brig-sloop Suffisante under the command of Capt. Nicholas Tomlinson. Captain Tomlinson demanded to see the Holland’s papers and then went about detaining most of the ship’s crew aboard his own vessel. Trumbull, highly outraged at the delay of his cargo and the imposition upon his fellow countrymen, wrote the following note, included in the memoran- dum, to Capt. Tomlinson:

To Captain Tomlinson of the Armed Brig the Suffisante in the Service of his Britannic Majesty. Colonel Trumbull, late Secretary to Mr. Jay, who negoti- ated the present Treaty between Great Britain and America, and Owner of the Cargo of the Ship Holland, presents his Compliments to Captn Tomlinson; has the Pleasure to send him a Copy of the Treaty abovenamed; and begs Captain Tomlinson to Reflect whether consitantly [sic] with the Articles which Mr. T has marked, it is Justifiable to divert the Holland from her Course, the ship being American built, the Property of Mr. Johnson, the American Consul in London, and the Cargo the property of Col. Trumbull, who also is a well-known American. If Captn. Tomlinson persists in taking the ship out of her Course, Col. Trumbull particularly protests against his removing either Capt. Dawson or any of the People from on board. But, Captain Tomlinson should be very secure that He is Justified by his Instructions on this occasion, as either He or his Instructors must answer for the consequences of an Act against which Colonel Trumbull hereby formally protests, as a direct violation of the Treaty, & good Harmony which subsist between the United States of America and Great Britain.

Shortly thereafter Capt. Dawson and his crew were returned to the Holland and Capt. Tomlinson even came aboard and “behaved very civilly, drank a glass of claret with us, and returned on board his Brig.” There is no indication of the intended audience for this document. It has the appearance of a draft, as there are several bits crossed out or amended. It is possible that this episode was recorded for inclu- sion in Trumbull’s autobiography, though it does not appear in that volume, or for possible diplomatic use later. Hailed as the official painter of the Revolution, Trumbull studied painting and art in England and France. The youngest son of the governor of Connecticut, the elder John Trumbull very much wanted his son to go into law. Trumbull did study the law, but gladly joined the fight against the British when the Revolution broke out. He eventually served as Washington’s second aide-de-camp, having been brought to the General’s attention through some very accurate drawings he had made of British gun emplacements. He rose to the rank of colonel as a deputy adjutant-general, but resigned the commission he finally received because it was dated three months late, a slight his honor could not tolerate. He refused to return to the law, finding it quite distasteful, and chose instead to pursue his true passion, art, against his family’s wishes. Although he was never particularly wealthy in this pursuit, he did achieve a certain amount of success in his own lifetime. Among his most famous works are those commissioned in 1817 by Congress to adorn the Capitol building: “The Surrender of General Burgoyne at Saratoga,” “The Surrender of General Cornwallis at Yorktown,” “The Declaration of Independence,” and “The Resignation of General Washington.” DAB XIX, pp.11-15. Helen A. Cooper, John Trumbull: The Hand and Spirit of a Painter (Yale, 1982), pp.10-11. John Trumbull, The Autobiography of Colonel John Trumbull (Yale, 1953). $8500.

101. Trumbull, John: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JOHN TRUMBULL TO JOHN GROOME, ASSESSOR AT THE COURT- HOUSE OF THE PARISH OF ST. MARY BOURNE]. [England]. Feb. 25, 1799. Single sheet, 9¾ x 7¾ inches. Old fold lines, else near fine.

Letter sent in reply by John Trumbull to a Mr. Groome, regarding a notice he had received, presumably in relation to payment of taxes of some kind. The letter reads:

Sir, I take the liberty of returning to you the enclosed Notice, unaccompanied with any of the statements which it requires. For the following reasons – I am an American; and during two years and a half, I have resided in this Country, in the public Character of one of the Commissioners for carrying into execution the 7th Article of the Treaty of Amity Commerce and Navigation, subsisting between his Britannic Majesty and the United States of America. I have al- ways considered that Character as giving to me, that immunity from taxes & from military services, which is enjoyed by Foreign Min- isters; in this persuasion I have not, during that time, paid taxes or performed any military service, and I do now conceive myself to be equally free from this, and from any future, Demand, of this nature, as I have been from the Past. I am sir, your most obedient humble ser- vant, Jno. Trumbull.

As Trumbull states in the let- ter, during this time he is in England working for the Jay Treaty Commission, which was organized to settle commercial and frontier questions between the Americans and the Brit- ish. Trumbull’s autobiography skips over the years from 1799 to 1804, and none of the other sources give hints as to what the issue regarding this notice may have been. It is obvious, however, that Trumbull felt the contents of the notice most certainly did not apply to him, given his diplomatic immunity status. A very nice autograph letter in Trumbull’s neat and legible hand. Hailed as the official painter of the Revolution, Trumbull studied painting and art in England and France. The youngest son of the governor of Connecticut, the elder John Trumbull very much wanted his son to go into law. Trumbull did study the law, but gladly joined the fight against the British when the Revolution broke out. He eventually served as Washington’s second aide-de-camp, having been brought to the General’s attention through some very accurate drawings he had made of British gun emplacements. He rose to the rank of colonel as a deputy adjutant-general, but resigned the commission he finally received because it was dated three months late, a slight his honor could not tolerate. He refused to return to the law, finding it quite distasteful, and chose instead to pursue his true passion, art, against his family’s wishes. Though he was never particularly wealthy in this pursuit, he did achieve a certain amount of success in his own lifetime. Among his most famous works are those commissioned in 1817 by Congress to adorn the Capitol building: “The Surrender of General Burgoyne at Saratoga,” “The Surrender of General Cornwallis at Yorktown,” “The Declaration of Independence,” and “The Resignation of General Washington.” DAB XIX, pp.11-15. Helen A. Cooper, John Trumbull: The Hand and Spirit of a Painter (Yale, 1982), pp.10-11. John Trumbull, The Autobiography of Colonel John Trumbull (Yale, 1953). $4000.

Supplies for Washington’s Army from the Governor of Connecticut

102. Trumbull, Jonathan: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JONATHAN TRUMBULL TO CAPT. JOHN BIGELOW, CON- CERNING SUPPLIES FOR THE CONTINENTAL ARMY]. Leba- non. April 1, 1776. [1]p. Old fold lines. Minor wear and soiling. Very good.

Connecticut governor Jonathan Trumbull writes to Capt. John Bigelow concern- ing supplies to be provided for the Connecticut colonial regiments of the fledgling Continental Army. Trumbull writes:

Sir, I have received your letter of this day respecting Mr. Nevins, &c. As to arms you will be supplied by Genl Schuyler in Albany. Blankets also must be procured in the same manner. Their billets will be paid in Albany, as is done to the other troops from this colony. I understand there is no money in the treasury. Have wrote a line to Genl Schuyler recommending Mr. Nevins.

Revolutionary troops were chronically short on both supplies and funding. An early piece of correspondence from the first year of the Revolutionary War, which began in April of the previous year. $1650. A Future President Declines a New Year’s Invitation from James Madison

103. Tyler, John: [AUTOGRAPH NOTE BY JOHN TYLER DECLIN- ING AN INVITATION TO PRESIDENT JAMES MADISON’S NEW YEAR’S DINNER]. [N.p., but likely Washington]. Jan. 1, 1817. [1]p. plus integral address leaf. Old fold lines. Minor soiling. Small paper loss from wax seal, else fine. In a folio-sized black half morocco and blue silk clamshell case, spine gilt.

A brief note penned by U.S. Congressman, later president, John Tyler, declining an invitation to the presidential New Year’s dinner. The note reads: “J. Tyler regrets, that owing to a previous engagement, he can not accept the President’s invitation to Dinner tomorrow. Jany. 1st, 1817.” It is addressed to “His Excellency The Presi- dent.” As a fellow Virginian in the limited society of early Washington, it would make sense that Tyler would be invited to events at the Madison White House. Tyler was at this time serving in the U.S. House of Representatives. He would go on to be elected governor of Virginia, serve in the U.S. Senate, and eventually be elected vice president, only to become president by default in 1841 when President William H. Harrison died unexpectedly. Madison’s party took place a few months before he left the White House. $1250.

A Dutch Loan on Washington, D.C. Real Estate

104. [Washington, D.C.]: Greenleaf, James: PLAN EENER NEGOTI- ATIE...TEN COMPTOIRE VAN DE HEEREN ROCQUETTE, ELZEVIER EN BEELDEMAKER, TE ROOTTERDAM, VOOR REKEENING VAN DEN WEL-ED. HEER JAMES GREENLEAF. . Dec. 15, 1794. [4]pp. on a single folded sheet. Three horizontal folds, else fine.

A rare Dutch loan certificate for prime real estate in the new nation’s capital. The title translates to Scheme of a Negotiation...at the Offices of Messrs. Rocquette, Elsevier and Beeldemaker, at Rotterdam, for the Account of the Right Honourable James Greenleaf. This printed document involves James Greenleaf, the U.S. consul to Amsterdam, who helped open up the new Federal City to land speculators. It is signed at the end by a Dutch banking official. Hamilton and Jefferson having struck their deal to move the nation’s capital from iniquitous New York to virtuous Virginia, it fell to President Washington to oversee the construction of the new Federal City. He appointed Pierre L’Enfant to draw up the architectural plan, and named three trusted friends to serve as com- missioners to supervise the sale and development of property lots: , , and David Stuart. Onto this wide open field of opportunity stepped James Greenleaf in 1793, a young Bostonian, cousin (by marriage) of John Adams. Greenleaf used his friendship with presidential secretary to win the confidence of Washington, who in turn convinced the commissioners to sell Greenleaf 3,000 lots. Greenleaf paid with a promise instead of cash: he would give the commissioners $12,000 per year for seven years, and he backed that com- mitment with boasts of a million-dollar line of credit available to him for the asking in Holland. Such prospects no doubt played a key part in Washington’s decision to appoint him the American consul to Amsterdam in October 1793. This loan was the best Greenleaf could do: a million guilders instead of dollars (equivalent to $400,000). The lots here listed as collateral include some of the prime real estate of present-day Washington: Lots 680-682 are home to Union Station Plaza and Columbus Circle; Lot 725 is where the Hart Senate Office Building stands; and the Jefferson Building of the Library of Congress now covers Lot 730. Washington told Lear in September 1793 that Greenleaf “has dipped deeply in the concerns of the Federal City...on very advantageous terms for himself,” but the President hoped such speculation would bring needed cash to the city’s treasury (Works, 33:105). In December 1793, Greenleaf bought another 3,000 lots in league with Declaration signer Robert Morris and John Nicholson, who were together trying to build a real estate empire on the western frontier. Washington’s “repugnance was greater” towards this second sale since Greenleaf “was speculating deeply...thereby laying the foundation of immense profit to himself and those with whom he was concerned” (Works, 34: 79-80). Greenleaf ’s pyramidal schemes were crumbling by late 1795, and Washington was calling the Bostonian’s contract with the Commissioners “an unproductive and a disagreeable spectacle” (Works, 34: 305). In September 1795, as the present document indicates, the Dutch bankers scaled back their loan to a $60,000 mortgage on 250 lots and packaged it to Dutch investors. This document is one of only 150 shares offered, and investors could present the coupon included here to receive payment at the bank’s offices. Few likely did so, since Greenleaf ’s many creditors threw him into debtor’s prison. The debacle convinced Washington and the commissioners that Congress and not speculators had to finance the city’s construction. Greenleaf died in 1842, but the litigation over his holdings long outlived him. The last action concerning his tangled deals was not concluded until 1857. Dutch banking documents concerning early Washington, D.C. are extremely rare. Only one copy is recorded, at the Library of Congress. This copy formerly sold at Christie’s, New York, Dec. 18, 2003. $7500.

105. Washington, George: [MANUSCRIPT LETTER, SIGNED, FROM GEORGE WASHINGTON TO HENRY KNOX, REGARDING THE APPOINTMENT OF ONE MR. GARANGER AS A TEACH- ER AT WEST POINT]. [N.p. Oct. 21, 1780]. [1]p. Folio. Lacking top portion of sheet, affecting approximately nine words of text and the date. Old fold lines; minor loss at folds and edges, repaired. Silked. Fair.

A letter from George Washington to Gen. Henry Knox, signed by Washington, concerning the appointment of Louis Garanger to the artillery training school which Knox was running for the Continental Army. This school was the precursor to the military academy later founded at West Point. In the present letter, which is written in a secretarial hand but signed by Wash- ington, and lacking the first nine words of text, Washington writes to Knox:

[Dr Sir – I have received your letter respecting Mr] Garanger. From the school in which he has been taught, it is probable he possesses a knowledge of artillery which may render him very useful. Experiment will best decide his knowledge of the practice and it will be the best ground upon which to recommend him to Congress. I request you therefore to send him to West Point to make the experiment by throwing a sufficient number of shells to make it complete, under your own eye, or under the eye of the officers on whom you can depend. The sooner this is done, the better; and we shall then know whether we ought to recommend Mr Garanger or not. I am Dr Sir Yr Obed. Serv. Go. Washington. P.S. I will write to General Heath to give his permission when you apply to him.

Garanger, a Frenchman and captain of the Bombardiers in the French Army, sought to utilize his skills and knowledge in the American cause. Correspondence in the Washington papers dated April 27, 1781 shows that despite being granted a cap- taincy in the Continental Army, Garanger never was able to find opportunity to employ his skills as a bombardier and sought a return to France. The full text is supplied from Washington’s copy book at the Library of Congress. The Washington Papers Project did not locate this original. $7500.

George Washington Writes from Mount Vernon About Mules and Female Sexuality

106. Washington, George: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM GEORGE WASHINGTON TO RICHARD SPRIGG, REGARD- ING A DONKEY]. Mount Vernon. June 29, 1786. [1]p. plus integral ad- dress leaf. Quarto on a folded folio sheet. Old fold lines. Silked on verso. Loss to address leaf, resulting in loss of addressee’s name. Two words effaced from main text. Lightly tanned. Very good.

An interesting letter written by George Washington during his brief period of re- tirement at Mount Vernon, before his election to the presidency, revealing a slightly racy side to his character. He writes to Richard Sprigg, a Maryland politician and lawyer, discussing a “she ass” sent by Sprigg to Mount Vernon, from context, pre- sumably for breeding purposes. Washington writes:

Dear Sir, When your favor of the first inst., accompanying the she ass, came to this place, I was from home – both however arrived safe; but Doct. Bowie informs me that the bitch puppy was not brought to his house. Nor have I heard any thing more of the asses at Marlbro’, nor of the grass seeds commit- ted to the care of Mr. Digges. I feel myself obliged by your polite offer of the first fruit of your jenny. Though in appearance quite unequal to the match, yet, like a true female, she was not to be terrified at the disproportional size of her paramour; and having renewed the conflict twice or thrice it is to be hoped the issue will be favourable. My best respects attend [Mrs. Sprigg] & the rest of your family. With great esteem & regard, I am Dr. Sir Yr. most ob. serv. Go. Washington.

This missive is recorded by the Washington Papers, though with the date in error by one day, having been transcribed and recorded from a George D. Smith catalogue, where it appeared in the early years of the 20th century (Smith died in 1920). Since then, the address leaf and Mrs. Sprigg’s name have been effaced from the document. A rather racy bit of agricultural correspondence by Washington. $35,000.

A Piece of Washington

107. Washington, George: [FRAGMENTARY AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED TWICE, FROM GEORGE WASHINGTON TO ALEX- ANDER SPOTSWOOD]. [N.p., but likely Mount Vernon. May 1786]. [1]p., 7½ x 10 inches. Old fold lines. Laid down on a later sheet. Toning and light soiling, minor loss at some folds, loss from wax seal. About good.

A fragmentary letter written by George Washington to Alexander Spotswood, signed by Washington with an initialed post script, concerning a lame horse. Washington writes:

...my lame horse; and for the lent of the one which Austin rid up. Mr. Hunter (of Alexandria) is so obliging as to take him down to you, and will bring mine up, if he is fit to move. If not I will wait until you may write me, as I had rather send for him than have him travelled as quick as he must do to accompany the stage. Mrs. Washington and the family here join me in every good wish for yourself and Mrs. Spotswood and the rest of the family. With great estm & regard I am – Dr Sir Yr Most obedt & Affece Serv. Go: Washington. P.S. I pray your excuse for detaining your horse so long. To be honest, till I gave your letter a second reading, this day, I thought it was your request to have him sent down when mine came up. Why I should think so as there was no reason for it, and the letter contains no such request, is a little unaccountable – but this is the fact. Yrs &c G. Wn.

A fragment only, but with a full Washington signature. This letter was written during the period when Washington was largely at home at Mount Vernon, be- tween the end of the Revolution and the presidency. Our dating is provided by the Washington Papers Project, based on a copy at Mount Vernon, and noting the original as “not found.” $7500.

George Washington’s Wine Merchant Advises the President on His Order

108. [Washington, George]: [MANUSCRIPT LETTER, SIGNED BY FENWICK MASON, GEORGE WASHINGTON’S WINE MER- CHANT, REGARDING AN ORDER OF WINE]. Bordeaux. Dec. 5, 1789. [2]pp. Folio, on a folded sheet. Old folds. Old tape along lower half of left margin on first page. Some light soiling and wear at edges. Very good.

Letter written to President George Washington by his wine merchants in Bordeaux, signed by agent Fenwick Mason, referring to various wines ordered by Washington, consisting of “26 dozen claret and 12 dozen vins de grave.” Mason writes, in part:

We have taken much pains to procure this wine and are well persuaded it is the best to be had but we fear it (the claret particularly) may not be found fit for drinking immediately tho’ it is old pure & of one of the first growths since it has just been bottled. As the best wine is always bought in cask, we beg leave to recommend to you to order always somewhat in advance that it may lie 6 or 8 months in bottle to ripen. In our last we told you that no good Champagne wine is to be had here, except when expressly ordered from that place, but a friend of ours at Rheims from whence that wine is sent, has spared us a case of 2 doz bottles (1 doz white sparkling & 1 doz still red) both of the best quality which we take the liberty to send you as a sample. If you find it pleasing we can always supply you by having timely orders. It will require two months to have it prepared and brought to this place. The principal objection is the expence of land carriage, which is heavy. The claret exceeds by a few bottles your orders, as it is in cases of 25 bottles we could not make the numbers nearer.

Understandably, Washington would have quite a bit of entertaining to do as presi- dent and good wines were obviously necessary. An interesting letter, highlighting the cellars at the White House and the transatlantic means by which one ordered wine in the 18th century. $7500.

The Account Book of a Trader in Jamaica and Barbados, 1718

109. [West Indies]: [MANUSCRIPT ACCOUNT DAYBOOK FOR OVERSEAS SHIPPING TRADE IN JAMAICA AND BARBADOS, 1718 – 1719]. [Various ports, including Hanover, Bristol, Jamaica, Barbados, New York, Lisbon, and others]. 1718-1719. [120]pp. Contemporary green vellum wallet-style binding. Minor dust soiling and rubbing. Some toning and foxing. Very good.

An intriguing manuscript daybook detailing overseas shipping in the Atlantic and the West Indies in the early 18th century. The second page contains a list of employees aboard an outbound ship, titled “Portage Bill for the John & Betty for Jamaica 1718.” The next three pages list the cargo aboard the ship, including sail- cloth, hob nails, shalloon, cucumbers, and more. The John & Betty was a Liverpool ship that often transported slaves to North America, and served as a trading vessel in Europe, North America, and the Caribbean. Other cargo mentioned throughout the daybook includes cotton, salt, gunpowder, beer, and numerous entries for sugar. Each entry includes associated costs, provid- ing a wealth of information about the values of various goods involved in the early American overseas shipping trade. Several pages towards the end list lottery ticket numbers for the owner of the daybook, and the final three pages include several mentions of Barbados. A dense and important account book relating to early American trade in the West Indies. $3500.

Settling the Mason-Dixon Line

110. Wilmot, Fiske: [MANUSCRIPT LETTER, SIGNED, FROM FISKE WILMOT, REGARDING THE MASON-DIXON LINE]. Blooms- bury Square, London. June 2, 1768. [3]pp. Matted and framed. Original folds, small marginal spot. Very good.

An important correspondence discussing the Mason-Dixon Line, the survey of the boundary line between Pennsylvania and Maryland, and later considered the traditional division between North and South. The survey resolved the decades- long dispute between the Penns and the Lords Baltimore over the boundary of the respective colonies. Written by Fiske Wilmot, presumably an official in London working on the long-standing boundary dispute, the letter comes just after the sur- veying work was finished by Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon. It reads, in part:

Mr. Hammersley and I have at last met. I thought it useless for me alone to say anything about the return, for as the return must be joint, from the Com- missioners of both Proprietaries, I thought it right that Mr. Hammersley and I should meet, that we might if possible concur in sentiments, and that the Governor of Maryland might have his sentiments in some measure concurring with mine to you. We did agree to express our pleasure that the business of running the lines was drawn so near a conclusion, that the Commissioners had already discharged the Surveyors, retaining them only till they can furnish the Commissioners with a complete plan of the several lines, that have been run, in pursuance of the several Commissioners, subject to the revision and correction of the Commissioners. That we supposed all the Commissioners from both Proprietaries for enlarging the line sent from time to time had been regularly received and that we hoped the return would be made within the time limited by the present Commissioners.

An interesting document in the history of the long dispute, and the settling of the Pennsylvania-Maryland boundary. $3500. The Civil War in Tennessee, 1862

111. Wilson, Henry S.: Wilson, James Harrison: [SIGNIFICANT GROUP OF ELEVEN AUTOGRAPH LETTERS, SIGNED, FROM HEN- RY WILSON, A UNION SOLDIER IN TENNESSEE, TO HIS BROTHER, MAJ. GEN. JAMES WILSON, ALL WRITTEN DUR- ING THE SECOND YEAR OF THE CIVIL WAR]. [Mostly Tennes- see]. 1862. Four to twenty pages each, approximately [132]pp. total. Seven letters on small bifolia, 8 x 5 inches; four on larger paper, 9¾ x 7¾ inches. Old folds, some staining and wear. Very good.

An historically significant series of letters from one soldier brother to another during the second year of the Civil War. The writer of the letters is Henry S. Wilson, who was serving with Company “B” of the 18th Illinois Volunteer Infantry Regiment in the battleground state of Tennessee in 1862. Wilson served as adjutant, captain, and major of the unit throughout the course of the war. The recipient is James Harrison (“Harry”) Wilson, who served under both McClellan and Grant, and rose to major general, retiring after the war ended but returning to serve in the Spanish- American War. At the time of the writing of these letters, James was stationed at Port Royal, South Carolina, which at that time was occupied by Union forces. ’s first letter, written from Camp McCleanand in Cairo, Illinois on Jan. 1, 1862, discusses many aspects of camp life and training. Two officers in Wilson’s regiment are under court-martial, and Wilson does not care because “they are not competent.” He expresses a great deal of disappointment in his regiment as it is currently constituted, remarking: “God only knows what will become of us as a Regt. I sometimes wish that we could get into a Battle and all of us, Privates and Officers get killed, so that we could get out of our internal troubles.” His next letter, dated March 6, 1862, is written from Fort Donelson, Tennessee. Wilson’s regiment had fought in the battles of Fort Henry and Fort Donelson in February, where the Union took control of the fort after a five-day conflict. Wilson writes to his brother with some details about these battles:

[O]ur Great and Glorious victory at this place...on the 12th we met and drove in the enemy’s pickets – on the 13th I was thrown forward with my co. as skirmishers we soon found ourselves within sight of the rebels long row of rifle pits and breast works we exchanged a great many shots but to little effect on the other side....I gave my men the order to fire at the same time fired my pistol they returned the fire but not knowing our positions overshot us doing no damage – after the first excitement was over two of my boys crawled down the road and a few moments came back with the first “Secesh” that had been killed at the Fort....

On April 11, Wilson describes his experiences at the , in which his regiment had participated the previous week:

I will endeavor to narrate – not describe for that is impossible!! the scenes of the Horrid, the Bloody and above all the hardest fought battle that ever was fought on this continent, Donelson, Henry, even to Bunker Hill and Waterloo sink into insignificance when compared with the bloody battle that began here on the morning of the 6th and raged with all the fury of a contest for life and death into the morning of the 8th inst. I was in the heat of contest all day the 6th & 7th (Sunday & Monday) when I was relieved late on the night of the 6th I was so completely exhausted...that I sank down in the field among the dead and dying who covered the ground by the thousands for five miles around....

On April 19, Wilson writes from Shawneetown, Illinois while home on leave. He recounts some of his battle experiences for his brother, with vivid details:

Well I think I told you in my letter from the Battle field how close they came to getting me this time – I had a lock of hair shot off my head two inches long and did not break the hide. Then in trying to rally the Ohio troops who were [?] like cowards, I sprang upon a wild fine looking horse that I took from a negro and while returning to the head of the Regiment the loud report of a thousand muskets so frightened this horse that he reared up and fell over backwards upon my left knee twisting it out of place.

In his final letter, dated Aug. 11, 1862 and written from Brownsville, Tennessee, Henry turns somewhat political, and racist:

Hundreds of the infernal abolitionists are crowding the cars for Canada to keep from being drafted. Harry indeed I don’t know what to think about the plan upon which they are carrying out the war – indeed we hear nothing here but the Negro!! And let me here say that whenever they – the U.S. – adopts the policy “Arming the Blacks” I am no longer bound to my obligation to support her....I am proud to see that Mr. Lincoln has come out like a man and said that he had decided not to arm the Blacks....I say if we have not enough patriotic white men to maintain the law and order of the Union, let it go....

A wonderful collection of lengthy and detailed Civil War letters, from one Illinois brother to another, with good research content. $6000.

The Eyes and Ears of President Davis: His Nephew Surveys the Confederacy

112. Wood, John Taylor: [TWENTY-FIVE MANUSCRIPT LETTERS FROM JOHN TAYLOR WOOD TO HIS WIFE AND TO HIS MOTHER, 1863-65]. [Richmond, Augusta & other locations. 1863-1865]. Twenty-five letters, one to two pages each, plus transcripts. Old fold lines, occasional toning. Very good.

A collection of twenty-five letters from Confederate naval officer John Taylor Wood to his wife, Lola, and his mother, from 1863 to 1865. Wood, grandson of former president , was named aide-de-camp with the rank of colonel of cavalry to his uncle, Confederate president Jefferson Davis. One of his first missions in his new role was to travel to the South’s major ports and inspect the coastline defenses. Upon his return he would report back to the President. One of his first stops was in Wilmington, North Carolina to examine the port city, arguably one of the most important bases for running the Union blockade. Throughout his letters to Lola he describes scenes of quiet tension and impending attacks.

Feb. 14th 1863...I spent yesterday with Genl Whiting visiting the Forts at the mouth of the River....Generally they were in good order, but some things require rectifying. Six of the Yankee Blockaders were in sight, two of them very close, not more than two miles. For some time an attack has been expected here, but just now it is quiet, the enemy having passed down the Coast to Charleston.

In Vicksburg, Mississippi several weeks later:

Across this River the Yankee Fleet can be seen as well as their camps, cover- ing the country for miles, but they are doing nothing as far as we can see, but working on their canal, by which they hope to get down the river without passing this City. This place is almost entirely deserted except by the military, the effects of the bombardment can be seen everywhere....the town was under fire for two months, it is astonishing that it did not suffer more.

As Wood travelled through the ports of the South he discusses the victories and defeats of the Confederacy, including his own involvement in the Chesapeake Expedition, which saw the successful raid of two Union gunboats off the coast of Virginia. Though most of Wood’s letters are addressed to his wife, two letters dated 1865 are written to his mother. Wood and his brother, also a Confederate soldier, became estranged from their parents at the outbreak of the Civil War. Their father served in the U.S. Army for nearly forty years and remained loyal to the Union side. Although the family was divided, Wood seems to genuinely hope for reconciliation and for his mother to understand his views:

I wish I could write unreservedly & fully. I feel assured I could correct many of your views & change your impressions. My faith is unshaken in our final success in it. At the commencement, grievous reverses we have had....But they are useful in improving & disciplining the people, in rendering our situation more complete, our nationality more assured. The war may last years to come... but the result will be the same, our Independence. Not even slavery will be allowed to stand in the way....I pray earnestly...for peace that as a family we may be again united.

A rich compilation of letters, written in the heart of the conflict, offering insight into the battles and strategies of the Confederacy. $21,000. On the Run with Jeff Davis: The Confederate President’s Nephew Reports on the Flight from Richmond

113. Wood, John Taylor: [TEN MANUSCRIPT LETTERS FROM JOHN TAYLOR WOOD TO HIS WIFE, WHILE ESCAPING WITH CONFEDERATE PRESIDENT JEFFERSON DAVIS IN 1865]. [Virgina, North Carolina, Cuba & Canada]. April 6-July 13, 1865. Ten letters, comprised of [29]pp., plus transcript. Old fold lines, minor toning. Overall, very good.

Ten gripping letters from Col. John Taylor Wood to his wife, Lola, written during the final collapse of the Confederacy. Colonel Wood, military aide to his uncle, President Jefferson Davis, accompanied Davis on his flight from Richmond on April 1, 1865 after word from Gen. Lee about the impending fall of the city. Wood’s let- ters cover their journey from Virginia through the Carolinas and into Georgia. On May 10, Davis and Wood were both captured near the town of Irwinsville. Wood soon made his escape, with his uncle’s permission, by bribing one of their captors and hiding in a nearby swamp until the Federals and their prisoners left the area. He made his way to Cuba with several other fleeing officials, and from there on to Canada, where his family later joined him. He remained in Canada until his death in 1904, never returning to the United States. President Davis continued to believe, for much of his flight, that he would somehow be able to reconstitute Confederate authority and fight on. Davis and Wood were accompanied by a number of members of the Confederate cabinet, although these gradually dropped away to attempt their own escapes. Wood’s let- ters provide a remarkable and graphic description of the last desperate days of the Confederate government. In a letter to Lola just after their escape, written from Dansville, Virginia on April 6:

I am doing more for the President than anyone else & until Mr. Harrison re- turns or we get settled. I have taken a house for the President for an office & for a dwelling...without furniture without anything hardly, commencing fresh. The President bears up nobly, he is as defiant as ever....We are still without news from Genl. Lee, have not heard from him since the fall of Richmond, the enemy are at Burkeville Junction between us & Richmond. Genl. Lee must be near Amelia C.H. & may retreat towards Knoxville Lynchburg. Until the President hears from him & what his plans are he will not make any definite arrangements as to where he will locate....Most of the Secretaries are here but have not yet got to work. The news from Richmond is very contradictory.... It is only certain that there was great disorder, rioting in the lower part of the city several destructive fires were raging on Gary Street....The poor people of Richmond my heart bleeds for them....The enemy has captured Selma, Ala. defeating our forces with a loss of 2,000 men; we are certainly getting it thick & heavy now, but by the blessing of Providence we will yet whip them & gain our Independence....I can hardly realize that the events of the past few days are not a dream.

Back on the move, Wood writes again on the 10th, this time from Salisbury, North Carolina: “This morning I couldn’t help feeling gloomy & depressed at the condi- tion of affairs. We are going down a precipice....The news from Ga. is bad, the enemy have captured Columbus the most important point in the state....We have a large escort with us of good troops....Uncle [Davis] is well and in good spirits.” On April 20 in Charlotte, North Carolina word reached the party of the death of Lincoln. Writing to Lola on that day Wood expresses his regret and speaks of Lee’s surrender:

You doubtless have learned of the armistice, how it will effect us I cannot say for the present. I only hope for the best. We are contending but for one thing, Independence and nothing else will satisfy me....We have just heard of the death of Lincoln & of Seward. I cannot rejoice at their deaths for deeds of this kind provoke similar ones & Andy Johnson is in every point of view is a worse man than Lincoln. A low man, a base man & who is proud of being so. It may bring about a revolution in the North, the Army will be in favor of elevating Grant or Sherman, the politicians will favor the regular succession.

A few days later Wood feels defeated and genuinely surprised by surrender of the Confederacy:

I write to you with a sad & gloomy heart....You at once will divine the reasons. If I have understood correctly the terms of the negotiations now pending it is an eventual surrender of what we have been contending for during the past four years, our independence....I never will consent to these terms & uncle never will....I do feel humiliated, almost heart broken, and have been so long without a home that it has become a matter of much concern, but to feel that you have no Country is bitter indeed.

With the war all but over, the search for Davis and the members of his cabinet intensified, and resources became scarce. A letter to Lola from Yorkville, South Carolina on April 27 is scrawled hastily on a scrap of paper. After the capture of Davis and his own escape, on June 15, Wood sends Lola a brief note from Cuba. His final two letters are written from Montreal on July 11 and 13, 1865. In them he describes some of his travels. He is concerned with her joining him in Canada, although he does make mention of rumours he has heard about his escape, of which he is clearly insulted:

I hope my name will not appear again at present in the papers....I am almost tempted to assume some other name but will not do it. I have done nothing yet to be ashamed of. However I am told there is an account of my escaping from a Yankee Cruiser...where I am represented as having shown false or bogus papers and thus avoided capture. I have not seen it, but it is not necessary to tell you dear that it is not true. This is related as having occurred on our way from Florida to the Island of Cuba.

This rare, firsthand account of the movements of President Davis and his officials at the fall of the Confederacy offers some of the most intimate and insightful details available from the historic final days of the Civil War. $22,500.

The First Published Practice Manual for an American Court, with Massive Annotations Compiled over Two Decades

114. Wyche, William: A TREATISE ON THE PRACTICE OF THE SUPREME COURT OF JUDICATURE OF THE STATE OF NEW-YORK IN CIVIL ACTIONS. New York: T. and J. Swords, 1794. xvi,355,[1]p. Lacks half title and prospectuses (pp.[358-359]). Thick octavo. Half calf and marbled boards in antique style, stamped in gilt, leather label. Interleaved throughout, with extensive manuscript annotations in a contem- porary hand. Contemporary ownership inscription on titlepage, trimmed a bit at top edge. Light scattered soiling. Very good.

The first American practice manual for the legal profession, based in part on manu- script works by Alexander Hamilton. The present copy, interleaved throughout, contains massive annotations compiled by an attorney who was evidently in active practice before the New York Supreme Court at least until 1813. This is the self- styled second edition, published the same year as the first. It may have been the intention of the annotator to publish a new edition, but no such every appeared. Not much is known about William Wyche, a British émigré to America. On the titlepage of his treatise he styles himself as being “Of the honorable law society of Grey’s Inn, London; and citizen of the United States of America.” Wyche entered Grey’s Inn at the end of 1788, but did not stay long enough to be registered as a proper barrister (a term of five years), and citizenship took two years’ residence, meaning he must have emigrated around or before 1792. His Treatise... quite practically translates, in a well-organized fashion, the practices of the New York court system in civil cases. This would have been eminently helpful for lawyers just starting out and learning to navigate the state’s legal system. In the preface Wyche discusses the sources he consulted in the compilation of his work, noting: “Some practical sketches in manuscript, one passing under the name of a personage of high respectability, have been consulted; and whatever ap- peared of importance has been incorporated.” The manuscript work referred to is undoubtedly one prepared by Alexander Hamilton in the 1780s. His treatise on practice circulated in manuscript copies (only one of which survives today) but was never published in the Federal period. It has been published in modern times by both the Hamilton Papers project and the New York Bar Association as Practical Proceedings in the Supreme Court of the State of New York. A comparison of the texts reveals that Wyche did indeed draw heavily on Hamilton’s pioneering work. Wyche himself was only briefly part of the New York legal scene. He was not admitted to practice before the New York Supreme Court until May of 1795. Prior to this he published several books and married in 1794. He appeared in the 1795 and 1796 New York directories, and last appeared in a legal action in January 1796. After that he disappears. The present copy is of extraordinary interest for the extensive contemporary annotations throughout the text. The volume is interleaved, doubling its size, and bears significant and detailed notes throughout by an unidentified contemporary author. The annotator was clearly an active practitioner before the Court. The earliest date we note is 1796, shortly after publication, and the latest is 1813, pro- viding a detailed picture of the evolution of the Court in its early years. A fertile basis for future research, the notes are quite evocative of the training of American lawyers in the Federal period. A highly important book and manuscript, providing a key to the basis of legal practice in New York. ESTC W2533. EVANS 28140. COHEN 9188. Robert Emery, Law Library Journal 93:3, pp.469-77. $11,000.