ORIGINES ET MUTATIONES Transfer – Exchange

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ORIGINES ET MUTATIONES

ORIGINES ET MUTATIONES Transfer – Exchange – Power

Ed. Aleksandra Girsztowt, Piotr Kitowski, Andrzej Gierszewski © Copyright by Authors Kraków 2017

ISBN 978-83-65705-74-7

Recenzja Prof. dr hab. Witold Świętosławski (UG) Dr hab. Rafał Kubicki, prof. UG Dr hab. Dariusz Nawrot, prof. UŚ Dr hab. Marcin Starzyński (UJ) Dr Paweł Kawiński Dr Piotr Samól (PG)

Redakcja tekstu w języku polskim Maciej Kiełbas / Libron

Korekta tekstów w języku angielskim Sebastian Macieja

Skład i projekt okładki Libron

Publikacja wydana dzięki wsparciu finansowemu Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego

Wydawnictwo Libron – Filip Lohner al. Daszyńskiego 21/13, 31–537 Kraków tel. 12 628 05 12 e-mail: [email protected] www.libron.pl Spis treści / Contents

Wprowadzenie 7 Introduction 11

I. Transfer

Jędrzej Szerle Countries of the Baltic Sea basin in light of Historia Ecclesiastica by Orderic Vitalis 17

Grzegorz Płotka Pribislaw (II) Without Land – Exiled Duke in search of a new realm 27

Rafał Kubicki The mendicant orders in the State of the Teutonic Order in Prussia and Royal Prussia in the 13th–16th centuries – research proposal 37

Urszula Sowina, Wacław Kulczykowski The first urban water supply systems in the State of the Teutonic Knights: the tansfer of hydrotechnical knowledge 51

Artur Karpacz God’s symbol or Saint John the Baptist attribute – depictions of the Lamb of God in medieval Poland and the State of Teutonic Order in Prussia 63

Justyna Kuska From imperial Prague to Baltic Sea. State of research on transfer of artistic ideas between Bohemia and Eastern Pomerania in 14th and 15th centuries 79

Krzysztof Wroński 4 Karrenbüxen neben der Zeugkkammer. About West-Pomeranian castles in the face of the emergence and development of the firearm (14th–17th c.) 95

Karolina Belina The university matriculation books and “Stammbücher” as a central sources for the early modern history of students (on the basis of students from Gdańsk at universities in the Baltic Sea Region) 113 Andreas Kappelmayer From the Rhine to the Swedish field camp in Royal Prussia. John Casimir Count Palatine as a broker for the transfer of mercenary captains 129

II. Exchange and Power

Jan Eskildsen Slavic Church Architecture in Scandinavia. Early medieval exchange of architecture and possible eastern orthodox influence 145

Marius Ščavinskas The stage of “spotted“ Christianisation in West Baltic society. Links to social transformations in the 13th century 159

Karl Christian Alvestad St Olaf and the Baltic 173

Artur Karpacz Power of gothic architecture in Early Modern Period. Łazany parish church brief case study 183

Piotr Kołpak The sanctity of power or the power of sanctity. The place of saint rulers in the Baltic nations’ collective memory in the Middle Ages. An essay 201

Rafał Kubicki Windmills in the dominion of the Teutonic Order in Prussia in the 14th and the first half of the 15th centuries 215

Jakub Rogulski Demonstration of power and importance of Lithuanian Dukes in the late Middle Ages 233

Cezary Wołodkowicz Wolne Miasto Gdańsk jako element napoleońskiej potęgi w rejonie Morza Bałtyckiego w latach 1807–1812. Aspekty militarne 247

Bibliografia / Bibliography 269 Wprowadzenie

Jednym z najważniejszych zadań współczesnych badaczy jest prezentowanie wyników swoich badań oraz ich weryfikacja na możliwie szerokim forum specjalistów krajowych oraz zagranicznych. Pozwala to na dyskusję i wyj- ście poza obszar analiz lokalnych, zaś w perspektywie owocuje wspólnymi projektami naukowymi, w których uwzględnia się procesy długiego trwania w poszczególnych prowincjach, państwach czy obszarach kulturowych. Bez wątpienia zaletą takiej wymiany jest również integracja młodych adeptów nauki z doświadczonymi badaczami. Daje to szansę na konstruktywną krytykę w prowadzonych badaniach oraz zapoznanie się ze stosowaną metodologią. Dzielenie się osiągnięciami badawczymi przez naukowców zaintereso- wanych problematyką państw rejonu Morza Bałtyckiego umożliwia konfe- rencja Origines et Mutationes. Organizowana od 2014 roku przez pracowni- ków i doktorantów Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego, skupia się na historii krajów nadbałtyckich – ich rozwoju, wzajemnych kontaktach czy konfliktach od wczesnego średniowiecza do końca epoki przedindustrialnej. Ma ona charakter interdyscyplinarny i jest otwarta dla wszystkich przedstawicieli nauk historycznych – archeologów, antropologów, historyków, historyków prawa czy historyków sztuki. Do tej pory odbyły się jej dwie edycje. W 2014 roku hasłem przewodnim był szeroko pojęty transfer – wiedzy, technologii, ludzi. W referatach podję- to takie problemy, jak kontakty słowiańsko-skandynawskie na Bornholmie, działalność angielskich dyplomatów w Gdańsku czy trendy artystyczne łą- czące Czechy i Pomorze. Wśród blisko 30 referentów zgromadzonych w auli Narodowego Muzeum Morskiego znaleźli się przedstawiciele najważniej- szych polskich ośrodków naukowych oraz badacze z Wielkiej Brytanii i Nie- miec. W 2015 roku skupiono się na problematyce wymiany i władzy. W su- mie wygłoszono 26 referatów przez badaczy z Polski, Niemiec, Danii, Litwy i Wielkiej Brytanii. 8 Wprowadzenie

Niniejszy tom stanowi efekt tych spotkań. Oddajemy do rąk Czytelników zbiór 17 artykułów z zakresu historii, historii sztuki, architektury, archeologii przygotowanych przez naukowców z wiodących ośrodków naukowych w Polsce i Europie. Reprezentują oni Uniwersytet w Winchesterze, Uniwersy- tet w Kłajpedzie, Uniwersytet w Tybindze, Uniwersytet Jagielloński, Uniwer- sytet Gdański oraz Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii Polskiej Akademii Nauk. Zamieszczone teksty mają różną tematykę, nie mniej łączy je spójnie temat konferencji. Jednocześnie planowane są nowe wydawnictwa po kolejnych edycjach Origines et Mutationes. Zgodnie z cyklem konferencji monografię podzielono na dwie części. Pierwsza poświęcona została problematyce transferu. Rozpoczyna ją artykuł Jędrzeja Szerle (Uniwersytet Gdański). Stanowi on przyczynek do badań nad informacjami o krajach nadbałtyckich w zachodnioeuropej- skich źródłach okresu XI–XII wieku. Punktem wyjścia dla autora stała się anglo‑normańska kronika Historia Ecclesiastica. Grzegorz Płotka (Uniwer- sytet Gdański) przedstawił losy władcy Pomorza Przybysława II. Do dziś jest on jednym z najmniej znanych rządców Meklemburgii, którego życie, jak podkreślił autor, wymaga dalszych badań. Rafał Kubicki (Uniwersytet Gdański) dokonał analizy sytuacji w zakonach medykamenckich w państwie zakonu krzyżackiego i w Prusach Królewskich od XIII do XVI wieku. Te niezwykle ważne zgromadzenia pełniły znaczące funkcje w średniowiecz- nym i wczesnonowożytnym społeczeństwie. Autor omówił ich rolę i pozy- cję na tle sytuacji zakonów w krajach Europy Zachodniej. Urszula Sowina (Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii PAN) i Wacław Kulczykowski (Uniwersytet Gdański) skupili się na problematyce konstrukcji i zarządzania systemami dostarczającymi wodę w państwie zakonu krzyżackiego. Na podstawie źró- deł archiwalnych i wyników badań archeologicznych wskazano na rozwój systemów hydrologicznych w powiązaniu z rozwojem kolonizacji tych tere- nów przez kolonistów z Zachodu. Artur Karpacz (Uniwersytet Jagielloński) zajął się średniowieczną symboliką Baranka Bożego w Polsce i państwie zakonu krzyżackiego w Prusach. Jak wskazał, wciąż aktualne jest pytanie, czy był to jedynie atrybut Jana Chrzciciela czy też symbol Boga. Justyna Kuska (Instytut Sztuki PAN) zajęła się problematyką transferu idei sztuki pomiędzy Czechami a Pomorzem Wschodnim w XIV i XV wieku. Autorka postawi- ła tezę o mniejszym wpływie Południa na sztukę pomorską, aniżeli miało to miejsce w wypadku Śląska czy Małopolski, choć od drugiej połowy XIV wieku zauważyła konkretne inspiracje płynące na ziemie pomorskie z Czech. Wprowadzenie 9

Krzysztof Wroński (Uniwersytet Gdański) dokonał analizy zamków Pomo- rza Wschodniego w kontekście rozwoju broni palnej w XIV–XVII wieku. Ka- rolina Belina (Uniwersytet w Tybindze) zajęła się tematem ksiąg wpisów uni- wersyteckich jako źródła do badań nad nauczaniem akademickim w okresie wczesnonowożytnym. Skoncentrowała się przy tym na studentach z Gdańska na uniwersytetach działających w basenie Morza Bałtyckiego. Część pierw- szą zamknął tekst Andreasa Kappelmayera (Uniwersytet w Tybindze). Autor przeanalizował problematykę zaciągu najemników w środowisku wyższej szlachty Rzeszy przez Szwedów w latach 20. XVII wieku. Część drugą, wymiana i władza, otwiera tekst Jana Eskildsena (badacz niezależny; Dania), badającego historię architektury sakralnej w Skan- dynawii, w którym wysunął on tezę o możliwych wpływach wschodniego chrześcijaństwa, a także Bolesława Krzywoustego na architekturę sakralną w Skandynawii. Na powstanie znajdujących się na terenie Danii 34 kościołów rotundowych wpływ miał mieć udział władcy Polski w krucjacie kalmarskiej z 1123 r. Marius Ščavinskas (Uniwersytet w Kłajpedzie) omówił problem tzw. „punktowej” chrystianizacji i rolę lokalnego możnowładztwa w rozprzestrze- nianiu się chrześcijaństwa wśród Bałtów. W ten sposób powstały pierwsze paraﬁe, pokrywające się z granicami podlegających możnym ziem, w któ- rych główne ośrodki stawały się centrami odpowiedzialnymi zarówno za umacnianie, jak i rozprzestrzenianie się nowej religii. Karl Christian Alve- stad (Uniwersytet w Winchester) skupił się na wzmiankach źródłowych do- tyczących kultu św. Olafa w średniowiecznej literaturze nordyckiej. Dzięki niezwykle szerokiej kwerendzie źródłowej udało mu się ustalić poszczególne etapy rozprzestrzeniania się kultu świętego, od Skandynawii poprzez połu- dniowe wybrzeża Bałtyku, aż do Nowogrodu. Artur Karpacz (Uniwersytet Jagielloński) dokonał analizy ukierunkowanej na odpowiedź na pytanie, czy fundowane jeszcze w XVII wieku kościoły w stylu gotyckim wskazują na odnowienie się tego stylu, czy też stanowiły kolejny etap w jego rozwoju. Piotr Kołpak (Uniwersytet Jagielloński) rozważył miejsce i rolę świętych władców w krajach nadbałtyckich okresu średniowiecza. Skupił się przy tym na budo- waniu tożsamości i pamięci zbiorowej dla poszczególnych nacji. Rafał Kubic- ki (Uniwersytet Gdański) przybliżył rolę wiatraków w gospodarce państwa zakonu krzyżackiego. Jak wykazał, pełniły one funkcję pomocniczą wobec młynów wodnych, służąc w okresie średniowiecza do przemiału zboża i sło- du. Dopiero w późniejszym okresie zaczęto wykorzystywać je jako napęd urządzeń odwadniających. Jakub Rogulski (Uniwersytet Jagielloński) omó- 10 Wprowadzenie

wił sposoby manifestowania władzy książąt litewskich w czasach późnego średniowiecza na podstawie pieczęci, herbów i tytułów. Natomiast Cezary Wołodkowicz (Uniwersytet Gdański) zaprezentował aspekty militarne Wol- nego Miasta Gdańska jako element napoleońskiej potęgi w rejonie Morza Bałtyckiego.

Redaktorzy tomu poczuwają się do miłego obowiązku wyrażenia gorących podziękowań za wsparcie Władzom Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego w osobach Jego Magnificencji prof. zw. dr. hab. Bernarda Lammka i dr. hab. Jerzego Gwizdały, prof. UG, Prorektorów ds. Studenckich, dr. hab. Józefa Włodar- skiego, prof. UG i dr. hab. Arnolda Kłończyńskiego, prof. UG, Prorektorów ds. Nauki, prof. zw. dr. hab. Grzegorza Węgrzyna i prof. zw. dr. hab. Pio- tra Stepnowskiego, Dziekana Wydziału Historycznego, prof. dr. hab. Wie- sława Długokęckiego, oraz Prodziekana ds. Nauki Wydziału Historycznego, dr hab. Anny Panner, prof. UG. Słowa wdzięczności chcielibyśmy również przekazać Burmistrzowi Pruszcza Gdańskiego, dzięki któremu od 2015 roku kolejne edycje odbywają się w tym właśnie mieście, Prezydentowi Miasta Gdańska, Panu Pawłowi Adamowiczowi, Marszałkowi Województwa Po- morskiego, Panu Mieczysławowi Strukowi, oraz Radzie Doktorantów i Par- lamentowi Studentów Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego.

Aleksandra Girsztowt, Piotr Kitowski, Andrzej Gierszewski Introduction

One of the most important tasks of researchers today is to present the results of their research and verify it as thoroughly as possible on a forum of Polish and foreign professionals. This process allows for a discussion to take place and go beyond the area of local analysis. It also results in joint scientific projects later on which take the history of the longue durée in particular provinces, countries and cultural areas into account. The integration of experienced researchers with the young PhD students who are still learn- ing is without doubt the advantage of such an exchange. This gives one the chance to criticise the researches constructively and become familiar with the used methodology. The Origines et Mutationes is a perfect conference for those scientists who wish to share the achievements of their research of the Baltic Sea region countries. Having been organised since 2014 onwards by the employees and PhD students of the University of Gdańsk, the conference focuses on the history of the Baltic Rim countries – their development, mutual relations and conflicts from the early Middle Ages to the end of the Pre-Industrial Era. The conference is interdisciplinary and is open to all representatives of historical sciences: archaeologists, anthropologists, historians, legal historians and art historians. Two editions have been held so far. The 2014’s motto was transfer in general: of knowledge, technology and people. The papers took on various problems such as Slavic-Scandinavian contacts on Bornholm, English diplomats in Gdańsk and artistic trends combining the Czech Republic and Pom- erania. The representatives of the most important Polish research centres and researchers from the UK and Germany were present among the nearly 30 speakers gathered in the Auditorium of the National Maritime Museum. The 2015 conference focused on the issues of exchange and power. There was a total of 26 papers by researchers from Poland, Germany, Denmark, Lithuania and the United Kingdom. 12 Introduction

This volume is the effect of these meetings. We present to our readers a collection of 19 articles written by researchers of the world’s leading research centres in Poland and Europe on history, art history, architecture and archaeology. The authors represent the University of Winchester, the Klai- peda University, the University of Tübingen, the Jagiellonian University, the University of Gdańsk and Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology of the Pol- ish Academy of Sciences. Papers have different topics, but are nonetheless consistently united by the conference themes. Further issues are planned to be released after the consecutive editions of theOrigines et Mutationes. The monograph is divided into two parts according to the cycle of conferences. The first part was devoted to the issues of transfer. The first article is by Jędrzej Szerle (University of Gdańsk). It is a contribution to research information about the Baltic Rim countries in the Western European sources in the period of 11th–12th centuries. The Anglo-Norman chronicle Historia Ecclesi- astica was the starting point for the author. Grzegorz Płotka (University of Gdańsk), portrayed the fate of the Pomeranian ruler Pribislav II. Until this day he is one of the least known lords of Mecklenburg whose life, as pointed out by the writer himself, requires further research. Rafał Kubicki (Univer- sity of Gdańsk) analysed the situation in the Mendicant Orders in the State of the Teutonic Order and in Royal Prussia from the 13th to the 16th century. These exceptionally important assemblies performed significant roles in the Medieval and early modern society. The author discussed their role and position in contrast to other orders in the Western European countries. Ursula Sowina (Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology) and Wacław Kulczykowski (University of Gdańsk) focused on the issues of design and the management of systems supplying water in the State of the Teutonic Order. The development of hydrological systems in connection with the development of colonization of the area by colonists from the West has been indicated based on archaeological sources and the results of archaeological research. Artur Karpacz (Jagiellonian University) undertook the topic of the Medieval sym- bolism of the Lamb of God in Poland and the State of the Teutonic Order in Prussia. As pointed out by the author, the question whether the Lamb was only the attribute of John the Baptist or God’s symbol too is still valid. Justyna Kuska (The Institute of Art of the Polish Academy of Sciences) took up the issue of the transfer of the idea of art between the Czech Republic and Eastern Pomerania in the 14th and 15th centuries. The author claims the impact of the Introduction 13

South on the Pomeranian art was smaller than in Silesia and Lesser Poland. She has, however, noticed specific inspirations coming to the Pomeranian lands from the Czech Republic in the second half of the 14th century. Next, Krzysztof Wroński (University of Gdańsk) has analyzed the castles of Eastern Pomerania in the context of the development of the firearms in the 14th–17th centuries. Karolina Belina (University of Tübingen) took up the theme of the university books entries being sources to research on academic teaching in the early modern period. Her focus was on Gdańsk students studying at the Baltic Sea universities. The first part is closed by Andreas Kappelmay- era’s (University of Tübingen) text. The author has analyzed the issue of the Swedes hauling the mercenaries in the environment of high nobility (hoher Adel) of the Reich in the 20s of the 17th century. The second part, replacement and power, begins with the text of Jan Eskildsen (independent researcher; Denmark) who examines the history of religious architecture in Scandinavia presented an argument about the possible influence of Eastern Christianity as well as Bolesław Krzywousty’s on sacred architecture in Scandinavia. The presence of the Polish monarch in the 1123 Kalmar crusade supposedly affected the emergence of 34 famous round churches located in Denmark. Marius Ščavinskas (Klaipeda Univer- sity) discussed the problem of the so-called “pointed” Christianization and the role of the local nobility in the spread of Christianity among the Balts. This is how the first parishes were formed. They overlapped with the borders subject to the wealthy of the lands where the main resorts became the centres responsible for both strengthening and spreading of the new religion. Karl Christian Alvestad (University of Winchester) focused on the source mentions regarding the cult of St Olaf in the Medieval Nordic literature. Thanks to an extremely broad source query he was able to determine the various stages of the spread of the cult of the saint from Scandinavia through the southern coast of the Baltic Sea up to Novgorod. Artur Karpacz (Jagiello- nian University) analysed whether Gothic style churches, still endowed in the 17th century, displayed the renewal of this style or if they portrayed the next step in the development of this style. Piotr Kołpak (Jagiellonian Uni- versity) pondered on the place and the role of the royal saints in the Baltic Rim countries in the Medieval period. He focused on the construction of identity and collective memory for individual nations. Rafał Kubicki (Uni- versity of Gdańsk) described the role of the windmills in the economy of the State of the Teutonic Order. As demonstrated by the author, they were 14 Introduction

secondary to water mills, milling grain and malt during the Middle Ages. It wasn’t until a later period that they were used as drainage equipment drives. Jakub Rogulski (Jagiellonian University) discussed the ways Lithuanian dukes manifested their power in the late Medieval times based on the seals, coats of arms and titles. Lastly, Cezary Wołodkowicz (University of Gdańsk) presented the military aspects of the Free City of Danzig as a Napoleonic power in the Baltic Sea region. The editors of the volume feel pleasantly obliged to thank the authorities of the University of Gdansk for their support: his Magnificence profesor zwyczajny doktor habilitowany Bernard Lammek and profesor UG doktor habilitowany Jerzy Gwizdała, Vice-Rectors for Student Affairs profesor UG doktor habilitowany Józef Włodarski and profesor UG doktor habilitowany Arnold Kłończyński, Vice-Rectors for Educational Affairs profesor zwyczaj ny doktor habilitowany Grzegorz Węgrzyn and profesor zwyczajny doktor habilitowany Piotr Stepnowski, Dean of the Faculty of History profesor doktor habilitowany Wiesław Długokęcki and Deputy Dean for Research profesor UG doktor habilitowany Anna Panner. We would also like to express our gratitude towards the mayor of Pruszcz Gdanski, Mr Janusz Wróbel thanks to whom the successive editions have taken place in this town since 2015 onwards, the mayor of the city of Gdańsk Mr Paweł Adamowicz, the marshal of the Pomorskie voivodeship Mr Mieczysław Struk as well as the Council of Doctoral Candidates and the University of Gdansk Student Parliament.

Aleksandra Girsztowt, Piotr Kitowski, Andrzej Gierszewski I. Transfer

Jędrzej Szerle Uniwersytet Gdański

Countries of the Baltic Sea basin in light of Historia Ecclesiastica by Orderic Vitalis

West European chroniclers of 11th and the first half of 12th century rarely paid attention to Central-Eastern Europe. While it was true that the conflict between the Empire and Papacy from the seventies of the 11th century raised interest in the person of Henry III and his circle, and that the first crusade made Hun- gary a point of interest, these mentions were incidental, buried among the plethora of information both local and Church-related, and in the case of the above- mentioned crusade also those dealing with the Middle East. These, as well as various other single pieces of information, constitute a fine illustration of the place our part of the world occupied in the minds of the intellectual elites of Western Europe. In the following article I would like to present the reception of Central-Eastern Europe – defined here as the area east of Rhine and north of Danube – in Anglo-Norman chronicle Historia Ecclesiastica by Orderic Vitalis. Both Polish and English historiography pay little attention to Orderic Vi- talis’s reception of East-Central Europe.1 The knowledge of chroniclers from

1 Polish historiography focuses only on a short exerpt of Book Four of Historia Ecclesiast- ica, in which the chronicler describes the preparations of Danish king Sweyn II for his raid on England in 1069 and mentions that the ruler’s army was reinforced with Polish and Veleti troops, see also: The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis [later as: OW], vol. II, book III and IV, edited and translated with introduction and notes by M. Chib- nall, Oxford 1969, p. 226. From the most important works, see also: L. Koczy, Polska i Skandynawja za pierwszych Piastów, Poznań 1934, p. 181–182; T. Grudziński, Bolesław Szczodry a Pomorze. Próba rewizji poglądów, „Zapiski Towarzystwa Naukowego 18 Jędrzej Szerle the British Isles and Northern France usually did not extend beyond West- ern Scandinavia and the river Rhine. While the Empire was rather often mentioned in their descriptions, especially in the period of Investiture Controversy, their information was imprecise or straightforwardly fantastic.2 In this paper I am going to present the image of Baltic countries contained in Orderic Vi- talis’s monumental text. It is difficult to find an analogy for Historia Ecclesiastica among the sources from Eastern Europe – the chronicle created in the third and fourth decade of the 12th century3 contains 13 books describing not only the most important events from the history of England and Normandy, but also the histories of families and monasteries, people and events – from the birth of Christ up until the year 1141.4 In it, Orderic Vitalis many times presents his personal opinions, and being an Englishman he does not shy from writing about the negative effects of the take-over of England by William the Conqueror in 1066.5 His uniqueness is perhaps best evidenced by his thoughts on that particular ruler on the occasion of his funeral ceremony: “The king, once powerful and warlike, instilling fear in many peoples from many countries, lies naked on the ground,

w Toruniu”, 16, 1950, iss. 1–4, p. 67–79; idem, Bolesław Szczodry. Zarys dziejów panowania, part 1, „Roczniki Towarzystwa Naukowego w Toruniu”, 57, 1953, iss. 2, p. 130; G. Labuda, Słowiańszczyzna pierwotna. Wybór tekstów, Warszawa 1954, p. 307; idem, Fragmenty dziejów Słowiańszczyzny Zachodniej, vol. II, Poznań 1964, p. 161–165; J. Powierski, Kryzys rządów Bolesława Śmiałego. Polityka i jej odzwierciedlenie w literaturze średniowiecznej, Gdańsk 1992, p. 35, 46–47, 64–65; J. Powierski, B. Śliwiński, K. Bruski, Studia z dziejów Pomorza w XII wieku, Słupsk 1993, p. 15, 17; J. Sochacki, Stosunki publicznoprawne między państwem Polskim a Cesarstwem Rzymskim w latach 963–1102, Słupsk–Gdańsk 2003, p. 131–135; K. Benyskiewicz, Mieszko Bolesławowic (1069–1089). Źródła i tradycja historiograficzna, Kraków 2005, p. 52–53; idem, W kręgu Bolesława Szczodrego i Władysława Hermana. Piastowie w małżeństwie, polityce i intrydze, Wrocław 2010, p. 63–66. I have not encountered such an approach in English literature, nor have I come cross a particular interest in Central-Eastern Europe. The most obvious sign of it is mistaking the Veleti and Lithuanians in the newest edition of the chronicle, see also: OW, vol. II, p. 227. Even literature, when discussing the chronicler’s interest in the world a bit more distant than Normandy, is limited to Saracen, Jews and heretics, see also: M. Chibnall, The World of Orderic Vitalis, Oxford 1984, p. 146–166. 2 The chronicler states that after the death of Henry IV he was not buried since earth itself refused to take him in, because he was an enemy of God, see also: OW, vol. VI, p. 80. 3 A. Grandsen, Historical Writing in England c. 550 to c. 1307, London 1974, p. 151–152. 4 OW, vol. I, general introduction, book I and II (summary and extracts), index verborum, edited by Marjorie Chibnall, Oxford 1980, p. 45–48. 5 OW, vol. II, p. 232; OW, vol. IV, book VII and VIII, edited and translated by Marjorie Chibnall, Oxford 1973, p. 94. Countries of the Baltic Sea basin in light of Historia Ecclesiastica… 19 abandoned by those who owe him their status and position. He, who had once enjoyed untold riches, now had to borrow money for the ceremony, and relied on the resources of a common man to acquire his shroud and pallbearers”.6 Almost everything that we know about Orderic Vitalis comes from his chronicle, where he took the liberty of writing several passages about himself. He was born on the 16th of February 1075 in a mixed Anglo-Norman family. His father was Odelerius of Orlean, a chaplain on the court of Norman knight Roger of Montgomery, who – after the takeover of England by William the Conqueror – was endowed with lands in Shrewbury County in Mercia.7 Be- cause of somewhat archaic situation of the English Church he was allowed to marry. Because of the fact that the chronicler called himself Ordricus angli- gena and felt stronger ties to England, it is commonly assumed that his mother had to be an Englishwoman. Still, the chronicler did not include any mention of her, which is widely discussed even today.8 By the age of 10, Orderic was sent to Norman monastery in Saint-Évroul, a year later he became a cleric, and after seven years he became a deacon. He was ordained by Wilhelm, the archbishop of Rouen, at the age of 33, in 1108.9 In his monastery career, limited just to Saint-Évroul, the chronicler did not perform any administrative functions – he only took care of the school and library, most probably being in charge of the scriptorium.10 This was the difference between him and another great historian of the time, Robert of Torigni, who became the abbot of Mont Saint-Michel monastery.11 Orderic died on the 13th of July 1142 or 1143.12 His first written accounts were the notes about the conquest of Jeru- salem and about the death of Pope Urban II on the margins of one of the manuscripts. Later he created epitaphs and texts devoted to the patrons of

6 Rex quondam potens et bellicosus, multisque populis per plures prouincias metuendus in area iacuit nudus, et a suis quos genuerat uel aluerat destitutus. Aere alieno in funebrio cultu indiguit ope gregarii pro sandapila et uispillionibus conducendis eguit, qui tot hac- tenus et superfluis operibus nimis abundauit, see also: OW, vol. IV, p. 106, 108. 7 OW, vol. III, book V and VI, edited and translated by M. Chibnall, Oxford 1972, p. 6; OW, vol. VI, book XI, XII and XIII, edited and translated by M. Chibnall, Oxford 1978, p. 552; M. Chibnall, The World…, op. cit, p. 10–11. 8 Ibidem, p. 8–10. 9 OW, vol. IV, p. 554. 10 M. Chibnall, The World…, p. 33–34. 11 The Gesta Normannorum Ducum of William of Jumièges, Orderic Vitalis and Robert of Torigni, volume I, introduction and books I–IV, edited and translated by Elisabeth M.C. Van Houts, Oxford 1992, p. LXXVIIff. 12 M. Chinball, The World…, op. cit, p. 41. 20 Jędrzej Szerle the monastery. In the first decade of the 12th century he undertook his first serious effort, the interpolation of Gesta Normannorum Ducum by Wilhelm of Jumieges. He also created the monastery chronicles. At the end of the first decade of the 12th century, Orderic Vitalis began to write down the history of his monastery, which later evolved into the third book of the chronicle.13 The entirety of Historia Ecclesiastica was finished just before his death, about 1141.14 Basing on the reading of the chronicle, Orderic’s knowledge of East-Cent- ral Europe seems fairly limited. Geographically, the chronicler is interested first and foremost in Normandy and England, his homeland. Afterwards, he shows considerable knowledge of France, Flanders, Italy and the Byzantine Empire – the latter mainly due to Norman military efforts led by Robert Guiscard, about which he provides detailed information.15 Iberian Peninsula and East-Central Europe are generally beyond his scope of interest, a after subtracting the German Empire and the Scandinavia, which are mentioned due to Viking raids and Dutch kings on the English throne, we find out that the area that interests us is mentioned only incidentally. Orderic’s knowledge of states and lands of East-Central Europe is fairly limited. He admits his geographical limitations – when he finishes relating the events of the First Crusade in the Middle East he concludes with the following statement: “But now I shall return to reporting the events which happened in our part of the world – in Italy, Gaul, Spain, England and Flanders”.16 Similarly, when he discusses the council in Rheims attended by clergymen from “Italy and Germania, Gaul and Spain, Britain and England, from the isles on the Ocean and from all the western provinces”.17 We can clearly see that the area taken into consideration by the chronicler does not always include Germany, an area which is – after all – not that far from Nor- mandy. Orderic knows some of the areas constituting the Empire – Bavaria, Saxony, Swabia and Lorraine18 – but most probably only due to their proxim- ity to the lands he is familiar with, like Flanders or France. Also, several times

13 OW, vol. I, p. 29–32. 14 A. Grandsen, op. cit., p. 152. 15 OW, vol. IV, p. XIII. 16 Nunc autem ad nostra regrediar referena, quae contigrunt in Italia, Gallia, Hispania uel Anglia seu Flandria, see also: OW, vol. VI, book XI, XII and XIII, edited and translated by M. Chibnall, Oxford 1978, p. 136. 17 de Italia et Germania, de Gallia et Hispania, de Britannia et Anglia, de insulis Oceani et cunctis occidentalibus prouinciis, see also: OW, vol. VI, p. 252. 18 OW, vol. II, p. 162; OW, vol. IV, p. 6. Countries of the Baltic Sea basin in light of Historia Ecclesiastica… 21 he writes simply about the lands “on this side of” Alps, without specifying what he means exactly.19 Denmark shows up rather often, Norway less so;20 however, it is hardly surprising if we consider Viking raids and Danish kings on the English throne. In addition, Orderic includes a description of Nor- way’s geography and of the lands ruled by the Norwegian king – the Orkney Islands, Finland, Iceland, Greenland and Gotland – historians are reasonably certain that that particular excerpt originates from another unknown source and is not Orderic’s own.21 Other central European countries or lands appear rarely. Although Or- deric mentions Hungary several times (consistently calling them the Huns)22 and Hungarian rulers as well,23 he calls their country by name only once – and only in the description of the First Crusade, which he borrowed from His- toria Ierosolimitana.24 Thus it is exceptional that the chronicler managed to locate the city of Melk by the Bavarian-Hunnic border, which is his personal observation.25 On the other hand, when he writes about the Englishmen, who after the final conquest headed to Byzantium to join the Varangian Guard, he only says that they crossed the sea to get to Thrace. What follows is that they had to travel through the Baltic Sea and the Rus’, and crossed the Black Sea afterwards, yet we would look for such details in vain in his text.26 In a very interesting fragment pertaining to military reinforcements for Danish king Sven Estridsson in 1069 we find mentions of Frisia, Saxony, Poland and Veleti, a confederation of a number of Polabian Slavs. The chronicler pays special attention to the latter, since he specifies that they had been conquered several

19 OW, vol. V, book IX and X, edited and translated by M. Chibnall, Oxford 1975, p. 10. While talking about the Norman-built city of Aversa in Northern Italy the chronicler states that it was given the military courage of the people from that side of the Alps, see also: OW, vol. II, p. 280. 20 Scandinavia is mentioned in the context of Danish origin of the Normans see also: OW, vol. III, p. 302, Danish kings of England, see also: OW, vol. II, p. 244, and in the context of contemporary events, such as the Norwegian-Irish conflict of 1098, see also: OW, vol. VI, p. 48, or the attacks on trade ships sailing between England and Norway by the earl of Northumbria, Robert, see also: OW, vol. IV, p. 280. 21 OW, vol. V, p. 220–221. 22 OW, vol. II, p. 68, 180. 23 OW, vol. IV, p. 272; OW, vol. V, p. 28. 24 OW, vol. V, p. 28. 25 OW, vol. II, p. 68. 26 OW, vol. IV, p. 16. 22 Jędrzej Szerle times by the Danish monarch.27 Later on, he also describes their religious system.28 Orderic gives us considerably more information about the peoples. First of all, the chronicler – in keeping with his Norman predecessors – often reminds about the Danish origin of Normans.29 Showing interest in Italy and having knowledge of the text of Paul the Deacon he gives us some pieces of information on Lombards, who set off from the islands of Scandinavia.30 The chronicle also mentions Swedes supposedly defeated by William the Con- queror.31 As I have mentioned, Huns are frequently mentioned in the pages of Historia Ecclesiastica which is a result of the fact that Edward the Exile lived among them – and married there – during his exile.32 People originating from the discussed territory or those residing there are given significantly more attention in the pages of the chronicle. We have numerous examples of these and they reinforce our suspicion that Orderic knew little about what happened east of Rhein and north of Danube. It is best to begin this part from discussing Edward the Exile, the vicissitudes of whose life provide us with plethora of critical information. As I have mentioned, he brought a wife, Agatha. The discussion about her identity has been going on for decades, since even the chroniclers themselves are not certain of it. Or- deric writes that Edgar II Aetheling, who took the crown almost instantly after

27 OW, vol. II, p. 226. Hic ingenti potentia pollebat. Vniuersas regni sui uires contrahebat quibus a uicinis regionibus et amicis auxilia magna coaceruabat. Adiuubant eum Polenia, Frisia necne Saxonia. Leuticia quoque pro Anglicis opibus auxiliares turmas mittebat. (…) Haes gens terra marique praeliari perita erat, quam Suenus cum rego suo sepe uicerat suaeque ditioni subegerat. “He [Sweyn II of Denmark – JS] commanded a great power, he gathered all the forces from his kingdom, to which he joined considerable reinforcements from neighboring and allied countries. Among those who supported him were Poland, Frisia an also Saxony. Also the Veleti sent their troops for him to command. (…) These were soldiers experienced in battles both on land and on the sea, the soldiers whom along with their king Sweyn had many times defeated and subjugated”. See also: J. Szerle, Informacja o polskich posiłkach wojskowych w morskiej wyprawie króla duńskiego Swena Estrydsena na Anglię w 1069 roku w „Historia Ecclesiastica” Or- dryka Witalisa, [in:] W epoce żaglowców. Morze od antyku do XVIII wieku, edited by B. Możejko in cooperation with E. Bojaruniec-Król, Gdańsk 2016, p. 29–36. 28 See also: annotation 43. 29 OW, vol. III, p. 302; OW, vol. V, p. 24. 30 OW, vol. III, p. 70, 72. 31 OW, vol. IV, p. 90. 32 OW, vol. IV, p. 272. Countries of the Baltic Sea basin in light of Historia Ecclesiastica… 23

Harold’s death in Hastings, was a son of Edward, the king of Huns.33 In another part, while writing about his sister Margaret, the later queen of Scot- land, he mentions that she was a daughter of Edward, the king of Huns, who in turn was a son of Edward the Confessor’s brother, Edmund Ironside, and that during his exile he married a daughter of Salomon, king of Huns, and was given a kingdom along with her.34 Purely as a reminder I will note that Sa- lomon was born in 1053 and died childless,35 and Edward died in 1057.36 Other mistakes are less glaring – when writing about the events before 1066 he mistakes legendary Viking Harald Hardrada with the founder of the Nor- wegian state of the 9th and 10th century, also a Harald, but the Fairhair one.37 Minor mistakes when it comes to other Scandinavian rulers are present as well. The person who is especially interesting is emperor Henry IV, who – because of his conflict with pope George VII and the following excommunication became the target of unflattering and obviously untrue opinions circulating in the Christian world. Henry left his wife, a daughter of Eustace of Boulogne, and began to indulge himself in indecent pleasures, which brought about a reaction from his brother-in-law, Godfrey of Lorraine.38 Indecent how? That Or- deric does not mention. That is not the only fault of his text: the indecencies are debatable at best, and Henry did not left his wife, who – by the way – was not a daughter of Eustace of Boulogne, and Godfrey was not his brother-in- law.39 It appears that the whole conflict between the emperor and the papacy consists of misheard rumors, which goes to show how much information de- generated when crossing the Rhine. A similar level of unreliability is present in the description of electing Lothair of Saxony to the post of the emperor, which we can dismiss as almost entirely fictional.40 Also when describing the death of Canute IV of Denmark, the chronicler succumbs to mistakes in chronology, completely misrepresents the circumstances of his assassination and gives a wrong name of his successor on the Danish throne.41

33 OW, vol. II, p. 180. 34 OW, vol. IV, p. 272. 35 J. Bak, Salomon, [in:] Lexikon des Mittelalters, vol. VII, Stuttgart–Weimar 1999, p. 1315. 36 N.P. Brooks, Edgar, [in:] Lexikon…, vol. III, p. 1572. 37 OW, vol. II, p. 142–143. 38 OW, vol. IV, p. 6, 8. 39 OW, vol. IV, p. 7. 40 OW, vol. VI, p. 360–366. 41 OW, vol. IV, p. 54–55. What is interesting, in this fragment Orderic Vitalis writes with a certain superiority that it was the English monks, who settled in Odense 24 Jędrzej Szerle

Information about religion or customs of East-Central Europe is relatively sparse in the texts analyzed. In the abovementioned excerpt describing military reinforcements for Sven Estridssen Orderic describes the religious system of the Veleti.42 As a point of interest, I will note that this description of religious practices gave rise to some fantastical theories about Slav Vikings, who supposedly were to inhabit Polabia.43 The chronicler is consistent in mentioning paganism of the Danes,44 and he has many opportunities to do so, since he frequently discusses their raids on Normandy and England. An- other interesting thing is his reflection on Normans, whose Scandinavian origin is often stressed. Orderic names Troy as the point of origin of the Danes and consequently the Normans45 and points out that Viking blood is still in their veins, therefore cruelty and thirst for blood remain in those people, as Normans despise rural life and the peace of their own home.46 Tracing the sources of knowledge of Orderic Vitalis about Central-Eastern Europe is not easy. When the chronicler was writing about Normans and Lon- gobards and their Scandinavian origin, and about Danish kings on the Eng- lish throne he was relying on relatively well-known sources – Gesta Guillelmi of William of Poitiers, Gesta Normannorum Ducum of William of Jumièges, chronicle of John of Worcester47 and Historia Langobardorum of Paul the Deacon.48 When writing about the First Crusade passing through Hungary, he relied on Historia Ierosolimitana,49 still preserved to this day. However, it was more common for Orderic Vitalis to use either the written sources which

a few years after Canute’s death, who taught the barbarous Danes the meaning of monasticism. 42 OW, vol. II, p. 226. Leuticia quoque pro Anglicis opibus auxiliares turmas mittebat. In ea populosissima natio consistebat, quae gentilitatis adhuc errore detenta uerum Deum ne- sciebat sed ignorantiae muscipulis illaqueata Guodenen et Thurum Freamque aliosque falsos deos immo daemones colebat. “And Veleti also sent their warriors for the English expedition. Their country was inhabited by numerous people, who, suffering from the error of paganism, did not know the True God, but in their ignorance worshipped Odin and Thor and Freya and other false gods, or evil spirits”. 43 G. Labuda, Fragmenty…, p. 161, annotation 187–188. 44 OW, vol. II, p. 240, 244; OW, vol. IV, p. 156. 45 OW, vol. V, p. 24. The information concerning the origin and early history of the Nor- mans was mainly taken by Orderic from the works of Wilhelm of Jumièges and Dudo of Saint Quentin, the knowledge of which he admitted himself, see also: OW, vol. III, p. 304. 46 OW, vol. V, p. 24, 26. 47 OW, vol. II, p. XVII–XVIII, 78, 184, 186, 188. 48 OW, vol. III, p. XXVII. 49 Cf. annotation 25. Countries of the Baltic Sea basin in light of Historia Ecclesiastica… 25

we cannot identify – as is the case with his description of Norway50 – or the oral ones. When it comes to the latter case, we can sometimes make at least some assumptions on where the author obtained his information from. For instance, the message about the hospital on the Bavarian-Hunnish border from around the year 1056 was preserved in the monastery tradition because Thierry, who back then was staying there on his way to the Holy Land.51 From English monks residing in Denmark Orderic must have received information concerning the situation there and the circumstances of Kanut the Fourth’s death, rather inaccurate by the way.52 In the majority of cases, however, it is impossible to ascertain from whom and in which way did the Anglo-Nor- man chronicler obtain his knowledge. Basing on Historia Ecclesiastica of Orderic Vitalis there is little doubt that information from East-Central Europe seldom found its way to Normandy, unless they were intimately tied to another subject of chronicler’s interest. If we disregard the area of Scandinavia and of the Empire, the mentions of that part of the world are sparse and unreliable. Although we cannot deny the chronicler some effort in trying to stay objective, it was impossible for him to verify the claims of Edward the Exile having a Hungarian wife, and Edgar II Aetheling, the king of England for a few weeks, might have purpose- fully said that his father was the king of Huns. At the same time, as evidenced by a mention of Poland from 1069, even pieces of information which are so disjointed and difficult to verify might be valuable to historians. This article is merely a minor contribution to the broad subject of the reception of Central-Eastern Europe in English and Norman sources of 11th and 12th century. Numerous problems still wait for a broader analysis, particularly those which require comparing a number of sources of the era. Apart from a mysterious piece of information about Polish reinforcements sent to Danish raid on England in 1069 it would be interesting to consider the odd stay of Edward the Exile in Hungary and his marriage to one Agatha or the spread and evolution of rumors concerning Emperor Henry IV. Due to the scarce nature of early Medieval sources dealing with Central-Eastern Europe such a direction of study undoubtedly looks promising.

50 Cf. annotation 22. 51 OW, vol. II, p. 66, 68. 52 See also: annotation 42. 26 Jędrzej Szerle

Streszczenie

Kraje basenu Morza Bałtyckiego w świetle Historica Ecclesiastica Orderyka Witalisa

Artykuł poświęcony został obrazowi krajów Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w Historia Ecclesiastica Ordryka Witalisa. Horyzonty geograficzne tego anglo- normańskiego kronikarza, tworzącego w pierwszej połowie XII wieku, nie- rzadko sięgały poza Normandię i Anglię. W dziele Ordryka Witalisa pojawia się stosunkowo często Cesarstwo, zwłaszcza w kontekście konfliktu Henryka IV z papieżem Grzegorzem VII, oraz Skandynawia. Sporadycznie kronikarz opisu- je również tereny położone dalej na wschód, m.in. Węgry i Polskę. Grzegorz Płotka University of Gdańsk

Pribislaw (II) Without Land – Exiled Duke in search of a new realm

This paper is a brief sketch of the exiled duke Pribislaw’s (II) life. Starting from his birth as a child of a minor duke of Parchim-Richenberg, a principality in Mecklenburg;then through the uneasy life in exile in a foreign state (Western Pomerania Principality) which eventually became his own when his senior granted him the land of Belgard (Białogard1). But due to the political situation, in order to keep power he had to swear loyalty to Branden- burg margraves and so in several years he was exiled again (this time, by his former senior). From Belgard, he went to Eastern Pomerania where he lived as a poor duke without land,2 who died trying to regain his lost heritage: Parchim-Richenberg. Presenting the story of Pribislaw (II) is not an easy task for a historian. The main sources are included in two diplomatic codes –Mecklenburgische Urkundenbuch3 and Pommersches Urkundenbuch.4 Some other information

1 Białogard nad rzeką Parsętą – Belgard upon the river Parsęta. 2 Nobilis vir dominus Primico princeps generosus licet nullius terre vel provincie Preussis- ches Urkundenbuch, vol. II, ed. M. Hein, E. Maschke, Königsberg 1932, no. 50. 3 Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, hrsg. v. Verein für Mecklenburgische Ge- schichte und Altertumskunde, Schwerin 1863; vol. II, hrsg. v. Verein für Mecklenbur- gische Geschichte und Altertumskunde, Schwerin 1864; vol. III, hrsg. v. Verein für Mecklenburgische Geschichte und Altertumskunde, Schwerin 1865; 62 documents where Pribislaw (I) and his sons are mentioned. 4 Pommersches Urkundebuch, vol. I, ed. R. Klempin, Stettin 1868; vol. II, ed. Rodgero Prümers, Stettin 1885; vol. III, ed. Rodgero Prümers, Stettin 1888; 34 documents where Pribislaw (I) and his sons are mentioned. 28 Grzegorz Płotka could also be found in Perlbach’s Pommerelisches Urkundenbuch5 and in the second volume of Preusisches Urkundenbuch.6 Apart from diplomatic sources, some interesting data could be found in monastic necrologies,7 genealogical works concerning the Mecklenburg or Pomeranian Principality8 and scientific publications such as M. G. Beyer’s Urkundliche Geschichte des Für- sten Pribislaw I. von Parchim-Richenberg und seiner Nachkommen.9 Next in order are the works of P. von Niessen and E. Sauer, more concerned with the history of the land rather than the rulers.10 After World Word II, when the Polish-German border was re-drawn pursuant to various peace treaties, few works were published. The most important for our topic are the works of Jerzy Spors, Dariusz Wybranowski and Błażej Śliwiński.11 Błażej Śliwiński’s article, along with some of his other works, shows a slightly different story of duke Pribizlaw (II) than the other historians.12 In this paper, the author agrees with most of his suggestions and tries to organize the body of information. To understand the complex history of Pribislaw, we must first try to understand the history of his homeland – the Mecklenburg Principality.13 In

5 Pommerelisches Urkundenbuch, hrsg, von M. Perlbach, Danzig 1881–1882. 6 Preusisches Urkundenbuch, vol. II. 7 G.C.F. Lisch, Nekrologium der ӓltesten Fürsten Meklenburgs aus dem Fenster im Kreuz- gange des Kloster Doberan (Doberan Nekrologium), “Jahrbucher des Vereins für mecklenburgische Geschichte und Altertumskunde”, 1, 1836. 8 E. Rymar, Rodowód książąt pomorskich, Szczecin 2005. 9 W.G. Beyer, Urkundlische Geschichte des Fürsten Pribislaw I. von Parchim-Richenberg und seiner Nachkommen, “Jahrbücher der Vereins für Mecklenburgische Geschichte”, 11, 1846, p. 36–97. 10 P. von Niessen, Geschichte der Neumark im Zeitalter ihrer Entstehung und Besiedlung, Landberg 1905; E. Sauer, Der Adel wӓhrend der Besiedlung Ostpommerns (der Lӓnder Kolberg, Schlawe, Stolp) 1250–1350, Stettin 1939. 11 J. Spors, Dzieje polityczne ziemi sławieńskiej, słupskiej i białogardzkiej XII–XVI wiek, Poznań 1973 and Przybysław z książąt meklemburskich, [w:] Polski Słownik Biograficz- ny, vol. XXIX, iss. I, Wrocław–Warszawa–Kraków–Gdańsk–Łódź 1986, p. 130–131; D. Wybranowski, Upadek polityczny księcia Przybysława II, pana na Dobrej, Biało gardzie i Olesznie, a sprawa likwidacji enklaw wpływów brandenburskich na Pomorzu zachodnim do 1291–1292 roku, “Przegląd Zachodniopomorski”, 14, 1999, 2; B. Śliwiń- ski, Kilka uzupełnień do biografii księcia meklemburskiego Przybysława II, zięcia księcia wschodniopomorskiego Mściwoja II, “Średniowiecze polskie i powszechne”, 3, 2011. 12 B. Śliwiński, Zjazd gnieźnieński z października 1290, zjazd nakielski z sierpnia 1291 r., postanowienia i reperkusje, [in:] “Odkrywcy–Princepsi–Rozbójnicy, Studia z dziejów średniowiecza”, 13, 2007, p. 299–331. 13 P. Donat, H. bei der Wieden, Mecklenburg, [in:] Lexikon des Mittelalters, VI, Stuttgart– Weimar 1999, p. 438–442. Pribislaw (II) Without Land – Exiled Duke in search of a new realm 29

the mid-12th century it was a small state in northern Germany modelled on the former Slavic political organization called the Obodritten Union and ruled by the baptized descendents of their leaders.14 The line of Mecklenburg dukes begins from Henry Borwin (I) – son of Pribislaw and grandson of Niklot. The next leader Henry Borwin (II) left four sons, who, after his death in the year 1227, started the four lines of Mecklenburg dukes. John (I) as the eldest son became ruler of Mecklenburg, Nicolas (I) – Werle, Henry Bor- win (III) – Rostock and Pribislaw called “the First” – Parchim-Richenberg.

Early life

Almost nothing certain is known about the life of Pribislaw the Second. His- torians are not sure when he was born, who his mother was and whether he was Pribislaw the First’s only or one of two sons of the same or similar name – Pribislaw.15 Most probably, he was born in the 1240s as the younger son of Duke of Parchim-Richenberg in Mecklenburgia and Richard of Freisack’s daughter of an unknown name.16 Before Pribislaw (II) reached adulthood, Count Guncelin the Third of Schwerin attacked Parchim in 1256, forcing the incumbent duke to escape.17 Guncelin’s actions were left without response from the rest of Pribislaw’s family, which in fact accepted the new reality. This may lead us to conclude that there must have been opposition to Pribislaw’s rule, mainly in the borderlands of his small country, reminiscent of his earlier conflict with Rudolf (I), bishop of Schwerin, over Bützow castle close to the Parchim-Richenberg Principality. Pribislaw (I) resented such a structure being located so close to his lands and so, in 1255, he burnt the castle down, taking Rudolf prisoner. A few months later after paying the ransom Rudolf was freed, but this did not end the conflict, as Pribislaw had been excommunicated by the bishop for his actions.18

14 A. Turasiewicz, Dzieje polityczne Obodrytów od IX wieku do utraty niepodległości w latach 1160–1164, Kraków 2004, p. 291. 15 In diplomatic sources, the name Pribislaw is written as: Pribislaus (Pribezlaus, Pribezlao, Pribeslao) or Pribico (Pribiko, Prywico). 16 J. Spors, Przybysław, p. 130–131; Althought Pribislaw was the younger son of Parchim- Richenberg duke Pribislaw (I), he is known in historiography as Pribisaw (II) because historians had conflated both sons: lord of Wolin and lord of Białogard in one person. 17 D. Wybranowski, Upadek…, p. 9. 18 H. Remmel, Der zweite Pribislaw und das Richenberger Schloss, http://www.langenbru- etz.de/kirchsteig/lb_bribislaw.htm. 30 Grzegorz Płotka

The former Parchim-Richenberg Principality was divided among Count Guncelin (III) and Pribislaw’s (I) brothers John (I), duke of Mecklenburg and Nicolas (II), duke of Werle. Pribislaw together with his family went into exile to Western Pomerania Principality. Abandoned by almost everyone, the exiled Duke looked for allies on his own, and finally found them in the margraves of Brandenburg Otto V and Albrecht III from a younger line. In 1261, he became their vassal and gave them rights to his former land on the understanding that if the margraves managed to recover Parchim-Richenberg he would receive another territory instead.19 One year later, when Rudolf, the bishop of Schwerin, died in 1262, Pribislaw (I) asked his brothers if he could return and reign in Parchim again. The request was refused, so the only hope of regaining his land was in the Mar- graves. And in fact they took Parchim in 1269, forcing count Guncelin (III) to surrender, but the Principality did not return to Pribislaw (I). Probably, at the same time, the duke of Western Pomerania Barnim (I) gave the exiled duke the Wolin island.20

Western Pomerania period

Giving Pribislaw (I) lordship in Wolin drew the duke away from his former allies – the Margraves. This was very important for Barnim (I). Pribislaw (I)’s reign in Wolin spanned two years until his death in 1272.21 We cannot be sure what happened to Wolin after Pribislaw (I)’s death. No sources attest that the island returned to Western Pomerania Principality or stayed in the family of the exiled duke. The new ruler – Pribislaw – is mentioned in the year 1276, that is, four years after the death of Pribislaw (I). Pribislaw of Wolin was the eldest son of the exiled duke and ruled the island until the year 1289 when he died.22 But Pribislaw of Wolin is not the one we should talk about, because our character is the younger not the elder son. When Pribislaw (I) became Lord of Wolin, his younger son started making his own political career under the tutelage of the Margraves. The first

19 M. Smoliński, Sytuacja na pograniczu askańsko-meklemburskim w II połowie XIII w. i na przełomie XIII/XIV w. Najazd brandenburski na Pomorze sławieńskie w 1306 r., “Po- morze, Mazowsze, Prusy. Gdańskie Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza”, 7, 2000, p. 183–184. 20 Ibidem, p. 185. 21 E. Rymar, Rodowód…, p. 290; W.G. Beyer, op. cit., p. 78–81; other date of death (1st Au- gust 1262) is in Doberaner, op. cit., p. 135–136. 22 B. Śliwiński, Kilka…, p. 91; E. Rymar, Rodowód…, p. 290–291. Pribislaw (II) Without Land – Exiled Duke in search of a new realm 31 step was marriage. On 1 April 1269 in Arnswalde (Choszczno) Mestwin (II), who was at that time only a co-ruler of Eastern Pomerania Principality concluded an agreement with Margraves Otto IV and Conrad (from the elder line), in which he became their vassal in all his lands except Belgard upon the Leba river (Białogarda nad Łebą).23 But what is more important for us is the beginning of that legal act containing a paragraph about the marriage of one of Mestwin’s daughters. From later sources we know that the bride was Catherina and the groom was Pribislaw (II). The Arnswalde Treaty was a great opportunity for Pribislaw (II) to start his own politics, and maybe even return to Parchim, or at least to rule some territory which he could obtain from the margraves. Mestwin hoped that through this agreement he would receive military support necessary for his future struggle against his brother Warcislaw.24 But the real “winners” were the margraves, as with no input on their part they obtained the rights to a portion of Eastern Pomera- nia and through the marriage of Catherina and Pribislaw (II) they rendered by some means the agreement between Pribislaw (I) and Barnim (I) inef- fective. However, the whole situation was not so easy. The agreement with margraves did not help Pribislaw who probably at that time had no land of his own and had to live with his family in Wolin. After his father’s death, his elder brother became the new ruler of the island. Pribislaw (II) was probably treated as a potential traitor or at least as a man devoid of loyalty to his liege lord Western Pomeranian duke Barnim (I).

On their own

We do not know when Pribislaw (II) obtained his own domain. Some historians thought that it was circa 1276 and that land was Wolin, but we have to remember that Pribislaw (II) had an elder brother of the same name and probably he is mentioned in the act of 1276 as a Pribico domicellus de Wolyn.25 Our Pribislaw was a younger son and it would be very strange if he ruled instead of his brother, who was still alive at that time. From later sources we know that Pribislaw (II) was a ruler of Belgard upon the Parsente river on the eastern border of Western

23 Pommerelisches, no. 238; B. Śliwiński, Układ księcia wschodniopomorskiego Mściwoja II z margrabiami brandenburskimi w Choszcznie z 1269 roku. Powrót problemu, “Mieszcza- nie, wasale, zakonnicy. Studia z dziejów średniowiecza”, 10, 2004, p. 267–293. 24 B. Śliwiński, Układ…, op. cit., p. 271–282. 25 Pommersches, vol. II, no. 1044. 32 Grzegorz Płotka

Pomerania Principality. With that title he was first mentioned on 14 April 1280 as one of the witnesses in duke Boguslaw’s (IV) act for Ueckermünde (Wkryujś- cie).26 It is likely that he received that land between 1278 and 1280 and it could be related with the first signs of partnership between Boguslaw (IV) and Mestwin (II).27 The situation of Pribislaw was complicated by the war which had broken out in 1283. During that conflict, a wide coalition including Boguslaw (IV), Wis- law (II) duke of Rugia and Hanza cities such as Lübeck was defeated by the Margraves and their allies – king of Denmark Eric and Przemysl (II) duke of Polonia Major. The peace treaty was signed in August 1284 in Koły and was very unfavorable for Boguslaw (IV) – he had to pay 4000 grivnas (marks) of silver for Wkryujście land. Moreover, he had to transfer to the margraves the lands of Dobern (Dobra), Oleszno and Lobez (Łobez) or, alternatively instead of Lobez, Belgard upon Parsente.28 The document has a long list of witnesses from both sides. It mentions Henry of Freisack, one of the Pribislaw’s (II) relatives, as the key supporter of the margraves . But more interestingly, the list misses one person – Pribis- law (II) Lord of Belgard. The conclusion is obvious: he did not take part in that conflict. If he had done so, he would have had to choose between supporting Boguslaw (IV), and then he would have fought against his family, and helping margraves, which in fact meant a betrayal of his liege lord (senior). Although Boguslaw was unsure about Pribislaw’s loyalty, and when the time came to pay the margraves for the repurchase Ueckermünde, he decided to act on his promise by giving them the lands of Dabern, Oleszno and Belgard instead of Lobez. To keep Belgard, Pribislaw (II) swore loyalty to the Margraves (Otto IV and Conrad I) on 29 October 1285 and became their vassal.29 Two year later, he received from his new lords also Dabern and Oleszno.30 Giving Pribislaw Boguslaw’s (IV) former land was the margraves’ political tactic intended to weaken both the Western Pomerania duke and the newly forged alliance of Boguslaw, Mestwin and Przemysl. Pribislaw as Mestwin’s son-in- law could not be removed without his approval, but as long as Pribislaw did not stand against Boguslaw, Mestwin or Przemysl, he could be tolerated. What is more, we should remember that Pribislaw did not betray Boguslaw, who in

26 Pommersches , vol. II, no. 1158. 27 Pommersches, no. 299. 28 Pommersches, vol. II, no. 1312. 29 Pommersches, vol. II, no. 1355. 30 Pommersches, vol. III, no. 1431. Pribislaw (II) Without Land – Exiled Duke in search of a new realm 33

fact gave Belgard and other lands to the margraves to keep Wkryujście. Pribis- law just had to accept the new lords or else he would have lost his realm. But Pribislaw was also useful for margraves in his struggle against Mecklenburg Dukes, which helped Boguslaw and Wislaw (II) during the war in 1283 to 1284. So when in 1287 Wislaw concluded an agreement with Meklenburg Dukes, Margraves gave Pribislaw the Lands of Dabern and Oleszno. The duke could hope that together with his new liege lords he would regain Parchim Prin- cipality, but two years later in 1289 the situation changed again.31 Margraves alongside with Wislaw (II) made an agreement regarding the division of Pom- erania – especially Mestwin’s domain, and Pribislaw was left out.32

Exiled duke

After the death of his father-in-law Eastern Pomerania Duke Mestwin (II) in December 1294 Pribislaw was slowly losing his position. Strongly connected with the margraves, Lord of Belgard could be attacked by Western Pomerania duke Boguslaw (IV) or Przemysl (II) – Mestwin’s heir. Luckily for Pribis- law (II), in the following year the attack did not come. Boguslaw (IV) had to deal with the new situation. Through the manipulations of Margraves, the Western Pommerania Principality was divided between Boguslaw and his younger brother – Otto.33 Also Przemysl (II) did not try to remove Pribis- law (II) from Belgard. Polonia Major Duke had his own problems and was more concerned about gaining the crown than a small vassal of Brandenburg Margraves.34 But in 1296, the situation changed again. Przemysl was killed and according to old treaties with Mestwin (II), Boguslaw (IV) sent an army to conquer Eastern Pomerania.35 However, the expedition did not succeed. On his way, Boguslaw captured Belgard, forcing Pribislaw to escape.36 The

31 Pribislaw’s teritorial aspirations could be find in the act from the year 1289, M. Smoliński, op. cit., p. 193–199 and Pommersches, no. 445. 32 M. Smoliński, op. cit., p. 198–199. 33 D. Wybranowski, Udział rycerstwa w konflikcie Bogusława IV z juniorami w latach 1294– 1295. Przyczynek do układów podziałowych księstwa zachodniopomorskiego w 1295 r., “Przegląd Zachodniopomorski”, 15, 2000, 3. 34 E. Rymar, Stosunki Przemysła II z margrabiami brandenburskimi ze starszej linii askań- skiej w latach 1279–1296, [in:] Przemysł II. Odnowienie Królestwa Polskiego, Poznań 1997, p. 134–144. 35 B. Śliwiński, Zjazd…, p. 320–329. 36 T. Kantzow, Pomerania. Kronika pomorska z XVI wieku, I, Szczecin 2005, p. 379. 34 Grzegorz Płotka

Margraves failed to help their vassal, so after Boguslaw’s expedition against Pribislaw (II) he left his land and went to Eastern Pomerania where he had some land received from his father-in-law Mestwin (II) – probably Cather- ine’s dowry, located between Berent (Kościerzyna) and Parchau (Parchowo) along with some territory located close to Bütow (Bytów) or Berent in the middle part of former Mestwin’s (II) Principality.37 After 1296, there are only four pieces of information about Pribislaw (II). First from the year 1304 when he was one of the witnesses of an agreement between the bishop of Cammin (Kamień Pomorski) and Eastern Pomeranian knights represented by the Czech governor Friedrich from Szachowice.38 In another act between Święca, Eastern Pomerania governor (wojewoda) and his son Peter (Piotr) chancellor, Pribislaw is mentioned without any title or land. However, this could have been Pribislaw (II) due to his high position on the list, as Błażej Śliwiński claims.39 The second time Pribislaw (II) was mentioned on 1 January 1312 when together with his wife Catharine and his children Mestwin and Lukardis he pawned Lake Mausz to the Teutonic Order. In the contract, he was described as a nobilis vir dominus Primico princeps generosus licet nullius terre vel provincie – noble lord without country.40 Probably, the money he received was used by him for another attempt to recover Parchim-Richenberg Principality, we can even find him as one of the knights supporting the Rugian Duke Wislaw (II) on 21 June 1316 in the battle of Heinholt (near Stralsund).41 The information about Pribislaw’s (II) participation in that battle is contrary to the Necrology of Doberan Monastery, because according to that source, in 1315 he was dead.42 We do not know where Pribislaw (II) was buried and what happened to his family. Probably, after his death they lived in their estate in former Eastern Pomerania Principality.43

37 B. Śliwiński, Kilka uzupełnień…, p. 100, 102. 38 Pommerelisches, no. 626. 39 B. Śliwiński, Kilka uzupełnień…, p. 99–100. 40 Preusisches, vol. II, no. 50. 41 Johann Berckmanns Stralsundische Chronik und noch vorhandenen Auszüge aus alten verloren gegangenen stralsundischen Chroniken, eds. G.Ch.F. Mohnike, E.H. Zober, Stralsund 1833, p. 311. 42 Doberaner Nekrologium, p. 135–136. 43 E. Rymar, Rodowód…, p. 291–292; E. Rymar, Pochodzenie Ludgardy, żony Władysława, księcia bytomsko-kozielskiego. Polityczne motywy mariażu (ok. 1328–1369), “Zapiski Historyczne”, 55, 1990, 1, p. 720. Pribislaw (II) Without Land – Exiled Duke in search of a new realm 35

Streszczenie

Przybysław (II) bez Ziemi – wygnany książę w poszukiwaniu władztwa

Życie Przybysława (II) wciąż pozostaje jedną z zagadek średniowiecznego Pomorza. Opierając się na źródłach historycznych, możemy z całą pewno- ścią stwierdzić, że taki książę żył, a jego ojcem był Przybysław (I) – władca Parchima‑Richenberga, pozbawiony księstwa i wygnany w 1256 r. Imię matki, data urodzenia, ślubu czy nawet śmierci są nieznane bądź niepewne. Nie są to bynajmniej jedyne białe plamy w jego biografii, mimo to ze strzępków informacji, jakimi dysponujemy, wyłania się historia człowieka, który pomimo prze- ciwność walczy dalej. Wygnany i pozbawiony praw do księstwa Przybysław (II) nie wyzbył się ambicji, starając się prowadzić własną politykę. Wspierany przez władców Zachodniego pomorza, spokrewniony z rycerstwem meklemburskim oraz złączony małżeństwem z córką Mściwoja II, ten syn wygnanego księga liczył zapewne na odzyskanie utraconego Parchimia. W rzeczywistości okazał się jedynie pionkiem w rękach swoich sojuszników, którzy najpierw uczynili go władcą Białogardu, by później pozbawić go władzy i wygnać. Zmu- szony po raz kolejny do wędrówki Przybysław (II) przeniósł się do położonych na Pomorzu wschodnim dóbr swojej żony. Nie zrezygnował jednak z dalszych starań, także zbrojnych, o odzyskanie księstwa Parchim-Richenberg. Celu swojego jednak nie osiągnął.

Rafał Kubicki University of Gdańsk

The mendicant orders in the State of the Teutonic Order in Prussia and Royal Prussia in the 13th–16th centuries – research proposal

Abstract

I. Research project objectives / Research hypothesis

The aim of the proposed study is to illustrate a situation in which mendicant orders (Dominicans, Franciscans, Observants, Augustinians and Carmelites) conducted their activity in the State of the Teutonic Order and Royal Prussia from the perspective of individual congregations. To what extent were peripheral territories, from the point of view of the headquarters of individual congregation, forced to use solutions different from those applied in Western Europe. Apart from the organizational perspective, we also mean to assess the potential of mendicant orders with regard to their property, their method of recruitment of management groups, their territorial origin as well as their significance in the entire monastic province. All this will be analyzed from the perspective of their participation in the church and social lives of the areas as a stimulant for new forms of religious activities among lower layers of urban society.

II. Research project methodology

The basis for the proposed study will be a preliminary research of printed sources and national archives, i.e. the state archives in Gdańsk, Toruń and Byd goszcz, in the Gdańsk Library of the Polish Academy of Sciences, in the Gehe- 38 Rafał Kubicki

imes Staatsarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz in Berlin and Staatsbibliothek in Berlin, in the Diocesan Archives in Pelplin and Włocławek and the Archdiocese Archive in Olsztyn and in Polish Dominican, Carmelite and Franciscan Provin- cial Archives in Kraków. Both the state and type of preserved sources make it necessary for the information to be continuously confronted with the findings from analogous studies, concerning not only on the same monastic administration units, but also the history of entire congregations.

III. The expected impact of research project on the development of science, civilization and society

The study will enable us to answer the question about the true nature of the activity of mendicant orders, traditionally bound to urban environment, in areas where cities were only founded when mendicants had arrived there. The outcome of this study will be a mendicant biographical dictionary without which it would be difficult to imagine further prosopographical studies of monastic clergy present in these areas and elsewhere in the late Middle Ages.

IV. Justification – basic research

Our historical research will be based on available historical sources – both printed, and most of all manuscripts which are kept in numerous archives in Poland and abroad. Only when we have collected the unusually scattered materials in one base will we be able to prepare a monographic presentation of the subject which will deal with many detailed questions. The state and type of source materials as well as the character of monastic institutions operating within broader structures covering the entire Latin Europe make it necessary for the information from our source materials to be continuously confronted with the findings from analogous studies, concerning not only on the same monastic administration units, but also the history of entire congregations. The need for such a monograph can be easily proved when you browse through the existing Polish and foreign literature about the functioning of individual congregations where, apart from numerous distortions, one can find many evident mistakes, e.g. incorrect location of individual friaries or the time when they were founded.

Historical literature has on numerous occasions pointed to the appearance in urban space of mendicant orders (Dominicans and Franciscans, and later The mendicant orders in the State of the Teutonic Order in Prussia… 39

also Augustian Hermites and Carmelites) as an important breakthrough. These orders played a major role in the transforming 13th–century communities of European cities, not only as a carrier of the new model of mass ministry, but also as an important factor of the Church reform. The number of mendicant orders was also indicated as one of the determinants of the level of urbanisation and the role of particular urban entities (Jacques Le Goff1). Taking this question into account is vital also in the case of Central Europe, including Poland and the state of the Teutonic Order in Prussia, not only with regard to the beginnings of each of the congregations in the 13th century, but also their activities in the 14th and 15th centuries.2 The scope of research covers a total of 27 friaries of the individual orders.3 The extremely critical goal of the planned research is to capture the peculiarity of the situation in which the mendicants (Dominicans,4 Franciscans,5 Franciscan

1 J. Le Goff, Apostolate mendiants et fait urbain dans la France médiévale: l’implantation géographique et sociologique des ordres mendiants (XIIIe–XVe s.), „Revue d’histoire de l’Église de France”, 54, 1968, 152, p. 65–89; J. Le Goff,Ordres mendiants et urbanisation dans la France médiévale: état de l’enquête, „Annales E.S.C.”, 25, 1970, 4, p. 924–946. 2 The locations of towns and foundation of mendicant friaries in the State of Teutonic Order in Prussia from the 13th c. to the early 16th c. is presented on the attached map. 3 M. Biskup, Das Verhältnis des Deutschen Ordens zu den anderen Orden in Preußen, [in:] Ritterorden und Kirche im Mittelalter (Ordines militares Colloquia Torunensia Historica, vol. IX), ed. Z.H. Nowak, Toruń 1997, p. 61–79; M. Biskup, Średniowieczna sieć klasztorów w państwie zakonu krzyżackiego w Prusach (do 1525 roku), “Zapiski His- toryczne”, 64, 1999, iss. 1, p. 35–61; R. Kubicki, Die Rolle der Bettelorden im Ordensland Preußen, [in:] Cura animarum, Seelsorge im Deutschordensland des Mittelalters, ed. S. Samerski, Forschungen und Quellen zur Kirchen- und Kulturgeschichte Ostdeutsch- lands, vol. XLV, Köln–Weimar–Wien 2013, p. 74–78. Dominicans (Gdańsk, Chełmno, Elbląg, Toruń, Tczew, Gierdawy), Franciscans (Toruń, Chełmno, Nowe, Braniewo, Welawa, Barczewo, Gdańsk), Franciscan Observants (Welawa, Zalewo, Lębork, Lub- awa, Tylża, Królewiec), Augustinians (Reszel, Chojnice, Świętomiejsce, Patollen) and Carmelites (Gdańsk, Kętrzyn, Dzierzgoń, Prabuty). 4 J. Kłoczowski, Dominikanie polscy nad Bałtykiem w XIII w., “Nasza Przeszłość”, 6, 1957, p. 83–126; J. Kłoczowski, Dominikanie polscy nad Bałtykiem w XIV–XVI stuleciu, [in:] Pastori et magistro. Praca zbiorowa wydana dla uczczenia jubileuszu 50-lecia kapłaństwa Jego Ekscelencji ks. bp dr P. Kałwy profesora i Wielkiego Kanclerza KUL, Lublin 1966, p. 489–508; T. Jasiński, Początki klasztoru dominikańskiego w Toruniu, “Zapiski His- toryczne”, 54, 1989, iss. 4, p. 23–48; D.A. Dekański, Początki zakonu dominikańskiego prowincji polsko-czeskiej. Pokolenie św. Jacka w zakonie, Gdańsk 1999; R. Kubicki, Śro- dowisko dominikanów kontraty pruskiej od XIII do połowy XVI wieku, Gdańsk 2007; K. Kaczmarek, Szkoły i studia polskich dominikanów w okresie średniowiecza, Poznań 2005. 5 F. Doelle, Die martinianische Reformbewegung in der sächsischen Franziskanerprovinz (Mittel- und Nordostdeutschland) im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert, Münster in Westf. 1921; 40 Rafał Kubicki

Observants,6 Augustinians7 and Carmelites8) operated in these regions not only from the standpoint of the respective congregations, but also of individual order, or even provinces. To what extent were peripheral territories, as viewed by the principal organisational centres of the particular congregations, forced to apply solutions different from those known in Western Europe. However, this problem will be considered not only through the analysis of normative sources (decisions of provincial chapters), as they have been preserved to vestigial degrees, but it will also be based on a reconstruction of the staffing policy with respect to each order and its potential in the community base. In this context, the question also needs to be raised about the role of the organisational power and functional model of each order, its relations with the central structures of the congregation seen as the organisational and intellectual base, different in the case of Dominicans (the Polish province) and the other congregations (Franciscans, Augustinians, Carmelites and Observants in the Saxon province). Consideration should also be given to the role of local friaries and their representatives in the life of the entire province and the orde, e.g. what factors determined their op- erational efficacy – their relations with the authorities, the community base, human resources, their support of the papacy. Did each of the congregation develop its own model of operating, to what extent was it able to adapt to the local conditions. Of what significance to each city was the fact of mendicant friaries operating within their limits and what does it say of the general condition of these municipalities in the Middle Ages? An important issue is

K. Maj, Początki klasztorów franciszkanów i dominikanów w Toruniu, “Rocznik To ruński”, 13, 1978, p. 217–230; J. Tandecki, Założenie i początki klasztoru franciszkanów toruńskich w XIII–XIV w., “Zapiski Historyczne”, 54, 1989, iss. 4, p. 7–22; H. Nieder- meier, Die Franziskaner in Preussen, Livland und Litauen im Mittelalter, “Zeitschrift für Ostforschung”, 27 1978, iss. 1, p. 1–31. 6 L. Lemmens, Die Franziskanerkustodie Livland und Preussen. Beitrag zur Kirchenge- schichte der Gebiete des Deutschen Ordens, Düsseldorf 1912. 7 H. Eysenblätter, Die Klöster der Augustiner Eremiten im Nordosten Deutschlands, “A l t - preußische Monatschrift”, 35, 1898, p. 357–391; A. Poschmann, Das Augustinerkloster in Rössel, “Zeitschrift für die Geschichte und Altertumskunde Ermlands”, 24, 1932, p. 81–189; E. J. Guttzeit, Das Kloster Patollen (zur heiligen Dreifaltigkeit) innerhalb der Geschichte des Rittergutes Gross Waldeck, Kreis Pr. Eylau, [in:] Studien zur Geschichte des Preussenlandes. Festschrift für Erich Keyser zu seinem 70. Geburtstag dargebracht von Freunden und Schülern, ed. E. Bahr, Marburg 1963, p. 195–215; Z. Kratochwil, Au- gustianie w Chojnicach (1356–1819), “Rocznik Gdański”, 49, 1989, iss. 1, p. 23–49. 8 G.A. Donner, St. Erich in Danzig, “Mitteilungen des Westpreußischen Geschichtsver- eins”, 29, 1930, 3, p. 39–47; T.M. Trajdos, U zarania karmelitów w Polsce, Warszawa 1993. The mendicant orders in the State of the Teutonic Order in Prussia… 41

also the attitude of mendicants to the ideals of poverty underlying their origin, and its role not only in shaping the self-awareness of the orders, but also in their perception in the community base. Also noteworthy is the role of the functional model of the congregations and their reactions to social and political transformations. What determined the crisis of the ‘old’ mendicant orders and the great success of the Franciscan Observants, which could be seen in the 15th century. The activity of mendicants should also be perceived in relation to the conditions in which the communities of each municipality functioned. Beside the administrative and organisational perspective, the legal and economic conditions of their activity, it is crucial to stress the personal connections of their family relationships in these communities (recruitment circles). This study of the subject, intended as a monograph, will afford a better understanding not only of the context of the actions of friars, but also of the functioning of urban communities, and their dissemination in book form will provide the opportunity to provide broader synthetic depictions which will also address the neighbouring regions.

Any research in the history of the Church, including the history of orders, is distinctly marked by a lack of studies chronologically extending past the 14th c., which is caused by the need to conduct an arduous search query in unpublished archival sources. The situation with the history of the individual congregations of mendicant orders is similar also in Teutonic and Royal Prus- sia. The postulate for this type of research covering the entire 14th century and the extensive use of surviving accounts of urban provenance has been raised for a long time (Jerzy Kłoczowski).9 The problem of the functioning of mendicant congregations in these regions has usually been investigated separately, except in the work by Werner Roth,10 which is nowadays outdated and leaves out of account the sources of monastic provenance, dedicated to the situation of Dominicans and Franciscans in Teutonic Prussia up to 1466, or, as side notes to general studies concerned with the history of a particular

9 J. Kłoczowski, Polska prowincja dominikańska w średniowieczu i Rzeczypospolitej Obojga (Wielu) Narodów, Studia nad historią dominikanów w Polsce, vol. V, Po- znań 2008. 10 W. Roth, Die Dominikaner und Franziskaner im Deutsch-Ordensland Preußen bis zum Jahre 1466, Königsberg 1918. 42 Rafał Kubicki order (Kamil Kantak,11 Grzegorz Uth,12 Adalbero Kunzelmann,13 Leonhard Lemmens,14 Jürgen Sarnowsky15). In connection with this, all mendicant congregations operating in these regions regarded as a relatively homogen- eous organisational form of church corporation in the long-term perspective reaching the 16th c. will be the subject of my considerations. Not only does the above-mentioned perspective encompass the Church reformation period, but also the situation of the orders after the dissolution of the majority of friaries in the 2nd half of the 16th c. Only a holistic view of the activity of all mendicant congregations in these regions in a long time frame permits a realistic assessment of their activity and significance for social and ecclesiastical life. The need to conduct such a study is also confirmed by a survey of the existing national and foreign literature on the functioning of each of the congregations, in which, apart from a large number of misrepresentations, numerous evident errors can be found, including incorrect locations of friaries or the specified time of their foundation (Heribert Holzapfel,16 A. Kunzelmann17). A reconstruction of the forms of social life in the Middle Ages is not possible without presenting the role of the Church at that time, including mendicant orders. Not only did the pastoral activity of orders influence the emergence of new forms of religion, which were focused on individual piety,

11 K. Kantak, Franciszkanie polscy, vol. I, Kraków 1937. 12 G. Uth, Szkic historyczno-biograficzny zakonu augustjańskiego w Polsce, Kraków 1930. 13 A. Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. III, Die bayerische Provinz bis zum Ende des Mittelalters, Würzburg 1972; vol. V, Die sächsisch-thüringis- che Provinz und die sächsische Reformkongregation bis zum Untergang der Beiden, Würzburg 1974. 14 L. Lemmens, Aus ungedruckten Franziskanerbriefen des XVI. Jahrhunderts, Münster i. W. 1911; L. Lemmens, Aus der Geschichte der deutschen Franziskaner im Ordenslande Preußen, “Mitteilungen des Coppernicus-Vereins für Wissenschaft und Kunst zu Thorn”, 20, 1912, p. 58–64;Urkundenbuch des alten sächsischen Franziskanerprovin- zen, I. Die Observantenkustodie Livland und Preussen, II. Die Kustodie Preussen, ed. L. Lemmens, Düsseldorf 1913; L. Lemmens, Zu den Anfängen der Franziskanerklöster im Ordenslande, “Mitteilungen des Coppernicus-Vereins für Wissenschaft und Kunst zu Thorn”, 21, 1913, p. 2–8. 15 J. Sarnowsky, Die Dominikaner und Franziskaner im Ordensland Preußen, [in:] Fran- ciscan Organisation in the Mendicant Context. Formal and informal structures of the friars‘ lives and ministry in the Middle Ages, Vita Regularis Ordnungen und Deutungen religiosen Lebens im Mittelalter, vol. XL, eds. M. Robson, J. Röhrkasten, Berlin 2010, p. 43–64. 16 H. Holzapfel, Manuale historiae ordinis fratrum minorum, Freiburg im Br. 1909. 17 A. Kunzelmann, op. cit., vol. III, V. The mendicant orders in the State of the Teutonic Order in Prussia… 43 but it also impacted the economic decisions of city dwellers seen through the prism of religion-based instructions in last wills. The study will make it possible to answer the question as to what the activity of mendicant orders, traditionally associated with the urban environment, looked like in practice in the areas where a network of towns was just emerging when mendicants arrived there. The peculiarity of the situation of mendicants in Teutonic Prussia followed from the fact that it was a state established and developed by a church corporation – a knights’ order. As a result of the settlement efforts made by Teutonic knights, there appeared bishoprics, chapters as well as new cities, the last of which were the traditional hotbed of mendicant activity. The situation of individual friaries and congregations was not uniform in the entire territory, since autonomous policies regarding new foundations were being implemented by individual bishops. Still different was the practice in Eastern Pomerania, where, in the 13th c., mendicant friaries were founded by local princes. Individual friaries operated in diverse environments: cities, towns and villages, among people of German, Slavic and Prussian descent. How, under the circumstances, were the objectives contained in monastic regulations (the rule and constitutions) accomplished and what were the methods of adjustment to local conditions? Did the peripherality of these regions have a significant impact on the forms of their activities and the life of individual monastic communities? The problem of peripherality will be considered in the paper not only through the analysis of normative sources and a comprehensive comparative study in the area of monastic legislation (above all, decisions of provincial chapters). This would be impossible since sources de- riving from the provinces have been preserved in a fragmentary condition and that only in the case of Dominicans. The discussion of the problem will also be primarily based on the reconstruction of the human resources policy of the provincial authorities with respect to individual friaries as well as the evaluation of the potential of convents and their support in the social resources base. For the purpose of comparison, the existing literature on the subject, touching upon the problem of peripherality in the functioning of monastic structures and, to a greater extent, those of the church will be taken into account. The studies will produce an answer to the above questions. Also, the research will result in a biographical dictionary of mendicants, without which it would be difficult to imagine further prosopographic studies into monastic clergy operating in this area and elsewhere in the late Middle Ages. The study 44 Rafał Kubicki

will provide a possibly complete picture of the functioning of mendicant orders in Teutonic and Royal Prussia, and also will constitute a vital stage in the research of the history of the particular monastic congregations in this part of Europe.

III

The starting point for presenting the role of the individual mendicant orders and their friaries in the urban communities of Royal and Teutonic Prus- sia will be an examination of the context of their foundation, the local conditions and external circumstances, including those of a general monastic nature. The endowment of friaries and the causes of a different policy introduced in this regard by Pomeranian princes and the Teutonic Order, as well as the progressive differentiation of the treatment of Dominicans and Fran- ciscans by the Teutonic Order will also be subjected to evaluation (W. Roth). The determination of similarities and differences in the internal structure of the authorities of the particular orders at the provincial and friary levels (based on the works of William A. Hinnebusch,18 John Moorman,19 Bert Roest,20 A. Kunzelmann, Joachim Smet and Ulrich Dobhan,21 Frances An- drews,22 Franz-Bernard Lickteig,23 L. Lemmens), and the potential of the individual orders as seen in the perspective of their urban surroundings (a city or a town) will also be of great significance. Apart from the organisational perspective, an assessment will also be provided regarding the potential of mendicants perceived through the prism of the possessed human resources, the method of recruiting administrative groups, their territorial background and the significance within the entire monastic province. Addressing the question of the significance and consequences of peripherality, in the sense of

18 W.A. Hinnebusch, The History of the Dominican Order, vol. 1–2, New York 1966–1973. 19 J. Moorman, A History of the Franciscan Order from its origins to the year 1517, Oxford 1968. 20 B. Roest, A History of Franciscan education (c. 1210–1517), Leiden–Boston–Köln 2000. 21 J. Smet, The Carmelites: a history of the brothers of Our Lady of Mount Carmel, Roma 1975; J. Smet, U. Dobhan, Die Karmeliten. Eine Geschichte der Brüder U.L. Frau vom Berg Karmel von den Anfängen (ca. 1200) bis zum Konzil von Trient, Freiburg–Basel– Wien 1981. 22 F. Andrews, The other friars. The Carmelite, Augustinian, sack and pied friars in the Middle Ages, Woodbridge 2006. 23 F.-B. Lickteig, The German Carmelites at the medieval universities, Roma 1981. The mendicant orders in the State of the Teutonic Order in Prussia… 45 location, in relation to monastic authority centres and municipal structures (friaries in small localities, small chapters – large chapters) will be of much importance. What was the actual role of representatives of provincial authorities in the management of individual friaries, what was the extent of their autonomy and the specific manner, in which they functioned within broader structures (the alms area of a friary)? All of this will be considered from the perspective of their participation in the church and social life of these areas as a factor stimulating new forms of religious activity in the lower tiers of urban communities. The research goals defined in this way will be elaborated upon, based on a detailed search query in preserved printed and archival sources, and the existing literature on the subject. The preliminary research and examination of the literature on all the mendicant communities in the area under investigation indicates differences in their economic situation.24 Interestingly enough, the Teutonic Order applied a different policy with respect to them (W. Roth). It is also indicated in the literature, though only in research limited to individual communities, that the affiliation with a particular monastic province was of much importance for the understanding of the activity of respective orders and their histories during the reformation period (K. Kantak). Emphasis was also placed on the existence of a distinct division in the method of functioning of large and small friaries affiliated with vital urban centres and those found in the suburbs (J. Kłoczowski). However, these theses require verification in detailed investigations and confrontation against a broader background of the functioning of all monastic mendicant communities in this area. Within the framework of the research, an analysis of the entirety of written sources and a step-by-step archival search query are planned. In the first place, they will cover the question of the foundation of friaries and the organisational system used in particular congregations, as well as the friary functioning model. Further stages of the search query

24 S. Chojnacki, Podstawy gospodarcze funkcjonowania klasztorów mendykanckich w pań- stwie krzyżackim w Prusach, “Klio”, 1, 2001, p. 15–39; P. Oliński, Fundacje mieszczańskie w miastach pruskich w okresie średniowiecza i na progu czasów nowożytnych (Chełmno, Toruń, Elbląg, Gdańsk, Królewiec, Braniewo), Toruń 2008; R. Kubicki, „Participationem omnium bonorum” forma i znaczenie przyjęcia do udziału w dobrach duchowych zakonu na przykładzie mendykantów w państwie zakonu krzyżackiego w Prusach, “Nasza Przeszłość”, 112, 2009, p. 55–86; idem, Podstawy ekonomiczne funkcjonowania men- dykantów w państwie krzyżackim i Prusach Królewskich do połowy XVI w., [in:] In- ter oeceonomiam coelestem et terrenam. Mendykanci a zagadnienia ekonomiczne, eds. W. Długokęcki, T. Gałuszka, R. Kubicki, A. Zajchowska, Kraków 2011, p. 183–238. 46 Rafał Kubicki

will allow the collection of biographic materials for the mendicant dictionary, which will be an expansion of the previous research into Dominicans. Based on the literature and archival sources, an attempt will be made to assess the significance of friary peripherality within monastic structures and the role of provincial superiors (provincials and provincial ministers) in the management of friaries.

The basis for the planned research will be supplied by a search query in printed and archival sources. Only after collecting the highly dispersed material in one base will it be possible to prepare a monograph on the subject, in which many detailed questions will be resolved. An important role among the numerous types of sources of monastic provenance will be played by the records of bodies administering each of the communities (records of general and provincial chapters). Unfortunately, the condition, in which they have been preserved, is not satisfactory; in fact, only the provincial chapter records of Dominicans have been preserved. Among other monastic sources, of importance will be narrative sources (in the case of Franciscan Obser- vants) as well as modern friary records (preserved in the case of Francis- can Observants, Dominicans and Carmelites). It will be critical to fully cover sources of municipal provenance (accounts, documents and letters), including not only town ledgers, but also private documents, primarily burghers’ last wills.25 The accounts present in narrative and documentary sources produced by superior authorities (Teutonic knights, the royal court) and other church institutions (bishoprics, chapters) will be of equal importance. Un- published materials from friary and municipal offices, including documents and correspondence can be found in the collections of many state and ecclesiastical archival institutions, both domestic and foreign ones. The search query will include state archives in Poland (Gdańsk, Toruń, Bydgoszcz), church archives (Diocesan Archives in Pelplin and Włocławek, the Warmia Archdiocese Archives in Olsztyn), friary archives (provincial archives of Dominicans, Franciscans and Carmelites in Cracow) and the former archive of the Teutonic Order stored in the Secret State Archives of Prussian Cul-

25 See: R. Kubicki, Sources for the history of mendicant economy in Royal Prussia from the 15th till the beginning of the 16th c., “Hereditas Monasteriorum”, 3, 2013, p. 55–65. The mendicant orders in the State of the Teutonic Order in Prussia… 47 tural Heritage in Berlin (German: Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kul- turbesitz in Berlin Dahlem). The condition and type of preserved sources as well as the character of monastic institutions operating within broader structures encompassing the entire Latin Europe is the reason why information gathered from these accounts will have to be constantly confronted with the results of analogous works pertaining not only to monastic organisation units alone, but also the histories of entire congregations.It is initially assumed that the study will consist of five chapters designed to be a presentation of the individual issues which constitute certain clearly isolated wholes. Chapter I, ‘Friary foundations’, will discuss the reconstruction of the foundations of each of the friaries of mendicant congregations in Teutonic and Royal Prussia. It will include an analysis of the process and foundation conditions. A discussion of planned and unfinished foundations, and an evaluation of the primary endowment of particular foundations and its subsequent changes. Chapter II, ‘An outline of the organisational bases and conditions of the functioning of friaries’ will deal with the similarities and differences in the organisation of monastic and provincial authorities, the problem of control exercised by them and the supervision in particular congregations; also, the issue of the method of operation of a friary, the evaluation of the potential of the individual congregations, the environment of friaries (friary location, social neighbourhood), the question of centralisation and regionalisation in the actions of mendicants and the changes in provincial affiliation of friaries will be discussed. Chapter III, ‘Administrative groups in friaries’ will allow presenting the operation of mendicants from a different perspective. The recruitment of the administrative group, priors and guardians, social and territorial background of friars, their ethnicity, generational consciousness, participation in the authorities and intellectual elite of the province and functional models in the mendicant congregation (public, education and writing activities, administrative and pastoral activities, monastic activity on the provincial scale). Chapter IV, ‘Peripherality within monastic structures and its consequences’, will cover examine the conditions, in which particular friaries had to operate in the studied area- peripheral in relation to the main organisational centres of monastic provinces, but also convents which are considered small as compared to the largest ones in the lower territorial units of the province (con- 48 Rafał Kubicki tratas and vicariates). In connection with this, the role of provincial superiors (provincials and provincial ministers) in the administration of friaries, the school system – education of friars, operation of large and small convents within the monastic organisation, the area of activity of friaries and their recruitment (mendicant districts), the awareness of operating on the fringe of Christianity and attempts to reform mendicants in the 15th c., as well as the activity of Franciscan Observants will be subject to evaluation. In Chapter V, ‘The role of mendicants in church and social life’, will fea- ture an attempt to reconstruct friars’ contacts with secular clergy and bishops as well as with the people of the cities and villages. This part will also present the organisation of porters and Beguines, the relations of mendicants with the Teutonic Order and the Polish royal court after 1454, and the course of the reformation and its consequences. The inventory of superiors and friars of mendicant friaries in Teutonic and Royal Prussia up to the end of the 16th c., excluding the already published inventory of Dominicans, will be a crucial supplement to the presented analyses. It will assume the form of a biographical dictionary.

Streszczenie

Zakony mendykanckie w Państwie Zakonu Krzyżackiego i w Prusach Królewskich w XIII–XVI w. – postulaty badawcze

Celem planowanych badań jest uchwycenie specyfiki sytuacji, w jakiej działali mendykanci (dominikanie, franciszkanie, franciszkanie obserwanci, augustianie eremici i karmelici) w Prusach Krzyżackich i Królewskich z perspektywy poszczególnych zgromadzeń. W jakim stopniu terytoria peryferyjne z punktu widzenia głównych centrów organizacji poszczególnych zgromadzeń wymu- szały zastosowanie innych rozwiązań od tych stosowanych w Europie Zachod- niej. Obok perspektywy organizacyjnej dokonana zostanie również ocena po- tencjału mendykantów widzianego przez pryzmat posiadanych kadr, sposobu rekrutacji grup kierowniczych, ich pochodzenia terytorialnego oraz znaczenia w ramach całej prowincji zakonnej. Wszystko to rozpatrywane będzie w perspektywie ich udziału w życiu kościelnymi i społecznym tych obszarów, jako czynnik stymulujący nowe formy aktywności religijnej niższych warstw spo- łeczności miejskich. The mendicant orders in the State of the Teutonic Order in Prussia… 49

Podstawą planowanych badań będzie kwerenda w źródłach drukowanych i archiwach państwowych w Polsce (Gdańsk, Toruń), kościelnych (Archiwum Diecezjalne w Pelplinie i Włocławku, Archiwum Archidiecezji Warmińskiej w Olsztynie), zakonnych (archiwa prowincjalne dominikanów, franciszka- nów i karmelitów w Krakowie) oraz dawnym archiwum zakonu krzyżackiego przechowywanym w Tajnym Archiwum Państwowym Pruskich Dóbr Kultury w Berlinie Dahlem. Stan i rodzaj zachowanych źródeł oraz charakter instytucji zakonnych działających w ramach szerszych struktur, obejmujących całą łacińską Europę, powoduje, że informacje wydobyte z tych przekazów trzeba będzie stale konfrontować z wynikami analogicznych prac, dotyczących nie tylko tych samych jednostek administracji zakonnej, ale też dziejów całych zgromadzeń.

Praca pozwoli odpowiedzieć na pytanie, jak wyglądała w praktyce działalność zakonów mendykanckich, związanych tradycyjnie ze środowiskiem miejskim, na terenach, gdzie sieć miast powstawała właśnie wtedy, gdy przybyli tam mendykanci. Efektem pracy będzie też słownik biograficzny mendykantów, bez którego trudno wyobrazić sobie dalsze studia prozopograficzne nad du- chowieństwem zakonnym, działającym nie tylko na tych terenach w późnym średniowieczu. Badania oparte zostaną na dostępnych źródłach historycznych zarówno drukowanych, jak i przede wszystkim rękopiśmiennych, przechowy- wanych w licznych archiwach w kraju i zagranicą. Dopiero dzięki zebraniu w jednej bazie niezwykle rozproszonych materiałów będzie możliwe opra- cowanie monograficzne tematu, w którym rozwiązane zostanie wiele kwestii szczegółowych. Potrzebę powstania takiego opracowania potwierdza lektura istniejącej literatury polskiej i zagranicznej dotyczącej funkcjonowania po- szczególnych zgromadzeń, w której obok licznych przekłamań znaleźć można wiele ewidentnych błędów, włącznie z niepoprawną lokalizacją poszczegól- nych klasztorów czy określeniem czasu ich fundacji. MENDICANT FRIARIES K³ajpeda IN THE STATE OF TEUTONIC ORDER IN PRUSSIA FROM THE 13th to the early 16th CENTURY

mendicant friaries towns monasteries of the Teutonic Order borders after 1466 Tyl¿a Ragneta

Rybaki £eba Królewiec Puck

Lêbork Welawa Krzy¿pork Œwiêtomiejsce Frydl¹d Pr. Allenburg Patollen Braniewo Cynty Domnowo Gierdawy Górowo I³aweckie Nordenbork Gdañsk Frombork Sêpopol Tolkmicko Pieniê¿no Bartoszyce Dryfort Koœcierzyna Nowy Staw Orneta Lidzbark M³ynary Bytów Tczew Elbl¹g Bisztynek Kêtrzyn Skarszewy Reszel Malbork Pas³êk Jeziorany Starogard Gd. Dzierzgoñ Mi³akowo Dobre Miasto Bia³y Bór Biskupiec Sztum Mor¹g Mr¹gowo Gniew Prabuty Zalewo Mi³om³yn Barczewo Olsztyn Czarne Chojnice Kwidzyn Susz Nowe Cz³uchów Kisielice I³awa Ostróda Pasym Debrzno Tuchola Gardeja Olsztynek Lubawa Œwiecie £asin Nowe Miasto Grudzi¹dz Biskupiec D¹brówno Radzyñ Kurzêtnik Nidzica Che³mno Brodnica Lidzbark W¹brzeŸno Dzia³dowo Kowalewo Che³m¿a Golub Toruñ Drawn by R. Kubicki

Map 1. Urszula Sowina Polska Akademia Nauk Wacław Kulczykowski Uniwersytet Gdański

The first urban water supply systems in the State of the Teutonic Knights: the transfer of hydrotechnical knowledge

The intensive development of urban centres with their hydrotechnical infrastructure in Gdańsk Pomerania was associated with the arrival of the Teu- tonic Order and the advancing colonization of the Prussian lands. Technical solutions applied by Teutonic builders were similar to those functioning in Western and Southern Europe which allowed them to construct the first urban water systems in towns such as Elbląg, Toruń, Gdańsk or Grudziądz. The aim of this paper is to highlight and discuss the problems of construction and management of water supply systems in the towns of the Teutonic State on the basis of available historical sources and the findings of archaeological ex- cavations. An attempt was made to show a possible direction of the transfer of hydrotechnical knowledge. 52 Urszula Sowina, Wacław Kulczykowski

Fig. 1. The main towns presented in this article are marked in grey (Gdańsk, Elbląg, Grudziądz, Toruń). Map by Piotr Kożuchowski.

Map’s source: http://histmag.org/grafika/niusy/Panstwo_krzyzackie_w_prusach. png (accessed: 12.12.2014).

As is well known, the first water supply systems had already been built in antiquity. In ancient Rome there were large-scale solutions which permitted the transport of water over large distances using the systems of aqueducts, canals and pipes. This knowledge survived in medieval monasteries, where water played a vital role in economy, liturgy and everyday life. Well-developed hydrotechnical facilities functioned, among others, in Benedictine abbeys, but first and foremost in Cistercian abbeys in France (e.g. the Abbey of Fontenay and its branches1), England (e.g. the Abbey of Sawtry in Cambridgeshire2) or Germany (e. g. the Abbey of Maulbronn in Baden Württenberg3). Water supply systems were also constructed together with the palaces. A good early medi-

1 P. Benoit, Medieval hydraulics in France, [in:] Working with Water in Medieval Europe, ed. P. Squatriti, Leiden–Boston–Köln 2000, p. 167–168 and 181ff. 2 R. Holt, Medieval England’s Water-Related Technologies, [in:] Working with Water…, op. cit., p. 89. 3 J. Burton, J. Kerr, The Cistercians in the Middle Ages, Woodbridge 2011, p. 69; S. Arnold, Wasserwirtschaft im ehemaligen Zisterzienserkloster von Maulbronn, [in:] Water management in medieval rural economy (Ruralia, vol. V), ed. J. Klapste, Prague 2005, p. 183–187. The first urban water supply systems in the State of the Teutonic… 53 eval example of such a construction is the Carolingian Royal Palace at Ingel- heim on the Rhine to which water was provided by the gravitational force by an eight-kilometer stone aqueduct/water pipe, and then it was distributed by pipes inside the building.4

Fig. 2. Section of Ingelheim’s water tunnel dug out in 1906. Photo’s source: http://www.ingelheimer-geschichte.de/index.php?id=79 (accessed: 12.12.2014).

Due to the growing number of inhabitants of the medieval towns the need arose to supply adequate amounts of water for consumption (including drinking). Because of increased soil pollution, drawing water from public and private wells turned out to be an insufficient solution. Also, water trans- portation still remained a temporary and costly solution.5 It was therefore necessary to build public water supply systems which could provide adequate quantities of water that might be fit for consumption. The best intakes from which water was drawn were unpolluted springs located far from urban

4 U. Wiemann, Die Königspfalz in Nieder-Ingelheim, [in:] Führer zu vor- und frühgeschicht- lichen Denkmälern, vol. 12, Mainz 1972, p. 113–121; K. Grewe, Water Technology in Medi- eval Germany, [in:] Working with Water…, op. cit., p. 135–136. 5 U. Sowina, Woda i ludzie w mieście późnośredniowiecznym i wczesnonowożytnym. Ziemie polskie z Europą w tle, Warszawa 2009, p. 352–353. English edition: U. Sowina, Water, Towns and People. Polish Lands against a European Background until the Mid-16th Century, Peter Lang: Frankfurt am Main 2016, p. 401. 54 Urszula Sowina, Wacław Kulczykowski buildings, but also nearby natural or artificial watercourses, including leats6 and urban moats, were used. In the case of Teutonic towns, one can observe the use of the existing canals for this purpose: for example, the Kumiela river Canal in Elbląg,7 or the Old and New Canal of the Radunia river in Gdańsk.8 The oldest reference to the Elbląg Canal comes in 1275,9 and the oldest reference to the Gdańsk Canal was made 1338. The digging of the latter was the most important hydrotechnical investment made by the Teutonic Order in Gdańsk.10 Researchers say that the construction of those canals was necessary in order to provide water, in the first place, to the most important industrial facilities like mills, and to supply urban and castle moats with water. Since water which was drawn directly from the canals or by the systems of water pipes was used by inhabitants for consumption, care was taken not to pollute it. This may be evidenced by the decree issued by the City Council of Elbląg in 1393 which banned the waste disposal into the canal under penalty

6 Z. Maciakowska, Kształtowanie się przestrzeni miejskiej Głównego Miasta w Gdańsku do początku XV wieku, Gdańsk 2011, p. 106. 7 W. Długokęcki, Środowisko naturalne, [in:] Historia Elbląga, vol. I, ed. S. Gierszewski, A. Groth, Gdańsk 1993, p. 14–15. 8 As Zofia Maciakowska has recently observed, „in the majority of Prussian towns water for the system of water supply was drawn from leats” – see also: Z. Maciakowska, op. cit., p. 106. 9 W. Długokęcki, op. cit., p. 14–15. 10 When built, the canal was 13,5 km long, 8 m wide and 3 m deep – see also: R. Krzywdziński, Rury z drewna. Kilka słów o historii wodociągów [http://www.instalator.pl/index. php/pl/abc-inne/4153-rury-z-drewna-kilka-slow-o-historii-wodocigow – accessed: 6.12.2014]. According to Zofia Maciakowska Kształtowanie( się przestrzeni… op. cit., p. 106), the digging of the canal might have been the result of the fact that it was necessary to respect the 13th-century land grant made by the Gdańsk Prince Świętopełk to the Dominican monastery in the form of the final section of the Potok Siedlecki, which had been used by the town until that time. In 1348, in turn, the Grand Master of the Teutonic Order Heinrich Dusemer issued a document allowing the Dominicans to carry water from the Siedlecki Stream for the use of the Monastery. Drawing and carrying water was supposed to be done without harm done to the town: […] das sy das vly(e)s Schedelicz genant ane der stat schaden in ir kloster czu irme nucze leyten und vuren mugen uber der stat graben in eynir rynnen […], [in:] P. Simson, Geschichte der Stadt Danzig, vol. IV, Danzig 1918, p. 84; Z. Maciakowska, Z badań nad gospodarką wodną w Głównym Mieście w Gdańsku do początku XV w., “Kwartalnik Historii Kul- tury Materialnej” (later as: KHKM), 3–4, 2005, p. 331; H. Paner, Problematyka badań nad średniowiecznym Gdańskiem w świetle prac archeologicznych prowadzonych w latach 1987–1997, [in:] Gdańsk średniowieczny w świetle najnowszych badań archeo logicznych i historycznych. Materiały z konferencji zorganizowanej z okazji tysiąclecia Gdańska (997–1997), Gdańsk 1998, p. 199. The first urban water supply systems in the State of the Teutonic… 55 of three marcs and ordered the inhabitants to board up the windows facing the Kumiela river.11

Fig. 3. Canal of the Radunia river in Gdańsk. Photo by Artur Andrzej.

Special emphasis is put on the early dating of the Elbląg water supply systems, which most probably originated by virtue of the permission issued by the Provincial Master Konrad von Thierberg in 1275 to draw water for the needs of the town from the Kumiela river Canal by the drilled pipe of the diameter of five inches.12 The aim of the further archaeological research is to

11 17. January 1393: […] alle die jenigen, die da an der Hommel wohnen vnd ihren Mist oder vnflat mögen in die Hommel lassen werfen, die sollen alle Jahr 3 Wochen – Mi- chaelis vor den Raht kommen, vnd ihren eydt dazu thun mit aufgerecketen fingern, dasz sie noch niemand von ihretwegen mit willen noch geheisz, ohne arge list, keinen Mist noch vnflat in die Hommel habe lassen werfen, vnd der das nicht will thun, der soll der stadt 3 Mark sein bestanden. Wer auch von denen, die an der Hommel wohnen, will hinder ihm kegen der Hommel alle Thiiren vnd fenster zu nageln, der soll der dreyer Mark, des Eides vnd des Hommelgeldes sein erlassen […], [in:] Codex Diplomaticus Warmiensis (later as: CDW), vol. III, ed. C.P. Woelky, Braunsberg und Leipzig 1874, no. 266. 12 14. September 1275: […] Noverint tam presentes quam futuri quod nos de comuni consi- lio et consensu fratrum nostrorum, qui (tunc) temporis presentes fuerunt, dilectis civibus nostris in Elbingo ad utilitatem et commodum ipsorum dedimus unum foramen ex hu- mula ad meatum aque, tam amplum quod quinque digiti expedite imponi possint, intra murum civitatis predicte et in superiori parte molendini s. spiritus, perpetuo obtinendum. Ut autem huius facti evidens appareat testimonium, presens scriptum nostri sigilli muni- 56 Urszula Sowina, Wacław Kulczykowski

identify the actual date of the construction of Elbląg’s water supply systems in view of the fact that the earliest facilities, that is to say wooden channels/ troughs, which are regarded as the evidence of the existence of the system date back to the end of the 13th century.13 Thus, the realization of this un- dertaking should rather be associated with the reordering and rebuilding of the town following the great fire of 1288.14 However, one must remember that wooden channels/troughs may be also interpreted as facilities discharg- ing unnecessary waters (like sewage or rainwater), as was shown by Cezary Buśko on the example of Wrocław.15 Among other Teutonic towns, the 14th-century sources of evidence for the existence of water supply systems in those towns have been preserved. As far as Toruń is concerned, undoubtedly the oldest archaeological traces of the functioning of water supply systems are dated at 1342/1343. Specified on the basis of dendrochronological studies, this date refers to a wooden pipe discovered in 2002 in the Old Town Market Square that formed part of a water supply system. Water was drawn from the moat located to the north of the Old Toruń Gate.16 A reconstruction of its probable course has been made: from the moat next to the Brama Starotoruńska (Old Toruń Gate), along Św. Ducha (Holy Ghost) Street (hence near the hospital), to the Market Square. Consequently, the statement made in 1346 by the Grand Master Heinrich Dusemer on the construction of a water supply system to the hospital outside the town walls, from the side of the Vistula river, by Toruń burghers might have referred to a branch of the above-mentioned town water supply system, and not to a local way of supplying water solely for the needs of the hospital that was only called a water supply system.17

mine roboravimus ad cautelam hiis testibus subnotatis […] CDW, vol. I, no. 52 (Mainz, Franz Kirchheim, 1860), p. 91. 13 G. Nawrolska, Elbląg w XIII wieku w świetle źródeł archeologicznych, [in:] Civitas Chol- bergiensis. Transformacja kulturowa w strefie nadbałtyckiej w XIII .,w eds. L. Lecieje wicz, M. Rębkowski, Kołobrzeg 2005, p. 161, figure 23. 14 R. Czaja, T. Nawrolski, Kultura, [in:] Historia Elbląga, p. 222, quoted also by: G. Nawrol- ska, op. cit., p. 160. These researchers, however, do not give any information (or sources of evidence) whether this water supply system was really put into operation, and, if so, why it did not play any role during the great fire of Elbląg in 1288. 15 C. Buśko, Urządzenia wodno-kanalizacyjne w średniowiecznych i renesansowych miastach śląskich, “Archaeologia Historica Polona”, vol. III, Toruń 1996, p. 111. 16 R. Kola, L. Kotlewski, Drewniane wodociągi Torunia, Toruń 2003, p. 27–28ff. 17 This was the opinion of T. Jasiński, Przedmieścia średniowiecznego Torunia i Chełmna, Poznań 1982, p. 54. The first urban water supply systems in the State of the Teutonic… 57

Preserved written pieces of information concerning the functioning of a water supply system in the Main Town (Rechtstadt) in Gdańsk date back to the years 1379–1382.18 Water intake was located in the bed of the new canal of the Radunia river which came into being in 1356.19 The structure of the installation was typical: in the 15th century water was most probably carried from the intake in the canal by drilled wooden pipes made from pine and places below ground. Wooden pipes were connected together by joints made of lead, bronze or iron.20 Fourteenth-century Grudziądz, however, was most probably supplied with water from Lake Tuszewskie (Tuschewen See). When the lake began to dry up it was necessary to find another solution. In 1386 the town was granted a permission from Baldewin/Balwin, the Komtur of Engelsberg (Pokrzy- wno), to construct the so-called Herman Trench/Canal21 located southeast of the town, through which water was transported from two sources from a nearby village of Węgrowo (German: Weygir, Wengir, Wangerau) to Gru dziądz.22 The next step was to build an urban water supply system which could be supplied with water from a nearby mill leat. In 1415 the permission for the construction of those facilities was issued by the Grand Master of the Order, Michael Küchmeister von Sternberg. He gave orders to construct a special building, probably of Wasserkunst (waterwork) which could be raised beside the Mill Leat. He added, though, that the whole investment should not generate losses for the Order and its mills, which had to be confirmed by the Komtur of Grudziądz and the craftsmen.23

18 Z. Maciakowska, Z badań nad gospodarką…, op. cit., p. 331–335. 19 Z. Maciakowska, Kształtowanie się przestrzeni…, op. cit., p. 106. 20 R. Krzywdziński, op. cit. 21 W. Sieradzan, Grudziądz. Historia i rozwój przestrzenny, [in:] Atlas Historyczny Miast Polskich, vol. I: Prusy Królewskie i Warmia, ed. A. Czacharowski, no. 4, Grudziądz– Toruń 1997, p. 6. 22 1386: […] wir Bruder Baldewyn von Frankinhofen, komthur czu Engilsberg von Bete wehn (wehen) des Erwirdigen mannes Brudir Conrats von libinstein Groskomthur dutschis ordens und mit volburt unsir liebin Brudir darselbst czu Engilsberg han dirloubit unsn getruwen Burgern von Grudencz eynen springburn in unsrem gute czum weygir zcu leyten durch das selbe gut an yren schadin, der vom weygir in dy Stadt zczu Grudentz durch notz und beque- mekeit willn der Stadt. Und welln das sy nymant vo unsren luten doran hindern sal. Und ab der Burn Wassirs nicht genug en hette, so dirloubn (erlauben) wir yn den neheften Spring- burn do by czu leyten in den erstin, der stadt zcu hulfe zcu allem notcze durch gutis aldirs wille […], X. Froelich, Geschichte des Graudenzer Kreises, vol. 1, Graudenz 1868, p. 97. 23 1415: Wir Bruder Michel Kochmeister, Homeister des Ordens der Bruder des Hospitalis Sente Marien des dewtschen Hewses von Jherusalem, Bekennen und tun kunt offentlich 58 Urszula Sowina, Wacław Kulczykowski

When we ask questions about the directions of transfer of techniques of large water projects in the Teutonic State, we can observe that colonization activities of the Teutonic Order in Gdańsk Pomerania and in Prussia offered favourable conditions for the development of German or Netherlandian/ Flemish settlement. Settlers brought in hydrotechnical solutions which had not been known in this region until that time. The skills to dig large canals which transported water for the needs of the towns (for example, the Radunia river Canal in Gdańsk or the Herman Trench in Grudziądz) could be associated with Netherlandian (including Flemish) settlers. They might follow the example of the Flemish Bruges, which was a master in canal building, especially after 1134, and which fought constantly against the sea that encroached its canals and silted them up.24 In the 12th and 13th centuries, in the Rhine-Meuse Delta diverse solutions of hydrotechnical engineering were also used for the regulation of water management. Among them were drains, dykes, dams and barrages as well as long canals connecting lakes and rivers.25 One must remember the fact, which was observed by Benedykt Zientara many years ago, that when the Teutonic Knights received landed estates in Lower Silesia in 1222 from Henryk Brodaty (Henry the Bearded) they had already had land grants in the Netherlands (later Bailiwicks of Utrecht and Altenbiesen).26 They there-

in disem kegenwertigen brive allen di in sehen, horen adir lesen, das wir mit rathe und willen unser mittegebietiger haben irlawbet und gegunst (gegönnt, vergönnt) unsern lie- ben getrewen Burgern und Inwonern unser Stat Grudencz vinb ires notzes und bequeme- keit willen, wasser czu leiten aus unserm moelgraben in die Stat obengenant, doch also das man die schutzunge und wallunge (Schützen und Wälle) also mache, das es unsche- delich sey unserm hewfe und molen (Unter=oder Schlossmühle) zu Grudencz, das sal zu erkenntnisse unser und des kompthurs zu Grudencz stehen und ouch der wercklewte die das wasser leiten fullen. Wurden sie irkennen das sulche wasserleitunge in czukomstigen czeiten unserm Orden schaden inbrechte, so solde man ein sulches wandeln uff das unser hews und moelen egedocht dorann nicht hogern schaden neme. Von sunderlicher gunst irlauben wir in frey eine buwunge zu machen umb den molgraben, als (wo) die stat (Stel- le) und gelegenheit alreits (bereits) ist begrissen und in beweiset do das rath (Rad) und ander beqwemekeit zu dem werke offe (darauf) stehen fullen, un das sie das werk deste bas (besser) volbrengen mogen […], X. Froelich, op. cit., p. 98–99. 24 Cf, inter alia: M. Ryckaert, Historische Stedenatlas van België: Brugge, Brussel 1991, pp. 17, 38. For more details on this topic in Polish literature see: U. Sowina, Woda i ludzie..., op. cit., p. 48. 25 W.H. TeBrake, Hydraulic Engineering in the Netherlands During the Middle Ages, [in:] Working with Water…, op. cit., p. 101–127. 26 B. Zientara, Henryk Brodaty i jego czasy, Warszawa 1975, p. 174–175. The first urban water supply systems in the State of the Teutonic… 59 fore knew the hydrotechnical works of those regions. Supposedly, in their state in Prussia they were also the followers of the Netherlandic settlement, just like in the early 1220s they supported the Roman/Walloon settlement in Lower Silesia.27 However, as regards the directions of transfer of the techniques of construction of water supply systems, it is difficult to identify them in an unam- biguous way. Nevertheless, one should emphasize that water supply systems in the three main Teutonic towns, that is to say Toruń, Gdańsk and Elbląg, were constructed much earlier than those in the towns of the Kingdom of Poland. Moreover, water supply systems in Toruń, which functioned already in the early 1340s, were most probably earlier than the water supply systems of Wrocław, the capital of Silesia. Water supply systems of Gdańsk might have been contemporary with the latter. Fourteenth-century water supply systems in two large commercial centres, that is to say Toruń and Gdańsk, may be associated, for instance, with the water supply systems of Lübeck which were constructed in the late 13th century – most probably in the wake of trade contacts in the Hansa region, but also as a result of traditional contacts of the Teutonic Knights with that town. What is most noteworthy, however, is the decision to construct water supply systems in Elbląg in 1275, which is the earliest known decision in modern-day Polish lands; moreover, this was one of the earliest decisions ever made in Central Europe. It is possible that this permission was connected with the programme of the organization of the State of the Teutonic Order, partly based on the model of the territorial rule of Fre- derick II of Sicily28 in which such water installations played a particularly important economic role. One can also note that the above-mentioned privilege coincided with the formation of Elbląg’s “town council system”,29 in which generally it was the city council that was the owner of the water supply systems.

27 Ibidem. 28 B. Zientara, Historia powszechna średniowiecza, Warszawa 1973, p. 254; M. Dygo, Studia nad początkami władztwa zakonu niemieckiego w Prusach (1226–1259), Warszawa 1992. 29 On this process see: R. Czaja, Miasta pruskie a Zakon Krzyżacki. Studia nad stosunkami między miastem a władzą terytorialną w późnym średniowieczu, Toruń 1999, p. 22. 60 Urszula Sowina, Wacław Kulczykowski

* * *

The development of hydrotechnical engineering in Gdańsk Pomerania and in Prussia can no doubt be associated with the intensive colonization activity, which created favourable conditions for German and Netherlandic settlers coming from the West. Among those settlers were well-trained craftsmen and engineers, who carried out innovative hydrotechnical facilities in these areas. Also, a great role may surely be attributed to the merchants of Gdańsk, Toruń and Elbląg, who brought in the information about these facilities from Europe. One should also emphasize the role of the Teutonic Masters, such as Konrad von Thierberg, Heinrich Dusemer or Michael Küchmeister, as they made decisions on the construction of water supply systems. However, there are no archaeological or historical sources which would allow us to say whether the first water supply systems in the Teutonic State might have been built as a result of the transfer of hydrotechnical knowledge which the Teutonic Order could encounter (undoubtedly) in the Holy Land and, later on, on the Apennine Peninsula. For example, a facility which was widely used by the Arabs and which was called noria,30 that is to say a water wheel with buckets for raising water from its source and delivering it to a higher level, appeared in the Teutonic State as late as the 14th century, thus being already Wasserkunst used in the late 13th century in Bruges (1283/84)31 or Lübeck (1293/94).32

Translated by Teresa Opalińska

30 T.F. Glick, H. Kirchner, Hydraulic systems and technologies of Islamic Spain: History and archaeology, [in:] Working with Water…, op. cit., p. 267–329. 31 U. Sowina, Woda i ludzie..., op. cit., p. 281. English edition: U. Sowina, Water, Towns and People..., op. cit., p. 311. 32 K. Grewe, Wasserversorgung und -Entsorgung im Mittelalter. In: Die Wasserver- sorgung im Mittelalter. Geschichte der Wasserversorgung, Band 4. Frontinus-Ge- sellschaft e.V., Mainz am Rhein, 1991, pp. 55, 62–63. The first urban water supply systems in the State of the Teutonic… 61

Streszczenie

Pierwsze systemy zaopatrzenia w wodę w miastach Państwa Zakonu Krzyżackiego w Prusach

Intensywny rozwój ośrodków miejskich oraz ich infrastruktury hydrotechnicznej był związany z pojawieniem się Zakonu Krzyżackiego w rejonie Morza Bałtyckiego i postępującą kolonizacją ziem pruskich. Zastosowanie przez krzyżackich budowniczych podobnych rozwiązań technicznych do tych funk- cjonujących w zachodniej i południowej Europie pozwoliło na stworzenie pierwszych wodociągów miejskich m.in. w Gdańsku oraz Elblągu. W niniejszej pracy omówione zostaną zagadnienia związane z budową i zarządzaniem wo- dociągami w miastach leżących na terenie państwa krzyżackiego na podstawie dostępnych źródeł oraz wyników badań archeologicznych. Analiza podo- bieństw i różnic w stosowanych rozwiązaniach pozwoli na wskazanie kierunku transferu wiedzy hydrotechnicznej.

Artur Karpacz Jagiellonian University

God’s symbol or Saint John the Baptist attribute – depictions of the Lamb of God in medieval Poland and the state of Teutonic Order in Prussia

The Agnus Dei theme was very popular in medieval art. It has occurred on paintings, sculpture and goldsmithing, as well as on seals and coat of arms. Therefore polish33 and foreign academics34 are still trying to solve the Lamb

33 B. Bartkowski, Agnus Dei, [in:] Encyklopedia katolicka (EK), vol. I, Lublin 1973, p. 187; H. Wegner, Baranek Boży. III. W ikonografii, [in:] EK, vol. II, Lublin 1976, p. 7–9; D. Forstner, Świat symboliki chrześcijańskiej, Warszawa 1990; R. Knapiński, Jan Chrzciciel. V. W ikonografii, [in:] EK, vol. VII, Lublin 1997, p. 778–780; idem, Titulus ecclesiae. Ikono- grafia wezwań współczesnych kościołów katedralnych w Polsce, Warszawa 1999, p. 352–363; S. Kobielus, Bestiarium chrześcijańskie, Warszawa 2002, p. 59–61; idem, Niebiańska Jero- zolima. Od sacrum miejsca do sacrum modelu, Ząbki 2004, p. 43–56; P. Ratkowska, The Romans of an Altarpiece with the Legend of St. John the Baptist. An Unpublished Work of the Franco-Gothic Style in the National Museum in Warsaw, “Bulletin du Musée National de Varsovie”, 11, 1970, p. 1–18; L. Rotter, Zwierzęta jako atrybuty świętych, [in:] Symbolika zwierząt: symbol – znak – przesłanie, eds. L. Rotter, J. Marecki, Kraków 2009, p. 118–119. 34 E. Kirschbaum, Lamm, Lamm Gotes, [in:] Lexikon der christlichen ikonographie (LCI), vol. III, ed. idem, Freiburg 1970, p. 7–14; L. Réau, Iconographie de l’art chrétien, vol. II, Paris 1956, p. 432–463; V. Spring Reed, Piety and Virtue. Image of Salome with the Head of John the Baptist in the late Middle Ages and Renaissance, New Brunswick 2002; S. Yandim, The Appearance of The Winged-Image of St John the Baptist in the Thirteenth-century Byzantine Painting, [in:] On ikinci ve on üçüncü yüzyllarda Bizans dünyasinda degisim, publ. A. Ödekan, E. Akyürek, N. Necipoglu, 2010, p. 626–663; Z. Všetecková, Nástenné malby v kosztele sv. Jana Kritele v Jindrichove Hradci do konce vlády Lucemburku, “Umení”, 57, 2009, p. 2–25; E. Weiss, Johannes der Taufer (Baptista), der Vorlaufer (Prodromos), [in:] LCI, vol. VII, Freiburg 1974, p. 164–190. 64 Artur Karpacz

of God symbolic issue. Was it just a God’s symbol or the Saint John the Baptist attribute? Or maybe both, complementing each other? Research made for my Master’s Degree shows that the positive answer for the second question seems to be the best one.35 In this paper I’ll present the depictions of the Lamb of God in medieval Poland and the state of Teutonic Order in Prussia in mentioned context. Over the centuries lamb was considered as a gods offering. Ancient Greeks and Romans made sacrifices of young lambs, for example to propi- tiate gods or to ask them for blessing during wedding ceremonies.36 Nev- ertheless special meaning has been assigned to the Paschal Lamb, which is prefiguration of Christ passion. It’s announces has been written on pages of the Book of Genesis and the Book of Isaiah. In the first one God commands Abraham to offer his son Isaac as a sacrifice on the Mount Moriah.37 After binding Isaac, Abraham is about to lay the knife upon his son. God restrains him and points to sacrifice the nearby lamb.38 The second book contains the Isaiah prophecy about Christ passion, which is compared to lamb’s mild during the shearing.39 But the most important phrase was said by Saint John the Baptist, Christ relative and the last prophet of the Old Testament as well as the first of the New Testament. John anticipated a messianic figure greater than himself and when he noticed Our Savior for the very first time, he said common known words: Ecce Agnus Dei, qui tollit peccata mundi.40 In early Christian art lamb was connected with the image of Good Shepherd, where on one hand, it symbolizes the human soul (by laying on shepherd’s – God’s shoulders) and on the other it refers to sheep, gathered around the Buon Pastore.41 This theme appeared in the end of nd2 and the beginning of 3rd centuries on ceilings in Rome’s catacombs, like Catacomb of Saint Callixtus or Catacomb of Priscilla.42 By the end of 4th century Chris-

35 This article is based on my master’s thesis, titledWizerunek Baranka Bożego w sfra- gistyce, heraldyce, numizmatyce i innych sztukach plastycznych ziem polskich i ościennych w wiekach średnich. Symbolika, sposób przedstawiana, wzajemne wpływy i relacje po między poszczególnymi dziedzinami sztuki, written on Zenon’s Piech seminary in 2011. 36 D. Forstner, Świat symboliki, p. 257; S. Kobielus, Bestiarium chrześcijańskie, p. 59. 37 Genesis 22, 5–8. 38 Ibidem. 39 Isaiah, 53, 7. 40 Lamb of God, you take away the sins of the world […] – John, 1, 29. 41 B. Bartkowski, Agnus Dei, [in:] EK, p. 187. 42 Ibidem. God’s symbol or Saint John the Baptist attribute… 65

tians started depicting God as a lamb, standing on a hill or in the center of the New Jerusalem (what is based on the Book of Revelation), surrounded by Apostles or other redeemed, depicted also as lambs.43 We can find it on Sar- cophagus of Stilicone, dated 385, 6th century mosaics from Basilica dei Santi Cosma e Damiano and 9th, 12th and 13th centuries mosaics from other Rome’s basilicas, like Santa Prassede, San Clemente and Santa Maria in Trastevere (pic. 1).44

Pic. 1. Mosaics in aspe of basilica Santa Maria in Trastevere, 13th century (source: http://www.ancientworlds.net)

Depictions of Christ as the lamb was strictly forbidden after the Council in Trullo (near Constantinople) in 692 but accepted only by Eastern Patriarchates.45 In west dioceses along the mentioned previous image of the Lamb of God, occurred the new one, which quickly become much more popular. Now the lamb started to be in move with its head turned around, surrounded by halo. What is more it held the cross by hoof, crowned by banner with the cross.46 This theme spread all over the western Christian Europe, penetrating roman architecture,

43 E. Kirschbaum, Lamm, Lamm Gotes, p. 7. 44 Ibidem, p. 11, 12. 45 B. Bartkowski, Agnus Dei, [in:] EK, p. 187. 46 L. Réau, Iconographie de l’art chrétien, p. 444. 66 Artur Karpacz

sculpture and illuminated manuscripts. The first two aspects were commonly linked together like for instance in tympanum in Saint Remigius church in In- gelheim (pic. 2), the remains of the narthex of the Abbey of Cluny or in capital in Église Notre-Dame de Champagnac.47 Manuscripts mostly contained Apoca- lypse comments with different modifications in depicting the Lamb of God, like Lamb surrounded by the four symbols of Evangelists or 24 elders like in Codex Aureus.48 In gothic art the image of lamb didn’t changed very much, however big popularity of Corpus Cristi feast influenced on artists by adding the chalice beneath the lamb, which contained blood drained from its chest – presented on famous Ghent Altarpiece, painted by Jan and Hubert van Eyck (pic. 3).49 Also this theme was commonly put as a relief on rib vaults keystones like in Saint Andrew church in Weißenburg in Bayern or Pfarrkirche St. Vincentius in Dinslaken in North Rhine-Westphalia, both built in 15th century.

Pic. 2. Tympanum in Saint Remigius church in Ingelheim, 12th century (source: http://www.mystockphoto.com)

47 Ibidem, p. 451–452. 48 E. Kirschbaum, Lamm, Lamm Gotes, p. 13. 49 Ibidem, p. 15. God’s symbol or Saint John the Baptist attribute… 67

Pic. 3. Adoration of Lamb, Ghent Altarpiece, Jan and Hubert Van Eyck. 1422–1432 (source: http://www.natidallospirito.com)

Despite the Christ’s symbol lamb is an attribute of Saint John the Baptist as well. First images from 3rd century represented Prodromos (alternative term for Saint John, translated from Greek as the Christ forerunner) as a philo- sopher, wearing tunic and coat.50 Then the depiction changed to a middle age man with beard and vestment made from camel’s fur. Moreover he points with his finger on little lamb kept on his left hand or lifts his right arm up, like on 6th century Throne of Maximian, bishop of Ravenna.51 This theme quickly became the main depiction of Saint John the Baptist, repeated by most sculptors during all Roman period. From medieval Poland (Silesia) survived well-known statue of Prodromos from Wrocław cathedral, commissioned by bishop Walter of Malonne between 1160 and 1180. Saint John drew his right hand to the disk with the Lamb of God, kept by his left hand (pic. 4).52 This depiction changed a bit by the influence of gothic art. Since 13th century in Germany – stained glass window in Saint Kunibert’s church in

50 R. Knapiński, Titulus ecclesiae, p. 352. 51 Ibidem. 52 Ibidem, p. 354. 68 Artur Karpacz

Cologne – lamb started to lay on a book, kept and pointed like in Roman art (like for example in 15th century figure ofProdromos from Collegium Maius museum in Cracow).53 This image refers to the Lamb from theBook of Revel- ation, where in chapter 5 the author mentions about the Lamb, which are able to open the seven seals book to reveal seven plagues (Ap 5, 1).

Pic. 4. Saint John the Baptist statue, Wrocław catherdal, 1160–1180 (source: http:// albumromanski.pl)

Moving to the main part of this article I would like to focus on depictions of the Lamb of God as the God’s symbol and the Saint John the Baptist attribute, in comparison to different objects from Lesser Poland and the state of Teutonic Order territories, especially seals and arms.54 For the very first

53 L. Bularz-Różycka, Rzeźba średniowieczna w zbiorach Collegium Maius, Kraków 2006, p. 99. 54 F.A. Vossberg, Geschichte der preußischen Münzen und siegel von frühester zeit bis zum ende der herrschaft des deutschen ordens, Berlin 1843; idem, Siegel des Mittelal- ters von Polen, Lithauen, Schlesien, Pommern und Preussen, Berlin 1854; B. Engel, Die mittelalterlichen Siegel des Thorner Rathsarchivs, mit besonderer Berücksichtigung des God’s symbol or Saint John the Baptist attribute… 69 time depiction of Lamb of God appeared on Warmia bishop’s seals in diocese set up in 1243 at the Teutonic Order territory.55 At the beginning bishop Henric Flemming used secret seal from 1282 to 1300 with the Agnus Dei protoheraldic sign (pic. 5).56 Then the image of lamb holding by hoof the cross with banner appeared on the later provost’s Jordan and bishop’s Herman of Prague seals from 14th century.57 Only after 1376 we can see the Warmia diocese truly coat of arms that of course presents mentioned above Agnus Dei theme, with head turned around and cross. It appeared on bishop Henric Sorbom seal, next to his private coat of arms.58 Above artist engraved the scene with bishop standing in front of cathedral, below the gothic canopy with the Virgin Mary and the Child on top. Similar depiction were put on following bishop’s seal – Henric Vogelsang, dated on 1406 (pic. 6) and much more later Nicolas Tungen seal from 1489.59

Pic. 5. Copy of Bishop’s Henric Flemming Seal, 1282 (source: E. Gigilewicz, Herby biskupów warmińskich, Lublin 2001, p. 163)

Ordenslandes, vol. I–II, Thorn 1894–1895; idem, Die mittelalterlichen Siegel der Fürsten, des Geistlichkeit u. des polnischen Adels in Thorner Rathsarchive. Abhandlungen zur Landeskunde d. Provinz Westpreussen, Thorn 1902. 55 E. Gigilewicz, Herby biskupów warmińskich, Lublin 2001, p. 163. 56 Ibidem. 57 In the first one the depiction is emphasized by the legend: + ECCE: AGNVS DEI –Co - dex Diplomaticus Warmiensis, vol. III, Braunsberg und Leipzig 1874, Taf. II, no. 8. 58 With the legend: + DEI ET AP[OSTO]LICE SEDIS GRA[TIA] WARMIEN[SIS] EP[ISCOPU]S HENRICus – ibidem, no. 3. 59 Ibidem, no. 425; E. Gigilewicz, Herby biskupów, p. 165. 70 Artur Karpacz

Pic. 6. Part of Bishop Henric Vogelsang Seal, 1406 (source: E. Gigilewicz, Herby biskupów warmińskich, Lublin 2001, p. 165)

It is commonly known that Jan Długosz in Banderia Prutenorum described Teutonic Order banners, which were collected and stored at Wawel Cathedral in Cracow. One of them by words Banderium episcopatus Warmi- ensis alias Elszberk civitatis, refers to the Warmia Bishopric as well as to the Lidzbark Warmiński city, the capital of diocese with bishop’s castle (pic. 7).60 It presents mentioned theme with Lamb, cross with banner and chalice fulfilled by blood. City of Lidzbark Warmiński was established in 1308 by Warmian bishop Eberhard from Nysa, the Silesian city, which nomen omen has on its seals depictions of Saint John the Baptist with the lamb (pic. 8).61 Unfortu- nately survived only one 16th century Lidzbark secret seal, that contains still protoheraldic theme with Agnus Dei, holding crosier – typical bishop’s insignia.62 I suppose that in this case the image of Lamb of God should be rather considered as a God’s symbol than Prodromos attribute. The Saint John the Baptist cult hasn’t spread through the Prussian lands like it has in Silesia or Lesser Poland (about 10 religious objects versus more than 25 in the middle of

60 J. Długosz, Banderia Prutenorum, ed. Z. Pietrzyk, Proszówki–Kraków 2009, p. 78. 61 S. Achremczyk, Lidzbark Warmiński – miasto stołeczne Warmii, [in:] Dziedzictwo Warmii, vol. IV: Lidzbark Warmiński 1308–2008, ed. S. Achremczyk, Olsztyn 2008, p. 10–11; seal round (70 mm) with legend: + S[IGILLVM] : CIVIVM : DE : NYZA : FIDELIVM : ECCLESIE – O. Hupp, Die Wappen und Siegel der deutschen Städte, Flecken und Dörfer, iss. 2: Pommern, Posen und Schlesien, Frankfurt am Main 1898, f. 99; H. Saurma, Wappenbuch der schlesischen Städte und Städtel, Berlin 1870, f. 214, Taf. VII. 62 Seal round (34 mm) with legend: + SECRETVM BURGENSIV[M] IN HEILSB[ER]G – M. Gumowski, Pieczęcie i herby miast pomorskich, Toruń 1939, p. 107, 131. God’s symbol or Saint John the Baptist attribute… 71

15th century).63 Also cathedral in Frombork was dedicated to the Assumption of Virgin Mary and parish church in Lidzbark has patrocinium of Saint Peter and Paul, which can’t be connected with Agnus Dei iconography.64

Pic. 7. Warmia Bishopric and Lidzbark Warmiński banner, Jan Długosz, Banderia Prutenorum, f. 36v (source: http://pamiecpolski.archiwa.gov.pl)

Pic. 8. Nysa Inhabitans Seal from 1306, National Archive in Wrocław (source: M. Gumowski, Najstarsze pieczęcie miast polskich, Warszawa 1960, p. 160)

Depiction of the Lamb of God appeared on Teutonic Order komtur’s seals, like for example on three 15th century seals of Radzyń, Rogoźno and

63 W. Rozynkowski, Omnes Sancti et Sanctae Dei. Studium nad kultem świętych w diece- zjach pruskich państwa zakonu krzyżackiego, Malbork 2006, p. 44–62; D. Szymański, Wezwania kościołów parafialnych w diecezji krakowskiej do końca XVI .,w “Roczniki Humanistyczne”, 41, 1993, p. 94–135. 64 A. Witkowska, Titulus Ecclesiae. Wezwania współczesnych kościołów katedralnych w Pol- sce, Warszawa 1999, s. 120–123; A. Szorc, Dominium warmińskie 1243–1772, Olsztyn 1990, p. 41. W. Rozynkowski, Omnes Sancti, p. 60. 72 Artur Karpacz

Człuchów. On the first and the last one there are typical themes ofAgnus Dei with added chalice fulfilled by blood65. What is more Jan Długosz described also the Człuchów banner in the Banderia by words: Banderium comendarie et civitatis Slochow, quod ducebat Arnoldus de Baden, contendator Slochovi- ensis […].66 The second one has the depiction of Saint John the Baptist with small lamb on his hand.67 Similar to the Warmian diocese banner was the Wielunian Land coat of arms, engraved on Władysław Jagiełło tombstone before 1434 (pic. 9).68 As far as we know, the king after regained this territory from Władysław Opol- czyk in 1396, tried to change the former arms, described by Jan Długosz in Banderia Prutenorum as a silver strip in red field.69 Changes had to be done after 1411 and before Jagiełło death in 1434, because later we can see only one Wielunian Land coat of arms with Agnus Dei image.

Pic. 9. Wielunian Land Coat of Arms, Władysław Jagiełło tombstone, Cracow Cathed- ral, before 1434 (source: S. K. Kuczyński, Polskie herby ziemskie, Warszawa 1993, p. 29)

There is no other land banners and arms with depiction the Lamb of God in medieval Poland, connected with Teutonic Order and Lesser Poland

65 P. Oliński, Motywy chrystologiczne na pieczęciach urzędników krzyżackich ziemi cheł- mińskiej, “Rocznik Grudziądzki”, 13, 1998, p. 9–20. 66 J. Długosz, Banderia Prutenorum, f. 21, p. 44. 67 F.A. Vossberg, Geschichte der preußichen Münzen und Siegel, Berlin 1843, p. 39, Taf. X V, no. 35. 68 P. Mrozowski, Polskie nagrobki gotyckie, Warszawa 1994, p. 83. 69 „[…] linea nivea transversale in campo rubeo proportionaiter locata.” – S.K. Kuczyński, Polskie herby ziemskie, Warszawa 1993, p. 29. God’s symbol or Saint John the Baptist attribute… 73

neither. However there are some very interesting Agnus Dei images on other seals. Saint John the Baptist cult influenced on Toruń heraldry, what we can see in the city secret seal, dated by the middle of 14th century. Here Pro- dromos stands between two trees with right hand lifted, like in Maximian’s Throne.70 Also the city parish church has his patrocinium, together with Saint John Evangelist, where on one of the keystones is relief sculpture with the Lamb of God, surrounded by symbols of four Evangelists.71 What is more on closing of the chancel there are two enormous frescos with the church holy patrons situated under gothic canopies, painted around the 1360 (pic. 10).72

Pic. 10. Fresco with Saint John the Baptist, Parish Church in Toruń, 1360 (source: private collection)

The similar situation appeared in small Cistercian town Koprzywnica in Lesser Poland, where Agnus Dei theme was engraved on 15th century vogt seal

70 Seal round (50 mm), with legend: + SECRETVM BVRGENSIVM IN THORVN – M. Gumowski, Najstarsze pieczęcie miast polskich, Warszawa 1960, p. 225. 71 T. Jurkowlaniec, Gotycka rzeźba architektoniczna w Prusach, Wrocław–Warszawa– Kraków–Gdańsk–Łódź 1989, p. 55, 199. 72 More advanced in modeling the shape and clothes images of saints we can see in near Franciscan Church in Toruń – J. Domasłowski, Malarstwo ścienne, [in:] Malarstwo gotyckie na Pomorzu Wschodnim, ed. Z. Domańska, Warszawa–Poznań 1990, p. 11–44. 74 Artur Karpacz

and two keystones in the abbey church, dedicated to All Saints (pic. 11, 12).73 I think that it creates very important ideological program, in which the main topic concerns with the Passion and Resurrection of Christ – two aspects that comes true during the liturgy celebration. Other seals with Agnus Dei image in Lesser Poland links with two cities: Piwniczna and Krościenko. Both were established by Casimir the Great in 1348 as a border towns with Kingdom of Hungary.74 From the first one survived two seals with depiction of the Lamb of God, one from 16th century75 (pic. 13) and one from 1607, where the badge was put on a shield (which makes the truly coat of arms).76 In Krościenko we have 15th century gothic city council seal, that to be honest, like in previous town connects with nothing.77 Local church has patrocinium All Saints (in Piwniczna Virgin Mary Nativity) and there is no signs of Saint John the Baptist cult in the neighborhood.78 Therefore Agnus Dei theme is again the God’s symbol, suggested perhaps to be put on seals by the Casimir the Great. Academics suspects that the king might have influenced on preparations of heraldic decorations in churches, established by him in Wiślica, Stopnica and Sandomierz.79 Maybe he also influenced, or his close acquaintance like for instance bishop Jan Grot, founder of parish church in Radłów with the Prodromos sculpture in tympanum (pic. 14), on protoheraldic images on mentioned seals.80 Or maybe was it only an expression of Cropus Cristi feast, that become so popular in that time?81

73 Seal round (24 mm) with legend: s[igillum] advocati et civiattis cprzivnice[nsis] – Mu- zeum Narodowe w Krakowie (Biblioteka XX. Czartoryskich), MNK/562 Pokrzywnica; H. Seroka, Herby miast małopolskich do końca XVIII w., Warszawa 2002, p. 252. 74 B. Krzan, Klejnot zagubiony w górach. 700-lecie Krościenka nad Dunajcem, Krościenko nad Dunajcem 1988, p. 12; H. Stamirski, Zarys rozwoju miasta Piwnicznej (lata 1348– 1807), Nowy Sącz 2008, p. 7. 75 Seal with legend: S[IGILLVM] S[CABINORUM] C[IVITATIS] PIW[NICZNA] S[ZYIA] – MNK/561 Piwniczna Szyja: 1521 (?) and 1565; H. Seroka, Herby miast, p. 95. 76 W. Drelicharz, Z. Piech, Herb Piwnicznej, “Rocznik Sądecki”, 33, 2010, p. 293. 77 MNK/556 Krościenko: 1586; H. Seroka, Herby miast, p. 96. 78 D. Szymański, Wezwania kościołów, p. 146, 150. 79 S.K. Kuczyński, Polskie herby ziemskie, p. 33–41. 80 M. Walczak, Rzeźba architektoniczna w Małopolsce za czasów Kazimierza Wielkiego, Kraków 2006, p. 298–332. 81 J. Okoń, Boże Ciało, Święto, [in:] EK, vol. II, Lublin 1985, p. 862. God’s symbol or Saint John the Baptist attribute… 75

Pic. 11. Keystone in Abbey Church in Koprzywnica, 13th century (source: M. Walczak, Rzeźba architektoniczna w Małopolsce za czasów Kazimierza Wielkiego, Kraków 2006, pic. 37)

Pic. 12. Vogt Seal from Koprzywnica, Pic. 13. Piwniczna city seal, 1586 (source: 15th century (source: Muzeum Narodowe Muzeum Narodowe w Krakowie, Biblio w Krakowie, Biblioteka XX. Czartoryskich, teka XX. Czartoryskich, MNK/561 Piw MNK/562 Pokrzywnica) niczna Szyja) 76 Artur Karpacz

Pic. 14. South portal tympanum in Radłów parish church, 1337 (source: private collection)

To summarize I can truly say that the depiction of the Lamb of God comes from commonly known words: Ecce Agnus Dei, qui tollit peccata mundi, said by Saint John the Baptist. Then in Cristian art quickly occurred the two main themes: first with head turned around, surrounded by halo and holding the cross crowned by banner with chalice beneath the lamb and the second where the standing Saint John the Baptist holds a little lamb on his hand and points on it by his finger. The Christianity brought to the Lesser Poland and Prussian lands popular art themes which were used in seals, arms and frescos and sculpture. In many cases Agnus Dei stands alone, sometimes surrounded by Evangelists and sometimes hold by Saint John. Its function changes by the way of depicting but in fact it still refers to God, either through Prodromos and without him. Research followed for my Master’s Degree shows that it’s quite difficult to analyze some city seals with Agnus Dei, because we’re not exactly sure that the images refers to something more that to the simple God’s symbolic. God’s symbol or Saint John the Baptist attribute… 77

Streszczenie

Symbol Boga czy atrybut św. Jana – przedstawienie Baranka Bożego w średniowiecznej Polsce i Państwie Zakonu Krzyżackiego

Obraz Baranka Bożego pochodzi z powszechnie znanych słów Jana Chrzciciela Ecce Agnus Dei, qui tollit peccata mundi. W sztuce chrześcijańskiej szybko poja- wiły się dwa główne motywy Baranka: pierwszy przedstawia go z odwróconą głową, otoczonego aureolą i utrzymującego krzyż zwieńczony sztandarem, oraz z kielichem znajdującym się pod Barankiem; w drugim stojący święty Jan Chrzciciel trzyma na dłoni małego Baranka i wskazuje na niego palcem. Chrześcijaństwo przyniosło do Małopolski i Prus popularne motywy artystyczne, które były używane w pieczęciach, broni i freskach oraz rzeźbach. W wielu przypadkach Baranek Boży jest sam, jednak czasami bywa otoczony przez Ewangelistów, a czasami trzymany przez świętego Jana. Jego funkcja zmienia się wraz ze sposobem przedstawiania, ale w rzeczywistości wciąż odnosi się do Boga (albo poprzez Jana Chrzciciela, albo bez niego). Prowadzone przeze mnie badania pokazują, że trudno jest analizować niektóre pieczęcie miejskie z motywem Baranka Bożego, ponieważ nie jesteśmy pewni, czy obrazy te od- noszą się do czegoś więcej niż do prostej symboliki Boga.

Justyna Kuska Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw

From imperial Prague to Baltic Sea. State of research on transfer of artistic ideas between Bohemia and Eastern Pomerania in 14th and 15th centuries

Introduction

The issue of the influence of Czech art, particularly Czech gothic painting in 14th and the beginning of 15th century on contemporaneous Polish art has been discussed at least several times.1 For obvious historical reasons the impact of the Bohemian milleu on the artistic creations within borders of Silesia has been studied the most frequently.2 In this paper I will focus on the other, not so evident, artistic links between imperial Prague – flourishing Central Euro- pean cultural centre with art in Eastern Pomerania. I decided to put a stress on visual arts – especially panel and manuscript painting and sculpture – with the exclusion of architecture as it uses different means of artistic expression. To start, let’s briefly recall what has been written by researches up to the present. Among the most important texts dealing with Czech-Polish artistic con-

1 J. Ross, Z dziejów związków artystycznych polsko-czeskich i polsko-słowackich w epoce Odrodzenia, “Biuletyn Historii Sztuki”, 3/4, 1953; S. Kolbuszewski, Polska a Czechy. Zarys zagadnień kulturalnych, Poznań 1939; T. Lehr-Spławiński, K. Piwarski, Z. Woj ciechowski, Polska–Czechy, Katowice–Wrocław 1947. 2 Lately in publication accompanying the exhibition Silesia: A Pearl in the Bohemian Crown coorganized by National Gallery in Prague and The Museum of Cooper in Legnica (17 November 2006 – 8 April 2007). For bibliographical credits see: Sile- sia: A Pearl in the Bohemian Crown: Three Periods of Flourishing Artistic Relation, eds. A. Niedzielenko, V. Vlnas, Praha–Legnica 2006. 80 Justyna Kuska

nections in the High Middle Ages one should mention those by Alicja Karłowska- Kamzowa who published two rather modest in a matter of their size (not importance) articles. The first one published in 1978 entitled: The issue of Polish-Czech artistic connections in the field of painting in the nd2 half of 14th and the begining of 15th century [tr. JK] was rather a sketch for broader research.3 Kamzowa shortly pointed out several questions linked with reception of artistic achievements of Czech art in Silesia, Lesser Poland and what is important in the context of this paper – Pomerania. Luckily, shortly after this publication Kamzowa developped her own ideas in a more complex article published in Folia Historiae Artium in 1980 entitled: Artistic contacts with Bohemia in Gothic Painting of Silesia, East- ern Pomerania, Greater Poland and Kuyavia [tr. JK].4 In the text she managed to discuss briefly different historical conditions characterizing each of the regions mentioned and she tried to distinguish particular groups of works of art executed under significant influence of Czech art. Despite importance of her remarks on particular examples, some of them need to be reconsidered and confronted with the results of a recent research. Another significant paper on the given topic has been published in 1960 by Barbara Miodońska an art historian and expert in the field of manuscript painting. Her text: Polish-Czech connections in the field of manuscript painting at the turn of 14th and 15th centuries [tr. JK] dealt mostly with illuminated manuscripts originating from the Lesser Poland, but she also included several interesting notices about Pomeranian illumination.5 Much more comprehensive information about bohemian-pomeranian artistic links can be found in Adam S. Labuda’s article published in catalogue of exhibition: ‘Charles IV. An emperor by the Grace of God’ organized by Prague’s National Gallery in 2006.6 Author concentrates not only on the particular works of art but also gives a broad historical backgroud by presenting political contacts between subsequent rulers of the Luxemburgian dynasty and state of the Teutonic Order.

3 A. Karłowska-Kamzowa, Zagadnienie związków polsko-czeskich w malarstwie drugiej połowy XIV i w początkach wieku XV, “Sprawozdania Poznańskiego Towarzystwa Przyjaciół Nauk”, 95, 1978, p. 40–47. 4 Eadem, Kontakty artystyczne z Czechami w malarstwie gotyckim Śląska, Pomorza Wschodniego, Wielkopolski i Kujaw, “Folia Historiae Artium”, 16, 1980, p. 39–65. 5 Unfortunately Miodońska excluded Pomerania from her detailed research. Cf. B. Mio dońska, Związki polsko-czeskie w dziedzinie iluminatorstwa na przełomie wieków XIV i XV, “Pamiętnik literacki”, 51/3 1960, p. 153–202. 6 A.S. Labuda, Vstříc moří – expanze na sever, [in:] Karel IV. Císař z Boží milosti. Kultura a umĕní za vlády Lucemburků 1310–1437, Praha 2006, p. 401–415; See: idem, Malarstwo tablicowe na Pomorzu Wschodnim, [in:] Malarstwo gotyckie w Polsce, vol. 1: Synteza, Warszawa 2004, p. 333–362. From imperial Prague to Baltic Sea… 81

Prague as flourishing cultural centre

Prague under the reign of last rulers of the Luxembourgian dynasty: Charles IV. (1316–1378), his son and successor Wenceslas IV. (1361–1419) and Sigismund of Luxemburg (1368–1437) has become one of the most important and inspir- ational artistic centres in Europe of the time. As majority of the researchers claim, although artistic contacts on the line Bohemian Crown and the lands of Polish Kingdom were rooted much earlier than the period discussed, the turn of 14th and 15th centuries should be treated differently. As Charles IV. was crowned as the Holy Roman Emperor in 1355, Prague became a capital city of the empire and the seat of the emperor’s court. The ruler who had been brought up in an international environment7 was interested in maintaining close diplomatic relations with France (let’s recall his journey to Paris in 1378), papal court in Avignon and with Italy. These contacts effected in merging of different cultural inspirations in one cosmopolitan environment. Also an important role of church dignitaries from Charles’s court – archbishop of Prague Ernst of Pardubice (1297–1364) and bishop John of Neumarkt (1320–1380)8 cannot be omitted. Prague was also a seat of the eldest university in Cent- ral Europe which was founded in 1348 and a place of birth of new theolo- gical views and reforms. Cultural and artistic achievements of the reign of Wenceslas IV. has often been assessed through the prism of the preceeding long and successful reign of his father. Such comparison effected in its under- estimation. Luckily, this unfair view is nowadays rejected. As it is being underlined unstable political situation did not prevent the wonderful flourishing of fine arts.9 Since the 2nd half of the 14th century Bohemian art, especially painting, started to have significant influence on the art of the neighbouring countries. With the appearance of several major artistic personalities within less than 50 years it had undergone important stylistic changes. From linear‚

7 In 1323 at the age of seven Charles has been sent by his father to Paris where he spent seven years. Ruler, who at the baptism was named Wencleslas (after his Czech ancestors) during his confirmation ceremony in Paris got the name Charles in remembrance of his uncle – the last French king of the Capetian dynasty. After his sojourn in France Charles spent two years in south Italy. What is often underlined, these journeys must have affected his artistic taste. See: J. Fajt,Karel IV. 1316–1378. Od napodobení k novému císařskému stylu, [in:] Karel IV. Císař z Boží milosti. Kultura a umĕní za vlády Lucemburků 1310–1437, Praha 2006, p. 41–44. 8 Chancellor of Charles IV. from 1353 to 1374. 9 J. Royt, Mistr Třeboňského oltáře, Praha 2013, p. 48. 82 Justyna Kuska

‘italianate’ style of 40’s 14th century, through more naturalistic forms inspired by the art of the Franco-Flemish circle and the monumentalization of figures visible in Master Theodoric’s painting, it directed towards ‘spiritualized’ forms, which fully manifested in the works of the so called Master of the Třeboň Al- tarpiece considered as a model representant of the international style.10

Artistic transfer

As already mentioned, artistic contacts with Bohemia in the 2nd half of the 14th and early 15th century bore a special character. In the broader context of social and political phenomena this is the moment when for the first time we can speak of their particular intensity and continuity. Wherein as Barbara Mio dońska points out, Poland played the role of the partner who has been making use of more advanced achievements of art of the southern neighbour.11 His- torical affiliations of Silesia, Pomerania, Lesser and Greater Poland with the Bohemian Crown were different and so different were ways of reception of artistic trends floating from the South. According to Miodońska, we can distinguish three main ways of such takeover. The first one is based on direct contact and the exchange of ideas between Prague and Krakow – political and religious capital of Poland, seat of the Polish royal court and university. The second is a case of Silesia, which despite the fact that since the mid-14th century it was integral part of the Kingdom of Bohemia, have not completely lost its ties with the Polish territories. However, this region was becoming a terrain of increasingly strong political and cultural penetration of the Bohemian King- dom. In the field of art it is reflected in frequent import of works of art, migra- tions of artists and direct adaptation of current artistic trends from Prague by the local artists. And finally, the third is the case of Eastern Pomerania and the territories under the rule of the Teutonic Order, which were in the cultural and artistic terms very dependent from the capital of the empire – Prague.12

Eastern Pomerania

The Order of Teutonic Knights appeared in the north-eastern Europe with the aim of spreading the Christian faith in the pagan Prussia. Order was subor-

10 Ibidem, p. 49–80. 11 B. Miodońska, op. cit., p. 154. 12 Ibidem, p. 155. From imperial Prague to Baltic Sea… 83

dinatied to the jurisdiction of Pope, but quickly Knights earned also the favor of the emperor. In 1235 Frederick II with the Golden Bull of Rimini (backdated to 1226)13 bestowed on the Order a special imperial privilege for the conquest and possession of Prussia, including Chełmno Land. Since the 30’s of the 13th century Knights gradually expanded the territories of their state.14 The issue of the links between Teutonic Knights with Luxemburgian Bo- hemia was studied broadly by researchers, but the main area of their interest oscillated rather around politics, diplomacy and university contacts.15 The question of artistic connections is not as obvious. What is worth emphasizing, the state of development of visual arts in 14th century Pomerania was different in comparison with, for example Silesia or Lesser Poland. As Alicja Karłowska-Kamzowa stated and what has been later confirmed by Jerzy Domasłowski, before 13th century we cannot even speak of gothic painting.16 The eldest examples dating back to mid-14th century consider examples of wall painting, illuminated manuscripts and stained-glass windows. As Kamzowa wrote, they represent: ‘early stage of development of arts in this region’.17 Be- fore the half of the 14th century we cannot also speak about any stronger Czech influences.18 The situation changed significantly after imperial coronation of Charles IV. in 1355. According to Adam S. Labuda, the use of ‘bohemian model’ of artistic representation in the State of Teutonic Order had a character of ideological and political manifestation. The main task of the message was to emphasize the links with highly positioned protector of the Order and at the same time the highest secular ruler in the world of Western Christianity.19

13 T. Jasiński, Złota Bulla Fryderyka II dla zakonu krzyżackiego z roku rzekomo 1226, “Roczniki Historyczne”, 60, 1994, p. 107–157. 14 For more on the history of the Order see: M. Biskup, G. Labuda, Dzieje zakonu krzy- żackiego w Prusach: gospodarka, społeczeństwo, państwo, ideologia, Gdańsk 1988; H. Boockmann, Zakon Krzyżacki: dwanaście rozdziałów jego historii, Warszawa 1998; first published in German in 1981: H. Boockmann,Der Deusche Orden. Zwölf Kapitel aus seiner Geschichte, München 1981; K. Górski, Zakon Krzyżacki a powstanie państwa pruskiego, Wrocław 1977; first published in Italian in 1971: K. Górski, L’ordine teutonico. Alle origini dello stato prussiano, Torino 1971. 15 J. Goll, Čechy a Prusy ve středovĕku, Praha 1897; R. Heck, M. Orzechowski, Historia Czechosłowacji, Wrocław 1969, p. 53–63, 78–87. 16 J. Domasłowski, Malarstwo ścienne na Pomorzu Wschodnim, [in:] Malarstwo gotyckie w Polsce…, op. cit., p. 117–141. 17 A. Karłowska-Kamzowa, Kontakty artystyczne, p. 41. 18 Type of the Teutonic Order’s castle could have been an exception. A.S. Labuda, op. cit., p. 401. 19 Ibidem, p. 402. 84 Justyna Kuska

The direct references to Bohemian art among representatives of the highest levels of Order’s hierarchy can be tracked in written sources. An entry in Great Master’s Tresslerbuch mentions ‘an image from Prague’ which was kept in his chapel.20 We also know about gifts which have been sent from Malbork to Prague.21 It is not without significance that the oldest known example of panel painting from Teutonic State is a Königsberg diptych with representation of Virgin Mary and Child, Dormition of the Virgin and the Crucifixion – the work of Czech origin.22 As Labuda underlined, the use of the traditional mosaic technique in two important places like church at the Malbork castle and Kwidzyn cathedral is an obvious link to the mosaic on the south façade of the St. Vitus cathedral dating back to the 70’s of the 14th century. The Prague’s mosaic shows the scene of the Last Judgement. In the lower part of the picture artists depicted representation of the emperor Charles IV. and his fourth wife Elisabeth of Pomerania.23 The Kwidzyn mosaic executed in 1380 is placed above south porch to the church. It depicts bishop John I. Mönch – donator (1377–1409) kneeling in front of St. John Evangelist who is being martyred at the same time. The fact of its presence in this place as well as its character were undoubtedly inspired by Prague’s mosaic, however remains uncertain whether the workshop responsible for its execution came from Prague or maybe directly from Venice.24 Different was the character the Malbork mosaic. Placed in the bricked up niche in the eastern apse of the castle church, monumental statue of the Virgin and Child was fully covered with the mosaic decoration. The use of uncommon mosaic technique in this case could have also protective function against the harmful effects of the weather.25 Another example of the monumental painting executed by the artist who plausibly came from Bohemia are the wall paintings in the refectory of the bishop castle in Lidzbark Warmiński. The painting of the Coronation of the Virgin is fre-

20 Das Marienburger Tresslerbuch der Jahre 1399-1409, ed. E. Joachim, Königsberg 1896, p. 62. 21 A.S. Labuda, op. cit., p. 402–403. 22 Diptych dated 1360 is not preserved. Work originated probably from Cistercian monastery founded 1349. A.S. Labuda, Malarstwo tablicowe…, op. cit., p. 333. 23 České umĕní gotické 1350–1420, Praha 1970, p. 198. 24 According to Domasłowski, both mosaics were executed by Venetian workshop see: J. Domasłowski, op. cit., p. 130–131. 25 M. Kilarski, Mozaikowa figura malborskiej Madonny. Fakty, legendy, interpretacje, Malbork 1993; A. Grzybkowski, Geneza kolosa malborskiego, “Ikonotheka”, 6, 1993, p. 75–98. From imperial Prague to Baltic Sea… 85 quently being linked with the person of bishop Henryk Sorbom (bishop of Warmia 1373–1401) a former secretary of Charles IV.26 Knights also ordered splendid altar for castle chapel in Grudziądz dated between 1390–1410.27 The iconographic programme of the altar is devoted to the main patron of the Teutonic Order – Virgin Mary. On the great-festive opening we can observe two magnificent scenes: Death of the Virgin and her Coronation in Heaven. The topic of artistic links between the Grudziądz Al- tarpiece and Bohemian painting, especially the issue of its connections with Master of the Třeboň Altarpiece was studied by Polish and Czech researchers. What seems certain, the painter had undergone an education in Bohemia, maybe in the circle of Třeboň Master or even in his workshop. A close up on the scenes of Nativity and Agony in the Garden shows their immediate vicinity to compositional and iconographic solutions used by the Třeboň Master. Lately, Jan Royt published first, comprehensive monography devoted the artistic legacy of this anonymous artist. In the book he proposed his own ideas for reconstruction of the altar, which has not been preserved fully (central panel is missing). A similar arrangement of particular scenes and general disposition of the panels is striking.28 As Adam Labuda underlined, arrival of Czech-educated author of the Gru dziądz Altarpiece gave an important impuls for the execution of several other bohemian-influenced works of art in the region. In his opinion, a wooden panel of uncertain origin stored in Cleveland Museum of Art, sculpted figure of ‘shrine madonna’ from Sejny (Schreinmadonna, Vierge Ouvrante)29 and a picture of Lamentation of Christ from the St. Mary’s Church in Gdańsk (ca. 1410)30 represent direct stylistic closeness to the Grudziądz piece.31 Also in the field of manuscript painting we can notice traces of Czech influences.

26 J. Domasłowski, op. cit., p. 121. 27 Altar is stored in the collection of the National Museum in Warsaw. M. Kochanowska Reiche, Poliptyk, ok. 1390 r., [in:] Malarstwo gotyckie w Polsce, vol. II: Katalog zabytków, Warszawa 2004, p. 178–180. 28 J. Royt, op. cit., p. 132–149. 29 Last quarter of 14th century. See: G. Radler, Das Schreinmadonna ,Vierge ouvrante’. Von der bernhardischen Anfägnger bis zur Frauenmystik im Deutschordensland, Frankfurt am Main 1990, p. 342–345, no. 38. 30 Now stored in National Museum in Gdańsk see: J. Domasłowski, A. Karłowska-Kam- zowa, A. Labuda, Malarstwo gotyckie na Pomorzu Wschodnim, p. 89, 92. 31 As Labuda noticed, the Grudziądz altarpiece became also a model for other works of art produced in the region for example a reliquiary cross from Tczew (1410) and ciborium from Chojnice (1409–1410). A. Labuda, op. cit., p. 405. 86 Justyna Kuska

A good example is so called ‘Wiesenbuch’ from Elbląg.32 An illuminated codex written in German and Latin by Wilhelm Merczan contains three his- toriated initials depicting argricutural labours – a topic quite uncommon in Polish gothic painting. Researchers very early noticed that author of the illu- minations could have been of Prague origin. He must have been very close to the circle of illuminators working for Wenceslas IV.33 Another important artistic centre in the state of the Teutonic Knights was Toruń. A number of high-class artists whose top achievements date back to the years 1380–1410 were active in the city. It became the birthplace of new iconographic concepts but also broad artistic contacts with Western Europe and Bohemia.34 The model example of the work executed under the influence Bohemian painting was the main altar from the franciscan St. Mary’s Church.35 It is a work non-uniform in a matter of style. Its oldest part – monumental compositions of the Holy Trinity and the Finding in the Temple were painted circa 1370, probably in Prague. In terms of style are close to the work of the Master of Vyšší Brod.36 Some researchers also noticed some reflections of the Master Theodoric’s ‘imperial style’.37 The newer part of the altar dates to the years 1380–1390 and also shows traces of Bohemian influence. According to Domasłowski, wall paintings in this church, despite the fact that they generally refer to north-German art, also reveal signs of Czech in-

32 B. Miodońska, I. Błaszczyk, Elbląska księga łąkowa (Das Wiesenbuch), Gdańsk, AP, sygn. 369 1/126, [in:] Malarstwo gotyckie w Polsce, vol. 2, op. cit., p. 317–318); I. Błaszczyk, Ilu- stracje średniowiecznych kalendarzy ziem polskich (ikonografia przedstawień), “Sprawoz- dania Poznańskiego Towarzystwa Przyjaciół Nauk”, 96, 1979, p. 12–29; G. Brutzer, Mittel alterliche Malerei im Ordenslande Preussen, Teil I: Westpreussen, Danzig 1936; A. Ulbrich, Kunstgeschichte Ostpreussens von der Ordenszeit bis zur Gegenwart, Köningsberg i. Pr. 33 According to Bernard Schmid, he derived many elements from the style of the co called Master of the Hasenburg Missal. Alicja Karłowska-Kazmowa and Barbara Miodońska opted for the theory linking the artist with the circle of Master of the Gerona Martyro- logy. Pavel Brodský precised this information by poiting on the Master of the Mandeville Manusctript conntected directly with the Master of Gerona Martyrology. See : B. Schmid, Die Miniaturmalereien des Elbinger Wiesenbuches, “Elbinger Jarhrbuch”, 1, 1919/1920, p. 95–100; A. Karłowska-Kamzowa, Kontakty artystyczne…, op. cit., p. 42; B. Miodońska, Małopolskie malarstwo książkowe 1320–1540, Warszawa 1993, p. 133; P. Brodský, Ilumino- vané rukopisy českého původu v polských sbírkách, Praha 2004, p. 37–38. 34 J. Domasłowski, op. cit., p. 125. 35 Altar now stored in Diocesan Museum in Pelplin (no. 35/M). For more see: J. Zdraj kowska, Sześć tablic poliptyku, [in:] Malarstwo gotyckie w Polsce, vol. 2, op. cit., p. 270–274. 36 J. Pešina, Mistr Vyšebrodského cyklu, Praha 1982. 37 A.S. Labuda, op. cit., p. 407. From imperial Prague to Baltic Sea… 87

fluence (painted, architectural baldachines).38 Of the highest artistic value are the examples of sculpture. On the first place Adam Labuda mentions works by the Master of statue of Beautiful Madonna from the Church of St. John the Baptist and St. John the Evangelist in Toruń.39 He carved a sculpture of Christ from the Group of Agony in the Garden for the Malbork Castle.40 Limestone statue is dated to the last decade of the 14th century. It was commissioned probably by some high-ranked representant of the Teutonic Order. It’s splendid quality as the material from which it was carved allows to believe that it was created in Prague and was transported to Toruń. As Jiří Fajt claims, its author was a sculptor of Prague, who in the 90’s of the 14th century moved to Toruń where he found his atelier.41 Polish-Teutonic War of 1410–1411 and the consquent defeat of the Order resulted in the stagnation of artistic activity in Pomerania. The focus of artistic life shifted to Gdańsk, which grew into unquestioned cultural center. City patricians maintained close contacts with the countries of Western Europe, mainly with Hanseatic towns. This resulted in the adaptation of new artistic trends flowing from different environments. The new situation coincided with a time of political unrest in Bohemia. All of these factors led to a gradual weakening of the Czech cultural influence in the region. However it was a slow process. An example of a work of art on the border of two eras is the epitaph Bartholomew Boreschow (died 1426) from the Frombork cathedral. The image in terms of style is still in sphere of Bohemian influences, but its shape – a tondo – is already clearly Western.42

Conclusion

The territories of the State of the Teutonic Order seem to be an exception in terms of adaptation of the cultural and artistic trends floating from the South. Artistic relations were not so frequent like in the case of Silesia or Lesser Po- land, but starting from 2nd half of the 14th century we can observe a significant group of works of art influenced by Bohemian art or to be more exact executed

38 J. Domasłowski, op. cit., p. 123. 39 Full statue is not preserved. We know only console with the bust of Moses on which the figure was set. 40 J. Fajt, Mistr Toruňské madony. Kristus na hoře Olivetské, [in:] Karel IV…, op. cit., p. 417–418. 41 His oeuvre also comprised a small figurine of a pregnant Mary (today not preserved). 42 K. Wróblewska, Epitafium Bartłomieja Boreshowa, [in:] Malarstwo gotyckie w Polsce, vol. 2, op. cit., p. 161–162. 88 Justyna Kuska by artists somehow linked to Bohemia by their origin or education. The main reason for this closeness was new status of Prague which became the emperor’s seat and most influential artistic centre in Central Europe. The situation lasted until 1st half of 15th century. Then the Czech impact lost its main position mostly due to the unstable political situation in the country. On the other hand we have to remember that Bohemia was not the only artistic milieu which influenced artistic production of the discussed region. Among others we should point out art of the north-western Germany and Netherlands whose influence grew gradually during 14th century to finally prevail in 15th century.

Streszczenie

Z cesarskiej Pragi do Bałtyku. Stan badań nad przepływem idei artystycznych pomiędzy Czechami a Pomorzem Wschodnim w XIV–XV wieku

Terytorium Państwa Krzyżackiego wydaje się wyjątkiem pod względem adap- tacji trendów kulturowych i artystycznych przynoszonych z Południa. Stosunki artystyczne nie były tak częste, jak w przypadku Śląska czy Małopolski, ale po- cząwszy od drugiej połowy XIV wieku możemy zaobserwować znaczną grupę dzieł sztuki inspirowanych sztuką czeską lub wykonanych przez artystów w ja- kiś sposób powiązanych z terenem Czech – ze względu na pochodzenie lub wykształcenie. Głównym powodem tej bliskości był nowy status Pragi, która stała się siedzibą cesarza i najbardziej wpływowym ośrodkiem artystycznym w Europie Środkowej. Sytuacja ta trwała do pierwszej połowy XV wieku. Wtedy wpływ Czech stracił swoją główną pozycję, głównie z powodu niestabilnej sytuacji politycznej w kraju. Musimy również pamiętać, że Czechy nie były jedynym środowiskiem artystycznym, które wpłynęło na twórczość artystyczną omawianego regionu. Powinniśmy zwrócić m.in. uwagę na sztukę północno- -zachodnich Niemiec i Holandii, których rola wzrastała stopniowo w XIV wieku, by ostatecznie przeważyć w XV wieku. 1. Emperor Charles IV., Votive Panel of Jan Očko of Vlašim [detail], before 1371, National Gallery in Prague.

2. Diptych from the Cictercian Abbey in Königsberg, ca. 1350, Königsberg, Preußisches Museum [until 1945], lost.

3. Last Judgement, mosaic, ca. 1370–1371, The Metropolitan Cathedral of Saints Vitus, Wenceslaus and Adalbert in Prague. 4. Martyrdom of St John the Evangelist, mosaic, ca. 1380, St John the Evangelist’s Cathedral in Kwidzyn.

5. Statue of the Virgin 6. Reinicke & Rubin, Magde- Mary, mosaic, Malbork burg, postcard, ca. 1899–1914 Castle, ca. 1370–1380. (Bildarchiv Ostpreußen). 7. Grudziądz Polyptych, Pomerania (Toruń), ca. 1390–1400, National Museum in Warsaw.

8. Master of the Třeboň Altarpiece, Třeboň Altarpiece: Ressurection, Prague, ca. 1380, National Gallery in Prague. 9. ’Schrine Madonna’ from Sejny, Western Prussia, last quarter of 14th century, St. Giles’ Collegiate Church in Sejny.

10. Master of the Jean de Madneville’s Livre des merveilles du monde, ’Das Weisenbuch’, Elbląg, 1421, fol. 157v, State Archives in Gdańsk.

12. Console with a figure of Moses, Toruń 1490s, Church of St. John the Baptist and St. John the Evangelist in Toruń. 13. Master of the Toruń Madonna, Agony in the Garden, Prague, ca. 1390–1400, The Malbork Castle Museum.

14. Tondo of Bartholomew Boreschow, Pomerania, before 1426 (?), Archcathedral Basilica of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary and Saint Andrew in Frombork.

Krzysztof Wroński

University of Gdańsk

4 Karrenbüxen neben der Zeugkkammer. About West-Pomeranian castles in the face of the emergence and development of the firearm (14th–17th c.)

The aim of this paper is to present the issue of the adaptation of late medieval West Pomeranian castles to the new conditions of warfare, which appeared in connection with the emergence and development of the firearm in 14th-century Europe. Materials presented here will focus on examples of military architecture, namely that of the Teutonic Knights and the Hospit- allers, whose buildings are the best preserved, possess a rich collection of late-medieval and early modern documents and - most importantly – exer- ted the most powerful impact on late medieval secular defensive architecture in West Pomerania.1 However, the purpose of this paper is not to provide a detailed presentation of the architectural elements of castles and the state of their armouries, but to present trends and ideas that guided castle builders and owners from the emergence of firearms in West Pomerania until the moment when medieval fortifications lost their military value. The chronology of this period can be clarified by establishing a framework between the end of the 14th century (appearance of the firearms in Świdwin castle) and

1 Z. Radacki, Średniowieczne zamki Pomorza Zachodniego, Warszawa 1976, p. 300–301. 96 Krzysztof Wroński

the end of the Thirty Years’ War in 1648, when most of the West Pomeranian castles, including the Hospitallers’ strongholds, lived their last moments as military objects.

Beginning

Firearms in Europe first appeared in the West. Relatively early, i.e. at the end of the 1340s, they began to be used during sieges, such as at Rouen or Cambrai during the Hundred Years’ War. Their effectiveness left much to be desired, but the need soon became apparent for defense architecture to be adapted to the use of or defence against firearms. O’Neil believes that the earliest adaptation of such elements is exemplified by Queenborough Castle, completed in 1367.2 Earlier, in 1365, Queenborough was equipped with “two great guns and nine small ones” which were brought in from the Tower of London.3 The first mentions of the emergence of military architecture and its -ad aptation to the use of firearms in Western Pomerania are associated with the appearance of the Teutonic Order in Neumark. From at least 1362,4 the Order had firearms in its arsenals, both heavy and hand-held ones, initially known as buchsen or lothbuchsen.5 The anticipated war with Poland forced the Order to buttress their strongholds. Practically, all castles erected at the end of the 14th century were adapted for the use of and defence against the new type of weapon.6

14th–15th century

At the end of the 14th century, when the previous voigt of Neumark had acquired Świdwin (Schievelbein) castle and the town itself,7 the Teutonic Or- der equipped its new stronghold with firearms. The castle was an important

2 B.H. St John O’Neill, Castles and Cannon. A Study of Early Artillery Fortifications in England, Oxford 1960, p. 7. 3 Queenborough Castle, Isle of Sheppey, Kent. Archaeological Evaluation and Assessment of Results, Salisbury 2006, p. 3. 4 T. Torbus, Zamki konwentualne państwa krzyżackiego w Prusach, Gdańsk 2014, p. 269. 5 A. Nowakowski, Arms and Armor in the Medieval Teutonic Order’s State in Prussia, Łódź 1994, p. 102. 6 T. Torbus, op. cit., p. 269. 7 L. Kajzer, S. Kołodziejski, J. Salm, Leksykon zamków w Polsce, Warszawa 2010, p. 490. 4 Karrenbüxen neben der Zeugkkammer. About West-Pomeranian… 97

centre for the Order’s activities, as it was located on the main route, along which western knights could access the Order’s state in Prussia. It is significant that even the Grand Master was personally involved in ensuring the control of Świdwin land for the Teutonic Order.8 Construction works began immediately. The priority was to start building a new castle for the Order’s voigt and his crew in place of the old castle and to adapt it to the Teutonic statutes and rules. At the same time, after the initial partial demolition of the superstructure of the existing castle tower,it was, according to Zbigniew Radecki, reconstructed to resemble towers in Hospitaller and Warmian episcopal castles: an angular base with a cylindrical upper part.9 In fact, at the turn of the 14th and 15th centuries, it was a common form of modern Teutonic firearm-adapted towers (fig. 1).10 The towers, which had been built over several decades, featured (at least until 1413) gunloops with beams for gun hooks (fig. 2). Located in a wall recess, a gunpowder chamber was found on the same floor.11 The castle house also received a defensive attic,12 the element that appears in the Order’s castles from approximately 1350.13 Adaptations similar to those seen in Świdwin can also be observed in the voigt of Nidzica (Neidenburg)’s castle,14 which had been built from scratch, as well as in the castle belonging to the prosecutor of Bytów (Bütow),15 erected in the years 1398–1406.

8 Ibidem. 9 Z. Radacki, Średniowieczne zamki Pomorza Zachodniego, p. 62. 10 H. Domańska, Z badań nad problemem przystosowania zamków Pomorza Wschodnie- go do broni palnej w latach 1390–1520, “Kwartalnik Architektury i Urbanistyki: teoria i historia” 21, 1977, 4, p. 324–325. 11 Z. Radacki, Średniowieczne zamki Pomorza Zachodniego, p. 62. 12 L. Kajzer, S. Kołodziejski, J. Salm, op. cit, p. 491. 13 T. Torbus, op. cit, p. 269. 14 L. Kajzer, S. Kołodziejski, J, Salm, op. cit., p. 316–317. 15 H. Domańska, op. cit., p. 326–328. 98 Krzysztof Wroński

Fig. 1. Świdwin castle, 13th–15th c. (black – 1286–1317, red – 1st half of the 14th c., green – 1384–1455, dotted lines – probable location of the outer wall and outer gate).

Fig. 2. Świdwin castle, bergfried. 4 Karrenbüxen neben der Zeugkkammer. About West-Pomeranian… 99

As we can tell by the first inventories from 1408, 1410 and 1413,16 the rest of the castles and residences17 of the Teutonic Order in the Neu- mark18 – Kostrzyn (Küstrin), Drezdenko (Driesen), Chomętowo (Herms- dorf), and probably Santok (Zantoch) – had firearms in their arsenals. Unfor- tunately, most of them, especially the strongest fortresses in Drezdenko and Kostrzyn has not survived to the present day. According to the correspondence of the Grand Master, the castle in Kostrzyń was extended after 1440 to include “Turm mit Wehrgang”, “Bergfried an der Zugbrücke” and “Parcham mit 2 Türmen”,19 of which the last two towers were built after 1447 and placed on a terrace (Zwinger). These could have been analogous to the circular towers known from the castles in Wystruć (Intersburg), Bytów, perhaps also Barciany (Barten)20 or semi-circular bastions with a wall and rampart behind, such as those of Plauen Line in Malbork (Marienburg), built in the years 1417–144821 and prepared for using heavy artillery.22 Descriptions and the surviving relics of Kostrzyn castle seem to suggest an additional similarity to the architectural forms seen in the octagonal shape of the corner towers (“Bergfried an der Zugbrücke”).23 Firearms stored in arsenals in Neumark evolved over the years, depending on the degree of risk of war and other conflicts. The best example would be Świdwin. Its inventories mention not only the kind and number of firearms, but also places for weapon storage.24 The number of artillery ranged from a few cannons in the initial period,25 through their complete lack in the late 14th and 15th centuries,26 to 19 guns recorded in 1430, i.e. in the final

16 Das grosse Ämterbuch des Deutschen Ordens, ed. W. Ziesemer, Danzig 1921, reprint by M. Sandig, Wiesbaden 1968, p. 765–769. 17 Z. Radacki, Średniowieczne zamki Pomorza Zachodniego, p. 310–312. 18 All of Neumark was acquired by the Teutonic Order in 1402. Ibidem, p. 310. 19 Z. Radacki, Średniowieczne zamki na Pomorzu Zachodnim. Suplement do monografii z 1976 roku, “Materiały Zachodniopomorskie. Nowa Seria”, 2/3, 2005/2006, 2, p. 19, 42nd, footnote. 20 H. Domańska, Z badań nad problemem…, p. 326–328. 21 H. Domańska, Zespół umocnień Malborka z XIII–XV wieku, “Kwartalnik Architektury i Urbanistyki: teoria i historia” 22, 1977, 1, p. 16–17. 22 H. Domańska, Z badań nad problemem…, p. 325–326. 23 Z. Radacki, Średniowieczne zamki na Pomorzu Zachodnim. Suplement…, p. 20. 24 Das grosse Ämterbuch…, p. 672–673, 765, 767, 770, 771–772. 25 1384: “1 grosse buchse, 1 tonne salpetri, 2 cleyne bochsen”; 1386: “3 buchsen, 2 veschin salpetri, swebel nicht gancz 1 tonne”. Ibidem, p. 672–673. 26 Ibidem, p. 673, 765, 767. 100 Krzysztof Wroński years of the Order’s presence in the New Mark.27 Kostrzyn castle’s inventory of 1443 shows a similar set of weapons, i.e. four cannons firing stone cannonballs and eighteen handguns.28 The inventory of Świdwin castle mentions specific storage places where firearms were kept together with associated equipment between 1384 and 1430. This was a common practice in the Order’s castles.29 Firearms were stored in the armoury (harnasch), voigt’s chamber (des voyths camer), the tower and the gunpowder chamber (pulver camer), but the last of them appears only in the 1413.30 Firearms were stored even in smaller manors – certainly in the Order’s residence in Chomętowo31 and in all probability also in the wooden tower house in Santok. Stock records from that period report the quantity of firearms which was typically held in armouries in countries where the use of firearms was extensive at the time. In 1430 in Bohemian Točník Castle there were 13 cannons and 13 hand guns;32 in 1384 in English border royal castle in Roxburgh there were stored four bronze cannons, of which two are described as “large”;33 in the years 1426 to 1434 the castle received about eleven unspecified cannons with gunpowder, nitrate and other necessary supplies.34 No reliable records exist to indicate the quantity of firearms in Poland at the time.35 The second important military order in the area of West Pomerania was the Order of St. John. Starting in the middle of the 14th century, they con- solidated their territory, in which they eventually formed the Bailiwick of Brandenburg in 1382.36 Commandries were scattered both in New Mark and the Duchy of the West Pomerania, so the Hospitallers needed to show their

27 1430: “6 steynbochsen, 13 lodbuchsen”. Ibidem, p. 772. 28 Ibidem, p. 774. 29 G. Żabiński, Das grosse Ämterbuch des Deutschen Ordens – Remarks on its Value for Arms and Armour Research, [in:] Weapons Bring Peace? Warfare In Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed. L. Marek, Wrocław 2013, p. 203–204. 30 Das grosse Ämterbuch…, p. 672–673, 765, 767, 770, 771–772. 31 Ibidem, p. 769. 32 J. Szymczak, Początki broni palnej w Polsce 1383–1533, Łódź 2004, p. 321. 33 D. Spencer, Adapting to New Technology: Roxburgh Castle and the Scottish Marches, [in:] Emergence. Volume 6, Adaptation and Assimilation, Southamton 2014, p. 5. 34 Ibidem, p. 4. 35 J. Szymczak, op. cit., p. 320. 36 M. Starnawska, Między Jerozolimą a Łukowem. Zakony krzyżowe na ziemiach polskich w średniowieczu, Warszawa 1999, p. 162, 209. 4 Karrenbüxen neben der Zeugkkammer. About West-Pomeranian… 101

rank and position, as well as to simply protect their lands against the attempts of Neumark and West Pomeranian rulers.37 It was the time when the architecture of the Hospitallers’ chateaux was in its infancy; five brick castles – Drahim (Alt Draheim), Łagów (Lagow), Swobnica (Wildenbruch), Pęzino (Pansin) and Słońsk (Sonnenburg) – were erected over a hundred years, between themid-14th and mid-15th centuries.38 As we can see, this happened at a time when firearms in West Pomerania appeared. Those strongholds, like all knightly castles in the Pomeranian Duchy and Neumark had not yet assumed the architectural elements specially adapted for firearms. However, in the early period, firearms were used as a siege weapon, with the windowless Hospitaller chateaux having better defensive properties due to their high walls than Teutonic conventual castles with huge windows in exterior walls, which needed an additional line of outer curtain walls.39 It is significant that the increasingly wider use of firearms was accompanied by the enlargement of these walls and the addition of a new model of towers.40 These were unnecessary in St. John Order’s chateaux, as their castles were solid monoliths devoid of any needless decorative elements. Be- sides, an important part of the Hospitallers’ castle in Łagów, Swobnica and Pęzino41 was the main tower – bergfried – with its massive, brick plinth, which was still a perfect protection against faulty late medieval firearms. It was also suitable for observation and firing into the besiegers’ positions. On the other hand, the placement of West Pomeranian castles is not without significance – they were often surrounded by wetlands, backwaters, brooks and lakes, making it difficult to approach the castle within firing distance or attack with infantry units. When firearms appeared, this natural passive defense allowed reducing the elements of military architecture to a minimum. Irrespective of the owner’s financial capacity, it was a widely used approach.

37 Ibidem. 38 The first was the Drahim castle, built after 1354, the last – bailiff’s residence in Słońsk, whose construction took place from 1426/1429 to the second half of the 15th century. Z. Radacki, Średniowieczne zamki Pomorza Zachodniego, p. 126, 129; J. Nekanda-Trepka, Średniowieczne początki zamku pojoannickiego w Słońsku, [in:] Terra Transoderana. Sztuka Pomorza Nadodrzańskiego I Nowej Marchii w średniowieczu. Materiały z se minarium naukowego poświęconego jubileuszowi 50-lecia pracy w muzealnictwie szcze- cińskim Zofii Krzymuskiej-Fafius,– 7 8 czerwca 2002, Szczecin 2004, p. 165. 39 Z. Radacki, Średniowieczne zamki Pomorza Zachodniego, p. 301. 40 T. Torbus, op. cit., s. 269. 41 The lack of the main tower in Słońsk may be a sign of coming transformations inside the Bailiwick of Brandenburg. 102 Krzysztof Wroński

Archaeological research carried out on the Drahim castle has revealed the presence of ammunition,42 probably from heavy hookguns43 dating back to the end of the 14th and the beginning of the 15th century. This makes it difficult to determine the provenance of the finds, as in 1407 the castle was taken over by the Polish Kingdom. However, a noteworthy document dated sometime between 1423 and 1426 mentions the absence of any firearms in the castle armoury.44 Moreover, there is another find connected with firearms and St. John’s Order – a stone cannonball from a boming, found close to Łagów castle, which was erected shortly after the Drahim castle. The find dates back to the 14th–15th century.45 The role of firearms in West Pomerania during this period is not yet fully appreciated; this changed after the invasion of the Brandenburgian elector Albrecht in 1478. His army, equipped with firearms, both hand and heavy ones, crossed the border of the Pomeranian Duchy.46 An army of one thou- sand and a hundred people besieged one of the most powerful Pomeranian strongholds – Szadzko (Saatzig) castle; among them there were supposed to be a hundred and fifty crossbowmen and fifty riflemen with hookguns. The besiegers also had a few cannons. Barraged with crossbow arrows and gun fire, the defenders were forced to hide in the battlements, which prevented them from making any more defence efforts. Meanwhile, the infantry had climbed the ladders onto the walls. The castle was soon captured with minimal losses. As described, of the besiegers barely four fell, thirty were wounded. The fall of the fortress forced Duke Bogusław to sign a peace treaty.47

15th–16th century

The nature of warfare in the late 15th century clearly showed a decreased value of the medieval military architecture. Also significant were the high costs of construction works and impoverished status of knighthood, which

42 H. Janocha, Gród i zamek w Starym Drawsku (Drahimiu) gmina Czaplinek – walory obronne i uzbrojenie załogi – w oparciu o wyniki badań archeologicznych, “Koszalińskie Zeszyty Muzealne”, 22, 1998, p. 83. 43 P. Strzyż, Średniowieczna broń palna w Polsce, Łódź 2011, p. 50, 52, 58. 44 J. Szymczak, op. cit., p. 320. 45 P. Strzyż, op. cit. 46 Z. Radacki, Średniowieczne zamki Pomorza Zachodniego, p. 180, 313. 47 E. Rymar, Trzy relacje o wojnie pomorsko-brandenburskiej z lat 1478–1479, Szczecin 2003, p. 28–34. 4 Karrenbüxen neben der Zeugkkammer. About West-Pomeranian… 103 had deteriorated due to an economically stronger citizenry. In the second half of the 15th century, responsibility for the defense of the borders finally passed to the much wealthier cities of the Pomeranian Duchy and Neu- mark.48 At the same time, most West Pomeranian castles were converted from fortresses into dwellings. This undercut military investments for almost a hundred years. Some of them were abandoned and fell into ruin, others lasted in unchanged medieval form until the Thirty Years’ War. Construction works aimed at increasing defence potential were carried out only on the major castles which still had military significance. In most of them, a medieval architectural tissue did not undergo any military transformations. It was used as the basis for creating late-Gothic and early-Renaissance residences, in which defensive elements had not been introduced. In many cases, military value was still based on passive medieval water defense systems. These changes reached not only the knighthood, but also reflected on the military architecture of St. John’s Order, which became – after the Teutonic Knights left Neumark in the middle of the 15th century – the only military order present in Western Pomerania.49 Yet, at the same time, the Order began to undergo internal transformations – the Hospitallers became courtiers in the courts of dukes of Pomerania and Brandenburg electors,50 and the military function of the Order began to recede into the background. Significant here are the events that took place between the end of the 15th and the middle of 16th centuries. At the end of the 15th century Pęzino castle was sold to the Borck family, the Hospitallers’ vassals.51 Suchań (Zachan), which was the most important of the Order’s fortresses before the rise of Swobnica Castle, was torn down in the 16th century; the extant 18th-century manor house situated on the courtyard is devoid of any defensive qualities.52 The decline of military functions also affected the bailiwick headquarters in Słońsk. Before the middle of the 16th century, the castle was completely rebuilt, the elements of medieval military architecture disappeared during the conversion of the fortress to an early Renaissance residence, in which defensive facilities were

48 Z. Radacki, Średniowieczne zamki Pomorza Zachodniego, p. 312. 49 Z. Radacki, Średniowieczne zamki na Pomorzu Zachodnim. Suplement…, p. 24. 50 M. Starnawska, Mnisi – rycerze – szlachta. Templariusze i joannici na pograniczu Wielkopolsko-Brandenbursko-Pomorskim , “Kwartalnik Historyczny”, 99, 1992, 1, p. 23– 28; eadem, Między Jerozolimą, p. 162, 209, 223–224. 51 Z. Radacki, Średniowieczne zamki Pomorza Zachodniego, p. 147. 52 Ibidem, p. 124. 104 Krzysztof Wroński reduced to a minimum.53 Only three medieval strongholds underwent mod- ernization – Łagów located near the strategic route Poznań – Frankfurt an der Oder, Friedland and Swobnica which was the Hospitallers’ enclave in the Pomeranian Duchy. The modifications introduced by the Hospitallers were typical of this period. However, it should be noted that after the return of Neumark of Brandenburg electors came a standstill. Elements used by the Hospitallers perhaps at the turn of the 15th and 16th century were relatively new in the scale of Western Pomerania, but in the context of the Teutonic Order, Pol- ish Kingdom and Brandenburg appeared with considerable delay.54 At first, they were limited to improving defense by adding floors to the main tower superstructures (Łagów, Swobnica, Świdwin) and gate towers (Łagów [fig. 3], Swobnica, Świdwin).55 All these works continued to develop the late medieval defense model by emphasizing a few elevated points. Modernized towers and gate towers expanded the field of vision and fire. Also, certain elements were prepared for using hand and light firearms, which can be seen in tower of Swobnica castle, where gunloops located in an added floor were placed in individual chambers, each equipped with its own annexes and ammunition niches. Interestingly, it might be surmised based on a reading of a 16th-century inventory that the castle in Swobnica had above its chapel and gun chamber a “defensive floor” to store heavy guns which, as Hanna Domańska pointed out, required space for recoiling after they are fired. This arrangement is known to have featured in Teutonic castles.56

53 J. Nekanda-Trepka, Średniowieczne początki…, p. 165–166. 54 P. Lasek, Wieża i basteja. Z badań nad wpływem broni palnej na architekturę obronno- ‑rezydencjonalną Królestwa Polskiego w XV–XVI w., [in:] Interdyscyplinarne badania za- łożeń rezydencjonalnych i obronnych [Studia i Materiały Archeologiczne. Suplement 2], ed. P. Sypczuk, Warszawa 2013, p. 158–163; A. Schütz, Die hoch- und spätmittelalterli- chen Burgen und Adelssitze in der Uckermark, Land Brandenburg Bestandsaufnahme und vergleichende Untersuchungen vom späten 12. bis zum Ende des 15. Jahrhunderts, Berlin 2007, p. 57–58. 55 Z. Radacki, Średniowieczne zamki Pomorza Zachodniego, p. 64, 144. 56 H. Domańska, Z badań nad problemem…, p. 326. 4 Karrenbüxen neben der Zeugkkammer. About West-Pomeranian… 105

Fig. 3. Łagów castle, 14th–16th c. (only today existing parts) (black – 2nd half of the 14th c., red – 2nd half of the 15th – 1st half of the 16th c.).

16th century

Further modifications aimed at strengthening military capabilities had already been introduced in the 16th century57 on the outside of the castles. This was due to the impossibility of further transformation of the medieval fortress and the need for a permanent separation of residential parts and the siege artillery. Counterbattery defense was improved by erecting external fortifications rings (Łagów, Friedland, Świdwin) with semi-circular (Łagów)58 or circular (Friedland)59 bastions in a rondell shape, all made of brick and stone (fig. 3, 4). The Hospitallers’ castles were surrounded by one (Friedland) or two rings (Łagów) of walls with rondells.60 Swobnica was fortified quite modestly, possibly by erecting only a single bastion (Posteyn) of unknown form.61 Although the use of rondells was still common in Europe,62 our mil-

57 In Łagów castle before 1533. Brandenburgisches Klosterbuch: Handbuch der Klöster, Stifte und Kommenden bis zur Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts: 2 Bde., eds. H.-D. Heimann, K. Neitmann, W. Schich, Berlin 2007, p. 731. 58 G. Chmarzyński, M. Sczaniecki, Zamek w Łagowie, Warszawa 1948, p. 79. 59 G. Dehio, Handbuch der deutsche Kunstdenkmäler. Brandenburg, München–Berlin 2000, p. 332–333. 60 Z. Radacki, Średniowieczne zamki Pomorza Zachodniego, p. 64, 144; G. Chmarzyński, M. Sczaniecki, Zamek w Łagowie, p. 79. 61 Z. Radacki, Średniowieczne zamki Pomorza Zachodniego, p. 144. 62 S. Hoppe, Artilleriewall und Bastion. Deutscher Festungsbau der Renaissancezeit im Spannungsfeld zwischen apparativer und medialer Funktion, “Jülicher Geschichtsblät- ter” 74/75, 2006/2007, p. 36–37, 39. 106 Krzysztof Wroński itary technology at that time begins falling behind other countries– witness the above-mentioned Plauen Line in Malbork, or the castle in Wenecja near Żnin in the Polish Kingdom, where rondells with outer walls appeared in 1436.63 Those forms became obsolete in the European military architecture only in second half of the 16th century.64 In West Pomerania, there are also no examples of early artillery towers like those known from the Teutonic Order’s castles: new Bytów (and perhaps also Kostrzyn) and modernized by adding gun towers in 16th century Livonian Alsunga (Alschwangen), Ādaži (Neuer- muehlen) or Salspils (Neu-Kircholm).65 There are examples of this kind of towers in some Brandenburgian castles – circular or semi-circular forms are seen in Gerswalde, Greiffenberg, Grimnitz or Lebus, all of them are elements of reconstructions made in 15th century.66

Fig. 4. Łagów castle, northern outer wall with rondell.

Knighthood’s castles underwent modifications later, i.e. by the end of the first half of the 16th century; they were still considered fit for using hand

63 P. Lasek, op. cit., p. 158. 64 H. Domańska, Z badań nad problemem…, p. 328. 65 I. Ose, Erkenntnisse uber die Ordensburgen in Lettland, [in:] Castrum Bene 5/1996, Gdańsk 2004, p. 127, fig. 3, 4. 66 A. Schütz, Die hoch- und…, p. 57–58; Ch. Gahlbeck, Die Rückkehr der Bischöfe nach Lebus im Jahr 1354. Wendepunkt in der Geschichte der Bischofsresidenz an der Oder, Spätmittelalterliche Residenzbildung in geistlichen Territorien Mittel- und Nordost- deutschlands, Studien zur brandenburgischen und vergleichenden Landesgeschichte [Bd. 2], eds. H.-D. Heimann, K. Neitmann, Berlin 2009, p. 296. 4 Karrenbüxen neben der Zeugkkammer. About West-Pomeranian… 107

firearms, and at first, the modifications were limited to additional towers. Examples of such solutions are clearly seen at the ducal castle in Darłowo (Rügenwalde), where the gate tower was extended to include two late Gothic utilitarian-defense floors.67 Another example is known only from Lubinus’ engravings of Szadzko (Satzig) castle, where we can see at the top of the medieval bergfried an added early Renaissance structure.68 Just as in the Hos- pitallers castles, there were also gate towers yet unseen at Pomeranian castles, except in Darłowo. No specimens of knightly castles have survived. However, the same figure in Lubinus shows a turret located above the entryway. Other information about construction work carried out at the castle in Nowogard (Naugard) indicates that the gate tower was added at this time.69 In other buildings, far more modest improvements took place, witness the inverted keyhole gunloops for firearms, which appeared in the 1530s and 1540s at Do- bra (Daber) and Płoty (Plathe an der Rega) castles.70 Brick or stone rondells are known in secular architecture from isolated post-mid-16th-century examples.71 They are much more modern than those from the the Hospital- lers’ castles and similar to the forms known in Europe – with a high surface area and lower walls.72 In Szadzko castle before the year 1553 there were built a single rondell bastion near the gate and the bergfried;73 maybe there were two more semi-circular defensive objects, but we cannot be sure – they are known only from Lubinus’ engraving. In Nowogard, the oldest castle in West Pomerania was reconstructed in the 1560s: old wood and earth ramparts were strengthened by adding five brick rondells in modern form (fig. 5).74 The only one entirely modern fortress at that time was certainly the ducal

67 J. Nekanda-Trepka, Zamek w Darłowie – przyczynek do badań nad działalnością bu- dowlaną książąt zachodniopomorskich, [in:] Mecenat artystyczny książąt Pomorza Za- chodniego, Szczecin 1986, p. 70. 68 L. Kajzer, S. Kołodziejski, J. Salm, op. cit., p. 472. 69 H. Berghaus, Landbuch des Herzogtums Pommern. Teil II, Band 5, Abt. 2: Enthal- tend vom Naugarder Kreise die zweite Hälfte, die allgemeine Übersicht des Stadtkrei- ses Stettin und Ergänzungsblätter betreffend die West-Oder-Kreise des Regierungs-Be- zirks Stettin, Anklam 1874, p. 1569–1570. 70 Z. Radacki, Średniowieczne zamki Pomorza Zachodniego, p. 166, 184. 71 There are examples of wood and earth bastions in Bytów castle known from the early 16th century. Probably a single bastion of this kind can be seen in Maciejewo castle. L. Kajzer, S. Kołodziejski, J. Salm, op. cit., p. 122, 292–293. 72 S. Hoppe, op. cit., p. 39–42. 73 L. Kajzer, S. Kołodziejski, J. Salm, op. cit., p. 472. 74 H. Berghaus, op. cit., p. 1569–1570. 108 Krzysztof Wroński

residence in the Wolgast Castle, where in 1547 new wood and earth artillery bastions and ramparts were built out of the original, medieval walls.75 The chronology of the remains of similar ramparts seen in Szadzko castle unfortunately remains unknown. There is also a 16th-century’s tower in Szczecinek (Neu Stettin) castle; in 1592, it served as a prison and in 1621 it was called the Rundel, with the prison and pharmacy on the upper, half-timbered floors.76 We cannot be sure if it was an artillery tower.

Fig. 5. Nowogard castle, 13th–16th c. (black – end of the 13th c., red – sixties of the 16th c., dotted lines – probable location of the two bastions destroyed before the 18th c.)

We can be sure that firearms were stored in knight’s arsenals. Unfortu- nately, we do not have any information about them in the West Pomeranian castles; it is not specific not only in this region – in Poland until the end of the 15th century there were only a few such documents.77 We can take a closer look at the Hospitallers’ castle in Swobnica, where inventory records in the 16th century mention places of weapon storage. Between 1547 and 1576, weapons were stored as in the case of the Świdwin castle over a hundred years ago primarily in two main chambers – one for melee weapons and armors –

75 J. Ansorge, G. Schindler, Vom slawischen Burgwall zum pommerschen Herzogsschloss – Archäologische Prospektion auf der Wolgaster Schlossinsel, “Archäologische Berichte aus Mecklenburg-Vorpommern”, vol. XVI, 2009, p. 110. 76 E. Wille, Neue Bausteine zur Lokalgeschichte von Neustettin, Neustettin 1909, p. 1, 25. 77 P.A. Nowakowski, Arsenały domowe rycerstwa polskiego w średniowieczu, Toruń 2006, p. 104–105. 4 Karrenbüxen neben der Zeugkkammer. About West-Pomeranian… 109

armoury (harnischkammer) and the second, in which firearms were stored together with the whole equipment – gun chamber (zeugkkammer) (also similar to the Świdwin castle where weapons were sometimes transferred between different chambers)78. The second one primarily served as the store of most hand firearms, like hookguns (both light and heavy ones);79 heavier firearms, like falconets and veuglaires were stocked in the tower80 and directly on the curtain walls in danger of attack (in the defensive attic above the chapel and the gun chamber).81 Most of the gunpowder was stored in the castle house in the commandant’s windowless chamber,82 lying in a corner of the curtain walls, which gave full protection against accidental gunshot or depository catching fire.

17th century

The beginning of the 17th century83 and later the Thirty Years’ War brought further fortification of the medieval castles, but it is significant that at this time St. John’s Order definitely ceased to exert any influence on Pomeranian military architecture. The Hospitallers’ castles were still fortresses, but did not undergo any military modifications, or there is no information or the visible traces to the contrary. Some secular castles were rebuilt to include modern fortifications invented in Western Europe in the 16th century – wood and earth polygonal bulwarks and moats to further strengthen the existing defence structure.84 However, the potential of medieval fortifications was exhausted. 17th-century elements were based on the new model of defense and not connected in its forms with the older (late medieval and early mod-

78 G. Bülow, Inventarium der S. Johanniterordenscomthurei Wildenbruch aus den Jahren 1547 und 1560, “Baltische Studien”, AF 29, 1879, p. 16, 29–30. 79 1547: “28 hagken, 4 Hantrore”. Ibidem, p. 17. 80 1547: “1 Falgkenetlein, 2 dubbelte Hagken”. Ibidem. 81 1547: “4 Karrenbüxen”. Ibidem. 82 Ibidem. 83 Z. Radacki, Średniowieczne zamki Pomorza Zachodniego, p. 314. 84 G. Podruczny, Fortyfikacje Gorzowa Wielkopolskiego na przełomie XVII i XVIII w. w świetle materiałów archiwalnych, [in:] Materiały z sesji naukowej zorganizowanej przez Wojewódzką i Miejską Bibliotekę Publiczną w Gorzowie Wlkp. i Urząd Miasta Gorzowa wspólnie ze Stiftung Brandenburg w Fürstenwalde w ramach obchodów ju- bileuszowych. Gorzów–Landsberg 750 lat historii miasta, 28 września 2007, Gorzów Wielkopolski 2008, p. 45; S. Hoppe, op. cit., p. 36, 50–55. 110 Krzysztof Wroński ern) ones.85 What is also important, the modernizations and preparations of fortresses planned by dukes Franciszek I and then Bogusław XIV in the first quarter of the 17th century failed;86 because of that in many cases, the authors of new military works were not former owners of the castles – St. John’s Order, dukes or knighthood, but Swedish, Brandenburgian or Saxon armies, which soon swept through the Pomeranian Duchy and Neumark during the Thirty Years’ War.87

Streszczenie

4 Karrebüxen neben der Zeugkammen. Zachodniopomorskie zamki wobec pojawienia się i rozwoju broni palnej (XIV–XVII w.)

Na kształt i rozwój późnośredniowiecznej architektury obronnej w dobie pojawienia się broni palnej wpłynęło wiele czynników. Te w skali całej Europy można podzielić na: wielkie konflikty z XIV–XV wieku takie jak wojna stuletnia, wojny husyckie czy wojny polsko-krzyżackie; możliwości gospodarcze – tutaj szczególnie godni uwagi są inwestorzy: tylko najbogatsi mogli sobie pozwolić na odbudowę swoich rezydencji; lokalizacja; funkcja i znaczenie zamku pod koniec średniowiecza – wiele z nich stało się rezydencjami.

Na Pomorzu Zachodnim najważniejszym czynnikiem rozwojowym było pojawienie się w Nowej Marchii Zakonu Krzyżackiego, który zaczął wyposażać swoje zamki w elementy przystosowane do nowego rodzaju broni. Ten impuls, który można zauważyć na przykładzie wież zamkowych w Świdwinie i prawdopodobnie w Kostrzynie, został szybko stłumiony po tym, jak Nowa Marchia w połowie XV wieku wróciła do Brandenburgii. Po ich niszczycielskich najaz- dach na Księstwo Pomorskie w 1445 i 1478 roku nastąpiło zatrzymanie rozwoju

85 H. Bethe, Zur Baugeschichte des ehemaligen Herzogschlosses In Wolgast, Stettin 1938, p. 8. 86 E. Rymar, Książęta zachodniopomorscy wobec obronności swego państwa w XII–XVII w., [in:] Pomorze militarne XII–XXI wiek, eds. K. Kozłowski, E. Rymar, Szczecin 2004, p. 36–38. 87 Z. Boras, Działania wojsk szwedzkich na obszarze Nowej Marchii w okresie wojny trzy- dziestoletniej, [in:] Nowa Marchia – prowincja zapomniana – wspólne korzenie. Mate- riały z sesji naukowych organizowanych przez Wojewódzką i Miejską Bibliotekę Publicz- ną w Gorzowie Wlkp. wspólnie z Stiftung Brandenburg w Fürstenwalde od września do grudnia 2005 r., Gorzów Wielkopolski 2006, p. 44–50. 4 Karrenbüxen neben der Zeugkkammer. About West-Pomeranian… 111

architektury obronnej. Wynikało to m.in. z uświadomienia sobie wagi broni palnej i przestarzałości istniejącej późnośredniowiecznej architektury obronnej, której rycerstwo nie było w stanie zmodernizować ze względu na koszty. Co więcej, zamki zaczęły pełnić funkcje wówczas mieszkalne.

Zacofanie zachodniopomorskiej (niekrzyżackiej) architektury wojskowej za- częło być jasne już w pierwszej połowie XV wieku. W tym samym czasie w cze- skim zamku Hory Tábor pod koniec lat dwudziestych i trzydziestych wybu- dowano dodatkową linię murów z półokrągłymi bastionami. Krótko po tym zamek w Wenecji został przebudowany i wyposażony w zewnętrzną ścianę wzmocnioną rondellami; formy te pojawiły się na Pomorzu w zamkach szpital- ników prawdopodobnie dopiero na przełomie XV i XVI wieku lub na początku pierwszej połowy XVI wieku. Na Pomorzu Zachodnim w obronie nadal utrzy- mywały się tendencje średniowieczne, przy czym polegano przede wszystkim na obronie biernej. W wielu przypadkach pozwoliło to uniknąć wprowa- dzania nowych elementów architektonicznych. Omówione wyżej zamki były jedynymi, które przetrwały do początków XVII wieku lub wojny trzydziestolet- niej w niezmienionej postaci.

Należy przyjąć, że istniał uniwersalny „zestaw” elementów obronnych, któ- rych obecność i skala były powiązane z kilkoma czynnikami: strategicznym znaczeniem obiektu, możliwościami finansowymi właściciela oraz lokalizacją. Obrona w większości przypadków, nawet w zamkach św. Jana, nadal opiera- ła się na rozwiązaniach późnośredniowiecznych: podwyższona wieża główna lub wieża bramna pozostały najważniejszymi punktami obronnymi, często ze starymi strzelnicami nieprzystosowanymi do użycia broni palnej; podejścia do zamku bronił jeden lub więcej bastionów, które w przypadku Szpitalników łą- czyły czasem zewnętrzne ściany. Ponadto rozlewiska i wilgotne łąki otaczające zamek nadal stanowiły część naturalnej obrony. Ostatni wspomniany element często wiąże się z obecnością i rozmiarem elementów architektonicznych.

Głównym problemem jest nadal stosunkowo słaba znajomość wielu zachodniopomorskich zamków, szczególnie w późniejszych stadiach ich istnienia, w tym zmian architektonicznych z XV–XVI wieku. Wyraźnie widać to na przy- kładzie zamków przedstawionych w niniejszym opracowaniu: w przypadku świeckich zamków analiza opierała się wyłącznie na dokumentach epoki – opisach, planach i rysunkach, które jednak wymagają weryfikacji przez dalsze badania archeologiczne.

Karolina Belina Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen

The university matriculation books and “Stammbücher” as a central sources for the early modern history of students (on the basis of students from Gdańsk at universities in the Baltic Sea Region)

There is no doubt that intellectual history is a great example of the transfer of people and ideas. But what about the history of education? Universities in the early modern time were more focused on providing students with the basic knowledge and skills to become officials, lawyers or priests rather than on science itself and scientific theories. Nevertheless, students and professors participated in cultural transfer by traveling from one university town to another as well as sharing and recording their scientific, social and cultural experience.1 These two phenomena can be researched through a variety of

1 A. Seifert, Das höhere Schulwesen. Universitäten und Gymnasien [in] Handbuch der deutschen Bildungsgeschichte. 1: 15. bis 17. Jahrhundert. Von der Renaissance und der Re- formation bis zum Ende der Glaubenskämpfe, eds. N. Hammerstein, A. Beck, München 1996, p. 202; D. Bohnert, Tagungsbericht: Personendatenbanken. Digitalisierung – Edition – Auswertung, Wittenberg, 01.03.2013–02.03.2013, [in:] H-Soz-Kult, 03.07.2013 [http:// www.hsozkult.de/conferencereport/id/tagungsberichte-4908, accessed: 20.12.2014]. For more basic information about the history of European universities, see some fundamental studies like this by Seifert or P. Moraw, Gesammelte Beiträge zur deutschen und europäischen Universitätsgeschichte. Strukturen – Personen – Entwicklungen (Education and Society in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, vol. XXXI), Leiden–Boston 2008; Geschichte der Universität in Europa, ed. W. Rüegg, München 4 volumes 1993–2010, for our topic the first two volumes: Mittelalter and Von der Reformation zur Französischen 114 Karolina Belina sources, which we find useful for social and cultural history, e.g. letters, which are the best proof of social connections and the main source in cultural exchange research. Of use could also be published scientific papers, speeches etc., but for the history of high education and the social aspects of universities in early modern Europe, there are two special sources: matriculation books and “Stammbücher”,2 a sort of semiprivate student or friendship books.3 The sources themselves are the central theme of this article. This illustrates the possibilities and problems of their use on the basis of examples from the university town Tübingen. The new possibilities of research of these sources will also be discussed, first of all from the perspective of Digital Humanities followed by some information about the region, the period and scholars from Gdańsk and universities in the Baltic Sea Area.4 This article is only a small contribution to the great research field of European higher education history

Revolution (1500–1800) or an old book by G. Kaufmann, Die Geschichte der Deutschen Universitäten, Erster Band: Vorgeschichte, Stuttgart 1888 and Zweiter Band: Entstehung und Entwicklung der deutschen Universitäten bis zum Ausgang des Mittelalters, Stuttgart 1896 (the first volume). A short and basic introduction into this topic, e.g.: H. Boock- mann, Wissen und Widerstand. Geschichte der deutschen Universität, Berlin 1999 or H. de Ridder-Symoens, Bildungslandschaften des Mittelalters und der Frühen Neuzeit im Deutschen Reich und in Europa [in:] Die Universität Greifswald in der Bildungsland- schaft des Ostseeraums, eds. D. Alvermann, N. Jörn, J.E. Olesen, Berlin 2007, p. 13–28. 2 Singular: “Stammbuch”, Album Amicorum, Liber Amicorum. I would like to stick to the original German name because this is a phenomenon of German culture, which was also transferred to Eastern and Northern Europe wherever German students were studying or visiting. For the problematics of the name, see: W.W. Schnabel, Das Stammbuch. Konstitution und Geschichte einer textsortenbezogenen Sammelform bis ins erste Drittel des 18. Jahrhunderts, Tübingen 2003, p. 275–303. 3 Such a choice of sources is obligatory for all historians researching this topic, see: Quelle zur frühneuzeitlichen Universitätsgeschichte, ed. U. Rasche, Wiesbaden 2011 or e.g. D. Żołądź-Strzelczyk, Peregrinatio academia. Studia młodzieży polskiej z Korony i Litwy na akademiach i uniwersytetach niemieckich w XVI i pierwszej połowie XVII wieku, Poznań 1996, p. 15–22 or Z. Pietrzyk, Sztambuchy jako źródło do peregrynacji studenckich na przykładzie Polaków studiujących w Strasburgu, “Odrodzenie i Reformacja w Polsce”, 43, 1999, p. 139. Of course, there are many other types of sources like lecture timetables or published theses. 4 Names such as Gdańsk, German/Germany and Poland are, of course, a stylistic form that could not be long debated here. The first one means the Baltic city, in this article mostly until the Enlightenment (which brought many changes and new universities being founded), which was known to the inhabitants rather as Danzig. Germany/Ger- man means the cultural area of all German states, especially the protestant ones and Poland, Polish: Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The domination of German-language studies and sources in this article is obvious. The university matriculation book and “Stammbücher”… 115 with its links to culture and social history. Particular attention will be paid to the Baltic Sea Area and students from Gdańsk in the early modern period and the processes of cultural exchange will be analysed in that context. This city in its golden age was a great specimen for this kind of research: a sea trade city with its German protestant culture and with strong connections with Poland as well, it had not its own university but a great tradition in the fields of education and science. There is no reason here to dwell any longer on this topic, let the sources speak for themselves. Even without a deep analysis they provide us with a great variety of research opportunities. Matriculation is one of the examples of the longue durée. Since the Mid- dle Ages students have been obliged to matriculate. Matriculation books, no matter in which form, today or centuries ago, are present at all Euro- pean universities and their rules are theoretically clear. They contain a list of all students with their personal data as proof of their scholar status. In the early modern age, this was a set of lists combined into a book or a similar form or loose papers with names, locations and fees, divided in semesters, months or sometimes dates of the new students’ arrival. Research based on this source should be easy but in reality it is not.5 It is obvious that the first basic problem of the matriculation books is the handwriting and age. The oldest ones, usually prior to the 18th century, were written in Latin but contained, of course, German or other European names.6 Many of them, including also the names of towns, cities, regions and states, sometimes written even in old Greek (mainly in the Renaissance by the Hu- manists), are hard to identify. The writers could change often; there were several kinds of matriculation books: the main one for the whole university, a separate one for individual faculties, sometimes kept by the candidates, sometimes by the professors or university scribes, in the form of loose papers or after some time turned into a hardcover book. The oldest ones, from the Middle Ages, are not precise (only a name and region, without division into semesters, without dates or faculties). The lists from the 16th century and later are clearer, com-

5 For an introduction into the research on matriculation books, see: M. Asche, S. Häcker, Matrikeln, [in:] Quellen zur frühneuzeitlichen Universitätsgeschichte. Typen, Bestände, Forschungsperspektiven, ed. U. Rasche, Wiesbaden 2011, p. 243–254. For a view of the original matriculation books, see digitalised matriculation book from Rostock [http://matrikel.uni-rostock.de/subpage.action?nav=src&showTOC=false, accessed: 20.12.2012] (see next pages for the digitalising project in Rostock). 6 For non-German students. The following discussion concentrates on German universities and their reality. 116 Karolina Belina plete with dates (date of arrival at the university, semester) as well as candidate background information. 18th- and 19th-century matriculation books kept the systematic lists, divided into semesters, dates, candidate background information (e.g. father’s occupation) and were written in German. The basic function of the register was not just to record all the students but to create and control a corporation, a legal group of students, scholars and other people, for example their wives and university craftsmen (copyists, typographers, etc.). Many entries came from people who did not in fact study but only travelled and met famous scholars or professors (e.g. aristocracy). It was a ‘matricula’ for all ‘cives academici’, their formal status and the fees paid. Historians want to use matriculation books as a statistical source like the present-day register but these were not like it at the beginning of their existence. The stylistic form, in which the students are listed, is often incon- sistent and confusing. Nowadays, it is impossible and unnecessary to work only with the originals of the matriculation books that have been preserved in university archives. Some of them are no more accessible due to wars and other de- structions, for example those of the Strasbourg academy.7 Of course, this kind of historical sources awoke the interest of historians already in the 19th century. They were published before the Second World War and extended to include appendices in the second half of the 20th century. The publication itself was not always helpful until the publication of registers in the late 19th / early 20th centuries. Usually, the publishers decided to make two registers, one with the names of persons and the other with their birthplaces, cities, towns, sometimes villages or regions, or – in the case of foreigners – only the name of their state or ‘nation’. It is quite easy to work with a register, looking for Gdańsk students because of the role of the city in early modern Poland. People from Gdańsk were not described as Polish (with the possible exception of the nobles), but as ‘Danziger’, sometimes with the addition of ‘Prussia’ written in Latin or German. This way they are easy to find in the published register, separated from the ‘German’ and ‘Polish’ nations. Of course, the registers are not perfect and we can find mistakes because of the editors’ lack of palaeographic skills or often because of the poor condition of the source. It is obvious that historians can not work without these registers. Their publishers tried to show us the source in the form, in which they had seen it in the

7 Thh ey were destroyed during the Franco-German War (1870/1871). The university matriculation book and “Stammbücher”… 117 archives. Therefore, there are a great number of lists which look similar to the original, supplied with a scholarly commentary.8 This example from an edited matriculation book from the University of Tübingen (see picture no. 1.) shows us that the Baltic Sea Region had more connections inside Europe than we could expect. Tübingen is a small university town in the south of Germany, but on two pages we can see three students from the Baltic Sea Area: two Danish brothers9 and one pharmacy (medicine) student from Malbork in Prussia (Marienburg), a town famous for the castle and the capital city of the state of the Teutonic Knights. What issues can we discuss with these examples? The brothers (or cousins or friends from the same town) who were travelling together to study was a phenomenon in the history of education. For a young man it was cheaper and less dangerous to be accompanied by (an)other boy(s) from his family or town. For nobles and also for rich merchants from Gdańsk, it was natural to give him a teacher or a servant. Students who were travelling together knew each other. They had family connections, like those brothers, or other social

8 M. Asche, Von der reichen hansischen Bürgeruniversität zur armen mecklenburgischen Landeshochschule. Das regionale und soziale Besucherprofil der Universitäten Rostock und Bützow in der Frühen Neuzeit (1500–1800), Stuttgart 2010, p. 19–20; M. Asche, S. Gerber, Neuzeitliche Universitätsgeschichte in Deutschland. Entwicklungslinien und Forschungsfelder, “Archiv für Kulturgeschichte”, 90, 2008, p. 167, 192ff.; B. Nadolski, Wyjazdy młodzieży gdańskiej na studia zagraniczne w XVIII wieku, “Rocznik Gdański”, 24, 1965, p. 177; D. Żołądź-Strzelczyk, op. cit., p. 15–20; A. Seifert, op. cit., p. 200ff.; J. Tazbir, Studenci z Prus Królewskich, Korony Polskiej i Litwy na uniwersytecie w Ty- bindze (1501–1654), “Zapiski Historyczne”, 48, 1983, iss. 1–2, p. 79; M. Pawlak, Die Uni- versitätsstudien der Jugend der Städte von Königlich Preußen im XVI.–XVIII. Jahrhundert, “Studia Maritima”, 1, 1978, p. 108ff. (and 10 years later: M. Pawlak,Studia uniwersyteckie młodzieży z Prus Królewskich w XVI–XVIII, Toruń 1988); Z. Pietrzyk, W kręgu Stras- burga. Z peregrynacji młodzieży z Rzeczypospolitej polsko-litewskiej w latach 1538–1621, Kraków 1997, p. 9; T.O. Achelis, Universitätsmatrikeln und ihre Benutzung. Literaturbericht, „Schrifttumsberichte zur Genealogie und zu ihren Nachbargebieten”, 2, 1963, p. 26–41, 58–65. This last article gives an useful overview of the whole problematics of the matriculation books and bibliography until the 1960s. The problematics of each matriculation book was usually summarized by the publisher in the introduction to the published version, e.g.: E. Schäfer, Register zur Matrikel der Universität Rostock, I. Personen- und Ortsregister A–O, Schwerin 1919, vol. VII; G. Erler, Die Iüngere Matrikel der Universität Leipzig 1559–1809. Als Personen- und Ortsregister bearbeitet und durch Nachträge aus den Promotionslisten ergänzt, I. Band: Die Immatrikulationen vom Wintersemester 1559 bis zum Sommersemester 1634, Leipzig 1909, vol. XXXIX; E. von Steinmeyer, Die Matrikel der Universität Altdorf, Würzburg 1912, p. LI. 9 A similar example by T.O. Achelis, op. cit., p. 59, where two Danish students matricu- lated together. 118 Karolina Belina relations. What about that one from Malbork, rather an older one (with a degree in arts)? Why was he in Tübingen? Was it his university, where he knew other students or only a station on his way to Italy or France?

Pic. 1. Die Matrikeln der Universität Tübingen. 2: 1600–1710, eds. A. Bürk, W. Wille, Tübingen 1953, p. 212–213.

This last situation, called “peregrinatio academica”, was not as rare as we could think. The latest studies show us that early modern societies were also quite mobile, with the exception of villages. Around half of all students or even more (obviously this depends on the century, city, war times, etc.) were travelling from one university to another. It was not only a phenomenon among students, but also among scholars, teachers, nobles (travelling to France or Italy to learn languages and rules of social life and culture at the royal or noble courts) and students of gymnasia, who were travelling to visit a school of their confession, for example protestants from Hungary in Germany.10 For

10 W. Dotzauer, Deutsches Studium und deutsche Studenten an europäischen Hochschulen (Frankreich, Italien) und die nachfolgende Tätigkeit in Stadt, Kirche und Territorium in Deutschland, [in:] Stadt und Universität im Mittelalter und in der früheren Neuzeit. The university matriculation book and “Stammbücher”… 119

an examination of this phenomenon we have another source. It is even better for investigating social connections and cultural exchange, the two topics, in which we are mostly interested: the “Stammbücher”.11 These were created as a form of remembrance of student life and meetings in Wittenberg around the 1530s. The early idea of such diaries was to collect the signatures and commemoration notices of early protestant scholars; Melanchton himself could be seen as the creator of this phenomenon.12 Thh e “Stammbücher” are the kind of sources that everybody would like to research. One of their functions was to represent and amuse (see no. 2) as a souvenir from “peregrinatio academica”; the issue of prestige was important as well. Many “Stammbücher” of rich students have beautiful leather covers and colourful illustrations. Apart from an attractive exterior, the “Stammbücher” show us many registrations (one entry for one page; not all “Stammbücher” are full). Some of them are not so interesting for historians but rather for German philologists. They consist of only a few sentences about the owner or the inscribing writer, for example, with a citation from

13. Arbeitstagung in Tübingen 8.–10.11.1974, eds. E. Maschke, J. Sydow, Sigmaringen 1977, p. 112–141; B. Nadolski, op. cit, p. 179; M. Pawlak, Die Universitätsstudien…, p. 108, 112; Z. Pietrzyk, W kręgu…, op. cit., p. 7; K. Kubik, Peregrinanten-Wanderstudenten der Stadt Gdańsk im XVII Jahrhundert – Kultur und Sitten, “Zeszyty Naukowe Uni- wersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Prace Historyczne”, 93, 1991, p. 82–83; A. Seifert, op. cit., p. 219, 222; M. Asche, Konkurrenz belebt das Geschäft, zuviel Konkurrenz schadet – Die Universitäten Rostock und Greifswald als ungleiche Schwestern, [in:] Tochter oder Schwester – die Universität Greifswald aus Rostocker Sicht. Referate der interdiszip- linären Ringvorlesung des Arbeitskreises „Rostocker Universitäts- und Wissenschafts- geschichte” im Wintersemester 2006/07 (Rostocker Studien zur Universitätsgeschichte, vol. VIII), eds. H.-U. Lammel, G. Boeck, Rostock 2010, p. 17; M. Asche, “Peregrinatio academica” in Europa im Konfessionellen Zeitalter. Bestandsaufnahme eines unüber- sichtlichen Forschungsfeldes und Versuch einer Interpretation unter migrationsgeschichtlichen Aspekten, “Jahrbuch für Europäische Geschichte”, 6, 2005, p. 12–33. 11 Z. Pietrzyk, Sztambuchy…, op. cit., p. 139. There is literature on their use as sources in history, German philology, folklore studies, history of arts, genealogy, history of music (notes!) and public interests (antiquarians, private owners), e.g.: “In ewiger Freundschaft”. Stammbücher aus Weimar und Tübingen, eds. N. Domka, E. Raffel, V. Schäfer, K. Wiegmann, Tübingen 2009; W.W. Schnabel, Das Stammbuch…, op. cit., p. 10–18, 211–243; RAA-Project (see next pages) [http://www.raa.phil.uni-erlangen. de/inhalt/#interesswer, accessed: 1.12.2014]. For the older literature, see for example: H. Schünemann, “Stammbücher. Literaturbericht” [Teil 1], “Schrifttumsberichte zur Genealogie und zu ihren Nachbargebieten”, 2, 1965, p. 67–108. 12 See as introduction: W.W. Schnabel, Stammbücher, [in:] Quelle zur frühneuzeitlichen Universitätsgeschichte, ed. U. Rasche, Wiesbaden 2011, p. 428 ff. 120 Karolina Belina the Bible (usually for theology students). Many others are longer, have funny facts about the student’s life in commemoration of the meeting or friendship between the owner of the “Stammbuch” and the signer. The writer used to record the place, for example, the university town, the time when they met and his own details (family, titles, descent, etc.). Here we have the same problem as with the matriculation book: can we guess how close these two people were to each other, if they were studying together, if they were staying a long time in the same place for their studies? Maybe they had met in a famous city on their way to the university town/city or the writer was nt a student but a professor or another important person who met the owner of the book. One “Stammbuch” could have been written in many languages, in Latin, Ger- man, French, Italian, old Greek, Hebrew (for theology students), as a proof of knowledge and skills of a student or noble person. There are hundreds of them in Europe, in libraries, museums and archives. Some of them belong to private owners and they are not listed in registers or other databases.13

Pic. 2. UAT S 127/7 Stammbuch Johann Andreas Harpprecht, 1737–1748, 31 with a hu- morous scene from the students’ life: students usually hadn’t to pay customs for their goods. The young lady on this picture should pay the customs at the city wall, but she reminds on this privilegy showing her “goods”: an illegitimate student’s child.

13 W.W. Schnabel, Das Stammbuch…, op. cit., p. XI–XIII; E. Raffel, Einleitung, [in:] “In ewiger Freundschaft”…, op. cit., p. 11–13; M. Dörr, M. Knoche, K. Wiegmann, M. Wischnath, Vorwort, [in:] “In ewiger Freundschaft”…, op. cit., p. 7. Of course, the students from Gdańsk had their own “Stammbücher” and wrote in ones of the other students, e.g.: Z. Pietrzyk, W kręgu…, op. cit., p. 15, 134, 136, 142–146, 184, 220f; Z. Pietrzyk, Sztam- buchy…, op. cit., p. 140ff. and one example from the Tübingen University Archive (copy original UAT 127/120 Stammbuch Samuel Gerlach): Universitätsarchiv Tübingen (UAT) S 128/62, 84: a note by “Vincentius Fabricius” from 1644, see picture no. 3. The university matriculation book and “Stammbücher”… 121

How can we work with these source types? As I noticed above, the published matriculation books, catalogues of “Stammbücher” or “analogy” databases (analyzed lists of students of one university or from the same period or region/state) are really helpful.14 Some “Stammbücher” or their beautiful pages were published or scanned and we can see them on the Internet15 but without databases they are only a source for the history of arts, not the history of cultural exchange. Of course, for many famous people, mainly from Ger- many and protestant Europe, such as theology professors or German poets, but also for the residents of Gdańsk,matriculation books and “Stammbücher” have been used as sources for their biographies since the 19th century. The typical method, used as well nowadays, was to travel to the university archives and read its “Stammbücher” and matriculation books, searching for students, in our case, from Gdańsk. We have German and Polish studies based on this method, for example for the students from Gdańsk in Wittenberg16 or Stras- bourg.17 There is a basis of old literature, with new studies being published every year18 but this is not enough.

14 E.g.: H. Kenkel, Studenten aus Ost- und Westpreußen an außerpreußischen Uni- versitäten vor 1815, Hamburg 1981; H. Freytag, Die Preussen auf der Universität Wit- tenberg und die nichtpreußischen Schüler Wittenbergs, [in:] Preussen von 1502–1602. Eine Festgabe zur vierhundertjährigen Gedächtnisfeier der Gründung der Universität Wittenberg, Leipzig 1903; W. Kuhn, Die Studenten der Universität Tübingen zwischen 1477 und 1534. Ihr Studium und ihre spätere Lebensstellung (Teil I), Göppingen 1971 and Teil II, 1971; G. Cramer, Die örtliche und die soziale Herkunft der ältesten Tübinger Studenten (1477–1600), (Unpublished PhD thesis, Leipzig 1921). For the problematic see as an example two reviews of the Kenkel’s study: J. Zdrenka, Stu- denten aus Ost- und Westpreußen an außerpreußischen Universitaten vor 1815, ed. H. Kenkel, Hamburg 1981, “Roczniki Historyczne”, 53, 1990, p. 211–215 and M. Paw- lak, Studenten aud Ost- und Westpreussen an ausserpreussischen Universitäten vor 1815, ed. H. Kenkel, Hamburg 1981, “Zapiski Historyczne”, 50, 1985, p. 122–123. The authors appreciated the attempt to make a list of all Prussian students but saw in it only a helpful publication just like the registers in the published matirculation books that should be checked because of many defects and errors. See also: M. Asche, “Peregrinatio…, op. cit., p. 4, 10. 15 E.g. on the European digital project homepage Europeana [http://www.europeana.eu/, accessed: 1.12.2014]. Because of the specific nature of this project and legal aspects, searches are not really helpful and the findings include mostly pictures without systematic or deeper analysis. W. Schnabel, Stammbücher…, op. cit., p. 432f. 16 H. Freytag, Die Preussen…. 17 Z. Pietrzyk, W kręgu…, op. cit. 18 E. Raffel, op. cit., p. 12; B. Nadolski, op. cit., p. 176; J. Tazbir, op. cit., p. 79; T.O. Achelis, op. cit., p. 25, 33ff; M. Asche, Peregrinatio…„ ”, op. cit., p. 3. 122 Karolina Belina

Pic. 3. UAT S 128/62, No. 84, Stammbuch entry by Vincentius Fabricius, Gdańsk citizen from 1644 (Latin and old Greek, copy). Notes like this should be an object of further and deeper research.

The boom for the modern history of universities started in Germany in the second half of the 20th century mostly because of universities’ founding anniversaries.19 Generally, the history of universities as a science in itself

19 The anniversaries in Mainz, Tübingen or Marburg in the 1960s and 1970s. In East Germany, the anniversaries served a similar function (new papers, conferences, etc.), e.g. 1956 and 1982 in Greifswald or Rostock 1969. M. Asche, S. Gerber, op. cit., p. 174; M. Asche, Zu den Funktionen der Universität Greifswald von ihrer Gründung bis zum Ende der schwedischen Herrschaft – eine Überprüfung von historiographischen Attributen, [in:] Die Universität Greifswald in der Bildungslandschaft des Ostseeraums, eds. D. Alvermann, N. Jörn, J. E. Olesen (Nordische Geschichte, 5), Berlin 2007, p. 34f.; M. Asche, Die Universität Rostock des späten Mittelalters und der Frühen Neuzeit – zum Forschungsstand, zu Desideraten und Perspektiven, [in:] Wie schreibt man Rostocker Uni- versitätsgeschichte? Tagung am 31. Januar 2010 in Rostock, eds. H.-U. Lammel, G. Boeck, Rostock 2011 (Rostocker Studien zur Universitätsgeschichte, vol. XVIII), [rosdok.uni- rostock.de/file/rosdok_derivate_000000004823/Studien18.pdf, accessed: 20.12.2014], p. 7ff.; K. Krüger, Universitätsgeschichte – Plädoyer für eine Neufassung, [in:] Wie schreibt man Rostocker…, op. cit., p. 37f.; W. Müller, Erinnern an die Gründung. Universitäts- jubiläen, Universitätsgeschichte und die Entstehung der Jubiläumskultur in der frühen Neuzeit, “Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte”, 21, 1998, p. 91–93; V. Losemann,Darstel - lungsformen der Universitäts- und Wissenschaftsgeschichte. Zum Ertrag des Jubiläums 1977 in Tübingen, Mainz und Marburg, “Hessisches Jahrbuch für Landesgeschichte”, 29, 1979, p. 162–208. Here the example of the university of Tübingen and its university historians’ publications connected with the anniversary of 500 years: V. Schäfer The university matriculation book and “Stammbücher”… 123 was and is strictly connected with the situation of the universities: crises, anniversaries, economic or social problems were stimulating the analysis of their history.20 This problem is relatively unknown to historians who are used to raising only the questions of the foundation of German universities in the High Middle Ages or their role in the Reformation and Renaissance Human- ism.21 Nowadays, we are focusing on the cultural and international aspects of studying in the early modern period.22 But research will be not complete until we have complete databases for old European universities. Nowadays, there are better opportunities. With Digital Humanities, historians have received great tools to do their research. For our topic, there are some projects; at the beginning, let me introduce an Internet project from one of the Baltic universities.23 The university of Rostock is a pioneer in the field, its matriculations registers since 1419 (the founding year) until today24 are available on the Internet as a database (established in 2010). We can search through it using such options as: years, semesters, names, des- cents or combinations of these and others, for example we can find a person or all students from Gdańsk or count the students in the 16th century; deeper social research is also possible. As a result, we receive formal data, with additional information about the source, the view of the scanned page

et al., “…helfen zu graben den Brunnen des Lebens”. Historische Jubiläumsausstellung des Universitätsarchivs Tübingen, Tübingen 1977; Werkschriften des Universitätsarchivs Tübingen, Reihe 1: Quellen und Studien, 1977; Bausteine zur Tübinger Universitäts- geschichte, Folge 1, ed. V. Schäfer, Tübingen 1981 (and following volumes); Beiträge zur Geschichte der Universität Tübingen 1477–1977, eds. H. Decker-Hauff, G. Fichtner, K. Schreiner, Tübingen 1977; Wissenschaftsgeschichte um Wilhelm Schickard. Vorträge bei dem Symposion der Universität Tübingen im 500. Jahr ihres Bestehens am 24. und 25. Juni 1977, ed. F. Seck, Tübingen 1981; W. Teufel, Universitas Studii Tuwingensis. Die Tübinger Universitätsverfassung in vorreformatorischer Zeit (1477–1534), Tübingen 1977 and other from the historical series Contubernium. Tübinger Beiträge zur Universitäts- und Wissenschaftsgeschichte as Asche, Von der reichen hansischen Bürgeruniversität (vol. LII); Stadt und Universität im Mittelalter…, op. cit. 20 M. Asche, S. Gerber, op. cit., p. 159–165. 21 A. Seifert, op. cit., p. 197. 22 M. Asche, “Peregrinatio…”, op. cit., p. 3ff. The old publications are still fundamental, e.g.: Prahl, Sozialgeschichte with the new sociological view is based on Kaufmann’s great work (see footnote 1). 23 Matrikelportal Rostock. Datenbankedition der Immatrikulationen an der Universi- tät Rostock seit 1419 [http://matrikel.uni-rostock.de/, accessed: 1.12.2014]. K. Labahn, D. Brandt, R. Stephan, Studenten aus sechs Jahrhunderten – Das Rostocker Matrikelpor- tal 1419–1945, [in:] Wie schreibt man Rostocker…, op. cit. 24 Thh e latest matrical dates mostly without names, only as statistical data. 124 Karolina Belina

from the original matriculation book or from the published version. Posting comments is possible as well.25 This is a project on matriculation books; there are some projects with “Stammbücher” as well. The largest one in Germany is Repertorium Alborum Amicorum (short RAA), an international project with a claim to be as complete as it is possible. It contains a list of “Stammbücher” from public and private collections with some search options like names of the authors and in- scribers or art themes for the pictures. Many excerpts from “Stammbücher” or objects from antiquarian trade are there, too. Very useful is a long reading list for this topic and a list of libraries, museums and other institutions (not only from Europe), which are owners of “Stammbücher”. The project has existed since 1998 at Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg and is constantly being enlarged. The problem is that the project is supposed to be just a list, which means it shows information about collections but without pictures or digitized objects. We can only find the homepages of the owner and, in most cases, libraries.26 One of them is the university library in Tübingen, which digitizes their collections, including the “Stammbücher”. They are in two collections: so-called “German Manuscripts“ and “Württem- berg‘s Manuscipts”. The digitized pages can be previewed online or down- loaded as a PDF. Searching through the collections is, of course, possible.27 Another interesting project using matriculation books and other sources as well is Repertorium Academicum Germanicum (RAG. Thh e Graduated Scholars of the Holy Roman Empire between 1250 and 1550). It is a database of scholars. Though the project is territorially and periodically limited, it is not completed and still under construction by the University of Berne and Justus-Liebig-Universität in Gießen.28

25 Rostock University publishes many others projects and publications on its own Internet pages. An analogous project is Catalogus Professorum Rostochiensium (CPR) [http:// cpr.uni-rostock.de/, accessed: 1.12.2014]; K. Labahn, M. Glasow, R. Stephan Catalogus Professorum Rostochiensium – Ein biographisches Informationssystem zu Rostocker Pro- fessoren, [in:] Wie schreibt man Rostocker…, op. cit., p. 37–46. 26 RAA [http://www.raa.phil.uni-erlangen.de/, accessed: 20.12.2014]. 27 Universitätsbibliothek Tübingen, Handschriftenabteilung/Historische Bestände, Württem- bergische Handschriften [http://idb.ub.uni-tuebingen.de/digitue/tue/Mh_Wuerttembergis- che_Handschriften?liste=1, accessed: 20.12.2014] and Deutsche Handschriften [http://idb. ub.uni-tuebingen.de/digitue/tue/Md_Deutsche_Handschriften?liste=1, accessed: 20.12.2014]. 28 RAG [http://www.rag-online.org/, accessed: 20.12.2014] (in English as well but the searching only in German). About this and other projects and the meaning of the databases see Bohnert, Tagungsbericht. The university matriculation book and “Stammbücher”… 125

When we have the sources, what should we know about the specific nature of Gdańsk and the educational landscape of the Baltic Sea Area? Universities in Europe have had a long tradition since the High Middle Ages. Bologna, Paris, Oxford and others were founded in the south and west of the continent. This is well known but which universities were important for people from Gdańsk? Should we take only those European universities which were founded in the Baltic Sea area? Geographically, there could be not have been so many of them, only few universities in the Baltic Sea Region in the 15th century and a few more of them later, most of them founded in the 19th century or even later, for example Gdańsk (1970). Should we take all the universities the Baltic’s sons went to? Thh e problem is these people were literally at all universities, from England to Italy,29 already since the Late Middle Ages. It is the early beginning of the prime of Gdańsk as a city when the bourgeois began sending their sons to European universities for an education, contacts and skills which they could use in the economic, political and religious life of their families and the city as traders, mayors, clerks, pastors or scientists, writers, artists, doctors of medicine and so on.30 Students from Gdańsk went to Italian universities or to Paris as well but their visits concentrated on the German or Northern universities (except Scandinavia).31 These two cat- egories: the Baltic Sea universities and universities in northern or German Europe, the latter especially popular with students from Gdańsk, could help to understand the culture exchange in the region but this distinction is not a formal thesis, it is only a useful mental tool. Candidates for studying or their families chose mainly the universities nearby and the great European universities. Baltic – geographically Baltic – universities were the old universities in Rostock (founded 1419) and Greifswald (1456), the nearest ones to Gdańsk. The Hanseatic tradition and cooperation were very important. The university of Rostock was strictly connected with Gdańsk, many mayors and other officials studied there. Greifswald was not important for Gdańsk students, rather for Scandinavians. It must be pointed out that studying at that time was not as it is nowadays: the students were very young; those from Gdańsk were older, as they would have graduated from the

29 M. Pawlak, Die Universitätsstudien…, op. cit., p. 111ff. 30 M. Pawlak, Studia uniwersyteckie…, op. cit., p. 30, 50, 156 and idem, Die Universitäts- studien…, op. cit., p. 109, 112; K. Kubik, op. cit., p. 82; Z. Pietrzyk, W kręgu…, op. cit., p. 7, 248; J. Tazbir, op. cit., p. 80ff; B. Nadolski, op. cit., p. 186, 203; M. Asche, Der Ost- seeraum, s. 4, 7–10. 31 B. Nadolski, op. cit., p. 177; K. Kubik, op. cit., 81, 84–85. 126 Karolina Belina

Academic Gymnasium Danzig. This important school, established in the late 16th century, had a really high level of education. Gdańsk also had its own high school but not a university, so its professors studied in Rostock and other universities, as did their students. Rostock was for long the greatest university in northern Europe, including Scandinavian countries.32 The young age of the candidates and the risk during the journey did not influence their choice of the university city/town as much as we could think. Rostock used to be for many people from Gdańsk only the first station on the road to other European universities. Even despite the high costs, the universities discussed here were among the most prestigious. A case in point is Leipzing – this old German university was established in the early foundation period of the European Universities and was very important, not only for Gdańsk. The language was not a big problem. Until the 18th century, Latin was still the university language, students from Gdańsk could speak their German in northern/German Europe, though they learned other languages too, which were important for the merchant career.33 In the Late Middle Ages, there were only two other universities in the Baltic Sea Region founded: Copenhagen and Uppsala. Gdańsk’s rich families were not interested in them at all. Due to wars or political crises, epidemics or disasters, students used to choose Leipzig rather than Uppsala or, perhaps more surprisingly, the university in Leiden, founded in the late 16th century or Groningen, founded in the early 17th century in the Netherlands, both of them outside the Region.34 It was not only about the standard of the university. After the 16th century, religious reasons came into play. The Reformation can serve as a cut-off point. From then on, religion was important, also for the bourgeois from Gdańsk who had become protestant in the first half of 16th

32 L. Mokrzecki, Das Bildungswesen in Gdansk und seine Beziehungen zur Rostocker Universität (16.–18.Jh.), „Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Wilhelm-Pieck-Univer- sität Rostock. Gesellschaftswissenschaftliche Reihe”, 1985, Vol. 34, iss. 7, p. 53–55; D. Żołądź-Strzelczyk, op. cit., p. 177; M. Asche, Von der reichen…, op. cit., p. 26ff, 186, 298–299, 317–318; M. Asche, Konkurrenz…, op. cit., p. 7–10, 18; B. Nadolski, op. cit., p. 178–179, 186ff; M. Pawlak,Die Universitätsstudien…, op. cit., p. 109ff. 33 M. Asche, Der Ostseeraum als Universitäts- und Bildungslandschaft im Spätmittelalter und in der Frühen Neuzeit – Baustein für eine hansische Kulturgeschichte, “Blätter für deutsche Landesgeschichte. Neue Folge des Korrespondenzblattes”, 135, 1999, p. 4, 7, 10; M. Asche, Konkurrenz, p. 17f.; M. Asche, Zu den Funktionen, p. 38ff; A. Seifert, op. cit., p. 199; K. Kubik, op. cit., p. 81; L. Mokrzecki, op. cit., p. 53–55; de Ridder-Symoens, op. cit., p. 14ff. 34 K. Kubik, op. cit., p. 81; B. Nadolski, op. cit., p. 177ff; M. Pawlak, Die Universitätsstudi- en…, op. cit., p. 110ff; M. Asche,„Peregrinatio …”, op. cit., p. 31. The university matriculation book and “Stammbücher”… 127 century. From this time onwards, ‘German’ Europe or ‘northern’ universities could be named ‘protestant’ though these names did not mean the same and the protestant universities were not all Lutheran. The students from Gdańsk chose protestant universities in German-speaking cities. The elite of the city was later even Calvinists and chose Calvinist universities like Heidelberg, Marburg or Basel. The question of faith followed the economic and political interests as well as in the Late Middle Ages. One of the German Universities was better for sons from Gdańsk than Uppsala, which used to be treated as a rival for the popular North-German universities in Rostock and not so popular Greifswald. The university in Copenhagen, founded after Uppsala, was the Danish answer to this educational ‘demonstration of power’ of its rival: Sweden.35 Greifswald, Rostock, Copenhagen and Uppsala were also Baltic universities, the first two bigger and more important. The second two and the rest of the early modern North universities were all founded in the 17th century: Swedish Dorpat (now Tartu, Estonia), Åbo (now Turku, Finland) and Lund as well as Danish Kiel (now Germany) were not so popular. The last (but not least) Baltic university was the university in Königsberg, now Kaliningrad (founded 1544), which should be treated separately. It was the most important university for the citizens of Gdańsk. It was near, German-speaking, located on the coast and with strong links to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth as well as the entire region. Many of Gdańsk’s residents studied only there, many chose these universities as the first step in their career. Rostock and

35 N. Hammerstein, Die historische und bildungsgeschichtliche Physiognomie des konfesion- ellen Zeitalters, [in:] Handbuch der deutschen Bildungsgeschichte. 1: 15. bis 17. Jahrhun- dert. Von der Renaissance und der Reformation bis zum Ende der Glaubenskämpfe, eds. N. Hammerstein, A. Beck, München 1996, op. cit., p. 61ff.; A. Seifert, op. cit., p. 298ff.; B. Nadolski, op. cit., p. 178–179; K. Kubik, op. cit., p. 81ff; M. Pawlak, Die Uni- versitätsstudien, p. 109ff.; L. Mokrzecki, op. cit., p. 53; Z. Pietrzyk, W kręgu…, op. cit., p. 260; M. Asche, Der Ostseeraum, op. cit., p. 11, 14–19; M. Asche, Zu den Funktionen… op. cit., p. 37; M. Asche, „Peregrinatio…, op. cit., p. 24ff.; de Ridder-Symoens, op. cit., p. 23ff. The religious, national and political question obviously influenced the research on this topic in the 19th and the first half of the 20th centuries. For example, the already quoted dissertation from Leipzig 1921 by Georg Cramer, who expressed his negative opinion about eastern Europe from his time in the First World War. Surprisingly, the faith was at times less important, a case in point being the Strasbourg Academy, which could be treated as a university. There was a time when the Lutheran or Calvinist confession of the Protestant students did not matter. On the other hand, many universities were strictly Protestant, for example Tübingen, or Catholic, e.g. Jesuit academies. This topic needs to be researched in the context of the confessionalization. Z. Pietrzyk, W kręgu…, op. cit., p. 91, 93, 136, 246–247. 128 Karolina Belina

Königsberg can be called really Baltic Universities. But the others? Even the university in Tübingen could have been more important for students from Gdańsk than the nearest Copenhagen. Tübingen was a station on the road to Italy, not as important as in the Middle Ages, but always important for the education in Europe. Because the “peregrinatio academica” was quite usual, the protestants from Gdańsk travelled to Wittenberg, the central Lutheran university more often than to a “Baltic” university (except Königsberg) or to Frankfurt/Oder, protestant too and quite close nearby or even to Cracow because of the trade and political connections with Polish nobles.36 This fact had a huge influence on their lives, careers and families, as well as on the changing and establishing the culture in the Baltic Sea Area and early modern Europe.

Streszczenie

Metryki uniwersyteckie i sztambuchy jako główne źródła badań nad studentami w czasach nowożytnych (na przykładzie gdańszczan studiujących na uniwersytetach rejonu bałtyckiego)

Artykuł stanowi wprowadzenie do tematyki badań nad dziejami uniwersy- tetów w Europie nowożytnej w kontekście historii kultury i idei. Omówione zostały w nim dwa podstawowe rodzaje źródeł historycznych: metryki uniwersyteckie oraz sztambuchy oraz możliwości i granice ich analizy, także w związku z postępującą digitalizacją. Temat został przedstawiony na przykła- dach z regionu Morza Bałtyckiego, głównie Gdańska, oraz Europy protestanc- kiej, przede wszystkim obszarów niemieckojęzycznych, gdzie uczeni, studenci i uniwersytety byli ściśle ze sobą powiązani.

36 H. Freytag, op. cit., p. 3ff.; M. Asche, Der Ostseeraum…, op. cit., p. 14–19; M. Asche, Konkurrenz…, op. cit., p. 12, 17–18, 20; M. Asche, Zu den Funktionen, op. cit., p. 38ff. A look at Kenkel’s list for all Prussian students, despite its errors, can give an overview of the intensity of matriculations: Kenkel, Students. For Rostock see: p. 233–261, Frank- furt/Oder: p. 25–62, Greifswald: p. 74–81 (much fewer than Rostock), Leipzig: p. 152– 227, Wittenberg: p. 287–336, Leyden: p. 411–440, Tübingen: only 5 pages. Similar data by Asche, Konkurrenz, 20, where the numbers of students from East and West Prussia (1550–1649): in Greifswald only 82 (but for Swedish students: 255), in Rostock 353 (for Danish and Norwegian students 1234) and in Frankfurt/Oder 325, in Wittenberg 456 and in Leipzig 450 (similar large numbers for others “Baltic” and German students). Andreas Kappelmayer Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen

From the Rhine to the Swedish field camp in Royal Prussia. John Casimir Count Palatine as a broker for the transfer of mercenary captains

Introduction

In April 1622, King Gustav II Adolph of Sweden (r. 1611–1632) mourned the death of his younger brother Charles Philip (1601–1622) and the reduction of the Lutheran branch of the Swedish royal dynasty of Vasa to one single person: Gustav II Adolph himself was the last member of his branch and yet without an heir. Under these circumstances, the military and political conflict with his Catholic cousin, King Sigismund III of Poland (r. 1587–1632), was likely to be continued. The conduction of war made the massive recruitment of soldiers within the Swedish realm a necessity.1 Even from beyond the borders of his realm, Gustav II Adolph required soldiers and foremost cavalrymen, as the king informed his brother-in-law, “weilen alßo unser landt alßo beschaffen[,] das darinnen wenich reuttereyen zu bekommen, mußen wir sihe gleichwol

1 J. Lindegren, Utskrivning och utsugning. Produktion och reproduktion i Bygdeå 1620– 1640, Stockholm 1980; N.E. Villstrand, Anpassning eller protest. Lokalsamhället inför utskrivningarna av fotfolk till den svenska krigsmakten 1620–1679, Åbo 1992; J. Linde- gren, “If this will continue for yet a couple of years, we may well say that we have won land from others and thereby lost our own”. The politics of expansion in 17th century Sweden, [in:] Spain & Sweden in the Baroque Era (1600–1660), eds. E. Martínez Ruiz, M. de Pazzis Pi Corrales, Madrid 2000, p. 169–193. 130 Andreas Kappelmayer von andern ortheren haben”2 (=“since our country is of such nature, that there is only to find a small number of horsemen, we are therefore forced to get them from elsewhere”). The sparsely populated vastness of the Swedish realm and its provinces was not sufficient to meet his requirements for horsemen entirely. In the perspective of King Gustav II Adolph, his field army was especially in need of cavalry units to face King Sigismund III and the armies of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in Livonia and later on in Royal Prussia in the 1620s.3 Those needs had to be met in order to improve the prospects of the Swedish army in their warfare along the south-eastern shores of the Baltic Sea. Crushing defeats like the lost battle of Kirchholm (Salaspils) in 1605 formed the background for Gustav II Adolph’s intention to gain those “reutter auß fremden landen”4 (=“horsemen from foreign countries”). Gustav II Adolph was ready to just buy these capacities from the market and implement them in his army; thereby, he followed the pattern of early modern princes on organizing the state and the military power by including foreigners in key positions.5 The Polish-Swedish war, which was fought between King Sigismund III and his cousin Gustav II Adolph in the late 1610s and during the 1620s, was a part of the persistent struggles between both kingdoms in the 16th and 17th centuries.6 On the one hand, this series of wars was based on the question, who was to rule the territorial remains of the disintegrated Old-Livonian states, the territory of the Livonian branch of the Teutonic Order and the

2 Riksarkivet Stockholm (hereafter RA) Stegeborgssamlingen (hereafter St) E 30, Gustav II Adolph to John Casimir of Pfalz-Zweibrücken-Kleeburg, Uppsala, 3 Apr. 1622; A. Norberg, Polen i svensk politik 1617–26 Stockholm 1974, p. 146–147. 3 G. Parker, The military revolution. Military innovation and the rise of the West, 1500– 1800, Cambridge 1996, p. 37–39. 4 RA St E 30, Gustav II Adolph to John Casimir of Palatinate-Zweibrücken-Kleeburg, Uppsala, 3 Apr. 1622. 5 V. Press, Patronat und Klientel im Heiligen Römischen Reich, [in:] Klientelsysteme im Europa der Neuzeit, ed. A. Mączak, München 1988, p. 32–43; F. Edelmayer, Söldner und Pensionäre. Das Netzwerk Philipps II. im Heiligen Römischen Reich, Wien 2002; A. Grosjean, An Unofficial Alliance. Scotland and Sweden 1569–1654, Leiden–Boston 2003; H. Droste, Im Dienst der Krone. Schwedische Diplomaten im 17. Jahrhundert, Berlin 2006, p. 86–90; idem, Vänskap vid hovet – sällsynt ideal och vardaglig relation, [in:] Vänner, patroner och klienter i Norden 900–1800, eds. L. Hermanson, T. Småberg, J.V. Sigurðsson, J. Danneskiold-Samsøe, Reykjavík 2007, p. 195–199. 6 R.I. Frost, The Northern Wars. War, State and Society in Northeastern Europe, 1558–1721, Harlow–London–New York 2000. From the Rhine to the Swedish field camp in Royal Prussia… 131

temporal territories of the Old-Livonian bishoprics.7 On the other hand, the dynastic and confessional split within the Swedish royal house of Vasa prolonged and eventually perpetuated the war: The older Catholic branch of the royal house of Vasa around King Sigismund had been dethroned by his uncle, the founder of the younger Lutheran branch of the dynasty. The question, who was to be the legitimate king of Sweden, made it impossible for both struggling parties to conclude a peace treaty.

Questions

This article will focus on the recruitment of mercenary captains among the Upper German nobility by the Swedish crown during the 1620s. During its campaigns against King Sigismund III and before entering the Thirty Years War, Gustav II Adolph’s army had a striking number of mercenary captains, who formerly had served Prince Elector Frederick V of the Palatin- ate (r. 1610/14–1621/32), within its ranks. Although Gustav II Adolph did not entertain a network of relationships in the southern German territories and towns, this area came to be a potential recruitment area for the Swedish army, not least because of the king’s brother-in-law. The recruitment interests of the Swedish Crown followed the dynastic link between Gustav II Adolph and a junior branch of the princely house of the Palatinate. This brother- in-law of the king, John Casimir of Palatinate-Zweibrücken-Kleeburg (1589– 1652), could unfold an already existing network of connections among his kinship and their clients respectively. Concerning this very region along the Upper Rhine, the King of Sweden himself did not know any experienced, trustworthy and disciplined mercenary captains. Consequently, the Swedish King was in need of his brother-in-law to act as a broker. Count Palatine John Casimir was supposed to bridge the gap between the theatre of war in the Baltic Sea region and this particular market for mercenary captains along the Upper Rhine. However, John Casimir did not only deal with the trust of the Swedish King, but he had also to take into account the concerns of the searched for military entrepreneurs. They did not know the Swedish King, nor his intentions. Convincing an Upper Rhenish nobleman to travel from Strasbourg or

7 Die baltischen Lande im Zeitalter der Reformation und Konfessionalisierung. Livland, Estland, Ösel, Ingermanland, Kurland und Lettgallen. Stadt, Land und Konfession 1500– 1721, vol. IV, eds. M. Asche, W. Buchholz, A. Schindling, Münster 2009–2012. 132 Andreas Kappelmayer

Heidelberg to Stockholm in search for Swedish services was foremost a question of trust and credibility. By travelling to Sweden and establishing a working relationship with the King, German colonels and captains had to invest money and time on the mere prospects of future benefits.8 Their only guaran- tee was that their expectations were justified and that the seemingly credible broker turned out to be trustworthy. Count Palatine John Casimir was supposed to act according to his reputation and according to the expectations of the mercenary captains who placed Count Palatine John Casimir in the role of a benevolent prince.9 In the context of this workforce migration between the German territories and the Swedish realm, this article will highlight the factor of acquaintance and trust as well as possible obstacles for John Casimir’s brokerage.

The broker in question

Count Palatine John Casimir was a suitable broker for both parties – King Gustav II Adolph and the Upper German mercenary captains. John Casimir was the youngest son of a junior line of the Counts Palatine of the Rhine. This princely dynasty ranked among the most illustrious houses in the Holy Roman Empire and held the dignity of the Prince Elector of

8 Geographical and social mobility were closely linked: B.R. Kroener, Krieg und Karriere. Geographische Mobilität als Voraussetzung sozialen Aufstiegs in der mil- itärischen Gesellschaft des 17. Jahrhunderts, [in:] Über die trockene Grenze und über das offene Meer. Binneneuropäische und transatlantische Migrationen im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert, eds. M. Beer, D. Dahlmann, Essen 2004, p. 45–65; M. Asche, Krieg, Militär und Migration in der Frühen Neuzeit. Einleitende Beobachtungen zum Ver- hältnis von horizontaler und vertikaler Mobilität in der kriegsgeprägten Gesellschaft Alteuropas im 17. Jahrhundert, [in:] Krieg, Militär und Migration in der Frühen Neuzeit, eds. M. Asche, M. Herrmann, U. Ludwig, A. Schindling, Berlin–Münster 2008, p. 11–36. 9 R. Koselleck, Vergangene Zukunft. Zur Semantik geschichtlicher Zeiten, Frankfurt am Main 1989, p. 349–359; D. Weltecke, Gab es “Vertrauen“ im Mittelalter? Methodis- che Überlegungen, [in:] Vertrauen. Historische Annäherungen, ed. U. Frevert, Göt- tingen 2003, p. 75–78; D. Jansen, Einführung in die Netzwerkanalyse. Grundlagen, Methoden, Forschungsbeispiele, Wiesbaden 2006, p. 20; U. Frevert, Vertrauensfragen. Eine Obsession der Moderne, München 2013, p. 17–21; J. Baberowski, Erwartungssich- erheit und Vertrauen: Warum manche Ordnungen stabil sind und andere nicht, [in:] Was ist Vertrauen? Ein interdisziplinäres Gespräch, ed. J. Baberowski, Frankfurt am Main–New York 2014, p. 20–21; N. Luhmann, Vertrauen. Ein Mechanismus der Re- duktion sozialer Komplexität, Konstanz–München 2014, p. 23–24, 48. From the Rhine to the Swedish field camp in Royal Prussia… 133

the Palatinate.10 John Casimir’s eldest brother, John II (r. 1604–1635), was a prince of the Holy Roman Empire and the reigning prince of the Prin- cipality of Palatinate-Zweibrücken.11 During the minority of his cousin Prince Elector Frederick V in the early 1610s, Prince John II of Palatin- ate-Zweibrücken served as administrator of the Electorate at the Rhine and as director of the anti-imperial and anti-Catholic Protestant Union. Un- der these temporarily favourable circumstances, John Casimir successfully courted the eldest sister of the Swedish King, although he himself was only endowed with a small appanage. Finally, John Casimir married Katharina Vasa (1584–1638) in 1615.12 Early in the 1620s, as the Elector of the Palatinate lost his territories and his cause on the battlefields of the Thirty Years’ War, John Casimir, his wife Katharina and their children immigrated to Sweden, which was to become their haven.13 As Gustav Adolph’s brother-in-law on the one hand and as a descendant of a grand dynasty with a lot of retainers on the other hand, John Casimir was fit to interlink both European regions and to give Gustav II Adolph access to the mercenary markets in Southern Germany.

The market for mercenary captains in the Empire

In the Holy Roman Empire, the Protestant armies were not favoured by the conjunctures of the Thirty Years’ War: The Protestant Union was dissolved in the spring of 1621;14 the army of Margrave George Frederick of Baden-Dur-

10 J. Peltzer, Der Rang der Pfalzgrafen bei Rhein. Die Gestaltung der politisch-sozialen Ordnung des Reiches im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert, Ostfildern 2013; idem,Die Institu- tionalisierung des Rangs der Pfalzgrafen bei Rhein im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert, [in:] Die Wittelsbacher und die Kurpfalz im Mittelalter. Eine Erfolgsgeschichte, eds. J. Peltzer, B. Schneidmüller, S. Weinfurter, A. Wieczorek, Regensburg 2013, p. 89–107. 11 F. Maier, Das Jahrhundert der Kriege, [in:] Die Wiege der Könige. 600 Jahre Herzogtum Pfalz-Zweibrücken, ed. Ch. Glück-Christmann, Zweibrücken 2010, p. 117–126. 12 Å. Kromnow, Pfalzgreven Johan Casimirs friarfärd till Sverige 1613 och 1614, “Person- historisk tidskrift”, 83 1987, p. 1–29; idem, Pfalzgraf Johann Casimir von Zweibrücken. Kindheit, Jugendjahre und Brautfahrt nach Schweden (1589–1615), Kaiserslautern 1994. 13 A. Kappelmayer, “da ich mich sambt meinen kindern als frembde sehe”. Fremdheitser- fahrungen Johann Casimirs von Pfalz-Zweibrücken und seiner Kinder in der höfischen Gesellschaft Schwedens (1622–1652), [in:] Migration und Kulturtransfer im Ostseeraum während der Frühen Neuzeit, eds. O. Czaika, H. Holze, Stockholm 2012, p. 182–200. 14 P. H. Wilson, Europe’s Tragedy. A History of the Thirty Years War, London–New York 2009, p. 316–317. 134 Andreas Kappelmayer

lach (r. 1604–1622) was disbanded in April 1622;15 Prince Elector Frederick V of the Palatinate disbanded his army in July 1622;16 some of Frederick’s military entrepreneurs continued fighting against the armies of the Emperor and they lost ground as well; in 1623 and 1624, they had to disband parts of their armies;17 even King Christian IV of Denmark and Norway (r. 1588/96–1648) could preserve his army in the Holy Roman Empire only for a short period.18 On the one hand, this development allowed military entrepreneurs to gain experience as officers in the services of different Protestant princes and lords. It also prompted a kind of fluctuation in the ranks of the armies. Some mercenary captains changed armies and commanders-in-chief quite often. On the other hand, this constant process of building and recruiting new armies for a Protestant cause in the Holy Roman Empire created serious competition for the Swedish recruiting schemes.

John Casimir’s recruitment of mercenary captains from the Upper Rhine

Within the patronage network of his dynasty, John Casimir started to search for suitable military entrepreneurs. He could resort to his princely relatives and to members of the lower nobility, who stood in the services of John Casimir’s dynasty. Count Palatine John Casimir was supposed to get the searched for mercenary captains to travel to Sweden for a personal meeting with King Gustav II Adolph; “das ich sihe und sihe mich mochten kennen lernen, damit wir auf beiden theilen unbedrogen bleiben”19 (=“that I shall meet them and they shall meet me, so that both sides will be unde- ceived”). Establishing personal acquaintance with such a foreign officer was of great importance to the King. Although he put trust in his brother-in-law,

15 K. Freiherr von Reitzenstein, Der Feldzug des Jahres 1622 am Oberrhein und in Westfa- len bis zur Schlacht von Wimpfen, vol. II, München 1891. 16 M. Rüde, England und Kurpfalz im werdenden Mächteeuropa (1608–1632). Konfessi- on – Dynastie – kulturelle Ausdrucksformen, Stuttgart 2007, p. 179–187; W. Krüssmann, Ernst von Mansfeld (1580–1626). Grafensohn, Söldnerführer, Kriegsunternehmer gegen Habsburg im Dreißigjährigen Krieg, Berlin 2010, p. 422–426. 17 P. H. Wilson, op. cit., p. 342–347. 18 P. D. Lockhart, Denmark in the Thirty Years’ War, 1618–1648. King Christian IV and the Decline of the Oldenburg State, London–Selinsgrove 1996, p. 131–191. 19 RA St E 30, Gustav II Adolph to John Casimir of Palatinate-Zweibrücken-Kleeburg, Uppsala, 3 Apr. 1622. From the Rhine to the Swedish field camp in Royal Prussia… 135

Gustav II Adolph did not want to send money to a stranger far away from his realm. As far off from the Baltic coastline as Strasbourg and Heidelberg, Gustav II Adolph had no control over the hired military men there and the money he gave them. However, John Casimir’s task was to bring about a personal encounter between the king and the military entrepreneurs. While John Casimir was still in the Palatinate in 1621 and 1622, he met cavalry officers and indicated to them possible benefits of a contract with the Swedish Crown. One of the first mercenary captains, who was contac- ted by John Casimir, was Johann Streiff von Lauenstein (the Elder) (d. 1632), a colonel in the army of Prince Elector Frederick’s V General Ernst von Mansfeld (1580–1626)20. The noble family of this mercenary colonel was well acquainted and connected with the Counts Palatine of Zweibrücken. A cousin to Johann Streiff was one of the closest advisers to Prince John II of Palatinate-Zweibrücken.21 After having arrived in Sweden, Count Palatine John Casimir assured Johann Streiff von Lauenstein, that his engagement as cavalry colonel in the Swedish army could easily be secured, if only Johann Streiff or one of his closest associates would travel to Sweden to meet the King.22 Via Hamburg, Johann Streiff’s nephew made the required journey to Sweden in the winter of 1623/24.23 This became the next step to establish the acquaintance between the King and Streiff the Elder. Due to the current truce with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Gustav II Adolph did not engage Johann Streiff von Lauenstein right away,24 the king’s economical possibilities were too limited to hire a whole regiment of cuirassiers as long

20 RA St E 3, John Casimir of Palatinate-Zweibrücken-Kleeburg to Gustav II Adolph, Strasbourg, 17 Dec. 1621 (draft); RA St E 3, John Casimir of Palatinate-Zweibrück- en-Kleeburg to Johann Streiff von Lauenstein (the Elder), Stockholm, 8 Oct. 1622 (draft). 21 Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München Collectio Camerariana, vol. 31/Clm 10381, Jo- hannes Heinrich Goeddaeus’ eulogy of Philipp Streiff von Lauenstein, Steinfurt, 30 Mar. 1647. 22 RA St E 3, John Casimir of Palatinate-Zweibrücken-Kleeburg to Johann Streiff von Lauenstein (the Elder), Stockholm, 8 Oct. 1622 (draft). 23 RA St E 3, John Casimir of Pfalz-Zweibrücken-Kleeburg to [Johann Streiff von Lauen- stein (the Elder)], [Jan. 1624] (draft); RA St E 71, Georg Gustav Wetzel von Marsilien to John Casimir of Pfalz-Zweibrücken-Kleeburg, Hamburg, 10 Feb. 1624. 24 Gustav II Adolph to Axel Gustavsson Oxenstierna, Copper Mountain, 17 Jan. 1624, in Rikskanslern Axel Oxenstiernas skrifter och brefvexling, 2nd series, 1, 1888, 224–225; RA St E 30, Gustav II Adolph to John Casimir of Palatinate-Zweibrücken-Kleeburg, Copper Mountain, 29 Jan. 1624. 136 Andreas Kappelmayer as the truce was kept. Nonetheless, Johann Streiff von Lauenstein was ready to accept the Swedish terms and was willing to wait in Hamburg until further commands were given to him: “[J’] attandray ici ses commandemants, sans m’engager autre part, jusqu’au temps qu’elle [His Majesty] m’a nommé”25 (=“I will await his commands here, without engaging in other services, until the time is due, which he has given me”). To confirm his readiness to serve the Swedish King, Johann Streiff von Lauenstein (the Elder) travelled to Sweden himself during the winter of 1624/25.26 This was the last and final step to establish a personal relationship between Gustav II Adolph and this particular military entrepreneur. From this point on, the documented com- munication between Count Palatine John Casimir and Johann Streiff was not continued; the Swedish King himself became now Streiff’s contact person. John Casimir had fulfilled his task by leading an experienced cavalry colonel step by step into Swedish services. In 1625, King Gustav II Adolph reopened the war against King Sigis- mund III and the Commonwealth in Livonia. However, only in the beginning of the summer of 1626, Johann Streiff von Lauenstein began to recruit horsemen for a cuirassier regiment in Northern Germany – the plan to recruit horsemen in Southern Germany was dropped, due to higher expenses and risky longer travel distances.27 According to the contract between Streiff von Lauenstein and the King, Colonel Streiff handed charters to his captains whom he relied on to form companies. The officers promoted the military services in certain areas. Those, who were ready to join Streiff’s regiment, got some money in advance (Anrittgeld). At a named place, the horsemen were enlisted in muster rolls.28 This enterprise took longer than expected.29

25 RA St E 68, Johann Streiff von Lauenstein (the Elder) to John Casimir of Palatinate-Zwei- brücken-Kleeburg, Hamburg, 15 Feb. 1624. 26 RA St E 68, Johann Streiff von Lauenstein (the Elder) to John Casimir of Palati- nate-Zweibrücken-Kleeburg, Stockholm, 27. Jan. 1625. 27 RA Skrivelser till Konungen Gustav II Adolf (hereafter GIIA) No. 32, Johann Streiff von Lauenstein (the Elder) to Gustav II Adolph, Hamburg, 17 Jun. 1626; RA St E 33, Pleikhardt von Helmstatt to John Casimir of Palatinate-Zweibrücken-Kleeburg, Stutt- gart, 23 May 1623. 28 F. Redlich, The German Military Enterpriser and his Work Force. A Study in European Economic and Social History, vol. 2, Wiesbaden 1964; Ch. Beaufort-Spontin, Ein waffenhistorisches Handbuch. Harnisch und Waffe Europas. Die militärische Ausrüstung im 17. Jahrhundert, München 1982, p. 10–12. 29 RA GIIA No. 32, Johann Streiff von Lauenstein (the Elder) to Gustav II Adolph, Ham- burg, 11 Sep. 1626. From the Rhine to the Swedish field camp in Royal Prussia… 137

In February 1627, after more than seven months of recruiting, Johann Streiff von Lauenstein finally led his regiment of ca. 1,000 horses to Royal Prussia overland. This march ended in a fiasco: Near Czarne (Hammerstein), Streiff and his troops were caught by Polish cavalry. The men mutinied and Johann Streiff von Lauenstein became a Polish prisoner of war for more than one year.30 After his release, Streiff figured as an important cavalry colonel in the Swedish army. Among the former supporters and officers of the Prince Elector of the Palatinate, Johann Streiff von Lauenstein was not the only military entrepreneur, whom John Casimir tried to interest in Swedish services. Some experienced Protestant military captains turned down John Casimir’s offer. In the spring of 1624, Pleikhardt von Helmstatt (1573–1636) and Johann Michael von Obentraut (1574–1625), who both had served Prince Elector Frederick V as colonels, declared that they already stood in the services of other lords respectively and that they therefore were not free to accept John Casimir’s gracious offer.31 John Casimir’s attempt to gain the services of Baron Georg II von Fleckenstein-Dagstuhl (1588–1644) was without any results: This nobleman, who had earned himself merits in fighting the Turks, refused this project because he did not want to jeopardize his family possessions due to absenteeism during the ongoing Thirty Years’ War.32 Although he already had travelled to Sweden and had achieved some sort of arrangement with King Gustav II Adolph, Wild- and Rhinegrave John Philip of Salm-Kyr- burg-Mörchingen (d. 1638) did not take up his post as a colonel.33 Due to his

30 RA GIIA No. 32, Johann Streiff von Lauenstein (the Elder) and Maximilian Teuffel von Gunthersdorf to Gustav II Adolph, Dirschau, 14 Jul. 1628; Israel Hoppe’s Burggrafen zu Elbing, Geschichte des Ersten Schwedischen–Polnischen Krieges in Preußen, ed. M. Toeppen, Leipzig 1887, p. 164–167; Sveriges krig 1611–1632: II. Polska kriget, Stock- holm 1936, p. 305–310. 31 RA St E 41, Johann Michael von Obentraut to John Casimir of Palatinate-Zweibrück- en-Kleeburg, ’s-Gravenhage, 1 Mar. 1624; RA Stockholm St E 33, Pleikhardt von Helmstatt to John Casimir of Palatinate-Zweibrücken-Kleeburg, n. pl., 20 Apr. 1624. 32 RA St E 27, Georg II von Fleckenstein-Dagstuhl to John Casimir of Palatin- ate-Zweibrücken-Kleeburg, Haguenau, 10 Apr. 1624; F. Hahnzog, Georg II. von Fleckenstein, Freiherr zu Dachstul. Ein Hanauer Administrator in der Endphase des Dreißigjährigen Krieges, “Hanauer Geschichtsblätter”, 18, 1962, p. 223–242. 33 RA St E 71, John Philip of Salm-Kyrburg-Mörchingen to John Casimir of Palat- inate-Zweibrücken-Kleeburg, Göteborg, 22 Feb. 1624; RA St E 71, John Philip of Salm-Kyrburg-Mörchingen to John Casimir of Palatinate-Zweibrücken-Kleeburg, Morhange, 8 Jun. 1625; RA St E 71, John Philip of Salm-Kyrburg-Mörchingen to John Casimir of Palatinate-Zweibrücken-Kleeburg, Fénétrange, 20 Jan. 1626. 138 Andreas Kappelmayer family possessions on the Moselle, the young Wild- and Rhinegrave stayed away from Sweden and his newly won prospect of a colonel’s post. Even Count Palatine John Casimir was not able to secure this post for John Philip while he was absent without valid excuse for more than one year. Georg Gustav Wetzel von Marsilien (c. 1592/93–1634), a nobleman from Lower Alsace, had already gained some experience as a cavalry captain in one of the Margrave of Baden-Durlach’s regiments, when Count Palatine John Casimir indicated possible benefits for Wetzel von Marsilien in the Swedish army.34 Like the noble house of Streiff von Lauenstein, Georg Gustav Wetzel’s family was closely linked to the Counts Palatine of the Rhine, especially to the Princes of Palatinate-Veldenz. Georg Gustav Wetzel von Marsilien’s par- ents were courtiers of this branch of the Counts Palatine.35 Assisted by his sister, Princess Maria Elisabeth of Palatinate-Veldenz (1581–1637),36 Count Palatine John Casimir convinced the doubting knight to travel to Sweden, although Wetzel von Marsilien thought the travelling distance to be awk- wardly long, and the prospects for success to be quite insecure.37 However, the Alsatian knight made the voyage to Sweden in the winter of 1623/24, and he concluded an agreement with Gustav II Adolph. According to this contract, Wetzel von Marsilien should recruit a company of 125 horses. Although he saw himself confronted with unpleasant circumstances in his recruitment area in Northern Germany, far off from his familiar social surroundings and his access to credit grantors, Wetzel von Marsilien was determined to ful- fil his tasks, since “man mir als einem ehrlichen man solch geschäfft seyn anvertrawet worden”38 (=“one has entrusted me as an honest man with such affairs”). Only by living up to the expectations that the King and the Count Palatine had put in him, he felt he could further his reputation. In spite of all obstacles, Georg Gustav Wetzel von Marsilien presented his company to the

34 RA St E 3, John Casimir of Palatinate-Zweibrücken-Kleeburg to Georg Gustav Wetzel von Marsilien, Stockholm, 7 Oct. 1622 (draft). 35 Archiv der Freiherren Roeder von Diersburg. Urkundenregesten 1310–1812, eds. M. Burkhardt, K. Krimm, Stuttgart 2007, p. 140, 151; F. Schmidt-Sibeth, Ein Straß- burger als schwedischer Offizier und Diplomat im Dreißigjährigen Krieg (Georg Gus- tav Wetzel von Marsilien), “Genealogisches Jahrbuch”, 39, 1999, p. 187–194. 36 RA St E 46, Maria Elisabeth of Palatinate-Veldenz to John Casimir of Palatinate-Zwei- brücken-Kleeburg, Rottau, 18 Feb. 1623. 37 RA St E 71, Georg Gustav Wetzel von Marsilien to John Casimir of Palatinate-Zweibrück- en-Kleeburg, Zweibrücken, 16 Feb. 1623. 38 RA St E 71, Georg Gustav Wetzel von Marsilien to John Casimir of Palatinate-Zweibrück- en-Kleeburg, Hamburg, 2 Apr. 1624. From the Rhine to the Swedish field camp in Royal Prussia… 139

Swedish King in the summer of 1624.39 In contrast to Streiff von Lauenstein, Georg Gustav Wetzel von Marsilien stayed in contact with Count Palatine John Casimir and continued his correspondence with the German prince. However, only one year later, Wetzel von Marsilien was ready to leave Swed- ish services for good. He found the conditions and the unsettled payment unbearable.40 After the unsatisfactory summer campaign in Livonia in 1625, Georg Gustav Wetzel von Marsilien finally quit and he left the Swedish realm in the autumn of 1625.41 As these examples demonstrate, Count Palatine John Casimir could use the networks of his dynasty along the Upper Rhine. Noble families like Streiff von Lauenstein and Wetzel von Marsilien were in a stable and long-lasting relationship with the Counts Palatine of the Rhine, in which the princes traditionally acted as patrons. Therefore, John Casimir could ac- tivate members of these families. However, these examples also show, how important it was to establish a personal relationship between the King and his mercenary captains in order to successfully conclude this sort of military business contract.

Indirect contact with mercenary captains from disbanded Protestant armies

Count Palatine John Casimir did not only contact and mobilise possible mercenary captains directly along the Upper Rhine. With the assistance of courtiers of the Prince of Palatinate-Zweibrücken, John Casimir tried as well to find out about further military entrepreneurs and to establish new contacts on the mercenary market. A former courtier to his eldest brother, Wilhelm von Kalchum genannt Lohausen (1584–1640), proved to be the most effective broker for the Count Palatine and thereby for the King of Sweden in this particular question. Wilhelm von Kalchum genannt Lohausen, a nobleman from the Duchy of Berg, turned down the offer to serve in the Swedish army

39 RA St E 71, Georg Gustav Wetzel von Marsilien to John Casimir of Palatinate-Zweibrück- en-Kleeburg, Lübeck, 14 May 1624; RA St E 71, Georg Gustav Wetzel von Marsilien to John Casimir of Palatinate-Zweibrücken-Kleeburg, Riga, 7 Apr. 1625. 40 RA St E 71, Georg Gustav Wetzel von Marsilien to John Casimir of Palatinate-Zweibrück- en-Kleeburg, Riga, 15 Feb. 1625; RA St E 71, Georg Gustav Wetzel von Marsilien to John Casimir of Palatinate-Zweibrücken-Kleeburg, Riga, 7 Apr. 1625. 41 RA St E 26, Dietrich von Falkenberg to John Casimir of Palatinate-Zweibrücken-Klee- burg, Nyköping, 25 Nov. 1625. 140 Andreas Kappelmayer himself because of his obligations towards the Count of Oldenburg.42 How- ever, he searched for possible and capable candidates to fill the gap in the Swedish army – at first not very successfully: “So habe annoch So wol beyn ihnen alß auch anderweit[,] da ichs gesucht, nichts erhalten können, Son- dern jedtweder endschuldigt sich wegen weite des Weges, Kürtze der zeit, […] unbekandtheit deß ohrts, gantze unwißenheit der Capitulacion, und daß man, […] da eß allerohrte vol werben, schwerlich volck, so wol zu fuß alß zu Roß, der ohrts hin werde bringen könne”43 (=“Until now, I could not get consent from them [some mercenary captains] or anybody else, but everybody excuses himself because of the long distance, because of the brev- ity of time, because he lacks knowledge of the place, because he is unaware of the concrete conditions, and because he fears that it would be very difficult to recruit horsemen or foot soldiers alike and to deliver their services due to the ongoing recruitments everywhere”). In spite of these unpromising circumstances, Lohausen managed to interest Count Franz Bernhard von Thurn (1592/95–1628) for Swedish services, whose qualities as an officer Lohausen highly praised;44 not least because Count Thurn had rescued Lohausen’s life during the siege of Preßburg (Brati- slava) in the summer of 1621.45 Count Franz Bernhard von Thurn had fought for Prince Elector Frederick V of the Palatinate and the rebellious estates of Bohemia in the late 1610s and the early 1620s – but without success. Count Franz Bernhard’s father had been one of the leading figures of the Bohemian rebellion against the Habsburg King of Bohemia and he had supported Fred- erick V as King of the territories of the Crown of Saint Wenceslas. As a con- sequence, father and son Thurn lost their possessions in Bohemia. At the end

42 C. Fidlerus, Miles Christianus, Ein Christlicher Kriegsmann, Das ist, Leich und Ehren- Predigt […] Herrn Wilhelm von Calheims, Rostock 1640; RA St E 37, Wilhelm von Kalchum genannt Lohausen to John Casimir of Palatinate-Zweibrücken-Kleeburg, Oldenburg, 10 Jan. 1623. A book about mathematics, written by Lohausen, was dedicated to Count Palatine John II by his former courtier: Wilhelm von Kalchum genannt Lohausen, Zusammenfaßung etlicher geometrischer Aufgaben (Bremen, s.n., 1629). 43 RA St E 37, Wilhelm von Kalchum genannt Lohausen to John Casimir of Palatin- ate-Zweibrücken-Kleeburg, Oldenburg, 10 Jan. 1623. 44 A. von Bodisco, Graf Matthias von Thurn und seine Nachkommen, “Baltische Monats schrift”, 52, 1910, p. 268–283; A. Åberg, Thurn, Henrik Matthias von / Thurn, Frans Bernhard von, “Svenska Män och Kvinnor”, 7, 1954, p. 539. 45 J. Schilius, Ehrenschildt der guten Streiter Jesu Christi Bey der Gräfflichen Leichbegäng- nuß Des weiland Hoch- und Wolgebornen Graffen und Herren Herrn Frantz Bernhard Grafen zu Thurn, Elbing 1629. From the Rhine to the Swedish field camp in Royal Prussia… 141 of 1623, Lohausen recommended Thurn’s services to John Casimir, so that the exiled Bohemian Count might gain a position in the Swedish army which fitted his talents more easily.46 Indeed, Franz Bernhard von Thurn was to become one of Sweden’s most high ranking officers in Gustav Adolph’s continued war against his cousin in Royal Prussia. Thereby, Count Franz Bernhard was rewarded with the newly created county of Pernau (Pärnu). The road from insurgency in the Habsburg hereditary territories to Pal- atine services and then further to the Swedish army of Gustav II Adolph was not only taken by Count Thurn. Maximilian Teuffel von Gunthersdorf (d. 1631), a Lutheran baron from Lower Austria, also sided with Prince Elec- tor Frederick V of the Palatinate.47 After having joined his dethroned lord in the Netherlands, Maximilian Teuffel searched for new possibilities to make use of his military experience won in Frederick’s services. In the late winter of 1624, it was Frederick V of the Palatinate himself who recommended Teuffel’s qualities as a military leader to his cousin John Casimir.48 The dethroned King and banned Count Palatine hoped that his cousin John Casi- mir could further Maximilian Teuffel’s career in the Swedish army. Indeed, Colonel Teuffel became one of Sweden’s most important infantry commanders in the late 1620s in Royal Prussia and during the beginning of the Swedish intervention in the Thirty Years’ War. For military entrepreneurs from the beaten Palatine-Bohemian party, who were in search for new opportunities, Count Palatine John Casimir had become a key figure to enter services in the Swedish army.

Conclusion: Trust and credibility

Count Palatine John Casimir quite successfully established connections between the King of Sweden, who was strongly interested in gaining able mercenary colonels and captains, especially for his cavalry, and some Protestant military entrepreneurs from territories and towns in the south of the Holy Roman

46 RA St E 37, Wilhelm von Kalchum genannt Lohausen to John Casimir of Palatin- ate-Zweibrücken-Kleeburg, ’s-Gravenhage, 9 Dec. 1623. 47 Peter Thaler, “Erbländische Protestanten und die protestantische Großmacht Schweden im 17. Jahrhundert”, in Glaubwürdig bleiben. 500 Jahre protestantisches Abenteuer, ed. W. Wadl, Klagenfurt am Wörthersee, Geschichtsverein für Kärnten, 2011, p. 261–283, here: p. 270–273. 48 RA St E 44, Frederick V of the Palatinate to John Casimir of Palatinate-Zweibrück- en-Kleeburg, ’s-Gravenhage, 1 Mar. 1624. 142 Andreas Kappelmayer

Empire. For this purpose, John Casimir activated contacts to noblemen from the clientele of his own dynasty along the Upper Rhine, like Johann Streiff von Lauenstein. Furthermore, John Casimir expanded his network in order to gain even more potential mercenary captains for the Swedish Crown. He stretched his contacts further afield to other former officers of Protestant armies, especially those, who had served in the Palatine-Bohemian armies in the early 1620s, for instance Count Franz Bernhard von Thurn, a Protestant from Bohemia, or Maximilian Teuffel von Gunthersdorf from Lower Austria. In such cases, John Casimir himself was depending on the intermediate brokerage of trusted and credible noblemen, like Wilhelm von Kalchum genannt Lohausen. Both sides, the King and the military entrepreneurs, put trust in John Casimir and expected that he would act in their interests respectively. It was John Casimir’s task to establish a personal relationship between both sides involved. Due to his own migration to Sweden and due to his well-established network in both regions, John Casimir played an essential part in linking the market for mercenary captains in southern German territories and towns to the theatre of war in the Baltic Sea region during the 1620s. After Gustav Adolph’s intervention in the Thirty Years War, the Swedish army was no longer in need of John Casimir as a broker. The Swedish Crown had direct access to this market from 1631 onwards.

Streszczenie

Od Renu do pól bitewnych w Prusach Książęcych – hrabia palatyn Jan Kazimierz jako pośrednik najemników

Podczas ciągłej walki z Gustawem II Adolfem wzdłuż brzegów Morza Bałtyckiego ogromne żądania żołnierzy i oficerów dowodzenia były spełniane nie tylko przez jednostki poborowe w królestwie szwedzkim, ale także przez przedsiębiorców wojskowych na terytoriach Świętego Imperium Rzymskiego. W latach dwudziestych XVII wieku Jan Kazimierz z Pfalz-Zweibrücken-Kleeburg (1589–1652), zesła- ny przez króla szwagra, działał jako pośrednik między Szwedzką Koroną i gór- noniemieckimi przedsiębiorcami wojskowi. Polegając na swoich dynastycznych koneksjach wzdłuż górnego Renu, Jan Kazimierz uwiarygodnił szwedzkie systemy rekrutacji w Niemczech. Artykuł uwypukla motywy przedsiębiorców wojskowych, jak również sposób, w jaki Jan Kazimierz nawiązywał kontakt z oficerami. II. Exchange and Power

Jan Eskildsen

Slavic Church Architecture in Scandinavia. Early medieval exchange of architecture and possible eastern orthodox influence

To begin with just a few words on Peter Plau’s work on socialisation, which has been an inspiration for the conference at Uniwersytet Gdanski. Reli- gion is not a prominent issue for him, but since each person with whom one comes into contact, in some way is an agent of socialisation, also religion has been discussed by others as an agent of socialization. Christianization can be seen an agent for socialisation, but since this is not the main topic here, I will just mention on this occasion, that different religious preferences and religiousity over time have demanded differences in the construction of the church, the liturgy and practices. Limited by space I will focus on connection between Poland and Den- mark. As described by many scholars, people from Bornholm and Scand- inavia in general interacted among others with Slavic tribes, some migration took place and the Danish royal family was allied with Obodrite royal house since the end of the 10th century, and later the Danish royal family was allied with the Piast royal house, in the first third of the 12th century.

Rotundas in the Medieval North

In the early Middle Ages a number of circular churches, rotundas, were built in the East Scandinavian area, many of them on Danish soil. Most of them have been dated between 1100 and 1250, but it has also been discussed whether some of them were of earlier or later origin. Parts of Sweden were at that time part 146 Jan Eskildsen of Denmark, and the Danish king had properties in other parts of Sweden. Several scholars1 have described and discussed these churches during the 20th century and the beginning of 21st century, but as often is the case with serious research, this did not have particularly strong public interest. In part because of competition from superficial articles and books, in part because of competition from heterodoxies. In some of Scandinavia the public debate has been plagued for several decades by writers who love and serve the “Knights Templar Industry”, as if they were part of a cult. This disorder began in these parts after 1989, when a historical yearbook published an article in which the author claimed, that a church on Bornholm could be inspired by a building in Portugal, and that 15 round churches were built by the Knights Templar. To put it shortly, the building in Portugal was finished years after the church it was compared to, it was a bad comparison and at least 11 of the 15 churches were raised by different organisations unconnected with the Knights Templar, 3 of the remaining, one of which is questionable, are not circular.2 The result of my perennial study is published in the article Killing of a Myth,3 which is a summary of a chapter of my book, in Danish, Bornholm og Østersøen (Bornholm and the Baltic) 1060–1140. The conclusion, which is not only mine, but has also been made by others, is that circular churches came to Medieval Denmark in the first third of the 12th century. A historiographical study shows, that key persons may have played a decisive role, and the tracks to their origins lead to the countries south of the Baltic Sea. Many rotundas were built in European countries, both before and after the First Crusade, but even if it could be called a medieval matter of fashion, it would be interesting to find the original, or first builders of the churches in the Eastern part of Scandinavia. Several scholars have presented their ideas, pointing to Poland and other Slavic countries as the closest sources of in-

1 E. Wrangel, Sverige og Polen, “Tidskrift för konstvetenskap. Sjuttonde årgången”, 1933; eadem, Skandinaviske förbindelser med de västslaviska folken under den äldre medeltiden, “Tidskrift för konstvetenskap. Adertonde årgången”, 1935; M. Anglert,Hvem forsvarede hvad?, “Bornholmske Samlinger”, Rønne 1989, J. Wienberg, W.A. Jensen, Palatiner- og gårdkapeller og singulære rundkirker i Polen og Danmark, Aarhus Universitet, 2008. 2 E. Lambert, L’architecture de Templiers, Paris 1955–1978; M. Untermann, Der Zentral- bau im Mittelalter. Form – Funktion – Verbreitung, Darmstadt 1989; H. Sutter, Form und Ikonologie spanischer Zentralbauten, Torres del Rio–Segovia–Eunate–Weimar 1996–1997. 3 J. Eskildsen, Bornholmske rundkirker i europæisk perspektiv, [in:] Bornholmske Sam- linger, Bornholms Historiske Samfund 2012–2014. Summaries in English: Killing of a Myth, in German: Der Tod eines Mythos, are both available at academia.edu. Slavic Church Architecture in Scandinavia. Early medieval exchange… 147

spiration. In tracing rotundas through Europe, from Italy during the Middle and Eastern European countries to the island Bornholm, where I live, I have studied literature on dynastic, family relationships, as I have also researched on the relations between Denmark and Poland, and published some of the results in the forementioned books and several articles.

Christianization of Europe, Scandinavia

In Denmark you learn only about the Roman Catholic church and their missionaries Ebo and Ansgar’s mission during 9th century, and the later bap- tizing of Harald Bluetooth (c. 958–987) in 963.4 Old sources were written by Catholic writers and words like heatens and pagans were used to describe those who were not Christians “in the right way”, which could mean that they were in some sense East Orthodox Christians, that they had misunderstood some prayers or that they simply were pagans, maybe worshippers of the ancient Norse Gods Odin and Thor. According to Czech and Polish history the Polish ruler Mieszko I (932– 992) was baptized in 966, after having married the Bohemian Princess Do- brawa, who was a daughter of Boleslaus I the Cruel of the Premyslid Dynasty. Ordinary people here never heard of the missionary brothers Cyril (Con- stantine) and Methodius, called Apostles of the Slavs, and their arrival in Czech areas as late as in 863.5 Following their mission churches were built in Moravia according to several scholars including them also rotundas.6 The Croats were the first Slavic people who accepted Christianity between the 7th and 8th century AD. Areas of countries and also their borders were then completely different from today. Some churches in the area called Moravia were influenced from the east, and in the same period Christianity spread in the areas we know today as Slovakia and the Czech Republic, as a result of the brothers Cyril and Methodius’ mission work. At that time there was no Slavic written language, and Cyril contrived therefore the Glagolitic alphabet, which was a precursor to the Cyrillic, which is named after him, but prob-

4 M. Gelting, Poppo’s Ordeal: Courtier Bishops and the Success of Christianization at the Turn of the First Millennium, “Viking and Medieval Scandinavia”, 2010. 5 F. Dvornik, Byzantine Missions Among the Slavs, New Jersey 1970; A.P. Vlasto, The Entry of the Slavs into Christendom, Cambridge 1970. 6 F. Dvornik, op. cit. and Vlasto, op. cit.; J. Bazant, The Classical Tradition in Czech Me- dieval Art, Berlin–New York 2003. 148 Jan Eskildsen

ably was constructed by another. Using the Glagolitic alphabet they could not only spread the religious message, but also laid the foundation for the Slavic literature. While the Glagolitic alphabet has almost been forgotten, the Cyril- lic is today used by Bulgarians, Yugoslavs, Russians and Ukrainians and others. The priests in Moravia were trained by people from the Byzantine Em- pire. Some elements of eastern church architecture spread, such as the form of small central churches and clover shaped churches with several apses, but also round churches with a single apse but without a chancel. As the area became Christian, both rectangular and round churches were built, some of the last with several apses, others with interior niches, each with four apses, so they got the shape of a cross with round center. One of the churches in Moravia had four apses, and measured externally little more than 15 meters at its widest point. Several of the churches showed in their elevation striking similarities with contemporary Dalmatian and Austrian churches.7

First rotundas in the Czech areas

As a result of the mission two Bulgarians were baptized, khan Boris Michael in 864, and the first Przemyslid duke Bořivoj I in 878 by Methodius. Levy Hradec is probably the first rotunda in Czech areas and the place where Christianity began in Bohemia. The first known Czech Prince Bořivoj ruled there, and shortly after he was baptized by King Svatopluk of Great Moravia, founded the oldest local church, the pre-Romanesque Rotunda of St. Clement. This church’s floor plan was repeated in other Czech rotundas and also in Polish rotundas. In Mikulcice in the Czech Republic a round church was built in the years 825–850. Where St. Vitus Cathedral in Prague stands today, in the castle Hradcany, was originally built one four-leaf clover shaped rotunda in the years 925–929. After that some lesser round churches were built in Bohemia. In recent times, it is estimated that in 1250 there were approximately 1000 small round churches in the Czech regions.8 The pattern of first a very big and then small round churches are also seen in Poland, where a large rotunda with apses there was built in Poznan, before that were built smaller rotundas as parish churches. Later, the big rotunda was extended and ended up as Poznan’s cathedral. A similar development occurred in Gniezno, where

7 J. Eskildsen, op. cit. 8 J. Bazant, op. cit. Slavic Church Architecture in Scandinavia. Early medieval exchange… 149 the cathedral is also built over the remains of a rotunda. In the castle area Wawel in Krakow we still see the remains of several round churches, the first of which was begun about 900–1000. Other Polish churches were built in relation to smaller castles, and the local experts believe that one or more of them may have been used as a baptistery.9 Several Polish royal homes had a small round church or chapel in the main building, and the floor plan of Søborg castle south of Gilleleje on Zealand is a reminder of these, especially that plant found in Ostrow Lednicki, where Mieszko I possibly was baptized. The idea of round churches in the Czech was fueled after the young Boleslav II of Bohemia (967–999) had asked his sister Mlada to go to Rome and persuade the Pope to establish a bishopric in Bohemia. Mlada traveled to Rome in the company of several diplomats and came back few years later after being given permission to found a monastery in the diocese. She later became the monastery’s first abbess. In Rome, she was captivated by the round churches and shrines which is why she worked through her brother to get several round churches built in Bohemia, and this was also important for the church building in Poland because of the two countries’ mutual relations.

Rotundas in the North

Professor Jes Wienberg, University of Lund, has recently listed the round churches in the North;10 in his list he includes a few octagons, which have a different architectural background from the round churches. When those are counted in total, we know in 2014 of 34 round churches in all in the North. They are distributed this way: 19 in medieval Denmark: in South- ern Schleswig Sankt Mikael in Schleswig; in Jutland Thorsager and Malling; on Funen Horne; on Zealand Bjernede, Farendløse, Himlingøje, Hørve, Pedersborg, All Saints in Roskilde, Selsø, Store Heddinge (octagonal nave) and Søborg; Skåne Sankt Mikael in Helsingborg and Valleberga; Bornholm Nykirke, Nylars, Ols and Østerlars churches. In the medieval Sweden is known 13 round churches: in Småland Hagby and Voxtorp; Öland Borgholm; i Vastergötland Agnestad, Dimbo and Skörstorp; in Östergötland Kloster- stad, Tjärstad and Vårdsberg; in Uppland Bromma, Munsö and Solna and

9 Europas Mitte um 1000. A. Buko, The Archaeology of early Medieval Poland, Leiden– Boston 2008. 10 J. Wienberg, Iøjnefaldende arkitektur – Nordens middelalderlige rundkirker – Conspicu- ous architecture. Medieval round churches in Scandinavia, “KUML”, 2014, p. 205–243. 150 Jan Eskildsen

on Gotland Holy Spirit (octagonal nave) in Visby. In medieval Norway two round churches are known, namely Vestfold St. Olav in Tønsberg and the Orkney Islands Orphir. The rotunda’s original floor plans are not always known in their entirety, because of the changing conditions of preservation, but like churches with elongated nave could be with or without apse, round churches could also be with or without the apse as a separate part of the building. Thus 12 round churches are known to have had the apse and chancel/choir: Thorsager, Bjernede, Hørve, Selsø, Valleberga, Nykirke, Nylars, Ols, Østerlars, Voxtorp, Skörstorp and St. Olav in Tønsberg. And 10 round churches are known to have had a apsechancel (rounded chancel): St. Michael in Schleswig, All Saints in Roskilde, Sankt Mikael in Helsingborg, Hagby, Agnestad, Abbey city, Vårdsberg, Bromma, Munsö and Orphir. At Store Heddinge and Holy Spirit in Visby the chancel (choir) has an inner apse, but also this phenomenon is known from Romanesque churches with elongated nave. In the appropriate centuries parts of the current Sweden (Skåne, Halland and Blekinge) were included in the Danish realm. In addition to that an analysis of history, old sources and traditions, and rune stones – based on our “near pendant” to the Domesday Book, Valdemars Jordebog (Liber Census Daniæ) from 1231, shows which areas in Sweden, in the book called Swe- cia, were owned by the Danish King, which means that some of the round churches mentioned by Wienberg were built at the behest of Danes.11 The old manuscript contains a section on the King’s property in Swecia, which refers to areas outside the Medieval Denmark (or Denmark of that time), which included Skåne, Halland and Blekinge, and the analyst has found properties, which also show that some rotundas were built in those areas and their surroundings. It might be surprising, but not it was not until 2009 that a comprehensive study of these areas in Swecia was made or written. Some writers seem do have misunderstood one thing, because Svietoslawa and Sigrid Storråda (Haughty) were not the same person. According to Scandinavian tradition (Snorre Sturluson) Sigrid Storråda was daughter of Skoglar Toste from West Götaland. Svietoslawa was of course daughter of Mieszko I. The Polish ruling family, the Piasts, obviously supported the cult of St. Lambert of Liège. That is why the son of Mieszko I’s daughter Svietoslawa and Svein Forkbeard, Canute the Great of Denmark, was baptized Lambert. Boleslaw I

11 K. Krambs, Vikingetidens konger. Forlaget Underskoven, 2009. Slavic Church Architecture in Scandinavia. Early medieval exchange… 151

Chrobry’s daughter was married to King Bela of Hungary and thier son was baptized Lambert; his son Casimir was baptized Lambert; Mieszko II Lam- bert, married Richiza, and also one of their sons were baptized Lambert.12 As I wrote some rotundas were rather large and most of the parish churches were smaller. The same is true on Bornholm, where Østerlars Church has an inner diameter of 13 meter, (the same as St.Vitus at Hradceny in Prague), Ol- sker (St. Olof’s) is high, but narrower and Nylars and Nyker are much smaller.

With apse but without chancel

Among the churches with apse but without the chancel or choir, there is the now vanished All Saints Church in Roskilde, Hagby Church close to Kal- mar, St.Michael in Helsingborg, as well as churches in Klosterstad, Vårds- berg, Munsö and Orphir on Mainland, Orkney. The churches do not have a chancel, which is the norm in Western churches. In a way they might point to Byzantine and Slavic churches, that have no chancel either. (See illustrations). Several Scandinavian historians have mentioned Boleslaw III Krzy- wousty as participating in the Kalmar Crusade in 1123, and it has also been mentioned13 that he could have been a former. temporary ruler on the island Öland. The crusade was initiated by the Danish King Niels and the Norwe- gian King Sigurd Jorsalfar, but the details are still being discussed. King Niels’ son, Magnus, was by his mother Margrethe Fredkulla heir to west Götaland, and should have been King of Götaland, but something had to be done in the Kalmar area, because, as is told in the saga, some had fallen from the faith. Maybe they had gone back to be pagans, but if another Christian iden-

12 Canute the Great was baptized Lambert, which can be seen in these sources: a. Adam of Bremen wrote: “Chnut filius Suein regis abiecto nomine gentilitatis in baptismo Lambertus nomen accepit. Unde scriptum est in Libro fraternitas nostrae: “Lambrecht rex Danorum et Imma regina et Chnut filius eorum devote se commendaverunt ora- tionibus fratrum Bremensium.” (Having put away his pagan name, Cnut, the son of King Svein, received the name Lambert in baptism. Hence it is written in our fraternity book: “Lambert, the king of Danes and Queen Emma and their son Cnut (Hardeknud) devoutly commended themselves to the prayers of the brethren of Bremen). b. In the calendar Leofric Missal a note for 11. november tells: “Obitus Landberti piissimi regis” (= the most pious king Lambert is dead). The date of his death is uncertain, sources have 11., 12, and 13. November). 13 N. Blomkvist, Kong Bugislav på spåren? Gråborg og den gåtfulla Kalmarna Leidanger 1123/24, [in:] G. Tegnér (ed.), Gråborg på Øland. Om en borg, ett kapell och en by, Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien, Stockholm 2008, p. 161–184. 152 Jan Eskildsen

tity, such as Orthodox Christianity was represented, that would also have been a problem. I have not been able to trace Boleslaw III whereabouts that year, but we know, that he was allied with King Niels, because Krzywoustys’ daughter Richeza was married to Magnus some years later. Could it be that the idea of circular churches, some of which were fortified, was brought to Scandinavia by Boleslaw and his entourage? And could it be, that some of the rotundas, namely those without chancels, were built by people with another Christian identity? When we look at the ruins in Agnestad and Dimbo they look similar to excavated remains from rotundas in Gniezno, Krakow, Lekno, Poznan as shown by Buko,16 and similar to the remains in Ducove, Pohansko and Przemysl. They have the same floor plan without chancel, as we can still see in Cieszyn, in Hagby near Kalmar, St. Mikael in Helsingborg, and rotundas in Kloster- stad,Vårdsberg, Munsö and Orphir on Mainland, Orkney.

Streszczenie

Słowiańska architektura sakralna w Skandynawii. Możliwe wpływy architektury prawosławnej

Artykuł jest przyczynkiem do badań na temat pochodzenia idei budowy ko- ściołów w okrągłym kształcie w Skandynawii. Czy to możliwe, że idea okrąg łych kościołów została doprowadzona do Skandynawii przez Bolesława i jego świtę? Być może niektóre rotundy, mianowicie te bez prezbiterium, były budowane przez ludzi z inną chrześcijańską tożsamością? Gdy patrzymy na ru- iny w Agnestad i Dimbo, wyglądają one podobnie do wykopanych szczątków rotund w Gnieźnie, Krakowie, Leknie, Poznaniu, jak pokazuje Buko, i podobne do znajdujących się w Ducove, Pohansko i Przemyślu. Mają ten sam plan piętra bez prezbiterium, jak możemy zobaczyć w Cieszynie, w Hagby koło Kalmaru, kościele św. Mikaela w Helsingborgu, oraz podobne rotundy w Klosterstad, Vårdsberg, Munsö i Orphir na Mainland, Orkney. Reconstruction Ducove, appr. 865.

St. Adalbert in Krakow, appr. 1000.

Castle Wawel, ca. 1000. Vysehrad, c. 1050, Prague.

Castel Wawel, appr. 1000.

Stara Plzenec, 10.c. Grzegorzowiche, 1200? Cieszyn, 11. century Nyker, Bornholm, (1200?).

Nylars, Bornholm, (1150?). Østerlars, Bornholm (1120 or 1160?). The church has the same inner diameter as the St. Vitus rotunda (beside) in Prague originally had. St. Vitus, Prague (930).

Borivoj’s rotunda in Levy Hradec. Same shape can be seen in Gniezno, Lekno , Pohansko and Poznan; Roskilde in Denmark, and Agnestad, Dimbo and Klosterstad, Sweden. Hagby Church, near Kalmar. Skörstad, c. 1150.

Olsker, Bornholm. 11XX?

Plan of Agnestad ruin. Map: Jes Wienberg, KUML 2014 The red dots marks churches without chancel. Marius Ščavinskas Klaipeda University

The stage of “spotted“ Christianisation in West Baltic society. Links to social transformations in the 13th century

In historiography related to the various stages of Christianisation in the Baltic region, it is possible to distinguish the onset of Christianisation or, in other words, the period of missions. This was followed by the spread of Christianity or the consolidation period. The subsequent period witnessed a final entrenchement of Christianity, when a number of parish churches had been established and when the practice of Christian observances and culture had taken root.1 Evidently, such a division of Christianisation periods has been convenient for researchers who have made every effort to analyse the prolonged process of the adoption of Christianity, which is closely related to self-Europeanization seen in the Baltic region. Subsequently, emphasis will be placed not on the middle or the final stages, but the initial one – the phase of Christian missions.

1 Identically, or in a similar manner, Christianisation periods are segmented by: H.D. Kahl, Die ersten Jahrhunderte des missionsgeschichtlichen Mittelalters. Bausteine für eine Phänomenologie bis ca. 1050, [in:] Die Kirche des früheren Mittelalters (Kir- chengeschichte als Missionsgeschichte), ed. K. Schäferdiek, Köln–Wien 1978, p. 40; J. Kłoczowski, U podstaw chrześcijańskiej kultury: chrześcijaństwo zachodnie wczesnego średniowiecza, [in:] Narodziny średniowiecznej Europy, ed. H. Samsonowicz, War szawa 1999, p. 87–114; H. Łowmiański, Religia Słowian i jej upadek (w VI–XII), Warsza- wa 1979, p. 246–318. 160 Marius Ščavinskas

In adition, another term keeps appearing frequently, i.e. ‘conversion’ which means ‘change’ or ‘transformation’.2 Christianisation is perceived as an alternative term or synonym for conversion to Christianity. Nevertheless, it should be noted that the term Christianisation is used more to denote the process of adopting Christianity adoption in an entire society rather individual conversion. Other researchers perceive conversion as a person‘s individual conversion.3 For this reason, the term conversion is not precisely synonymous to Christianisation concept as it may seem at first glance.4 As an individual act, conversion represents an individual‘s particular relation to Christianity as a recently adopted religion. Of course, it could be postu- lated, in agreement with those researchers5, that conversion may with certain reservations be considered to be an individual act resulting in human baptism because a convert lived in a particular society and was influenced by a certain environment. This, however, did not always accord with that individual’s intentions or ability.6 However, this nuance does not negate each convert’s individual relation to newly accepted religion. On the contrary, this concept implies the final process of adopting Chris- tianity in the individual consciousness (baptism crowns everything), for conversion is an irreversible process.7 Meanwhile, the Christianisation process may include the so-called periods of pagan reaction, in which researchers distinguish syncretism, i.e. a period of temporary Christian dominance.8 It is undisputed that the latter concept (syncretism) is even more controversial.

2 N. Berend, Introduction, [in:] Christianization and the rise of christian monarchy. Scandinavia, Central Europe and Rus c. 900–1200, ed. N. Berend, Cambridge 2007, p. 3; I. Wood, The Missionary Life. Saints and the Evangelisation of Europe 400–1050, Lon- don 2001, p. 3; J. Van Engen, The Christian Middle Ages as an Historiographical Problem, “American Historical Review”, 1986, 3, p. 522–544. 3 I. Wood, op. cit., p. 3; R. MacMullen, Christianizing of Roman Empire AD 100–400, New Haven 1984, p. 5–6. 4 B. Beit-Hallahmi, Conversion, [in:] Encyclopedia of Psychology and religion, eds. D.A. Leem- ing, K. Madden, S. Marlan, New York 2010, p. 179–181. 5 Cf. C.M. Cusack, The Rise of Christianity in Northern Europe, 300–1000, London–New York, 1998, p. 2–23. 6 N. Berend, op. cit., p. 3–4. Cf. sociologist view in to conversion: C.M. Cusack, op. cit., p. 3–4. 7 A. Winroth, The Conversion of Scandinavia. Vikings, Merchants and Missionaries in the Remaking of Northern Europe, New Haven–London 2012, p. 122. It is true that the author is not consistent, because while speaking about individual conversions, he dis- tinguishes three phases of convention in society spanning the period from the 9th to 11th century inclusive (ibidem, p. 104). 8 N. Berend, op. cit., p. 22–23, 27. The stage of “spotted“ Christianisation in West Baltic society… 161

Frequently, instead of that concept, the terms inculturation and acculturation are employed, suggesting an overcoming of formerly prevalent cultural forces and their adjustment to new conditions.9 Certainly, syncretism did not denote the henotheistic state as it may appear at first glance for converts who from the very beginning conceived the Christian God as the mightiest of all deities.10 Had this, indeed, been the case, the unconverted part of society could have been affected by it but not the members of society, who had already adopted Christianity because pagans commenced to perceive Christ as the mightiest deity, rising above all the others. The sources connected with the Baltic region point to a pagan attitude, not a Christian henotheistic one; Christianity itself, being a monotheistic religion, rejected the possibility of the existence of other deities.11 The abundance of terms, characterized by the process of adopting Chris- tianity, was determined not by Christianisation in a cultural sense but by a political treatment12 which prevailed in historiography before history was institutionalized as a science in the 18th and 19th centuries. In Western tradition, the ruler’s baptism was considered as a spiritual turning point giving rise to irreversible social changes. The ruler’s baptism (or ruler’s individual conversion), which was tantamount to the baptism of the entire country,

9 About acculturation/iculturation and its various aspects during Medieval period – W. Haubrichs, Identität und Name. Akkulturationsvorgänge in Namen und die Tradi- tionsgesellschaften des frühen Mittelalters, [in:] Die Suche nach den Ursprüngen. Von der Bedeutung des frühen Mittelalters, ed. W. Pohl, Wien 2004, p. 85–105; R. MacKitt- erick, Akkulturation and the writing history in the early meddles ages, [in:] Akkultura- tion. Probleme einer germanisch-romanischen Kultursynthese in Spätantike und frühem Mittelalter, eds. D. Hägermann, W. Haubrichs, J. Jarnut, C. Giefers, Berlin–New York 2004, p. 381–395. 10 About Henotheism – L.M. West, Towards Monotheism, [in:] Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity, eds. P. Athanassiadi, M. Frede. Oxford 1999, p. 21–40; P. Nufflen,Pa - gan monotheism as a religious phenomenon, [in:] One God. Pagan monotheism in the Roman Empire, eds. S. Mithell, P. Nufflen, Cambridge 2010, p. 18–33; J. North, Pagan ritual and monotheism, One God. Pagan monotheism in the Roman Empire, p. 34–52. Cf. Heinrichs. Livländische Chronik (later abbreviated as – HLC). Monumenta Ger- maniae Historica. Scriptores rerum Germanicarum. Ed. L. Arbusow, A. Bauer. Han- nover, 1955, Lib. III, cap. XXIV, §5. 11 See also a textbook example – Vita Ansgarii auctore Rimberto, [in:] MGH SS rer. Germ., ed. G. Waitz, Hanoverae 1884, cap. 30. More example from early medieval time – J. Rusell, The Germanization of Early Medieval Christianity. A Sociohistorical Approach to Religious transformation, New York–Oxford 1994, p. 23–24. 12 J. Van Engen, op. cit., p. 541–542. 162 Marius Ščavinskas was contrasted with the process of society adopting Christianity13. Thus, the concept of conversion (in addition to baptism) has been extended to include entire societies, implying that there was a specific moment of transition from Paganism to Christianity. Hence, there existed an alteration period which was marked by symbolic cut-off dates (e.g. the baptisms of the first king of Poland Mieszko I; king of Sweden Olaf Skotkonung or king of Franks Clovis and the period, in which the ecclesiastical structure was being established). To be more precise, the adoption of Christianity was an individual act, which society accepted and put into practice on the understanding that it applied to all its members.14 Certainly, individual conversion could also have lasted a number of years, depending on the degree of familiarity with Christianity before un- dergoing baptism. Eventually, in individual conversions, baptism is a culminating point, crowned by adopting Christianity and followed by a con- scious and theologically established Christian sacraments (it is believed that the First Communion and Confirmation were, in the case of adults, frequently administered immediately or shortly after baptism). Simultan- eously, in conversion embodied in society’s acceptance of Christianity, the focus was not on the culminating point. It was, on the other hand, concentrated on other phenomena related to the entrenchment of Christianity which were to follow. For this reason, the term conversion cannot accurately describe the entire process, beginning with the first contact with Christian- ity and continuing with the rise of ecclesiastical structures in society. In this case, the periods of personal Christianisation should be analyzed. It has already mentioned that the vast majority of researchers enumerate two or three periods (in most cases – initial stage of Christianity, consolidation and final entrenchment).15

13 Cf. J. W. Sedlar, East Central Europe in the Middle Ages, 1000–1500, Seattle, London 1994, p. 143: „The actual conversion of the Hungarians to Christianity dates only from the reign of his son Stephen I [...], who proved a loyal friend to the pope and granted the Church extraordinary privileges.”; A. P. Vlasto, The Entry of the Slavs into Christendom: An introduction to the medieval history of the slavs, Cambridge 1970, p. 117: „Conversion of Poland is convensionaly dated 966”. Cf. G. Labuda, Mieszko I, Wrocław, 2009, s. 97–114; Plg. P. Urbańczyk, S. Rosik, Poland, in: Christianization and the Rise of Christian monarchy, p. 274–276. 14 J. Kłoczowski, op. cit., p. 111–113. 15 See 1st reference. The stage of “spotted“ Christianisation in West Baltic society… 163

The stage of Christian missions was frequently considered as the initial stage of the formation of a Christian society. In a Baltic society, the initial Christianization period suggested as the period of first missions. From this point on, there will be no investigation of the earliest Baltic contacts of Christianity nor the sources of such contacts (hagiographies of St. Adalbert of Prague), because these first contacts with Christianity did not result in its official adoption. From the beginning to the middle of the 13th century, it would be more pertinent to cast a glance at the processes which were taking place during the conquests of the Teutonic and Livonian Orders (the latter went on to became part of the former)in Prussia and Livonia, resulting in the adoption of Christianity under very coercive conditions. It is evident that Christian missions16 are perceived as the first missionary steps in Christianity by discovering the unknown oikumene. Indeed, missionaries used to travel to a particular area, in which the initial missionary centres and ecclesiastical structures were to be established and organized. In addition, catechesis had to be legally regulated in order to win respect and recognition from the local authority. It is crucial to emphasize that this was actually accomplished by missionaries and their contributors simultaneously, for these parallel processes were mutually connected.17 The first missions in Prussia and Livonia were not exceptional. The appearance

16 Here a classification of missions will not be attempted. For a description of the phenomenon, see – J. Strzelczyk, Niektóre problemy christianizacji Europy wczesnośred- niowiecznej, [in:] Nihil superfluum esse. Studia z dziejów średniowiecza ofiarowane profesor Jadwidze Kryźaniakowej, eds. J. Strzelczyk, J. Dobosz, Poznań 2000, p. 73–75; B. Śliwinski, The Christianisation of Prussia: the Polish contribution until the introduction of the Teutonic Order, [in:] Castri Dominae Nostrae Litterae Annales, vol. I: Chris- tianization of the Baltic region, ed. J. Gąssowski, Pułtusk 2004, p. 58; H. Achterberg, Interpretatio Christiana. Verkleidete Glaubensgestalten der Germanen auf deutschem Boden, Leipzig 1930, p. 87; H.D. Kahl, Compellere intrare. Die Wendenpolitik Bruns von Querfurt im Lichte hochmittelterlichen Misions- und Wölkerrechts, “Zeitschrift für Ostforschung”, 4, 1955, 3, p. 363–370; idem, Zur Problematik der mittelalterlichen Vor- stellung der „Christianisierung, [in:] Die Rolle der Ritterorden in der Christianisierung und Kolonisierung des Ostseegebietes, Toruń 1983, p. 126; H. Boockmann, Der Deutsche Orden. Zwölf Kapitel aus seiner Geschichte, München 1981, p. 108–110. 17 As S. Rosik correctly points out, a certain priority existed during missions: missionaries initially endeavoured to perform depaganization (abrenuntiatio diaboli), subsequently, clarify Christian doctrines (confesio fidei), more – S. Rosik, The Pomeranian Mission of St. Otto of Bamberg. Remarks on the Doctrine and Practice of Christianisa- tion, [in:] Castri Dominae Nostrae Litterae Annales, vol. I: Christianization of the Baltic region, op. cit., p. 171–172. See also: idem, Conversio gentis Pomeranorum. Studium świadectwa o wydarzeniu (XII wiek), Wrocław 2010, p. 560–561, 570–625. 164 Marius Ščavinskas

of the first converts shows that for the social elite in Baltic society Chris- tianity was one of the options which led to the emergence of a qualitatively different life.18 Alongside opportunities for cooperation, the possibility of martial confrontation also began a reality. Christians were intolerant and committed misdeeds (these two factors bore resemblance to Crusades). Ad- ditionally, the social elites were politically fragile. In any case, the initial missions came to represent a stage in which is sometimes termed as the “spotted“ Christianisation. It should be noted that “spotted” Christianisation included the entrenchment of Christianity (sometimes temporary, provisional), usually of a limited territorial reach, and applied to social and political elites (noble lords or was the case with King Mindaugas, a monarch).19 Meanwhile, the missionary process which commenced even before “spotted” Christianisation could proceed further before the formation of initial ecclesiastical structures. In other words, “spotted” Christianisation is qualitatively a different part of the process, when temporary or permanent Christianity centres are being formed (generally, at the beginning, the missions did not have any missionary centres in pagan lands – these had to be established). In historiography, it was noticed that the domains of the first churches (including the first parish churches) in Baltic society were demarcated by the boundaries of lands owned by lords.20 In this case, “spotted” Christianisation is a relative concept emphasizing a certain area (e.g. the ruler‘s estate or among social elites), its impact on society and further entrenchment of Christianity. While discusing the transformations in Baltic society, it is vital not only to discuss mission centres, which were

18 About social and/or political changes within the elites during the adoption of Chris- tianity – P. Urbańczyk, Władza i polityka we wczesnym średniowieczu, Wrocław 2008, p. 166–172. 19 Cf. A similar situation in the ducal castles of Polish and Polabian Slavs: P. Urbańczyk, S. Rosik, The kingdom of Poland, with an subject territories in Polabia and Pomerania at the transition stage between paganism and Christianity, [in:] Christianization and the rise of Christian monarchy, p. 276–277, 279, 292, 307. It was similar in Great Moravia and later in Bohemia, more – J. Klápště, The Czech Land in Medieval Transformation, Leiden–Boston 2012, p. 20–21, 36–43, 45–46. 20 M. Dygo, Studia nad początkami władztwa zakonu niemieckiego w Prusach (1226–1259), Warszawa 1992, p. 251–255; R. Wenskus, Zur Lokalisierung der Prußenkirchen des Ver- trages von Christburg 1249, [in:] Ausgewählte Aufsätze zum frühen und preußsichen Mittelalter. Festgabe zu seinem siebzigsten Geburstag, ed. H. Petze, Sigmaringen 1986, p. 376–377. We don’t have evidence in the written sources that firs churches in the West Balts lands were transformed from the pagan shrines. The stage of “spotted“ Christianisation in West Baltic society… 165 established by missionary Christians, but also those centres which were being established in cooperation with the local nobles. The beginning of “spottted” Christianisation should be linked with the turn of the 12th–13th centuries, when the first permanent missions were established and when Lubava‘s and Lausania‘s (Lausania) villages (or manor)21 in Culm22 (modern – Chełmno) area were handed over to Prussian bishop Christian by Prussian converts Svabūnas-Paul and Varpoda-Philip. How- ever, there had been certain attempts to spread Christianity before.23 Active Cistersian supporters as they were (Christian represented this monastery), the aforementioned lords could build temporary chapels in their surroundings to satisfy the basic requirements. Also, almost identical chapels could be set up in the donated villages. Svabūnas-Paul and Varpoda-Philip’s missionary activity did not last long, because the Christian clergy was expelled by mutinous Prussians; however, the burgeoning relationships with the first Prussian bishop Christian and other missionaries did not cease. Therefore, while commencing conquests, the Teutonic Order faced a strong and partially organized missionary centre system. With the Culm privilege of 1233, the Teutonic Order confirmed ecclesiastical grants in Culm (modern – Chełmno) and Old Torun (modern – Toruń) areas,24 endowing them with a right to appoint priests in both parishes.25

21 More – G. Białuński, O zasiedleniu ziemi lubawskiej w okresie przedkrzyżackim w świet le źródeł pisanych i toponomastycznych, “Pruthenia”, 4, 2009, p. 301–302. 22 Preußisches Urkundenbuch. Politische Abteilung, ed. A. Seraphim (later abbreviated as – PUB), Köningsberg 1901, vol. I, Bd. I, no. 9–10; S. Szczepański, Traktat Dziergoński (1249 r.) a początki organizacji parafialnej w Pomezanii, [in:] Parafie w średniowiecz- nych prusach w czasach Zakonu niemieckiego od XIII do XVI w., eds. R. Biskup, A. Radzimiński, Toruń, 2015, s. 275–295. 23 B. Śliwinski, op. cit., p. 50–63. Research in missionary environment of Baltic region until 13th century in Lithuanian historiography – M. Ščavinskas, Kryžius ir kalavijas. Krikščion- iškųjų misijų sklaida Baltijos jūros regione X–XIII amžiais,Vilnius 2012, p. 61–129. 24 Przywilej chelmiński 1233 i 1251, ed. K. Zielińska-Melkowska, Toruń 1986, cap. 7, p. 40: Parrochiam in Colmen dotavimus octo mansis iuxta et aliis octoginta, ubi se sors obtulerit assignandum. Parrochiam vero Thorun dotavimus quatuor mansis iuxta civitatem et aliis XL, ubi ei fuerint assignati. 25 M. Biskup, Parafie w państwie krzyżackim, [in:] Zakon krzyzacki w Prusach i In- fantach. Podziały administracyjne i kościelne w XIII–XVI wieku, eds. R. Czaja, A. Radzimiński, Toruń 2013, p. 131. About the Teutonic‘s Order patronage right for initial Kulm and Old Torun churches, and what kind of manner it was – M. Dygo, op. cit., p. 238–243. 166 Marius Ščavinskas

Both were established before the above-mentioned privilege,26 which secured a certain advantage, and before establishing Kulm diocese in 1243,27 when, with the exception of Old Torun and Kulm parishes, parishes were set up in (Lat.) Graudentum (modern – Grudziądz), Radzin (modern – Radzyń) and Löbau (modern – Lubawa).28 In fact, a St. Michael chapel or church was built in castra Grudenz, which, excluding other territories in the Culm area, was donated by Mazovian duke Conrad to bishop Christian in 1222.29 The episcopal cemeteries were established subsequently.30 Conrad‘s deed of donation mentions that there should arise a Cistercian convent and Christian’s curia31 in Culm. Consequently, this area should become a missionary centre. In his bull, Pope Gregory IX clearly identified churches established in Kulm area in 1240, including parishes and chapels.32 Culm bishop Heidenreich also mentioned parish churches founded in 1246.33 Also noteworthy are indulgences granted by the bishop of Warmia, Anselm, in 1263 for those who will contribute to the construction of castle chapels.34

26 PUB, vol. I, Bd. 1, no. 105: Parrochiam in Colmen dotavimus octo mansis iuxta civitatem et allis octoginta, ubi se sors obtulerit assignandum. Parrohiam vero Thorun dotavimus quatuor mansis iuxta civitatem et allis quadraginta, ubi ei fuerint assignati, M. Dygo, op. cit., p. 235–237. 27 PUB, vol. 1, Bd. 1, no. 142–143. M. Biskup, Parafie w państwie krzyżackim, [in:] Zakon krzyżacki w Prusach i Infantach, p. 131; M. Biskup, Parafie w państwie krzyźackim, [in:] Państwo Zakonu krzyźackiego w Prusach. Podziały administracyjne i kościelne od XIII do XVI wieku, eds. Z.H. Nowak, R. Czaja, Toruń 2000, p. 82. 28 More – M. Biskup, Parafie…, op. cit., p. 81–84; A. Radzimiński, Geneza oraz uk- ształtowanie się organizacji kościelnej (1206–1409), [in:] Państwo zakonu krzyżackiego w Prusach…, op. cit., p. 159. 29 PUB, vol. 1, Bd. 1, no. 41. 30 More – K. Białoskórska, Święty Chrystian – “Primus episcopus Prusciae” i jego misyjne biskupstwo. Kilka uwag o perspektywach i potrzebie dalszych badań, [in:] Grudziądz mia stem Chrystiana. Materialy posesyjne, ed. K. Zielińska-Melkowska, Grudziądz 2002, p. 24–25. 31 PUB, vol. 1, Bd. 1, no. 41: “[…] in castro Colmensis curiam propriam et conventum qualem voluerit, ipse episcopus Pruscie habebit”. 32 Ibidem, no. 134: “[…] in ecclesis parrochialibus et capellis ipsarum dicti episcopatus […]”. 33 Ibidem, no. 177: “[…] quia ibi liberos agros non habent fratres, dare tenebuntur parro- chiali ecclesia, in villis ad minus centum mansorum […]”. 34 Codex Diplomaticus Warmiensis, oder, Regesten und Urkunden zur Geschichte Erm- land, eds. C.P. Woelky, J. M. Saage, Mainc 1860, vol. I, no. 46: “[…] capellam in castro de novo construere proponant opere sumptuoso, ad quod fidelium subsidium esse dinoscitur perplurimum oportunum. […] ut per subuentionem uestram dicta capella consumari in laudem crucifixi ualeat et honorem […]”. The stage of “spotted“ Christianisation in West Baltic society… 167

Regardless of who initiated the construction works, all these sacred buildings were considered to be Christian centres at that time, when the diocesan ecclesiastical network was still developing. Also, it must be stressed that, when the Teutonic Order started conquests, religious services were conducted also in the lands granted to crusaders by fief/feudal right.35 It is generally accepted that the first churches were built not in waste- lands but in specific locations associated with the nobility (they could be named ‘residences’); in the 13th century sources we do not have information that Christian churches were established in pagan shrines or in the other sacral places. The fact is a reference to Christburg capitulation act in in Warmia, which was owned by villain qua sedet Jedun.36 The church was to be built there. The other territories mentioned in Christburg’s act, the adoption of which was negotiated among Prussian nobles, belonged to local nobles, who had promised to construct in their lands the aforementioned churches.37 As soon as Sambia was annexed, some lands were granted to Sambian nobles Sklode, Grande and Iboto by fief right between 1255 and 1258, with patrimonial lands retained.38 There were other Prusian noble families (e.g. Pipin), which adopted Christianity during the Great Prussian Upris- ing,39 and did not relapse from it later on. The atmosphere was favorable to the spread of Christianity. This is attested by the Christianisation of Livonia. Here, as in Prussia, Üxküll’s (modern – Ikšķile) castle and the natural environment of converts (such as Holme (modern – Mārtiņsala) and Koken- husen (modern – Koknese) became the centres of Christianity. A Livonian convert Kaupo, who possessed Treiden’s (modern – Turaida) castle, should also be mentioned. One of the first churches was founded in Turaida, in which Christian cemetery had been open since the 13th century. Christian cemeteries were also established near Kubesele and Holme churches40 (in the above-mentioned Grudziądz cemeteries were set up as well). Analogously, the development of Christian cemeteries and graves, in which Christian symbols

35 M. Dygo, op. cit., p. 249–250. 36 See also: R. Wenskus, op. cit., p. 376. 37 PUB, vol. 1, Bd. 1, no. 218. 38 Ibidem, no. 306; Urkundenbuch des Bisthums Samland, eds. C.P. Woelky, H. Mendthal, Leipzig 1891, no. 59–60. 39 More about gender of prussians noblility – G. Białuński, Studia z dziejów rycerskich i szlacheckich rodów pruskich (XII–XVI wiek), Olsztyn 2012, p. 44–122, 169–222. 40 HLC, Lib. I, 6–7, Lib. II. 2. 168 Marius Ščavinskas were encountered, is recorded in Pomerania, in which active missionary movement took place in the first half of the 12th century.41 Archaeological material shows that Christian burials increased in Prussia at the turn of the 13th century.42 The same must be said about the first parishes and Christian burials in Poland at the turn of the 10th and 11th centuries.43 Historiography states that the first parishes were associated with the so-called “external” Christianisation or, in other words, the consolidation of the first stage. However, the activity of the first Prussian bishop Chris- tian in Culm areas shows that the initial ecclesiastic network was developed during the missionary period of Christianisation. A similar process is traced in Livonia, when missionary bishop Meinhard had begun to build the first parishes in Üxküll and Holme. Hence, it must be acknowledged that the parochial churches of the initial stage were not supported by a church network or missionary dioceses, which means that they exhibited features of “spotted” Christianisation, as their activities were limited in scope and dependent on assistance from the local nobles and populace. In Culm area, a missionary diocese was present which allowed the first parochial churches and other places of worship (chapels) to satisfy the requirements of pastoral services, catechesis and spread of Christianity44 (metaphorically labelled as curae animarum – soul care).45 The first monasteries, especially those whose activities were directed towards Christianizing the local population to allow subsequent catechesis, were considered to be extensions of Christianity centres, which had started to operate thanks to support from local nobles. It is fun-

41 M. Rębkowski, Chrystianizacja Pomorza Zachodniego: studium archeologiczne, Szczecin 2007, p. 144, 147–160. 42 К.Н. Скворцов, Могильник Митино V–XIV вв. (Калининградская область). По результатам исследований 2008 г. [Материалы охранных археологических исследований. Т. 15], Москва 2010, ч. 1, c. 31. 43 Z. Kurnatowska, Początki organizacji parafialnej polskiego Kościoła, [in:] Kościół w monarchiach Przemyślidów i Piastów. Materiały z konferencji naukowej Gniezno 21–24 września 2006 roku, ed. J. Dobosz, Poznań 2009, p. 38–44. 44 More about pastoral services in the Teutonic Order – E. Feistner, Zur Katechese der Ritterbrüder in den Anfägen des Deutschordensstaates, [in:] Cura animarum. Seel- sorge im Deutschordensland Preußen, ed. S. Samerski, Köln–Weimar–Wien, 2013, p. 107–109. 45 More about the method of operation of parishes during the spread of christianization and parishes – M. Dygo, op. cit., p. 234–235. See also: E. Wiśniowski, Badania nad początkami i rozwojem średniowiecznej sieci parafialnej na ziemiach polskich, “Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio F, Historia”, 45, 1990, p. 45–48. The stage of “spotted“ Christianisation in West Baltic society… 169 damental to emphasize that the boundaries46 of the first parishes in Prussia probably coincided with the limits of lands possessed by lords. Klaipėda’s parish territories47 demonstrate that situation could have been different in the adjacent Curonia; the first considerable parishes might have included the territories which were owned by several separate individuals. Hence, the method of establishment of parishes in the western Baltic territories cannot be said to have been uniform or identical. The previously mentioned centres were catalysts speeding up the spread of Christianity itself and related social life. These innovations were not only were tied with curae animarum, but also introduced an entirely modified format of mending enclosures, when the system of obligations, inherent in Western Europe, commenced to become established to provide sustenance for the clergy. The introduction of tithes was among the initial steps which radically altered the converts’ world. The tithe was perceived not only as an obligation48 but also as means of maintaining prosperity in parishes or vis- ited churches (monastery churches or chapels) through declaration of Chris- tian solidarity. If a church founder or patron provided a certain economic or financial support for the Church, all parishioners had to pay a tithe, which changed them into a qualitatively different society. The introduction of the fief/feudal system was one of the factors which caused large-scale social changes.49 In fact, we cannot discuss the feudal system on the eastern Baltic coast on the same level with that which existed at the same time in northern France, for example. However, it should be noted that the development of the fief/feudal system for Prussian nobles was more convenient not only for better opportunities of peasant labour exploitation, which was emphasized by Soviet historiography,50 but also it was convenient for mutual relationships between nobles. Career possibilities for nobles became ’vertical’, when the suzerain, in this case the Teutonic Order, not only resolved legal dispute between vassals but also helped them to combat economic and social problems (cf. the Teutonic Order’s permission for Prus-

46 M. Dygo, op. cit., p. 250–252. 47 Liv-, Est- und Curländisches Urkundenbuch nebst Regesten (later abbreviated as – LUB), ed. F.G. Bunge, Reval 1853, vol. I, col. 417. 48 See also: PUB, vol. I, Bd. 1, no. 13. 49 More – H. Łowmiański, Studja nad początkami społeczeństwa i państwa litewskiego, Wilno 1932, vol. I, p. 262–267, 269–272. 50 See also: J. Jurginis, Lietuvos krikštas. Feodalinės visuomenės socialinės ir kultūrinės raidos studija, Vilnius 1987, p. 90–96, 204–206. 170 Marius Ščavinskas sian nobles to become knights).51 Meanwhile, during the Prussian “martial democracy” decisions were made by the local assembly of nobles, community will and other factors, for example, common land (allmende) occupancy, and relationships with kindred nobles.52 It should be noted that the establishment of the feudal/fief system ac- celerated common land enclosure. In 1275, a deed issued in Elbing stated that Prussian Pamusel was allowed to cultivate publicly owned lands53 which were suitable for arable farming, without verifiable concessions or the need to pay taxes. It is recorded that eminent domain was enacted to seize common land in a 1276 deed, dedicated for Prussian converts Odage, Nequithe, Jodothen and Redethin.54 This privilege was mentioned in other deeds.55 As a result, these deeds do not focus on the misappropriation of ownerless rivers, lakes and forests; however, deeds, executed in the second half of the 13th century, do not concentrate on misappropriation56 of arable lands but instead on the amount of landed property, including enclosed and cultivated lands by consensus and village Trintiton.57 It is clarified that the process of enclos- ing common land in Prussian society commenced before the Teutonic Or- der’s conquests; therefore, there is no need to discuss new social alterations inspired by the conquerors; in contrast, it should we should stress a qualitative leap of these alterations, which caused a Christian society to form during the missionary (or conquest) period.58 It is obvious that changes in western Baltic society were sparked by missionary activity and conquests. It is clear from already discussed documents that the conquest, establishment of ecclesiastical institutions and introduc-

51 Such a provision is stressed in Christburg capitulation deed – PUB, vol. I, Bd. 1, no. 218: “[…] qui sunt vel erant ex nobili prosapia pro creati accingi possunt cingulo militari”. 52 More – M. Ščavinskas, Ankstyvieji socialiniai, politiniai, kultūriniai ir mentaliniai visuomenės pokyčiai Baltijos regiono rytinėje pakrantėje, [in:] Vertybių transformaci- jos: Baltijos regiono rytinė pakrantė XIII–XVIII amžiais, ed. S.C. Rowell, Klaipėda 2015, p. 35–40, 68–69. 53 PUB, vol. I, Bd. 2, no. 329. 54 Ibidem, vol. I, Bd. 2, no. 343, 347, 350. 55 Ibidem, vol. I, Bd. 2, no. 382, 386 et al. 56 Ibidem, vol. I, Bd. 2, no. 539. 57 Ibidem, vol. I, Bd. 2, no. 155. More information– E. Gudavičius, Baltų alodo raida, [in:] Lietuvos europėjimo keliais. Istorinės studijos, eds. A. Bumblauskas, R. Petrauskas, Vil- nius 2002, p. 92–98. 58 E. Gudavičius, op. cit., p. 94. The stage of “spotted“ Christianisation in West Baltic society… 171

tion of the fief/feudal system were in progress in parallel.59 As a result, conquerors strove to win over the local nobility by offering different prospects in relationships between local community and the authority. In this case, Christianity became a security for new privileges. Hence, the centres of the “spotted” Christianisation not only met the requirements of curae animarum, but also were the catalysts, which allowed expanding Western European lifestyle, culture and social stratification. This means that there was an -at tempt to socialize and communicate with converts during the missionary period not only about Christianity as a religion, but also about the lifestyle, common in Christian countries.60 Undoubtedly, the Teutonic Order was interested in securing the loyalty of the Prussian nobility through the use of martial, juridical and interpretative means. It is evident that “spotted” Christianisation laid the foundations for sudden, radical and irreversible alterations in Baltic society of the Teutonic Order’s conquered lands (including its outpost in Livonia). In retrospect, Jogaila’s (analogous) baptism in his environment in the second half of the 14th century also paved the way for radical and irreversible changes in Lithuanian society in the Western part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In addition, there was no endeavour to trigger the so-called pagan reactions in the Western part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (excluding against the Samogitian uprising directed by the Teutonic Order in the beginning of the 15th century). This demon- strates the maturity of the society’s Christian faith. On the other hand, this also shows that lords and his surroundings initiated radical changes, which had a decisive role in Lithuanian society’s development. Jogaila, just as the Teutonic Order in the 13th century, sought also to ensure that the nobles would remain loyal and sought to do so by firmly establishing the Christian lifestyle in his country.

59 Plg. PUB, vol. I, Bd. 1, no. 261; LUB, vol. I, col. 417. 60 This is demonstrated in Pomerania’s Christianization material, see also: S. Rosik,Con - versio gentis Pomeranorum, p. 622–632, 638–644. 172 Marius Ščavinskas

Streszczenie

Etapy „punktowej” chrystianizacji w społecznościach zachodnio- bałtyckich jako odniesienia do zmian społecznych w XIII wieku

Zagraniczni badacze dostarczają raczej odmiennego postrzegania koncepcji chrystianizacji i jej etapów. Większość badaczy w nieco inny sposób dzieli chry- stianizację na kilka głównych etapów: misje, początkowa konsolidacja chrze- ścijaństwa i ostateczne umocnienie. Ogólnie rzecz biorąc, chrystianizacja po- ciąga za sobą ważne etapy: depaganizację (w języku łacińskim – abrenuntiatio diaboli) i konsolidacja wiary (confesio fidei). Dlatego też „punktowa” chrystianizacja wymagała wprowadzenia chrześcijaństwa (czasem tymczasowego i tymczasowego) w konkretną i szczególną (zwykle ograniczoną) przestrzeń (w otoczeniu konkretnego możnowładcy, pana lub innych członków elity). Tymczasem proces misji, który rozpoczął się przed „punktową” chrystianizacją, mógł trwać dalej aż do ostatecznej formacji struktur kościelnych. Innymi słowy, misja „dostrzeżona” w chrystianizacji jest jakościowo odmiennym składnikiem procesu, w którym powstają stałe lub tymczasowe centra chrześcijaństwa (kiedy rozpoczęły się misje, nie było żadnych ośrodków misyjnych na terytoriach tubylców, ponieważ misjonarze wizytujący musieli go założyć). Historiografia zauważyła, że strefa wpływów pierwszych kościołów (w tym pierwsze kościo- ły parafialne) w przestrzeni mieszkalnej plemion bałtyckich została określona przez granice ziem należących do możnych. W tym przypadku „punktowa” chrystianizacja jest względną koncepcją, mającą na celu podkreślenie wpływu dalszego rozwoju i entuzjazmu chrześcijaństwa w określonym obszarze.

Mówiąc o zmianach w społeczeństwie bałtyckim, najważniejszą kwestią jest nie tylko rozważenie ośrodków misyjnych, które zostały ustanowione przez chrześcijańskich nowo przybyłych, ale także wspomnieć o ośrodkach, któ- re zostały utworzone przez lokalną szlachtę społeczną lub we współpracy z lokalną szlachtą społeczną. Początek „punktowej” chrystianizacji w Prusach powinien być związany z przełomem XII–XIII wieku. Trzeba więc przyznać, że kiedy powstały pierwsze parafialne kościoły, mogły one odpowiadać cechom „punktowej” chrystianizacji bez posiadania solidnej parafialnej sieci kościelnej i bez istnienia diecezji misyjnych. Ośrodki te były odpowiedzialne za pełnienie funkcji posług religijnych i duszpasterskich, katechezy i rozpowszechniania chrześcijaństwa (metaforycznie określane jako curae animarum – opieka nad duszą). Wspomniane centra były katalizatorami, z których rozwinęło się chrze- ścijaństwo i związane z nim innowacje życia społecznego: pojawienie się sys- temu lennego, dziesięciny i innych hołdów, radykalne i nieodwracalne zmiany w społeczeństwie bałtyckim, podbijanym przez zakon krzyżacki w Inflantach. Karl Christian Alvestad University of Winchester

St Olaf and the Baltic

Introduction

The cult of St Olaf is a topic widely studied in both Scandinavian and other languages, but among the Anglo-Scandinavian academics most of this scholarship has been focused on the Scandinavian and cult. This scholarship is in its essence a contradiction to the very content of the sources we have for this cult, for much of the sources that talk about Olaf Haraldsson and the cult of St Olaf also contain references to the Cult of this saint outside Norway as well as inside of Olaf’s own kingdom. This article will therefore explore the references to a cult of St Olaf in the Baltic which are embedded in the medieval literature from Norway and Iceland. Through this the article will explore the exchange of knowledge between the centres of the Olaf cult and the peripher- ies, and through this explore what this tells us about the cult until c. 1300. The article will also briefly explore how the cult of St Olaf in the Baltic has been explored before in the Anglo-Scandinavian literature, and why these trends have appeared. This article will rely heavily upon modern translations of Norse sagas, and the Oxford edition of the Latin Passio Olavi, as well as modern Anglo-Scandinavian historical studies to be able to explore this topic.

The cult in the west

In the West of Europe the cult of St Olaf becomes visible both in Church dedications and literary references already a few decades after his death. The earliest known churches dedicated to Olaf are in York (c. 1050), Exeter 174 Karl Christian Alvestad

(1053), Southwark-London (Pre-1066), Chichester and Chester both mid- eleventh century.1 Four of these churches, namely York, Exeter, London and Chichester are connected to the Anglo-Scandinavian aristocracy in England in the decades before the Norman Conquest suggesting that these are elements of an Anglo-Norse identity among members of this elite. Similarly, textual evidence for a cult of St Olaf is known from the decades soon after his death, both in from of skaldic poetry from Scandinavian,2 and in form of liturgical texts in Britain as well as commentary in Adam of Bremen’s history of the Archbishopric of Hamburg Bremen from 1070.3 However, most of the accounts of St Olaf’s life and miracles in literary context date from the 12th to the late 13th Century. Among them the Latin hagiography of Olaf known as Passio et Miracula beati Olavi, composed before 1188, and surviving in Ox- ford as part of Corpus Christi MS209, a text that was transcribed in England c 1200,4 This text is believed to be the complete Hagiography of Olaf, and contain information about Olaf’s cult which is not found elsewhere in the Norwegian-Icelandic material.

The cult in the sources

Within the Passio Olavi some of the few references to the cult of St Olaf in the Baltic, which exists within the Norse can be found. The Passio, a hagiography of Olaf, narrates Olaf’s life and his miracles known in Nidaros before 1188. Among these miracles is; one taking place while Olaf is in exile in Kiev from Norway in 1028–1230,5 in another miracle Olaf frees and heals a Danish prisoner from the Slavs,6 and the last is related to the conversion of a man in Estonia.7 In addition to these three, the text refers to two more miracles related to the Baltic first of the two, accounts how an image of St Olaf miraculously saved parts of the city of Novgorod from a fire when it

1 B. Dickins, The cult of S. Olave in the British Isles, “Saga-Book of the Viking Society”, 12, 1945, p. 56, 67–70. 2 A History of Norway and The Passion and Miracles of the Blessed Óláfr, trans. D. Kunin, ed. C. Phelpstead , London 2001, p. xxxii. 3 Adam of Bremen, History of the archbishops of Hamburg-Bremen, New York 1959, p. 213. 4 A History of Norway…, p. xxix. 5 Ibidem, p. 39–40. 6 Ibidem, p. 42–43. 7 Ibidem, p. 67–69. St Olaf and the Baltic 175

was carried towards the flames,8 and the second miracle talks narrates how a former slave was healed regained his ability to speak in St Olaf’s church in the aforesaid Novgorod.9 Among these five miracle, three witness of a cult of St Olaf in this part of Europe, the Estonian miracle suggest that the miracles of Olaf are known in Estonia before 1188, whereas the two Novgorod miracles highlights the existence of a St Olaf church, and a structured cult of Olaf in Novgorod. References to the cult of St Olaf in Norway, and knowledge of the saint throughout Scandinavia are fairly common in the Passio, compared to references to the cult in the Baltic.

The Baltic and Olaf

Passio Olavi and the Baltic miracles

The version of the Passio Olavi that survived in Corpus Christi MS209 is one of several versions of the text which have existed. However, CC MS209 is believed to the most complete edition of the Passio in existence to this date. The manuscript itself dates from c 1200, and contains a text that Carl Phelpstead,10 and Lars Boje Mortensen,11 suggests were composed in three sections, one section adding more miracles and text to the previous. Details within these sections have allowed Phelpstead and Mortensen to date the different sections, indicating that the first ten miracles were recorded before 1153, the second section dates from before 1170, and the last section have been dated to between 1170 and 1188 due to a direct reference to Archbishop Øys- tein Erlendson in the introduction of this last section of the text.12 Based on this dating, miracles within the three sections can be suggest- ively dated within three periods of the eleventh and twelfth century. The aforesaid miracles which take place in the Baltic and Eastern European area can through this division of the text be dated to all the three different parts of the text. However, it is only the miracle in Olaf preforms in exile in Kiev which is found in the section from before 1153, whereas the two Novgorod

8 Ibidem, p. 47. 9 Ibidem, p. 51–52. 10 Ibidem, p. xxxiv–xxxix. 11 L.B. Mortensen, E. Mundal, Erkebispesetet i Nidaros – Arnestad og verkstad for Olavslitter- aturen, [in:] Ecclesia Nidrosiensis 1153–1537, ed. Steinar Imsen, Trondheim 2007, p. 353–383. 12 A History of Norway…, p. 61. 176 Karl Christian Alvestad and the Danish prisoner miracles all date from the second section, and the conversion miracle in Estonia dates from the last section 1170–1188. In both of the two Novgorod miracles there are references to a church dedicated to St Olaf in the city, the first states:

In […] Hólmgarðr, it happened that such a fire suddenly blazed up that the destruction of the whole township seemed at hand. The townspeople, utterly undone by fear, thronged to a certain priest of the Roman dispensation, […] in the church of Saint Óláfr. […] Now the priest […] seized the saint’s image and with his own arms set it before the flames; but the fire passed no farther, and the part of the city that remained was saved from the conflagration.13

The second miracle from Novgorod contains the following lines:

[…] Having gained his longed-for freedom, he went to the city called Hólmgarðr, and stayed for a few days in the home of a certain pious matron […] this woman was zealous in devotion to the blessed martyr Óláfr, and she applied her- self to prayer in his church at all hours. Thus it was that during the night-time she seemed to see the blessed martyr Óláfr, bidding her to bring the aforesaid boy with her to the church, […] the boy soon fell asleep, and the man who had first appeared to the woman, […] now appeared to the boy and bestowed a cure upon him by the favour of divine grace.14

Both miracle narratives refer to a church of St Olaf in the city known as Hólmgarðr, Hólmgarðr is normally identified as Novgorod, but the first miracle makes a point of highlighting that the priest in the church is of ‘the Ro- man dispensation’, meaning a Catholic not Orthodox priest. The first miracle also suggests that the ‘Roman’ priest was not of the same faith as the majority population of the city, suggesting that St Olaf Church serviced a non-native element of the population of the city. Furthermore, the second miracle from Novgorod refers to a woman who is zealous in her devotion to Olaf, which indicates that she is part of the Catholic community of the city in the mid- twelfth century. Maja Gąssowska highlighted in her chapter onSt Olaf and Holmgård from 2012, that the Olaf church in Novgorod had been identified as a Varangian church, a church of the Scandinavian settlement in the city, but

13 Ibidem, p. 47. 14 Ibidem, p. 51–52. St Olaf and the Baltic 177

she also pointed out that the woman in the second miracle might be a local Rus residence of the city which have come in contact with the cult.15 M. Gąs- sowska furthermore suggests that the Olaf cult in Novgorod came to the city from Gotland, a part of Scandinavia where the cult of St Olaf was strong throughout the middle ages. Imbedded in the Passio Olavi is therefore a record of a Scandinavian settlement in Novgorod and the cultural and religious identity conflict this settlement brought with it to the city. I will propose that the cult of St Olaf in Novgorod was just as much an identity marker for the Varangian’s in the city, as it was for the Anglo-Scandinavian elite in England in the eleventh century. Institutionalised the cult of St Olaf in Novgorod, according to the Passio Olavi, is contained within the Catholic Church. This is perhaps one of the reasons why these miracles have made their way from Novgorod to Nidaros and found their way into the Passio. In the text of the three other miracles as well there are references made to the miracles hap- pening to Scandinavian people in the Baltic, or being recounted in Trond- heim after conversion to the catholic faith. The Estonian miracle might reflect within it the growing religious tension in the Baltic between the Christian and pagan populations on each side of the Baltic. For in this text we see suggestions to raids and conversion attempts in Estonia already before the Northern Crusades against the region. Simul- taneously, the this miracle also bear witness to the growing fame of St Olaf in the twelfth century, and the growing importance of Nidaros as a religious site in Scandinavia. Furthermore, what is common among the four post-hu- mus miracles of Olaf from the Baltic is that all of them refer to the cultural and social relationships between the local population and a resident Scand- inavian population. The two Novgorod miracles refer to the catholic St Olaf church, and the Danish man taken prisoner by Slavs refers to the political conflicts in the Baltic between the Danish and Slavic peoples in the twelfth century. Whereas the Estonian miracle refer to the religious and political in- terventions in Estonia in that took place in the lead up to the Baltic Crusades. A common theme among them is that the cult of Olaf is contained in the catholic communities in the Baltic, meaning that the cult in the Baltic before

15 M. Gąssowska, Der Heilige Olaf und Holmgård – Novgorod als Grenzraum zwischen Ost und West im 11.–12. Jahrhundert, [in:] Rome, Constantinople and Newly-Conver- ted Europe Archaeological and Historical Evidence, ed. M. Salamon, M. Wołoszyn, A. Musin, P. Špehar, Warszawa 2012, p. 263–273. 178 Karl Christian Alvestad

1188 as visible in the Passio Olavi is focused in the catholic churches and missions in the Baltic. This is at least what the Passio suggests through its references to the Baltic, but the cult of St Olaf in the Baltic can possibly be examined further through the local, and these sources might give a more nuanced image of the cult, and the way it evolved in the Baltic. Furthermore, there are not many traces embedded in the later Norwegian – Icelandic literature of a cult in the Baltic, yet the later cult is more visible both in material culture and modern scholarship. This paper will therefore briefly explore the later cult of St Olaf in the Baltic, before assessing the modern Anglo-Scandinavian scholarship on St Olaf, and through that comment on the exchange of knowledge between the Baltic and Scandinavia in both the twelfth, and the twentieth and twenty- first centuries.

Late medieval cult and the Hansa

The cult of St Olaf in the Baltic after 1188 is predominantly visible in art and church dedication. Cities such as Tallinn, Gdansk, Lübeck, Stralsund, Bre- men and Hamburg have all had churched dedicated to St Olaf in the late medieval period.16 Artistic representations of the saint also survive from the same cities, suggesting a continuous and visible cult in the city’s landscape throughout the late middle ages. The relationship between the Got- landic merchants’ cult of Olaf, and the boat miracle in the Passio Olavi, in this last miracle Olaf saved a ship from a storm,17 might form parts of the foundations for the Hanseatic attraction to Olaf in the late medieval period. As Olaf is attributed with the conversion of Gotland, Gotlandic merchant’s part of the Hanseatic League might have brought their local cult with them to other parts of the League. But this late medieval cult is just as fleeting and invisible in the Norwegian-Icelandic medieval literature as the earlier cult. This article will therefore explore briefly how, and why, the Anglo-Scandinavian scholarship on Olaf have not attempted to address this, and explore the development of the cult in a socio-economic context of cultural exchange in the Baltic throughout the Middle Ages.

16 L.R. Langslet, K Ødegård, Olav den Hellige: Spor etter Helgenkongen, Oslo 2011, p. 17. 17 A History of Norway…, p. 55. St Olaf and the Baltic 179

Historiographic reflections

Since the middle of the nineteenth century has Norwegian scholars studied the life and cult of St Olaf. Nineteenth century scholars focused on the role of King Olaf Haraldsson in the unification of Norway, and only mentioned the cult of the saint in context of the fall of King Cnut’s regime in Norway and the development of the Norwegian archbishopric of Nidaros in the twelfth century. It was not until the 1930’s that scholars attempted to map the cult of St Olaf, the first of these were Fredrik Wallem’s catalogue and study of all the seated St Olaf’s statues which have survived through the centuries.18 Wallem’s study includes an exploration of the late medieval statues from the Baltic. Some of those statuses made their way to Trondheim for the 900-year anniversary celebration for the battle of Stiklestad, where they joined other statues in a display of the St Olaf image through the Middle Ages.19 Bruce Dickins’ article published in 1945, explored the cult of Olaf in the British Isle’s through the centuries,20 whereas Hans Kjær’s article from 1932, explored the depiction of Olaf and St Cnut in Bethlehem,21 both articles looked past the Baltic completely. Yet Dickins suggested in his conclusion that: ‘the distribu- tion of dedications to S. Olave shows that the bulk of them are found in parts known to have been more or less thickly settled by the Vikings’,22 through which he suggest there is a correlation between Scandinavian settlements in the British Isles and the evidence of a cult of St Olaf. Vera Henriksen published in 1985 two books on St Olaf, one in Norwe- gian, one in English, in the English version she included an eight line section titled: ‘St Olav on the international scene’,23 in which she talks about the earliest evidence of textual references to the cult of St Olaf comes from England in 1050’s, and that Olaf is called a saint in Adam of Bremen’s Gesta Hamburgensis Ecclesia Pontificum, Henriksen does not engage with either the miracles in St Olaf’s living life or post mortem, which took place in the

18 F.B. Wallem, B.I. Larsen, Iconographia Sancti Olavi: Olavsfremstillinger I middelalders kunst; 1A Skulpturfremstillinger, Nidaros 1947. 19 O. Kolsrud, Nidaros og Stiklestad Olavsjubileet 1930: Minneskrift, Oslo, 1937, p. 501–503. 20 B. Dickins, The cult of S. Olave in the British Isles, “Saga-Book of the Viking Society”, 12, 1945, p. 53–80. 21 H. Kjær, St Canute and St Olaf in the church of nativity, Bethlehem, “Saga – Book of the Viking Society” 11, 1936, p. 71–80. 22 B. Dickins, op. cit., p. 78. 23 V. Henriksen, St Olav of Norway: King, Saint and Enigma, Otta 1985, p. 36. 180 Karl Christian Alvestad

Baltic, her only reference to Olaf outside the North Sea World, is the Wall painting in Bethlehem from the 12th Century. Knut Ødegård and Lars Roar Langslet argued in 2007, that Olaf early became a Nordic super-national saint, even though Olaf was a Norwegian king, his cult were celebrated in Sweden, Iceland, Denmark, Finland as well as Norway, emphasising the cult along the northern and western shores of the Baltic. Furthermore, they go on to account the dispersal of St Olaf Churches in the middle ages, but sums up the cult from Finland in east to Normandy in the West with the following line; ‘Hansaens revirer var ogsaa Olav-land: Danzig, Tallinn, Stralsund, Lübeck, Bremen og Hamburg hadde alle kirker vigslet til ham’,24 a sentence which translates; The Hansa cities were also Olaf territories, cities such as Gdansk, Tallinn, Stralsund, Lübeck, Bremen and Hamburg all had churches dedicated to St Olaf. Beyond this statement they offer little explanation of this spread of the cult, they only give a vague reference, with no evidence, to the link between Olaf as a maritime saint and the Hanseatic trade on the North Sea and the Baltic. Finally Torgrin Titlestad’s 2013 study of St Olaf skipped most of the references to the Cult of St Olaf, and has only brief mentions of his exile in Kiev and Novgorod in 1029–1030.25 Only in Haki Antonsen and Ildar H. Garipzanov’s edited volume on the veneration of saints in Scandinavia and Eastern Europe (c. 1000–1200) from 2010 is it possible to find two chapters examine the spread of the cult of St Olaf in the east Baltic in the 12th and 13th century, as well as evidence for this cult.26 However these articles do not examine the later material, nor does it make the Russian or Polish material accessible for scholars studying this subject from an Anglophone perspective. Similarly to this is most of the modern Anglo-Scandinavian literature on St Olaf only examines him sporadically in relation to the cult outside Scandinavia, and even rarer are references to the Baltic or Eastern-European elements of both the cult and history of Olaf. St Olaf has, as much of the history of the Vikings, through the last century and a half been influenced and motivated by national interests and limited

24 L.R. Langslet, K Ødegård, op. cit., p. 17. 25 T. Titlestad, Olav Den Hellige, Hafrsfjord 2013, p. 175–179. 26 I. Garipzanov, Novgorod and the Veneration of Saints in Eleventh-Century Rus’: A Com- parative View, [in:] Saints and their Lives on the Periphery: Veneration of Saints in Scandinavia and Eastern Europe (c. 1000–1200), eds. H. Antonsson, I.H. Garipzanov, Turnhout 2010, p. 115–146; T. Jackson, The Cult of St Olaf and Early Novgorod, [in:] Saints and their Lives on the Periphery…, p. 147–169. St Olaf and the Baltic 181

by the access to sources. With few of the native Baltic sources being translated to English, the knowledge contained within them is often inaccessible to the Anglo-Scandinavian scholarship. The interest in studying a historical topic within the parameters of the current national borders have created the current situation where Norwegian scholars predominantly explore Olaf’s cult within Norway and national context, and forgets the international and super-national developments and context of the cult. Similar developments are also seen in the English scholarship, where the cult in Britain has been in focus, whereas a holistic study of the developments and dispersal of the cult of St Olaf have yet to be produced.

Conclusion: Knowledge, communications, memory and identity

The knowledge of, and references to, the Baltic cult of St Olaf preserved in the Passio Olavi have through the last century and a half not been explored in the Anglo-Scandinavian scholarship as they are outside the national interest field of history writing which coloured the early twentieth century studies of Olaf Haraldsson and the Vikings. Yet these references to the cult in Novgorod are representative of what already is known from studying the cult in late eleventh century Britain, that there is a clear correlation between the settlement of Scandinavians and the dispersal of instances of the early cult of St Olaf. St Olaf’s cult in the Baltic as visible in the Passio Olavi tell us however that the knowledge of the outside Norway before 1188 is limited to those areas where the catholic church have reported miracles back to the shrine in Nidaros. However, the references in the Passio are not rigorous enough to give a complete image of the cult, and it can therefore only be suggested that the cult was part of a Scandinavian catholic identity in the Baltic in the twelfth century as the few references to Olaf in the Baltic survive in reference to Scandinavian people, settlements or communities in the Baltic. Whereas the late medieval cult of Olaf seems to be more complex and less clear cut through the surviving sources, and will need an extensive analysis in the context of a holistic study of the late medieval cult of Olaf through western Christendom. 182 Karl Christian Alvestad

Streszczenie

Św. Olaf i Bałtyk

Znajomość bałtyckiego kultu św. Olafa zasygnalizowanego w Passio Olavi i odniesienia do niego przez ostatnie półtora wieku nie były badane w anglo- -skandynawskiej historiografii, ponieważ wykraczają one poza główny krąg zainteresowań. Jednak odniesienia do kultu w Nowogrodzie są reprezenta- tywne dla tego, co znane jest już z badań nad kultem św. Olafa w Wielkiej Bry- tanii z końca XI wieku – że istnieje wyraźna korelacja między osadnictwem Skandynawów, a rozproszeniem przypadków wczesnego kultu św. Olafa. Kult św. Olafa w obszarze Bałtyku widoczny w Passio Olavi mówi nam jednak, że znajomość Norwegii przed 1188 r. ogranicza się do obszarów, z których kościół katolicki donosił o cudach do sanktuarium w Nidaros. Odniesienia w Passio nie są jednak wystarczająco jednoznaczne, aby mogły dać pełny obraz kultu. Zatem można tylko zasugerować, że kult ten był częścią skandynawskiej tożsa- mości katolickiej w obszarze Bałtyku w XII wieku. podczas gdy późnośrednio- wieczny kult św. Olafa wydaje się, dzięki zachowanym źródłom, bardziej złożo- ny i mniej czytelny, a także będzie potrzebował obszernej analizy w kontekście holistycznego studium późnośredniowiecznego kultu Olafa przez zachodnie chrześcijaństwo. Artur Karpacz Jagiellonian University Papal University of John Paul II

Power of gothic architecture in early modern period. Łazany parish church brief case study

Łazany is a small village located in Lesser Poland voivodeship, about 25 km from Cracow, south-east direction. In very center of it stands the parish church, dedicated to the Holy Cross, which of course refers to the miraculously discovered True Cross by empress Helena in Jerusalem (pic. 1). Surprisingly, there have been written only few notes and Łazany’s temple descriptions until today. First one was published in „Tygodnik Ilustro wany” in 1869 by unknown authors.1 Then, at the beginning of 20th century, Galicia monuments restorers discussed about the condition of the temple.2 After World War II Jerzy Szablowski lead the monuments cataloging program in Lesser Poland, which of course included Łazany church.3 Later it was presented in Gothic Revival case by Tadeusz Chrzanowski and Marian Kornecki.4 Temple foundation motives, connected with polish gentry interests in their ancestry, were presented by Piotr Gryglewski.5 Finally few

1 A. and J.T.L., Kościół w Łazanach, “Tygodnik Ilustrowany. Seria nowa”, 3, 53, 1869, p. 4–5. 2 W. Demetrykiewicz, Kościół w Łazanach, “Teka Grona Konserwatorów Galicji Zachod- niej”, 1, 1900, p. 388–389; 433–434. 3 Katalog zabytków sztuki w Polsce (later as: KZSP), vol. I, Województwo krakowskie, vol. I, Tekst, ed. J. Szablowski, Warszawa 1953, p. 157–158. 4 T. Chrzanowski, M. Kornecki, Sztuka ziemi krakowskiej, Kraków 1982, p. 222. 5 P. Gryglewski, De sacra antiquitate. Odwołania do przeszłości w polskiej architekturze sakralnej XVI wieku, Warszawa 2012. 184 Artur Karpacz years ago Bogusław Krasnowolski wrote a short book about Łazany parish church history.6

Pic. 1. Łazany parish church, c. 1590 – beg. of the 17th cen.

According to the Holy See documents – Acta Camerae Apostolicae from 1326 to be specific – it’s at least a second parish temple in Łazany.7 I suppose that previous was built by the end of 15th century and had a typical late gothic rural church structure: made of wood with square nave, multilateral chancel, sacristy on north and tower with porch on west (examples like church in Blizne and nonexistent church in Grybów – pic. 2).8

6 B. Krasnowolski, Parafia i kościół pod wezwaniem Znalezienia Krzyża Świętego w Łaza- nach, Kraków 2013. 7 Acta camerae apostolicae (Monumenta Poloniae Vaticana, vol. I), 1207–1344, ed. J. Ptaśnik, Cracoviae, p. 125. 8 Z. Świechowski, Regiony w późnogotyckiej architekturze Polski, [in:] Późny gotyk. Stu- dia nad sztuką średniowieczną i czasów nowych, Warszawa 1965, p. 126. Compare with: R. Brykowski, Drewniana architektura kościelna w Małopolsce XV wieku, Wrocław 1981, p. 118–122, 135–136; M. Kornecki, Kościoły drewniane w Małopolsce. Zagadnienia uwarunkowań oraz typów i form architektury (od średniowiecza do XX wieku), Kraków 1999, p. 27–95. Power of gothic architecture in early modern period… 185

Pic. 2. Grybów cemetery church ground floor plan, mid. 15th cen.

We can assume this thanks to the bishop of Cracow Jerzy Radziwiłł’s visitation protocols from 1597, where there’s an short information about former, wooden temple, surrounded by the built-up new one.9 Inside it were: painted wooden celling (probably depicted with saints, Christ Passion or floral decorations10), three consecrated altars, baptismal font with arms and speech pulpit.11 But what is more, there’s something that refers to the new, made of brick and stone temple. There is no doubt that it’s foundation is connected with Sebastian Lubomirski (pic. 3), whose father Stanisław bought Łazany in 1549 from former owner Mikołaj Arsecki.12

9 Ecclesia parochialis lignea p(ro) nova aut(em) nunc muri in circuitu antiques erigunt(ur) […] – Archiwum Kurii Metropolitalnej w Krakowie (Cracow’s Archdiocese Archive in Cracow – later as: AKMK), Acta Visitationis Capituli (later as: A.V. Cap.) 7, p. 214r. 10 About possible ceiling decorations see: B. Wolff-Łozińska, Malowidła stropów polskich 1. połowy XVI w. Dekoracje roślinne i kasetonowe, Warszawa 1971, p. 29–45. 11 Lacunar h(a)b(e)t tabulatu(m) in coro pictu(m) […] It(em) Habet Altria tria ex quibus duo murata unu(m) maius ne(m)pe consecratum alteru(m) no(n) […] – Archiwum Kurii Metropolitalnej w Krakowie (Cracow’s Archdiocese Archive in Cracow – later as: AKMK), Acta Visitationis Capituli (later as: A.V. Cap.) 7, p. 214r. 12 J. Długosz, Lubomirski Sebastian h. Szreniawa, [in:] Polski słownik biograficzny (later as: PSB), 18, 1973, p. 40; Z. Leszczyńska-Skrętowa, Łazany, [in:] Słownik histo- 186 Artur Karpacz

Pic. 3. Sebastian Lubomirski portrait, 1st half of 17th cen., Wieliczka Salt Mine Museum

By the end of 16th century Sebastian was one of the most wealthiest polish noblemen. He gathered a few important positions in Lesser Poland, like Cracow’s burgrave, Małogoszcz, Biecz and Wojnicz castellan or Dobczyce, Sącz and Spisz starost.13 From the 1581, by the polish king Stefan Batory’s command, Sebastian supervised the Wieliczka Salt Mine. He took a great advantage from the salt trade and lend huge loans for noblemen mortgages. When someone couldn’t give the money back, Sebastian foreclosed his properties.14 Sebastian’s fame and position was well known that far in Europe, so the Roman Emperor Rudolf II titled him a Wiśnicz count. Going back to the Łazany church, in 1584 Sebastian donated to the temple a golden mon- strance with his coat of arms (Drużyna) and inscription M · D · Sebastiani Lubomirski de A · D · 158415 (unfortunately it didn’t survived till today). Then,

ryczno-geograficznego województwa krakowskiego w średniowieczu, vol. III, part 2, Kraków 2003, p. 860. 13 J. Długosz, op. cit., p. 40. 14 Ibidem. 15 […] Item visa Monstrantia argentea, cum armis et inscriptione […] – AKMK, A. V. Cap. 33, p. 124v. Power of gothic architecture in early modern period… 187

I think, he decided to build a new parish church in the village. Works in the presbytery must have started before 1590, because this date was carved over the sacristy portal (pic. 4) and ended in 1594.16 So it seems that the brick chancel was finished earlier and was used for liturgy along the wooden nave, which step by step has been surrounded by the brick and stone walls to the beginning of 17th century (before 1618, because in next bishop’s visitation protocols are some information about the new temple).17 Finally masons built a church that consists of square nave, multilateral chancel, sacristy and chapel on north and bell-tower on west (pic. 5). As we can see the quadripartite rib vault was set up on one, square pillar, so it makes a double-aisle and double-bay effect (pic. 6). Vault ribs have a “pear” cross section and four bosses on diagonal ribs crossing, decorated with Lubomirski coat of arms (Drużyna). Ribs streams down to nine cantilevers with carved men faces. Before moving to the presbytery, it’s worth to mention that chancel arch is sharp-pointed and has carved coat of arms cartouche, located on corbel on right side. Inside the chancel, the ceiling has a similar crossing rib vaults like in the nave, with the carved coat of arms and men faces as well (pic. 7). Six stained glass windows (three lancet arch shape and three round arch shape) enlighten the nave and the presbytery. On the north wall of the chancel, masons located the carved stone tabernacle and sacristy portal with the ogee arch above. Going back to nave, we can see that it’s wide open to the chapel on the north. Inside it there is a similar construction like in main parts of the church (I mean nave and presbytery), with a quadripartite rib vault, one boss with carved rose flower, and four floral cantilevers. On the chapel’s north wall there is a sculptured tomb of Jakub and Sebastian Lubomirski. Porch in the tower’s ground floor has a quite different ceiling with lierne vault, same as in sacristy. Three tower’s windows and west portal have a sharp-pointed arch. Around the church there are eleven upright buttresses. A small spire was placed on the gabled roof ridge.

16 There’s an inscription above the sacrary: 1594, that is mentioned also in archive records – […] consecrata verso anno 1594 to ubi constat ex Inscriptione supra Sacrarium in lapide excavata […] – AKMK, Acta Visitationis (later as: A.V.) 40, p. 175. 17 Ecclesia murata parochialis t(i)t(uli) S(ancti) Crucis, consecrata, Iuris patronatus M(ag- nifici) D(omini) Stanislai Lubomirski Capitanei Sandomirien(sis), tota testudine clausa, una cum capella ad latu(s) […] tectum Ecclesia ex tegulis latericiis bonum. Campanile habet muratum, in quo duae sunt campanae, tertia signans in Ecclesia […] – AKMK, A.V. Cap. 33, p. 124. 188 Artur Karpacz

Pic. 4. Łazany’s church sacristy portal, 1590

Pic. 5. Łazany parish church ground floor plan

Pic. 6. Łazany parish church interior Power of gothic architecture in early modern period… 189

Pic. 7. Carved boss in nave, beg. of 17th cen.

This shortly description of Łazany parish church architecture reveals much more late gothic than early renaissance structure elements, like: square nave, single pier, quadripartite rib vault, multilateral chancel, coat of arms carved on bosses and men faces carved on cantilevers, lancet shape windows and portal. Along them there are: renaissance tabernacle in the north wall of the chancel, Lubomirski’s family tomb in chapel and round-shaped windows decoration, made of carved roses and cartouches (same like in tabernacle, where a little winged-head on tympanum axis was added). Tombstones have a rectangular panel shapes with sculptures of two men (pic. 8). The one on the left is, I suppose, the church founder, Sebastian Lubomirski. He’s depicted like a laying knight in armor, pointing by mace on his coat of arms. On the other hand lays Jakub Lubomirski, local preacher, who died before 1595. He’s dressed like a priest and carries a book by his right hand. Above, between two rectangular panels, of which one has an inscription, there’s a quadripartite cartouche with carved four coat of arms. Polish academics connects renaissance sculpture form Łazany parish church with a Santi Gucci workshop in Cracow, active from late 80’s 16th century,18 which is, I think, a good lead. He based on works of previous Italian

18 B. Krasnowolski, op. cit., p. 8. Compare with: H. Kozakiewiczowa, Rzeźba XVI wieku w Polsce, Warszawa 1984, p. 139–169; A. Fischinger, Santi Gucci, architekt i rzeźbiarz królewski XVI wieku, Kraków 1969, passim; K. Mikocka-Rachubowa, Mistrz nagrobka Provany – rzeźbiarz krakowski przełomu XVI i XVII wieku, “Rocznik Historii Sztuki”, 20, 1994, p. 5–85. 190 Artur Karpacz sculptors that made some artistic productions in Poland (for example Barto- lomeo Berecci or Hieronimo Canavesi) and added some specific details, typical for his workshop.19 As we can see, these figures were composed in a particular, renaissance way, by laying on a quasi-desktop panels with one hand under their heads, legs crossed, eyes closed etc., so like they were sleeping.20 Unfortunately sculptors haven’t been keen in anatomy and body proportions, so it seems that tomb was made by Santi Gucci’s apprentices or imitator.

Pic. 8. Sebastian and Jakub Lubomirski’s tombstone in chapel, beg. of 17th cen.

What interests me most are gothic elements of Łazany parish church architecture. As I said before, it was founded before 1590 and finished at the beginning of 17th century, so in a period when renaissance architecture should be much more popular than medieval constructions. Well, the thing is that in Lesser Poland until 1600 no churches were built in a new, early modern type. First foundations were set up after mentioned date, like for instance Giovanni Maria Bernardoni’s St. Paul’s and Peter’s church in Cra- cow or Walenty von Säbisch’s Camaldolese Monastery in Bielany.21 What is more, all over the 16th century many noblemen castles were built or rebuilt

19 H. Kozakiewiczowa, op. cit., p. 48, 139, 164. 20 It’s commonly known that this kind of sepulcher sculpture was used for a first time in Rome, by Andrea Sansovino in Ascanio Sforza’s tombstone – ibidem. 21 A. Miłobędzki, Architektura polska około roku 1600, [in:] Sztuka około roku 1600. Ma- teriały Sesji Stowarzyszenia Historyków Sztuki, Lublin 1972, ed. T. Frankowska, War szawa 1974, p. 23–30. Compare with: idem, Architektoniczna tradycja średniowiecza w krajobrazie kulturowym Polski XVI–XVIII w. Sześć propozycji problemowych, [in:] Power of gothic architecture in early modern period… 191 in a renaissance way, changing they nature from medieval estates to modern palaces.22 So despite them, gothic structures dominated both sacral and secular architecture, even to the beginning of 17th century. Then the Łazany parish church case fits perfectly in theGothic Survival/Revival issue in early modern Europe. It affected all transalpine countries, especially Poland and Germany (France as well, two major 16th century foundations in Paris, like St. Eustache and St. Étienne du Mont have completely gothic structures and some renaissance sculptures23). In Cracow voivodeship interesting are few rebuilds and new temples from the beginning of 17th century. First of all, let’s focus on foundations of the Canonesses (Premonstratensians) Monastery in Salwator (district of Cracow). Around 1620 the Abbot Dorota Kątska decided to make some changes with the abbey church. Masons added upright buttresses and triangular pediment with blends (pic. 9). Then in the second Canonesses temple dedicated to the Holy Savior, they modified windows and portal by changing they shape to a pointed-arch with a carved keystone.24 Triangular pediments added to rebuild Dominican Order Library (pic. 10) and new high school, dedicated to noblemen children, called Kolegium No- wodworskiego.25 I suppose that it was an attempt to conform to the nearby buildings (true medieval Dominican Order’s church and Collegium Maius, university building from 15th century).

Symbolae Historiae Artium. Studia z historii sztuki Lechowi Kalinowskiemu dedyko wane, Warszawa 1986, p. 369–379. 22 For example palaces in: Baranów Sandomierski, Brzeżany, Janowiec, Jazłowiec, Krasi- czyn, Książ Wielki, Ogrodziniec, Pieskowa Skała, Pińczów or Wiśnicz – M. Zlat, Rene- sans i manieryzm (Sztuka Polska, vol. III), Warszawa 2008, passim. 23 W. Komorowski, Średniowieczne domy krakowskie. Kamienice, pałace miejskie i rezy- dencje kanonicze. Trwałość gotyckiego modelu w nowożytności, Kraków 2014, p. 296. Compare with: J. Samek., Nawrót gotyku w sztuce Krakowa pierwszej połowy XVII wieku, “Folia Historiae Artium”, 5, 1968, p. 71–127; T. Chrzanowski, “Neogotyk około roku 1600”, próba interpretacji, [in:] Sztuka około roku 1600. Materiały Sesji Stowa rzyszenia Historyków Sztuki, Lublin 1972, ed. T. Frankowska, Warszawa 1974, p. 75–112; H. Hipp, Studien zur “Nachgotik” des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts in Deutschland, Böhmen, Österreich und der Schweiz, Hannover 1979; M. Schmidt, Reverentia und magnificentia: Historizität in der Architektur Süddeutschlands, Österreichs und Böhmens vom 14. bis 17. Jahrhundert, Regensburg 1999. 24 A. Dygat, Kątska Dorota h. Brochwicz, [in:] PSB, 12, 1966–1967, p. 308–309; J. Samek, op. cit., p. 74; A. Kramarska-Anyszek, Dzieje klasztoru PP. Norbertanek w Krakowie na Zwierzyńcu do roku 1840, vol. 1, “Nasza Przeszłość”, 47, 1977, p. 5–169. 25 R. Świętochowski, Biblioteka OO. Dominikanów w Krakowie, “Archiwa, Muzea i Bi- blioteki Kościelne”, 33, 1976, p. 305; J. Samek, op. cit., p. 78–81. 192 Artur Karpacz

Pic. 9. Canonesses abbey church in Cracow, rebuild c. 1620

Pic. 10. Dominican Order church and library in Cracow, mid. 13th cen., beg. of the 17th cen.

Around the polish capital city, two rural churches interests me most. First one is a temple in Giebułtów, dedicated to St. Giles and established between 1601 and 1604 (pic. 11).26 It has a flat, wooden ceiling, apse on the end of the chancel, triangular pediments, lancet windows with tracery elements and upright buttresses. The second one in Korzkiew and has a St. John the Baptistpatrocinium . Presby- tery is closed by the apse also but nave has quadripartite rib-vault ceiling. West portal is point-arch shaped with a carved coat of arms in keystone.27

26 T. Węcławowicz, Kościół św. Idziego w Giebułtowie w świetle źródeł pisanych i material- nych, [in:] Między gotykiem a barokiem. Sztuka Krakowa XVI i XVII wieku. Materiały sesji naukowej zorganizowanej przez Oddział Krakowski Stowarzyszenia Historyków Sztuki 20 marca 1993 roku, Kraków 1997, p. 55–56. 27 S. Szlezynger, Kościół pod wezwaniem Narodzenia św. Jana Chrzciciela w Korzkwi, Kraków 2004, p. 26. Power of gothic architecture in early modern period… 193

Pic. 11. Giebułtów parish church, beg. of the 17th cen.

As I wrote before, Polish and German academics claims that late gothic buildings in 16th century transalpine Europe were popular, because masons had not been keen in new, renaissance formulas and used old, guild methods instead. Of course, they tried to combine medieval structures, which were natural for French, German and Polish cities inhabitants, with antique elements, revived in early modern period.28 But on the other hand gothic architecture elements were used on purpose in some cases. For example Jesuits temple in Cologne, founded by the Maximilian I, elector of Bavaria in 1629 has a lierne ceiling (“web” rib vault), pointed arch shape arcades between nave and aisles, multilateral chancel, lancet windows with traceries and upright buttresses (pic. 12).29 Similar structure have two other Jesuits churches from the beginning of 17th century, one in Molsheim and the second one in Wolfenbüttel. It seems that above mentioned combined gothic and mannerist structures were used by counter-reformation during Thirty Years War. After the Trent Council, Carlo Borromeo and Robert Bellarmin papers about the new Christian art, in Germany or France Jesuits build new temples in old, gothic way to express one righteousness religion by historic allegations.30

28 W. Komorowski, op. cit., p. 296; Compare with: J. Białostocki, Sztuka cenniejsza niż złoto, vol. 1, Warszawa 1969, p. 393; E. Gombrich, O sztuce, Warszawa 1997, p. 341. 29 H. Hipp, op. cit., p. 237–242. 30 P. Krasny, Visibilia signa ad pietatem excitantes: teoria sztuki sakralnej w pismach Roberta Bellarmina, Cezarego Baroniusza, Rudolfa Hospiniana, Fryderyka Boromeusza i innych pisarzy kościelnych epoki nowożytnej, Kraków 2010, passim. 194 Artur Karpacz

Quite similar situation occurred in Polish-Lithuanian eastern provinces, especially in Lviv’s land in Ruthenian Voivodeship. Temples in Brzeżany, Sokołówka and Żydaczów (pic. 13) from the first half of 17th century have typical medieval structures with one naves, multilateral chancels, rib vault ceilings, upright buttresses and lancet windows with tracery elements. They were established by Ruthenian noblemen and run by auspicious of monastic orders (Carmelites, Dominicans) in the lands were the Orthodox Church was more popular than Roman Catholic confession.31 But the most spectacu- lar churches were built in Masovia by Giovanni Battista Veneto in the middle of 16th century. He started with Pułtusk temple (1551–1560), which became one of his major realizations and the icon of his unique style32 (pic. 14). Ven- eto tried to stick to former, gothic structures in Masovia, so he set up planned churches on three aisles with long chancel, which in some occasions gives us a “pseudobasilic” type. Then he combined rib vaults in aisles with barrel vault in nave, decorated with coffers (Pułtusk) or used only the second one type of vaults in seemingly late gothic temples (Brochów 1551–1561; Brok – finished in 1560).33 Between aisles Veneto applied arcade pillars, so interiors appeared to be very long, closed by big apses (this visual effect creates perspective, like in 15th century Italian churches34). Alongside it there’re chapels on north, upright buttresses, triangular pediments.35

31 T. Zaucha, Tradycja gotycka w architekturze sakralnej ziem ruskich Korony od końca XVI do połowy XVII wieku, Kraków 2010 (typescript of PhD dissertation kept in Jagiel- lonian University Archive), p. 55–64, 66–69. Compare with: A. Betlej, Kościół parafialny pw. Świętej Trójcy w Sokołówce, [in:] Kościoły i klasztory rzymskokatolickie dawnego województwa ruskiego (series: Materiały do Dziejów Sztuki Sakralnej na Ziemiach Wschodnich Dawnej Rzeczpospolitej, ed. J.K. Ostrowski), vol. 11, eds. A. Betlej et al., Kraków 2003, p. 243–256; J.K. Ostrowski, Kościół parafialny pw. Wniebowzięcia Panny Marii w Żydaczowie, [in:] Kościoły i klasztory, vol. 8, eds. A. Betlej et al., Kraków 2000, p. 319–337. 32 R. Kunkel, Architektura gotycka na Mazowszu, Warszawa 2006, p. 203. 33 Ibidem, p. 192, 194. 34 See: P. Murray, Architektura włoskiego renesansu, Wrocław 1999, passim. 35 Only church in Brochów has two oval towers on the west (pic. 15) – R. Kunkel, op. cit., p. 192–193. Power of gothic architecture in early modern period… 195

Pic. 12. Jesuits church, Cologne, 1618–1629

Pic. 13. Żydaczów parish church (Ukraine), 1612

Pic. 14. Pułtusk temple (1551–1560) 196 Artur Karpacz

In the Łazany parish church case it’s obvious that masons build a combined, gothic and renaissance temple. As I said, in late 16th century religious architecture in Lesser Poland, masons slowly used new, early modern models and patterns, choosing well known old ones instead. But in discussed Łazany temple occurred a special issue – a single pillar construction, which has allegations in 14th century gothic architecture in Lesser Poland. In Wawel Hill Castle, polish king Casimir’s The Great residence, in one tower called “Kurza Stopa” (“Chicken Feet”) survived three chambers, of which one has a rib vault ceiling, based on one, multilateral pillar (pic. 16).36 Same constructions were used in two temples situated in Wawel Hill as well, but outside the castle.37 Surprisingly, quite similar situation occurred in St. Catherine’s church in Cracow’s Casimir district, where one chapel have also single pillar, as well as in the Holy Cross church in Cracow (pic. 17).38 Well, two pillars and tripartite vaults were used in nonexistent temples in former capital of Polish King- dom: All Saints Church and St. Stephen Church.39 Outside Cracow, in Lesser Poland, few temples founded by mentioned Casimir the Great have had two or even three pillars with tripartite vaults also and, what is relevant, carved coat of arms on bosses (for example churches in Wiślica and Stopnica).40 But the most important are some other realizations in province, especially single pillar rural parish churches in Lesser Poland. Two were founded by Jarosław Bogoria of Skotniki, Gniezno’s archbishop and the member of king’s Casi- mir the Great private council. First one, in Kurzelów, has square nave, multilateral chancel and combined rib and tripartite vault set up on one pillar

36 A. Fischingier, Czym była Kurza Noga w zamku królewskim na Wawelu, “Rocznik Krakowski”, 55, 1989, p. 79. 37 Here I mean St. George and St. Michael churches, both demolished in 1803 by the Aus- trian Empire troops – M. Goras, Zaginione gotyckie kościoły Krakowa, Kraków 2003, p. 96; A. Majewski, Wawel. Dzieje i konserwacja, Kraków 1993, p. 117. 38 M. Krasnowolska, Z dziejów budowy zespołu augustiańskiego, “Rocznik Krakowski”, 47, 1976, p. 26; T. Węcławowicz, Architektura kościoła św. Krzyża w Krakowie w wiekach średnich. Rezultaty prac badawczych z lat 1995–1997, [in:] Studia z dziejów kościoła św. Krzyża, vol. 3, ed. Z. Kliś, Kraków 1999, p. 63. 39 I. Klepacka, Kościół WW. Świętych w Krakowie, [in:] Kronika Miasta Krakowa, Kraków 1962, p. 33–66; M. Rożek, Nieistniejący kościół św. Szczepana w Krakowie, “Biuletyn Historii Sztuki”, 36, 1974, p. 25–26. 40 A. Grzybkowski, Gotycka architektura murowana w Polsce, Warszawa 2014, p. 105– 108. Compare with: W.C. Leedy, The Polish double nave churches of Casimir the Great, Michigan 1968, p. 258–286; P. Crossley, Gothic architecture in the reign of Kasimir the Great. Architecture in Lesser Poland 1320–1380, Kraków 1985, p. 411–417. Power of gothic architecture in early modern period… 197

(pic. 18).41 Second, in bishop’s hometown Skotniki, was almost the same, with “star” rib vault.42

Pic. 15. Brochow temple (1551–1560)

Pic. 16. “Kurza Stopa” (“Chicken Feet”), Wawel Castle, mid. 14th cen.

41 P. Pencakowski, A. Włodarek, Kurzelów, [in:] Architektura gotycka, Architektura gotycka w Polsce (series: Dzieje Sztuki Polskiej, eds. T. Mroczko, M. Arszyński), vol. 2, Katalog zabytków, ed. A. Włodarek, Warszawa 1995, p. 133. 42 A. Olszewski, A. Włodarek, Skotniki, [in:] Architektura gotycka w Polsce (series: Dzieje Sztuki Polskiej, eds. T. Mroczko, M. Arszyński), vol. 2. Katalog zabytków, ed. A. Wło- darek, Warszawa 1995, p. 223. 198 Artur Karpacz

Pic. 17. St. Catherine church in Cracow, mid 14th cen.

Pic. 18. Holy Cross church in Cracow, mid. 14th cen.

So I think that despite of local religious architecture situation, Sebastian Lubomirski related on purpose to actual, single pillar buildings from Lesser Poland. Piotr Gryglewski suspects that the reason why Lubomirski hired man- sons keen in gothic formulas and arranged that kind of church model, lays in his efforts to emphasize the antiquity of his family, because before Sebastian’s family was not so well-known and rich neither.43 Establishing a combined late medieval and early modern temple near the very center of is properties, legiti-

43 P. Gryglewski, op. cit., p. 240–275. Power of gothic architecture in early modern period… 199 mized the antiquity of his family, brought out also by the tombstone in private chapel and many carved bosses with Lubomirski family coat of arms.44 To summarize, I have to say that Łazany parish church is a special building, that combines gothic and renaissance elements. It was founded by Sebas- tian Lubomirski, a person that from ordinary nobleman become an aristocrat. Gothic structure of the temple temple situates it in the Gothic Survival/Revival issue, still discussed by academics all over the transalpine Europe. During 16th century – time when most of religious constructions still remained gothic, con- trasting with secular, renaissance palaces – new churches were built on a specific purpose, like Jesuits temples in Germany or objects in Ruthenian Voivodeship. I suppose that while the Łazany temple were establishing, local masons did their best, supposable based on a Sebastian Lubomirski’s instructions about the gothic shape of the church, which refers to the medieval architecture in Lesser Poland, especially single pillar constructions from the times of Casimir the Great.

Streszczenie

Siła architektury gotyckiej w czasach nowożytnych – przykład kościoła farnego w Łazanach

Kościół parafialny w Łazanach to wyjątkowy budynek, który łączy elementy gotyckie i renesansowe. Został ufundowany przez Sebastiana Lubomirskiego, osobę, która ze zwykłego szlachcica awansowała do warstwy arystokracji. Gotycka konstrukcja świątyni odnosi się do kwestii gotyckiego przetrwania/ odrodzenia, wciąż omawianej przez naukowców z całej transalpejskiej Europy. W XVI wieku – kiedy większość budowli religijnych wciąż pozostawała gotycka, kontrastując ze świeckimi, renesansowymi pałacami – nowe kościoły budowa- no w określonym celu, np. świątynie jezuitów w Niemczech lub obiekty w wo- jewództwie ruskim. Podczas budowania świątyni w Łazanach murarze robili wszystko, co w ich mocy, na podstawie instrukcji Sebastiana Lubomirskiego dotyczących gotyckiej formy kościoła; nawiązuje ona do architektury średnio- wiecznej w Małopolsce, szczególnie w konstrukcji jednego filaru z czasów Kazimierza Wielkiego.

44 Ibidem, p. 271–275.

Piotr Kołpak Jagiellonian University

The sanctity of power or the power of sanctity. The place of saint rulers in the Baltic nations’ collective memory in the Middle Ages. An essay

In the last decade, a paradigm of collective memory has become extremely popular among historians who use it, for example, to explore the ways in which the communities (re)construct their past in the form of symbolic monuments, creating it for the present time, as well as adapting it to the current orientations of the future.1 This assumption is becoming a point of reference for the contemporary medieval studies.

1 A. Assmann, Wprowadzenie do kulturoznawstwa. Podstawowe terminy, problemy, py- tania, Poznań 2015, p. 261. On the problem of the collective memory in Polish research see also: K. Kończal, Bliskie spotkania z historią drugiego stopnia, [in:] Pamięć zbiorowa jako czynnik integracji i źródło konfliktów, ed. A. Szpociński, Warszawa 2009, p. 208; B. Szacka, Pamięć społeczna, [in:]: Encyklopedia socjologii, ed. H. Domański et al., vol. III, Warszawa 2000, p. 54; M. Golka, Pamięć społeczna i jej implanty, Warszawa 2009, p. 139–167; S. Zonenberg, Funkcja historii w zakonie dominikańskim oraz czynniki kształtujące pamięć historyczną dominikanina w średniowieczu, “Sensus Historiae”, 9, 2012, 4, p. 119–142. Furthermore: M. Halbwachs, Społeczne ramy pamięci, War szawa 1969; Les Lieux de mémoire, ed. P. Nora, part 3, Les France, vol. III, De archive à l’emblème, Paris 1986; P. Nora, Between History and Memory: les lieux mémoire, “Rep- resentations”, 26, 1989, p. 7–24; P. Ricoeur, Pamięć, historia, zapomnienie (Horyzonty Nowoczesności, vol. LIV), Kraków 2012. It is worth to see some Polish works on the historical consciousness: B. Kürbis, Ze studiów nad kulturą historyczną wieków śred- nich, “Studia Źródłoznawcze”, 3, 1958, p. 49–59; N. Assorodobraj-Kula, “Żywa historia”. Świadomość historyczna: symptomy i propozycje badawcze, “Studia Socjologiczne”, 2, 1963, p. 5–47; Dawna świadomość historyczna w Polsce, Czechach i Słowacji, ed. R. Heck (Prace Polsko-Czechosłowackiej Komisji Historycznej), Wrocław–Warszawa– 202 Piotr Kołpak

I have no doubt that the cult of patron saints was an important part of – what Maurice Halbwachs called – “the collective memory”, specifically deconstructed by communities interested in giving it a concrete shape and which constitutes a core of connections and a sense of belonging to the particular community. Piotr Węcowski has recently discussed in his extremely important monograph The beginnings of Poland in the historical memory of the late Middle Ages the significance of theoretical reflections on the concepts of “historical memory”, “collective memory” and “historical culture” for medieval studies. The author frankly admits that they are not always compat- ible with the analysis of the medieval sources and he recommends drawing on these assumptions rather than strictly relying on them, as this may result in the distortion of research findings. However, he believes that “there is the collective memory within the framework of the past and society’s values, yet statements of individuals (late-medieval historians, hagiographers and ob- servers of the Polish-Teutonic actions) arise due to the influence of a contemporary tradition, as well as the impact of a particular community on an individual”.2 The cult of patron saints as a part of historical memory (and further – national consciousness) testifies to the regional features and cultural transfers, as well as complex, sometimes even mixed history of differentiation within the Christian world. The sole reference of the cult to the Church domain is an oversimplification which does not reflect reality. It should be emphasized that the cult of saints was not only a part of the devotional domain – using it in politics was the domain of the clergy as well as the ruling dynasty and its court. This applies especially to the cult of national saints, which is the most apparent in the case of saint rulers. As Benedykt Zientara wrote: “for a development of the national consciousness of the religious society of the Middle Ages the cult of national saints had an equal importance or was even more important than historical

Kraków–Gdańsk 1978; Świadomość historyczna Polaków, ed. J. Topolski, Łódź 1981; Świadomość historyczna jako przedmiot badań historycznych, socjologicznych i historyczno-dydaktycznych, ed. J. Maternicki, Warszawa 1985; Studia nad świadomością historyczną Polaków, ed. J. Topolski, Poznań 1994. I was making use of Polish texts or translations generally – that is why the majority of the above-mentioned works had Polish titles. 2 P. Węcowski, Początki Polski w pamięci historycznej późnego średniowiecza (Mono- grafie Towarzystwa Naukowego Societas Vistulana, vol. II), Kraków 2014, p. 7–19. The sanctity of power or the power of sanctity… 203 tradition. The cult reached a wider public”.3 Thus we see that the researcher distinguished between the cult of saints and historical tradition. On the one hand, it can be inferred that the cult of saints was often a part of historical tradition – on the other hand, it was the basis for this tradition. Zien tara emphasized two issues closely related to the cult of patron saints of the nation: a belief in the crusading of saints during the battles fought by the nation which honored them and the importance of relics (both remains and items with military character or with the royal insignia) which were playing an increasing role as the sanctified national symbols. Both of these features are tightly attributable to the formation and development of the Baltic nations’ collective memory. The cult of saint rulers, sacral kingship and the idea of beata stirps were extremely popular in medieval Europe. Concerning Ernst Kantorowicz’s remarks on the idea of the king’s two bodies, it can be inferred that besides the then king, there was his saint predecessor who reigned and interceded with God. The oldest examples of this are apparent among Anglo-Saxon Kings of England (St. Oswald, Edwin, Edmund, Edward), France (Merovingian Kings Sigebert III and Dagobert II, Burgundy St. Sigismund, last but not least St. Louis IX), then in Bohemia (Wenceslaus and his grandmother Ludmila), in Hungary (Stephen, Emeric and Ladislaus) and, finally, in countries we are interested in, namely Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Kievan Rus. Only medieval Poland did not develop the type of holy ruler. At the end of the essay I will try to answer the question: why? Rulers, heroes or saints were the main themes of European culture in the Middle Ages – hence their importance in the literature and historiography in the court cycles. They combine the local oral culture of the aristocracy with the Latin written culture of the clergy.4 However, these two cultures cannot be separated. As a result of a connection between the aristocratic and church cultures, the specific types of rulers and saints replaced each other: heroic rulers had characteristics of saints, while saints turned into heroic leaders. For many European countries, the key features of national cults of patron saints were the idea of sacral kingship and beata stirps which have been the topics of interest for some medievalists. Historiographical ground-

3 B. Zientara, Świt narodów europejskich. Powstanie świadomości narodowej na obszarze Europy pokarolińskiej, Warszawa 1985, p. 349. 4 U. Goerlitz, Cultural Integrative Figures at the Intersection of Rulership and Sainthood in Medieval Chronicles, “Amsterdamer Beiträge zur Älteren Germanistik”, 70, 2013, p. 173. 204 Piotr Kołpak work for the research of the first one were laid at the turn of the 19th and the 20th centuries by sir James George Frazer and Fritz Kern. The first one is the father of the idea of sacral kingship. Investigating a vast spectrum of the primitive, ancient, classical and medieval sources, he elaborated a complex construction of the sacral power of the god-king.5 Many of the contemporary and later works were the basis for a belief in the straight line between the pagan heroes and Christian saints. One of the elements of so-called “German continuation” – in other words Christianiza- tion of original images and pagan institutions – would be the so-called sakral königtum.6 Scandinavian historians argue that the pre-Christian belief in the divine genesis of the ruler (who usually stemmed from Odin or Frey) and the resulting success (heil) stood the test of time in the Christianized form in the case of, for example, saint rulers.7 New Christian religion strengthened the divine sanction of the ruler. It highlighted the position of the king in the society. Thus the election of a new ruler by the local thanes was only a formal confirmation and, most importantly, none of the secular authorities were allowed to depose the king. Christianity, however, deprived the saint dynasties of an important argument which justifies its uniqueness – a belief in the divine origin of the ancestor. This empty space – as some historians claim – was filled by the saint king, the progenitor. Since the Christian ruler could not hope for the heil from Odin or Frey, he had to reach the grace of God through the saint predecessor, his “spokesman” towards God. The model of this seemingly straight continuation was faced by, among others, the Czech historian František Graus. He noticed that the first saint rulers of the Middle Ages (Zygmunt, Hermenegild, Oswald and Edmund) became saints not due to their royal dignity (because they had to renounce the power or they were brutally forced to abdicate), but, above all, because they

5 J.G. Frazer, Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship, London 1905; idem, The Ma- gical Origin of Kings, London 1920. See also: F. Kern, Gottesgnadentum und Wider- standsrecht im früheren Mittelalter: Zur Entwicklungsgeschichte der Monarchie, Leipzig 1924; M. Bloch, Le rois thaumaturges. Étude sur le caractère surnaturel attribué à la puissance royale particulièrement en France et en Angleterre, Strasbourg 1924. Clear report on the elder discussions on the sacral kingship’s idea in: G. Klaniczay, Holy Rulers and Blessed Princesses. Dynastic Cults in Medieval Central Europe, Cambridge 2002; idem, The Cult of the Saints in Recent Historiographies of Central Europe, “Rivista di Storia del Cristianesimo”, 2, 2012, p. 461–484. 6 J. de Vries, Das Königtum bei den Germanen, “Saeculum”, 3, 1956, p. 292–302. 7 Some examples of works in M.J. Gąssowska, Rozwój kultu św. Eryka w średniowiecznej Szwecji, “Kwartalnik Historyczny”, 1, 1993, p. 3–27. The sanctity of power or the power of sanctity… 205 suffered like the Christian martyrs.8 Robert Folz, however, in his extremely valuable publication Les saints rois du Moyen Age en Occident, defined three main types of saint rulers: martyrs, confessors and miracle-workers (thaumaturges), maintaining, in a sense, the tradition of the Bollandists.9 The idea of “the German continuation” overshadowed the most important factor of formation of the cult of saint rulers – the Church institution which was the main initiator of beatification. The importance of saint rulers has its reasons in the situation after the conversion, namely the need for the ruling dynasty to reinforce its alliances with the local Church in the resulting new Christian Kingdom. The help offered during the process of Christian- ization was rewarded with sanctity being bestowed upon the distinguished figures of these dynasties. The first examples are recognized in the dynastic cults of England in the 8th and 9th centuries. In a similar historical situation, in the eleventh-century Scandinavia, the Anglo-Saxon model was extremely influential in the formation of the cult of saint rulers: Olaf Haraldsson’s in Norway and Canute Svensson’s in Denmark.10 Generally, these cults were initiated during the succession struggle. Then, they became a tool assuring the succession of a certain dynasty. In the late Middle Ages, some elements of the pre-Christian mythology were added to these cults giving them an ethnic flavor. It is blindingly obvious that the eastern and northeastern regions of Europe (Scandinavia, Rus and Slavic Europe), which Aleksander Gieysztor called “newcomers”, clearly followed the model of the neighboring western countries based on the adapted structure of the church and models represented by the cult of saints.11 Robert Bartlett called this process “the European-

8 F. Graus, Volk, Herrscher und Heiliger im Reich der Merowinger. Studien zur Hagio- graphie der Merowingerzeit, Praha 1965, passim; E. Hoffmann, Die heiligen Könige bei den Angelsachsen und den skandinavischen Völkern. Königsheiliger und Königshaus (Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte Schleswig-Holsteins, vol. LXIX), Neumün- ster 1975, p. 10–27; G. Klaniczay, Holy Rulers…, op. cit., p. 7–10. 9 R. Folz, Les saints rois du Moyen Âge en Occident (VIe-XIIIe siècles) (Subsidia Hagio- graphica, vol. LXVIII), Paris 1950. 10 Martyrdom of St. Canute was motivated by a new tax forced on the Danes – according to the Roskilde Chronicle, see: S.E. Ellis Nillson, Creating Holy People and Places on the Periphery. A Study of the Emergence of Cults of Native Saints in the Ecclesiastical Provinces of Lund and Uppsala from Eleventh to the Thirteenth Centuries, Gothenburg 2015, p. 70–73. 11 A. Gieysztor, L’Europe nouvelle autorur de l’An Mil: la Papauté, L’Empire et les ‘nou- veaux venus’, Rome 1997, passim; G. Klaniczay, North and East European Cults of Saints 206 Piotr Kołpak

ization of Europe”.12 The analogy can be noticed considering Kievan Rus and the growing cults of Volodymyr’s two sons – Boris and Gleb, who were murdered in 1015: a beatification aimed at forging a direct alliance between the local Church and the Rurik dynasty. Finally, Jarosław used it to reassert his authority. The second stage of development of these cults strengthened their dynastic importance. The cult of Boris and Gleb was enhanced by the cult of their grandmother Olga, and, finally, by the cult of their father Volodymyr, an apostle of Rus. The dynastic enhancement of the growing cult can be also noticed in Scandinavia: in Denmark, the prince and martyr Canute Lavard was canonized (1169), as well as Nielsof Aarhus (1180) – the murdered son of King Canute Magnussen who also stood as a candidate for canonization. A similar cult developed for the murdered Earl of Orkney – Magnus; in Sweden – the cult of St. Eric developed about 1160. The same period witnessed the intensification of the cult of the Wenceslaus and Ludmila in Bo- hemia and Stephen, Emeric and Ladislaus in Hungary. Each example, of course, has its distinctive features. St. Eric of Sweden Christianized the country, as well as organized a crusade to Finland. After- wards, he was murdered. Undoubtedly, he was perceived both by the state and the Church as a distinguished person in the kingdom’s consciousness. However, an elevation of relics and initiation of the cult of the Church were associated with the struggle for succession to the throne between the House of Eric and the House of Sverker. Dynastic threats and large-scale political schemes were characteristic of the majority of cults of saint rulers in Scand- inavia – paralleled to Kievan Rus and the Kingdom of Bohemia. The Hun- garian Arpads, just as the Polish Piasts, were not threatened by such strong rivals in the struggle for the throne. However, unlike the Piasts, they contributed with the local Church to the enhancement of the dynasty by appealing to the saint ancestors. The question is: why did the Piast dynasty not let this happen? This problem has troubled Polish historiography for many years. Gabor Klaniczay, an eminent researcher of the cult of saints in the Middle Ages, was also inter-

in Comparison with East-Central Europe, [in:] Saints and Their Lives on the Periphery. Veneration of Saints in Scandinavia and Eastern Europe (c. 1000–1200), eds. H. Anton- sson, I.H. Garipzanov, Turnhout 2010, p. 285. 12 R. Bartlett, The Making of Europe: Conquest, Colonization and Cultural Change 950–1350, Harmondsworth 1993; G. Klaniczay, North and East European Cults…, op. cit., p. 285. The sanctity of power or the power of sanctity… 207 ested in this issue, but he sought answers to this question considering the division among the Piasts and the feudal fragmentation of the Kingdom of Poland in the 12th century. The Czech missionary St. Adalbert, murdered by Prussians while on a Christian mission in the late 10th century, is considered to be the first patron saint of the Kingdom of Poland. The structure of Gniezno metropolis was built around the saint’s relics and the appointment of Otto III at his grave in Gniezno in 1000 was the cornerstone of the later coronation of Bolesław the Brave.13 Interestingly, in the first half of the 11th century, the Aquitanian monk Ademar of Chabannes claimed that St. Adalbert of Prague Christian- ized the territories of Sclavania, Polliana, Cracovia and Waredonia – these four provinces made up the kingdom of Bolesław.14 As is known “the French chroniclers regarded Central and Eastern Europe as a region where the West- ern and the Eastern Churches struggled for authority […]. In the eyes of French authors, the conversion of almost the entire region of Central and

13 On the cult of St. Adalbert in Poland see e. g.: A. Gieysztor, Drzwi Gnieźnieńskie jako wyraz polskiej świadomości narodowościowej XII wieku, [in:] Drzwi Gnieźnieńskie, ed. M. Walicki, vol. I, Warszawa 1956, p. 1–19; Studia krytyczne nad żywotami św. Wojciecha biskupa praskiego, “Studia Źródłoznawcze”, 2, 1958, p. 41–79; 4, 1959, p. 9–32; 9, 1964, p. 15–43; 11, 1966, p. 67–68; Święty Wojciech w tradycji i kulturze europejskiej, ed. K. Śmigla, Gniezno 1992; W. Danielski, Kult św. Wojciecha na ziemiach polskich, Lublin 1997. 14 Ademari Cabannensis Chronicon, vol. II, [in:] Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, vol. CXXIX, eds. P. Bourgain, R. Landes, G. Pon, Turnout 1999, p. 21; V. Sidorova, The Slavic World in French Historical Writing of the Eleventh Century, [in:] Slovakia and Croatia. Historical Parallels and Connections (until 1780), eds. V. Kucharská, S. Kuzmová, A. Mesiarkin, Bratislava–Zagreb 2013, p. 98. First trans- lator of the chronicle into French, Edmond Pognon, incorrectly equated the Waredo- nia province with the region of Warsaw, see: L’Am mille. Œuvres de Liutprand, Raoul Glaber, Adémar de Chabannes, Adalberon, Helgaud, ed. E. Pognon, Paris 1947, p. 171. Also in the late medieval Poland the belief that St. Adalbert baptized the Poles was (perhaps) strong. Jan Dabrówka (15th century), author of the Commentum in Chron- icam Polonorum magistri Vincentii dicti Kadłubek, argued a few centuries later that the saint could not baptize the Pole. Relying on the chronicle of Martin the Pole (who was writing not about the conversion of the Poles but the stain strengthening their faith) Jan was convinced that when Adalbert arrived in Poland – the Christian faith had been flourishing there for about thirty years. In confirmation of this, the author invoked another source identified as Lesser-Polish Yearbook and dated the following event: baptism of the Polish dynasty to 966; Adalbert becoming a bishop in 985; his martyrdom in 997. Jan z Dąbrówki, Commentum in Chronicam Polonorum magistri Vincentii dicti Kadłubek, [in:] Monumenta Poloniae Historica nova series, vol. XIV, Kraków 2008, p. 71; Martini Oppaviensis, Chronicon pontificum et imperatorum, ed. L. Weiland, [in:] Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores, vol. XXII, Hannoverae 1872, p. 465. 208 Piotr Kołpak

Eastern Europe (Poland, Hungary, Russia and Pomerania) is connected ex- clusively with the names of two great Catholic missionaries of the time: St. Adalbert of Prague and St. Bruno of Querfurt”.15 It is extremely worthwhile that the first of them (together with St. Stanislaus) stands among kings and princes in the sixteenth and seventeenth-century compilations of Polish kings’ biographies.16 Besides the legends which gave Hungary preference to the crown, there are parallels between the two countries. At approximately the same time, the Polish prince Mieszko I and the Hungarian prince Geza were baptized. Both of them contributed to the Christianization of their countries, as did their sons Bolesław the Brave and Stephen of Hungary who finally secured the royal crowns. Both the Polish-Hungarian legend and St. Stephen’s legend describe why neither Mieszko I nor Geza were canonized. Geza took the first steps: the invitation of the missionaries, the baptism of Stephen and the foundation of the first abbey in Hungary were his initiatives. However, as St. Stephen’s vitae describes, he could not be honored, because his hands dripped with blood.17 St. Stephen’s legend, known as the Legenda Hartviciana, written by Hartwik of Györ in the 11th and 12th centuries, likewise describes Mieszko I’s efforts to obtain the crown in Rome. His attempts, however, proved futile as, according to the legend, the crown was given to St. Stephen. Shortly afterwards, the Polish-Hungarian Chronicle improved this thread and its author claimed that the House of Mieszko did not deserve the royal crown for various reasons.18

15 V. Sidorova, The Slavic World…, op. cit., p. 100. 16 E.g. K. Janicki, Vitae regum Polonorum, elegiaco carmine descriptae, Cracoviae 1623, f. 7r; J.A. Kmita, Żywoty krolow Polskich, Kraków 1691, f. 7. 17 A comprehensive analysis of the presence of this story in Polish and Hungarian medieval sources in: W. Drelicharz, Idea zjednoczenia królestwa w średniowiecznym dziejo pisarstwie polskim (Monografie Towarzystwa Naukowego Societas Vistulana), vol. I, Kraków 2012, p. 93–112. 18 Ibidem; D. Bagi Papieskie przysłanie korony dla św. Stefana w legendzie św. Stefana pióra biskupa Hartwika, [in:] Gnieźnieńskie koronacje królewskie i ich środkow- oeuropejskie konteksty, eds. J. Dobosz, M. Matla, L. Wetesko, Gniezno 2011, p. 175–186; R. Grzesik, Kronika węgiersko-polska. Z dziejów polsko-węgierskich kontaktów kulturalnych w średniowieczu, Poznań 1999, p. 136–150. Sources: Legenda sancti Stephani regis ab Hartvico episcopo consripta, ed. E. Bartoniek, [in:] Scriptores rerum Hungaricarum, vol. II, Budapestini 1938, p. 412–414; Chronica Hungaro-Polonica, pars I (Textus cum varietate lectionum), Ad codicum manuscriptorum fidem recensuit, praefatione notisque instruxit B. Karácsonyi (Acta Universitatis Szegediensis de Attila József nominatae, Acta historica, vol. XXVI), Szeged 1969, p. 3–8. The sanctity of power or the power of sanctity… 209

Going forward: Boris and Gleb were beatified in 1071. Ladislaus I of Hungary (also canonized) “canonized” Stephen and his son Emeric in 1083. Pope Paschal II canonized the King of Denmark Canute IV in 1101. The strengthened cults of St. Wenceslaus of Bohemia and St. Olaf of Nor- way served as examples. It can be assumed that the steps were also taken to strengthen the sacral position of the Polish dynasty. Proof of this is provided by the inscription of Bolesław the Brave’s epitaph which did not survive; contemporary historiography dates the epitaph after the death of the ruler in 1025.19 Among many commendations the king in these records was named athleta Christi – a name given especially to saints. The events of the second half of the 11th and the first half of the 12th centuries apparently resulted in the lack of saint rulers among the Piast dynasty. In 1079, the bishop of Kraków Stanislaus of Szczepanów was murdered by the knights of Bolesław the Generous. According to the fifteenth-century Polish chronicler Jan Długosz, the result of the murder was the feudal fragmentation of Poland in 1138;20 the state was divided among the sons and grandsons of Boleslaw the Wrymouth. St. Stanislaus was canonized in 1253 when the feudal fragmentation of the Kingdom of Poland reached the highest point. The legend about the cutting up of the bishop’s body and its miraculous reintegration was shortly associated with the history of the feudal fragmentation of the Kingdom of Po- land and its expected reunification. Importantly enough, the canonization of St. Stanislaus was primarily performed by the church in Kraków and some historians draw a clear parallel between this event and the cult of St. Adal- bert in Gniezno.21 Thirteenth-century legends and chronicles served as in-

19 For research on Bolesław’s epitaph, see: K. Potkański, Napis grobowy Bolesława Wielkiego, [in:] idem, Pisma pośmiertne, vol. II, Kraków 1924, p. 113–165; R. Gansiniec, Grobowiec Bolesława Wielkiego, “Archeologia”, 3, 1949, p. 123–168; B. Kürbis, Epitafium Bolesława Chrobrego. Analiza literacka i historyczna, “Roczniki Historyczne”, 56, 1989– 1990, p. 95–132; E. Skibiński, Epitafium Bolesława Chrobrego, “Studia Epigraficzne”, 2, 2006, p. 73–77. 20 W. Drelicharz, Idea zjednoczenia królestwa…, op. cit., p. 416–444. 21 E.g. ibidem, passim. On the cult of St. Stanislaus and its connotations to the divided Kingdom of Poland see primarily: U. Borkowska, Św. Stanisław w koncepcji historii narodowej Jana Długosza, “Znak”, 31, 1979, p. 344–351; J. Kłoczowski, Św. Stanisław a umacnianie polskiej świadomości narodowej i religijnej w XIII w., “Znak”, 31, 1979, p. 308–318; M. Kochanowska-Reiche, Najstarsze cykle narracyjne z legendą św. Sta nisława biskupa, “Iconotheka”, 3, 1991, p. 27–47; M. Walczak, “The Jagiellonian Saints”: Some Political, National and Ecclesiastical Aspects of Artistic Propaganda in Jagiello- 210 Piotr Kołpak spirations for a belief in the special role of Kraków as the seat of the new king of the restored kingdom. The role of this city was also important as it was a place for the royal insignia attributed to St. Stanislaus.22 Thus, in Bohemia the rulers were crowned with the Crown of St. Wenceslaus, in Hun- gary – with the Crown of St. Stephen, and, consequently in Poland – with the Crown of St. Stanislaus. What is more, “the crown” in the sense of the state was compared to St. Stanislaus body. After Władysław Jagiełło ascended the Polish throne in 1386, nobody, including the new king, could be sure that the Lithuanian dynasty would rule the Polish Kingdom through the following centuries. In the context of Europe, the Polish monarchy stands out as special. In common belief, the previous dynasty of Polish kings, the Piasts (10th–14th century), had lost the throne because of the dynastic original sin – the murder of the bishop of Krakow. Polish chroniclers understood this crime to have resulted in “the transfer of power”. A dynasty of “natural lords” (domines naturales) lost their power to a dynasty of “the newcomers” or “the foreigners” (peregrini) – as Jan Długosz saw the Jagiellonians.23 For 15th and 16th-century historiosophy, the struggles between Bolesław II the Generous and St. Stanisław were the first instance of repeated antagon- isms between the Good and the Evil, sacerdotium and regnum. A strong position of the Kraków clergy (often representing the knighthood of Lesser Po- land) was making the life of the Jagiellonians a misery. Zbigniew Oleśnicki, an efficient politician and bishop of Kraków (1424–1455) repeatedly referred to the case of St. Stanislaus in his struggles with the Jagiellonians. It was most likely he, who wrote the ordo coronandi effective from the begin-

nian Poland”, [in:] Die Jagiellonen. Kunst und Kultur einer europäischen Dynastie an der Wende zur Neuzeit, eds. D. Popp, R. Suckale, Nürnberg 2002, p. 139–149; P. Wę- cowski, Strata korony królewskiej po śmierci św. Stanisława w opinii pisarzy późnego średniowiecza, [in:] Christianitas Romana. Studia ofiarowane Profesorowi Romanowi Michałowskiemu, ed. K. Skwierczyński, Warszawa 2009, p. 274–299. 22 Z. Piech, Święty Stanisław szafarzem korony Królestwa Polskiego. Ze studiów nad średniowieczną sfragistyką miasta Krakowa, “Rocznik Krakowski”, 57 1991, p. 5–16; P. Crossley, “Ara Patriae”. Saint Stanislaus, the Jagiellonians and the Coronation Ordinal for Cracow Cathedral, [in:] Künstlerische Wechselwirkungen in Mitteleuropa, eds. J. Fajt, M. Hörsch, Ostfildern 2005, p. 103–121. 23 U. Borkowska, Uniwersalizm i regionalizm w Rocznikach Jana Długosza, [in:] Uniwer- salizm i regionalizm w kronikarstwie Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. Średniowiecze – początek czasów nowożytnych, ed. U. Borkowska, Lublin 1996, p. 12; eadem, Św. Stani- sław w koncepcji…, op. cit., p. 348. The sanctity of power or the power of sanctity… 211 ning of the 16th century.24 On the eve of the coronation, the new king went in a solemn expiatory procession (penitential pilgrimage) from the royal castle in Wawel to the church of the Skałka (where the knights of Bolesław II the Generous had murdered the saint bishop). It was a mournful journey leading to the dark past of the Polish nation and its monarchy. The future king followed the trail, which was the route of St. Stanislaus’ escape from the king’s wrath; probably the same way – in the participants’ collective memory – his murderer and the predecessor of elect followed. But this time, the road did not lead to a crime, but to humiliation in front of the majesty of the holy bishop, present at his relics. This important evocation of history, and its symbolic reversal, was a perfectly directed performance, played to show the future king how heavy the sin weighing on “the body of the Polish king” was. Moreover, the order of coronation designated and determined the relationship of the king and the Polish – especially Krakovian – Church. Ernst Kantorowicz’s concept of “the king’s two bodies” perfectly correlates with the historiosophic conceptualization of an indelible sin encoded in the Polish monarchy – even despite the change of dynasty. That is why the Jagi- ellonians were in a vulnerable situation from two different perspectives – for Zbigniew Oleśnicki’s court, not only did they replace the dynasty of the natural lords as “newcomers”, but because of the crime of the Piasts they should still should repent for someone else’s sin. Polish historiography still waits for an exhaustive answer to a longtime question about the lack of Polish holy kings or rulers at the beginning of the existence of the state. Some conclusions follow from the foregoing considerations, First of all, the Polish Piasts dynasty, as opposed to the Scandinavian or Bohemian dynasties, did not have to fight for the throne, whereas the presence of certain saintly rulers in some situations legitimized the superi-

24 Ordo coronandi Regis Poloniae, ed. S. Kutrzeba, Archiwum Komisji Historycznej Aka- demii Umiejętności, vol. XI, 1910–1913, p. 133–216; A. Gieysztor, Spektakl i liturgia – polska koronacja królewska, in: Kultura elitarna a kultura masowa w Polsce późnego śred niowiecza, ed. B. Geremek, Wrocław–Warszawa–Kraków 1978, p. 13–14; idem, Gesture in the Coronation Ceremonies of Medieval Poland, [in:] Coronations. Medieval and Early Modern Monarchic Ritual, ed. J.M. Bak, Berkeley–Los Angeles–Oxford 1990, p. 152–164; Z. Dalewski, Ceremoniał koronacyjny królów polskich w XV i początkach XVI wieku, “Kwartalnik Historyczny”, 102, 1995, 3–4, p. 37–60; A. Rożnowska-Sadraei, Pater Patriae. The Cult of Saint Stanislaus and the Patronage of Polish Kings, Kraków 2008, p. 325–334; P. Kołpak, Rola patronów Królestwa Polskiego w geografii sakralnej późnośredniowiecz- nego Krakowa, “Średniowiecze Polskie i Powszechne”, 10, 2014, p. 179–181. 212 Piotr Kołpak ority of their descendants. One of the most evident cases is the exploitation of the cult of St. Eric in the struggles between the House of Eric and the House of Sverker. It is striking how quickly the first translation of the saint’s body was accomplished (1167). It smacks of undue haste due to the fear of the translation of the body of Sverker I, who died as a martyr too.25 The cult of St. Eric coalesced the Swedish state. It had become a factor in the historical and national consciousness of the Swedish nation. The image of the saint was present on seals and coins. Old chronicles show the saint as a helper and intercessor during the most important battles of the Swedish.26 Analogous features were possessed in the medieval Kingdom of Poland by saints Stan- islaus and Adalbert. In the cult of the first of them, I can see another reason for Poland’s lack of saint kings– the aforementioned fundamental sin of Piast dynasty (and especially a collective memory surrounding this sin) gave the Polish Church a chance to create its representative as a saint with special eli- gibility standing above secular rulers. Saint bishop Stanislaus was the keeper of the Polish crown – not Mieszko I or Bolesław the Brave. Maybe the third reason should be sought in the pagan times and the discrepancy between the idea of the ruler in the Slavonic and German pre-Christian traditions – but only then, when we accept the conclusions on the “German continuation” and sakral königtum.

Streszczenie

Świętość władzy, władza świętości – miejsce świętych władców w pamięci zbiorowej w krajach bałtyckich w okresie średniowiecza

Polska historiografia wciąż czeka na wyczerpującą odpowiedź na pytanie o brak polskich świętych królów lub władców na początku istnienia państwa. Z powyższych rozważań wynikają następujące wnioski: po pierwsze, polska dynastia Piastów, w przeciwieństwie do dynastii skandynawskich czy czeskich,

25 P. Lane, Kingship and State Formation in Sweden 1130–1290 (The Northern World. North Europe and the Baltic c. 400–1700 AD. Peoples, Economies and Cultures, vol. XXVII), Leiden–Boston 2007, passim; M.J. Gąssowska, Rozwój kultu św. Eryka…, op. cit., p. 10–11. 26 Ibidem, passim. The sanctity of power or the power of sanctity… 213

nie musiała walczyć o tron, podczas gdy obecność pewnych świętych wład- ców w niektórych sytuacjach legitymizowała wyższość ich potomków. Jednym z najbardziej widocznych przypadków jest wykorzystywanie kultu św. Eryka w walkach między dynastią Eryka a dynastią Sverkera. Uderzające jest, jak szybko dokonano pierwszego przeniesienia ciała świętego (1167). Ten pośpiech był spowodowany strachem przed przeniesieniem ciała Sverkera I, który również zginął jako męczennik. Kult świętego Eryka zjednoczył państwo szwedzkie. Stał się on czynnikiem kształtującym historyczną i narodową świadomość narodu szwedzkiego. Obraz świętego był obecny na pieczęciach i monetach. Sta- re kroniki pokazują świętego jako pomocnika i orędownika podczas najważ- niejszych bitew Szwedów. Analogiczne cechy posiadali w średniowiecznym Królestwie Polskim święci Stanisław i Wojciech. W kulcie pierwszego z nich widzę kolejny powód braku polskich świętych królów – wspomniany grzech podstawowy dynastii Piastów (a zwłaszcza pamięć zbiorowa wokół tego grze- chu) dał Kościołowi polskiemu szansę stworzenia swojego przedstawiciela ze specjalną kwalifikacją stojącą ponad świeckimi władcami. Święty biskup Sta- nisław był strażnikiem polskiej korony – nie Mieszko I czy Bolesław Chrobry. Może trzeciego powodu należy szukać w czasach pogańskich oraz w rozbież- ności między ideą władcy w słowiańskich i niemieckich tradycjach przedchrze- ścijańskich – ale tylko wtedy, gdy przyjmujemy wnioski dotyczące „niemieckiej kontynuacji” i świętego królestwa.

Rafał Kubicki University of Gdańsk

Windmills in the dominion of the Teutonic Order in Prussia in the 14th and the first half of the 15th centuries1

One of the important changes which took place in the Middle Ages in the organisation and functioning of both village communities as well as city craft, was the popularisation of water-powered machines. This primarily included the water mill, used not only for milling grain and malt, the raw materials essential in preparing basic products such as bread and beer, but also for driv- ing such machines as sawmills, grinders, forges, fullers and shammy mills. Of course, the devices themselves driven by water power had been known since the Antiquity, but it was their widespread application in the Middle Ages that contributed to the qualitative shift in the conditions of community life at that time, most importantly in the villages, which were relieved from arduous and time-consuming work at the quern.2 A similar process occurred with respect to the mediaeval use of windmills, milling machines powered by wind energy, which had also been known before.3 Though their function

1 The study was supported by National Science Centre grant no. DEC-2012/05/B/ HS3/03708. 2 M. Bloch, Avènement et conquête du moulin à eau, “Annales d’histoire économique et sociale”, 7, 1935, p. 538–563; E.M. Carus-Wilson, An industrial revolution of the thirteenth century, “The Economic History Review”, 11, 1941, 1, p. 39–60. 3 An attempt to synthesise information on the operation of windmills in Europe has been made by J.C. Notebaart, Windmühlen der Stand der Forschung über das Vorkom- men und den Ursprung, Den Haag–Paris 1972, p. 13–34 (types of windmills), p. 62–78 (windmills in Germany), p. 124–149 (windmills in the Netherlands), p. 155–163 (windmills in Poland). 216 Rafał Kubicki

was merely supplementary to the existing network of water mills, in regions where local conditions made the use of water energy more difficult or impossible altogether. This phenomenon was present in the late Middle Ages also within the dominion of the Teutonic Order in Prussia. Here we will attempt to determine the characteristic elements of the local nature of this phenomenon, the legal and economic framework, within which the owners and users of windmills operated. Unfortunately, due to the state of preservation and character of the sources in our possession, this depiction will be, perhaps, far from complete.

The location of windmills in the dominion of the Teutonic Order in Prussia

As an introduction, there should be mentioned the peculiar circumstances of the development of milling in the dominion of the Teutonic Order in Prussia. The Order, in exercising its water right, forcefully imposed a legal situation, in which the construction of water-powered machines required its consent on every occasion.4 These regulations were also applied with regard to the erection and usage of windmills. In practice, such a right was exercised by the Teutonic Order itself, as well as Prussian bishops with authority in their territories (the bishops of Chełmno, Pomesania, Warmia and Sambia), and episcopal chapters. A windmill could be built only upon obtaining permission from these institutions, which specified not only the annual rent to be paid for it to the competent officials representing the authority of the -Or der, bishop or chapter, but also its exact location.5 The regulations indicated, and a number of others, were recorded in milling privileges issued to certify this, or in windmill sale contracts. Of course, the decision to build windmills, just as in the case of water mills, was strictly related to the circumstances of village settlement, thus to the existence of actual needs ensuring the economic profitability of such an endeavour. The choice of a windmill, instead of a water mill, usually resulted from the local hydrological conditions preventing the practical utilisation of water power.

4 R. Kubicki, Młynarstwo w państwie zakonu krzyżackiego w Prusach w XIII–XV wieku (do 1454 r.), Gdańsk 2012, s. 19–25. 5 A discussion about the emergence of the milling right in the Teutonic State has been undertaken by G. Kisch, Das Mühlenrecht im Deutschordensgebiete, w: Studien zur Rechts- und Sozialgeschichte des Deutschordenslandes, Sigmaringen 1973, p. 87–164. Windmills in the dominion of the Teutonic Order in Prussia… 217

The first mention of the application of a windmill in the dominion of the Teutonic Order dates from as late as the end of the 13th c. In 1299, Bishop of Sambia Siegfrid issued a foundation document for a settlement near his castle, Schönewik (later Fischhausen – now Primorsk, Russia), mentioning a right to erect a windmill (wintmole).6 Another mention of a windmill from that area dates back to 1337. It was then that Bishop of Sambia Johannes con- ferred to a miller by the name of Heinrich a windmill (wintmole) situated on a mountain near the town of Schönewik/Fischhausen (in monte prope civitatem nostram Bischoueshusen).7 Later, windmills were built in different parts of the Order’s dominion, but they were fundamental for the operation of the grain-milling industry only in Żuławy (German: Werder), a part of the Malbork commandry.8 Whereas in the Człuchów commandry and Chełmno Land there were considerably fewer windmills.9 In the case of Żuławy, the prime cause of erecting windmills were the local water conditions, which did not provide for water mill construction. Whereas in other regions windmills served to supplement the milling capacity of the existing water mills, and built in cases where the construction of new water mills would be un- profitable. Owing to the costs of building a water mill, its future profitability could prove to be lower than that of a windmill, particularly if the local grain production volume did not require the use of equipment with high milling capacity. At the same time, it needs to be stressed that most windmill construction permits and, in general, information on such machines in operation dates only from the second half of the 14th and the beginning of the 15th c., a period when the water mill network in the lands of the Teutonic Order had already been formed. In the general number of milling machines present in the Teutonic dominion, windmills constituted merely 7%, and, as

6 “veris heredibus, ut molendinum unum, quod wintmole dicitur, construant [fratr]um nostrum libertate, ubicunque ipsis placuerit, et eo libere utantur in perpetuam propri- etatem”, Urkundenbuch des Bisthums Samland (UBS), ed. C.P. Woelky, H. Mendthal, Leipzig 1891–1905, no. 190, p. 98. 7 UBS, no. 299, p. 222–223. 8 The operation of windmills in Żuławy has been discussed in general by B. Schmid,Die Bau- und Kunstdenkmäler der Provinz Westpreußen, vol. 4: Marienburg (Die Städte Neuteich und Tiegenhof und die ländlichen Ortschaften), Danzig 1919, pp. LXXXVI– LXXXVIII; idem, Erhaltung von Windmühlen, [in:] Die Denkmalpflege in der Prov- inz Westpreußen in den Jahren 1920 bis 1931, 17. Bericht, Königsberg 1932, p. 25–28; W. Długokęcki, Z dziejów młynarstwa w komturstwie malborskim w XIII–XV wieku, “Rocznik Elbląski”, 12, 1991, p. 55. 9 See the attached map no. 1. 218 Rafał Kubicki has already been mentioned, they were only a supplementary element for the water mill network. In addition, one needs to remember that the number of surviving mentions of windmills in existence at the time was probably lower than that of water mills, which were much sturdier structures, rebuilt in the same place for hundreds of years. In total, the windmill-to-watermill ratio must have been at least 1 to 12, and taking into account their milling capabilities, the advantage of watermills was even greater. For all these reasons, except for Żuławy, windmills were treated only as a supplement for networks of water-powered milling machines built and operated as permanent installations.

Regulations pertaining to the construction and use of windmills

Unfortunately, surviving sources do not permit a precise reconstruction of the process of windmill network formation. This also refers to the Żuławy region, which is of particular interest here. The first mentions of organised milling in this area appeared with the intensification of settlement in the first half of the 14th c. It is known that the Teutonic Knights, when setting up a settlement network, employed a system of reserving mill locations, placing appropriate clauses in location privileges issued with founding new settlements.10 These guaranteed that the exclusive right to build a mill within a particular village would be held by the Order. At a later time, however, there were no water mills built in those localities, but windmills. Similarly, as with erecting water mills, an issue critical for their efficient operation of windmills was to select a suitable location. It was decisive to find a place with the best wind conditions (potential wind power). The research of Wolfgang La Baume shows that from the earliest times settlement in the Vistula River Valley was focused only in dry areas situated above the water level.11 With the Teutonic Order completing drainage of this area, they became natural elevations which could be used as locations for building windmills. In sources dating from the beginning of the 15th c. windmills were found to be present on most of such hills, as these were

10 R. Kubicki, Młynarstwo w państwie zakonu…, op. cit., p. 88–93. 11 W. La Baume, Die Besiedlung des Weichsel-Nogat-Deltas in vor- und frühgeschichtlicher Zeit, [in:] H. Bertram, W. La Baume, O. Kloeppel, Das Weichsel-Nogat-Delta. Beiträge zur Geschichte seiner landschaftlichen Entwickelung, vorgeschichtlichen Besiedelung und bäuerlichen Haus- und Hofanlage, Danzig 1924 (Quellen und Darstellungen zur Geschichte Westpreußens, vol. XI), p. 66. Windmills in the dominion of the Teutonic Order in Prussia… 219

the only ones in the region suitable for their construction (there were such hills near Tragamin, Kraszewo, Gnojewo, Lubieszewo, Lasowice Wielkie, Lipinka, Myszewko, Janówka and Ostaszewo; there are no mentions of windmills only in the vicinity of Myszewko and Ostaszewo).12 Because of this, in Żuławy grain windmills were erected in locations which had already been explored and used before, particularly if an appropriate mound had been raised for their construction at a considerable expense. There is no data on the types of windmills operated at that time. Probably those were paltrok mills and post mills. The oldest iconographic account of windmills in Żuławy was a painting in the Artus Court in Gdańsk, depicting the siege of Malbork, painted around 1480. The work presented three windmills, two of which (probably paltrok mills) were located near Tczew and Nowy Staw.13 Basic information about the legal circumstances of windmill operation, and even some structural details of these machines, can be obtained from the content of milling privileges issued in relation to the conclusion of a contract between a representative of the authorities and an entrepreneur building a new or operating an existing milling machine. The most important issue was to determine the amounts of annual payments and other obligations to be fulfilled. Rent was set in the form of grain or money. A windmill miller was to deliver it yearly to a representative of local authorities (a commander, an episcopal com- mune head). Such grain was given as milling fees, which were collected from persons milling grain for their own needs. In accordance with the mill regulations of the Teutonic State, for every Scheffel milled, a miller working in a water mill or a windmill collected one “measure” (Lat. mensura, Germ. Metze), which was equal to 1/16 Scheffel (1 Scheffel = about 55 litres, that is about 3.4 litres).14 Most often rent paid in grain was 3–4 lasts annually (1 last = 3300 litres), which amounted to 180-240 Scheffels (9900–13200 litres of grain). Under special circumstances, lower fees were applied (2 lasts), and higher, even up to 7 lasts. At times rent comprised not only grain, but also a specified amount of money. Of course, the amount of rent indicated (3–4 lasts of grain, or rye, or malt per year)

12 W. La Baume, op. cit., p. 67, 71, 82, 85, 91, 102. See the attached map no. 2. 13 B. Schmid, Erhaltung von Windmühlen, op. cit., p. 26. 14 The above-mentioned milling regulations were issued about 1335–1341 by Grand Mas- ter of the Teutonic Order Dietrich von Altenburg. In addition, it was stipulated that in the case of milling with the help of miller’s apprentices, an additional 1 denarius (pfennig) was to be paid for milling 2 Scheffels of grain and grinding 6 Scheffels of malt. Also, nobody who wished to mill single-handedly could be forced to take on miller’s apprentices. 220 Rafał Kubicki had to match the actual milling capabilities of windmills.15 Whereas the aver- age rent from one mill expressed as money was 4 Prussian marks (one Prussian mark = about 180 grams of silver).16

Table 1. The amounts of grain rent from windmills

No. Rent amount The number Places where the wind- Comments of windmills mills were located with the rent amount

1 2 lasts of grain 1 Kiełp

Nowa Wieś, Radzyń Puck – 2.5 lasts Chełmiński, Unisław, 2 3 lasts of grain 7 of rye and 0.5 Nowe nad Wisłą, Sub- lasts of wheat kowy, Puck, Królewo

3 windmills 10 3 3–3 lasts of rye 3 Lasowice lasts of rye total

4 3–5 lasts of rye 1 Książki

4 lasts of grain Dobrzyki, Radzyń 5 3 (rye) Chełmiński, Mlewo 1.5 lasts – rent 6 4–5 lasts 1 Chełmża from 1/3 of the mill 4.5 lasts of rye 7 5 lasts 1 Puck and 0.5 lasts of wheat 3.5 lasts of grain 8 7 lasts 1 Zalewo and 3.5 lasts of malt

Source: R. Kubicki, Młynarstwo w państwie zakonu, Table 16, p. 191.

15 R. Kubicki, Młynarstwo w państwie zakonu, p. 190. 16 Idem, Wiatraki na Żuławach w pierwszej połowie XV w., “Roczniki Dziejów Społecz- nych i Gospodarczych”, 72, 2010, p. 65–69. Windmills in the dominion of the Teutonic Order in Prussia… 221

It is noteworthy that in the case of windmills, rent paid in grain was pre- dominant. Out of almost forty windmills with known types of rent paid, as many as 22 paid it in grain, and only 12 in money. However, mentions of rents from windmills date mainly from a period when rent in grain was becoming more common also with respect to water mills.17 Documents con- firming the right to construct and operate a mill also specified the payment deadline for rent due from the owners and administrators of windmills. In the case of windmills, a solution was frequently used involving division of payments into four instalments.18 Beside rent, a windmill administrator was sometimes obligated to provide free-of-charge milling for the authorities. For instance, such was the case with a windmill near Chełmża, where in 1381 the Chełmża chapter sold to Johan Cromer a part of the windmill and imposed on him an obligation of free milling for the chapter.19 Similarly, a windmill in Murzynno (1404) was to mill at no charge for the court of the Nieszawa commander,20 and two mills in Radzyń Chełmiński (1449) for the local commander. It was also found that in such a case he was to send his helpers to the windmills.21 Besides additional obligations of this kind, a windmill owner could also obtain special support in the form of obligating specific villages to mandatory milling at a particular windmill. Such solutions, though rare, were applied by both Teutonic Knights (Mikoszewo22 1437 – milling for the villages of Mikoszewo, Przemysław and Jantar), as well as Warmia bishops (Wilczkowo23 1379 – obligatory milling by the residents of the villages of Wil-

17 Idem, Młynarstwo w państwie zakonu, p. 214. 18 Ibidem, p. 226. 19 “Ouch sal her vnd dy syne noch ym vns of der wintmole vry vnd ane meczen malen allirley getreyde czu vnser notdortf, vns czuvordern vor allen andirn malgestin.”, Urkun- denbuch des Bisthums Culm, ed. C.P. Woelky, vol. 1–2, Danzig 1885–1887, no. 360, p. 283. 20 „Dortzu sal her alle die besserunge, di deze wintmole bedarff, thun von synem gute, und sal uns frey malen alles, was wir zu huze Morin bedorffen zu malen”, S. Jóźwiak, Trzy nieznane źródła dotyczące krzyżackich posiadłości na Kujawach na przełomie XIV– XV wieku, “Ziemia Kujawska“, 13, 1998, p. 141–142, document no. 2. 21 “so solle eyn kompthur czum Reden einen knecht dabey haben und dorczu uff die windmolen schicken”, Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz (GStA PK), Berlin–Dahlem, XX. HA, Ordensfoliant (OF) 97, f. 209v; D. Brauns, Geschichte des Culmerlandes bis zum Thorner Frieden, Thorn 1881, p. 92–93. 22 GStA PK, OF 97, f. 50v. This document is partially unreadable, late transcript see The State Archives in Gdańsk, City of Gdańsk Records, 300, D, 79, no. 27. 23 Codex diplomaticus Warmiensis oder Regesten und Urkunden zur Geschichte Erm- lands, ed. C. P. Woelky, Braunsberg–Leipzig 1874, vol. III, no. 72, p. 47. 222 Rafał Kubicki czkowo, Worławki and Piotrowo; Wozławki24 1380 – milling for the villages of Wozławki and Trutnowo). A windmill owner’s homestead was not confined to a milling machine. At times he would possess his own vegetable gardens,25 use pastures belonging to the commander26 or the nearby village.27 A frequent solution was the right to collect wood from state-owned forests (belonging to the Teutonic Order or a bishop/episcopal chapter) for fuel, as well as construction wood used for windmill repairs. For this reason, there were various kinds of wood mentioned, used to make the drive shaft (welle), the brake- wheel (kamholtz, kamphalcz), construction wood for sails and hingle for roofing (Rychnowy28 1379, Lichnowy29 1420, Mikoszewo30 1437, Lasowice

24 Ibidem, no. 106, p. 79. 25 By selling the windmill in Lichnowy in 1420, the miller’s right to a vegetable garden (kolgarten) was confirmed. “Ouch sullen sie haben eynen kolgarten, alse her vormols bewyset ist und nu bewyset wirt”, Handfesten der Komturei Schlochau (HKS) (Quel- len und Darstellungen zur Geschichte Westpreussens, vol. X), ed. P. Panske, Danzig 1921, no. 171, p. 179–180. 26 In the city privilege from 1449 for 2 windmills, one opposite the castle and the other before the city of Radzyń Chełmiński, their owner was granted the right to graze his 2 horses, 12 cattle and 20 pigs on meadows belonging to the Radzyń commander “czwey pferd, czwelff houbte riderich und czwenczig swynen mit des kompthurs czum Reden vyh, un eyner verworungen, uff unsir weyde frey und unverhindert tryben geben mogen lassen”, GStA PK, OF 97, f. 209v; X. Froelich, Geschichte des Graudenzer Kreises, vol. I, Graudenz 1868, p. 246. Summary of document prepared by D. Brauns, op. cit., p. 92–93. 27 In a privilege from 1406, the owner of a windmill in Gallgarben (Russ. Marschalskoe) was granted the right to take wood and use the pastures on a par with the villagers; he was also to pay the same fee to herdsmen, GStA PK, XX. HA, Ostfoliant, No. 129, f. 229r. 28 “Dorczu so sal her vrie holcz haben us unsren welden czu besserunge der mole, und us unsrer heyde dorre und legende holcz czu siner notdorfft czu burnen”, HKS, no. 125, p. 137–138. 29 “Czum irsten achten stucke holtzes, nemelich den stender, tzwu swellen, tzwene mel- balken, den somer, den startz, die welle, und dorboben, dortzu die rutthen, dasselbe holtz sal die stad vor waltzinsen und furen, sunder sie sullens hauwen und wirken tzu pusche by irer tzerunge und lone, alse dicke sie eynes holtzes under den werden bed- urffen ader alle holtzer, gleych, ab is von obirgem wynde ader fuere, des got nicht gebe, ader von selbest vorgencknisses dar queme, das man sie buwen solde. Ouch kamholtz und driffholtz sullen sie haben ffry tzu hauwen in der stadfryheit, ab sie is do haben mogen, tzu der molen nottorfft. Ouch so sal man en helfen boren und steyne helfen uffbrengen, wen er sie dorumme bitten und noet ist.“, HKS, no. 171, p. 179–180. 30 “kamphalcz und sust an anderen bawholcze, das eyne czur selben mole mochte dienen gebracht haben wurden, so sullen sie das holcz, das en dorczu nutcze wirt seyn, in des egedachte fischmeisters welden und heyden, wo sie das gehaben mogen, frey und un- gehindert hauen und furen mogen, sie aber sulch buwholcz in des fischmeisters welde Windmills in the dominion of the Teutonic Order in Prussia… 223

Wielkie31 1440, Radzyń Chełmiński32 1449, Zalewo33 1451, Dobrzyki34 1461). In many instances, there were also specific rules for obtaining and finan- cing the purchase of iron parts used in windmill mechanism construction. In the case of a windmill located near Chełmża, it was decided in 1381 that the miller was to acquire the so-called small iron parts (cleyne ysenwerk) by himself and pay for a third of a delivery of large parts (grose yserwerg).35 Also, in the case of a windmill in Zalewo, the Teutonic Order decided in a document from 1451 that the miller was to obtain the required iron parts (eisenwerg) on his own.36 There was a similar provision in a privilege document for a mill in Dobrzyki from 1461, where the miller had to seek large and small iron parts (eisenwerg gros und cleyn) himself.37 A number of regulations also referred to the issue of obtaining millstones. The buyer of two windmills in Lasowice Wielkie in 1440 and millers operating windmills in Mikoszewo (1437) and Leśnowo (1441)38 had to acquire them on their own. It is also clear from the surviving accounting sources that millstones intended for windmills (wyntmolenstein)39 were treated as a separate category. How- ever, it was not a question of some particular type, but most probably of the size. Such millstones were sold by Teutonic Order officers acting as trade

und heyden nicht gehaben noch bekommen, so sullne sie es umb ere egene gelt selbist kouffen und czewgen und die mole buwen bessirn”, GStA PK, OF 97, f. 50v–51r. 31 “frey holczunge im Warnwschen walde czu seyne feuwer in gleicher weyse als die gert- ner und inwoner des dorffes Trageheym […] von sunderlicher gnade sal her ouch haben frey buweholcz us der Stumeschenheyde adir us dem Montauschen walde”, GStA PK, OF 97, f. 73v. 32 “rutten czu den flogeline und splisholm ouch in unseren welden czu huwen und mit unserm luwte czu furen”, GStA PK, OF 97, f. 209v; X. Froelich, op. cit., p. 246. 33 “schirholcz, bornholcz und kyn”, GStA PK, OF 100, f. 4r. 34 “schirholcz zcu nordorft sal her selbist furen der molen mit seyme knechte und pfer- den, sunder der wintmolner sal dii mole selbist bawen, dorczu wir adir unser nochkomelingen keyne hulfe thun bedurfte“, GStA PK, OF 100, f. 4v. 35 “Ouch sal der molner czu steynen vnd czu grosem yserwerg den dritten pfenning legin, dorczu sullen wir tun di fur vnd her di erbeyt. Das cleyne ysenwerk sal her selben schicken.“, UBC, no. 360, p. 283. 36 “mit allerley eisenwerg halden dorczu wir keyne hulfe thun sullen, sunder als geschege der diselbe obengenanten wintmole bawsellig wurde”, GStA PK, OF 100, f. 4r. 37 “wir adir unser nochkomelingen keyne hulfe thun bedurfte und dorczu sy her alleyne mit allerley eisenwerg sal halden”, GStA PK, OF 100, f. 4v. 38 GStA PK, OF 97, f. 50v (Mikoszewo), f. 92v (Leśnowo). 39 “Speycher czu Danczk [1404] Item habe wir steen vor dem husze 4 wyntmolensteyne. Item under des kompthurs gemach 2 molesteyn“, Handelsrechnungen des Deutschen Ordens, ed. C. Sattler, Leipzig 1887, p. 14. 224 Rafał Kubicki representatives for millers.40 The size and quality of said millstones must have varied, which is suggested by their price, ranging from 3 to 12 marks.41 It is not clear what the reason was for this price spread. Perhaps beside the size and quality of millstones separate regulations may have been involved, according to which the Teutonic Order undertook to participate in some of the maintenance costs of selected windmills. The surviving accounting sources mention that in the case of several windmills (Mątowy, Żelichowo, Subkowy and Różyny) the millers purchased the millstones in 1404 and 1417, that is after about a dozen years. Unfortunately, it cannot be ascertained beyond doubt whether the usage of a single millstone was that long. That would be, however, suggested by profitability. The purchase of a millstone had to be financed from the income generated by a windmill; for example, payment for the millstone in Żelichowo must have indeed taken as long as 10 years. The windmill paid 4 marks of rent annually, so it had to earn an income providing for wages for the miller and the staff, any necessary repairs and millstone purchase. What is of particular importance, the purchase price of a millstone was identical in the three cases cited, and it increased from 6 marks in 1404 to 10 marks in 1417 only in the case of the miller working at the mill in front of the Teutonic grange in Mątowy.42 In documents regulating the relations of millers with their superior authorities (the Teutonic Order, the bishop/chapter), sometimes there were also specified instances of providing assistance to the miller in the event of random accidents. In the privilege for a windmill before Fischhausen from 1337, the Bishop of Sambia guaranteed to supply the miller with wood for repairing or rebuilding the windmill as a result of regular wear, as well as due to wind gusts (ventorum impulsione) or other chance events.43 All repairs and rebuilding, however, he had to finance himself. Whereas in a document re-

40 R. Kubicki, Młynarstwo w państwie zakonu, p. 159–161. 41 Ibidem, p. 160–161. 42 Additionally, surviving bills show that in 1396 the Malbork commander apparently ex- pended as much as 36 marks for one pair of milling stones, which would have been an incredibly high price. A. Sielmann, Die Reste des Marienburger Konventsbuches, p. 70. However, it may be just an error in the source. 43 “Si vero processu temporis predictum molendinum ex vetustate, ventorum impulsione, incendio aut alio modo vel infortunio quocunque in toto vel in parte deperire continguerit, quod absit, prefatum Henricus et sui heredes molendinum ipsum reedi- ficare et reformare debent suis laboribus et expensis et pro reformacione seu reedific- acione huiusmodi ligna cedendi in nostris nemoribus ipsis ad hoc necessaria dum- modo petita et obtenta licencia ex gracia concedimus speciali”, UBS, no. 299, p. 223. Windmills in the dominion of the Teutonic Order in Prussia… 225 garding the conditions of operating two windmills near Radzyń Chełmiński from 1449, it was stated that in the event of their destruction during war or as a result of fire, which would have caused the destruction of the mechanisms and the millstone, the Radzyń commander was to provide aid and cover half of the cost of rebuilding the windmill, and in the event of its destruction by a storm or strong wind, he was to cover only half of the cost of its reconstruction, excluding, however, the cost of rebuilding the mechanism and providing a millstone.44 The information on the cost of windmill erection and maintenance is in- complete. In 1337, the Bishop of Sambia spent 40 Prussian marks on the construction of the windmill before Fischhausen.45 Later, those expenses were probably greater, though one needs to account for inflation and the currency in the 15th c. of the so-called (small) change marks (1 good mark = 2 small marks). At any rate, the city windmill erected in Chełmno in 1443 cost a total of 222.5 marks.46 On the other hand, the Toruń commander, reporting to the Grand Master in 1453 the expenses for the maintenance and development of manufacturing equipment under his administration, mentioned the construction of a new windmill in the Order’s grange in Kowróz, the cost of which amounted to 150 marks.47 The prices of these facilities also indirectly reveal the approximate cost of building a windmill. For example, in 1406, a certain Nicolaus purchased a windmill in Leklowy for 110 marks, paid in a number of instalments of 15 marks, the first one in the same year on St. Jacob’s Day, and the rest in subsequent years, until the last one of 20 marks.48 The windmill

44 “Gescheches ouch, das Got abewende, das die windmolen krigeshowen verstoret adir fewers wegen verbrannt und die steyne und ysenwerk davon wekg komen wurden, so solle eyn kompthur czum Reden semliche windmolen die helfte bauwen und ouch steyne und ysenwerke die helfte beczalen, sundir wurden semlich windmolen van stormes adir windes wegen niderfallen und czunichte werden, so solle eyn kompthur czum Reden die helffte des buwes davon vsrichten, sundir steyne adir ysenwerk bedurffe her nicht beczalen”, GStA PK, OF 97, f. 209v; D. Brauns, op. cit., p. 92–93. 45 “molendinum, quod wintmole nuncupatur, in monte prope civitatem nostrum Bisch- oueshusen sepi et fossato circumdatum cum omnibus instrumentis et necessariis suis ad plenam perfectionem construximus nostris sumptibus et expensis, que ad quadraginta marcas denariorum Pruthenicalium se extendunt”, UBS, No. 299, p. 223. 46 GStA PK, OF 83, p. 96. 47 GStA PK, Ordensbriefarchiv, no. 12058, f. 2. 48 “Niclus der wintmolner t. 110 m. vor die wintmoel und sal do von beczalen 15 m in desem selbin iare uff Sente Iocops tag, dornach sal her alle ior gegeben 15 m uff den selben tag und czum leczten iare sal her gegeben 20 m bis das her beczalt; item dt. 15 m anno VI; (item dt. 15 m anno VII; item dt. 15 m anno VIII; item dt. 15 m anno IX)”, Das 226 Rafał Kubicki in Lichnowy was sold in 1420 for 50 marks.49 In 1440 a miller by the name of Jorge bought from a Teutonic prosecutor 2 windmills and 12 morgas (about 6.7 hectare) of land in Lasowice Wielkie for a token price of 5 marks, paid in annual instalments, apart from the rent, of one mark for five years. Perhaps that was due to the machinery being in need of costly repairs. Besides issues related to local conditions, the construction of a windmill could also be decided by legal considerations. The Teutonic Order was very strict about having all city mills under its exclusive control, permitting city authorities to possess their own milling machinery only as an exception. For this reason, even the right to build windmills in the municipal liberty area should be regarded as a privilege.50 Such privileges were granted in 1377 to the city authorities of Chojnice, which were permitted to build two windmills for its needs.51 They did take advantage of that right, which is indicated by the fact that in 1420 the town council of Chojnice granted a windmill, located in front of the village of Lichnowy, to private persons, retaining control of it in case the new owners should wish to resell it.52 Similar clauses ensuring the control of the authorities over a windmill were also applied by the Teutonic Order when in 1441 it issued a document pertaining to the Leśnowo windmill.53

To summarise the above remarks, it can be noted that windmills as wind- powered milling machines had an ultimately supplementary role in relation to water mills in the dominion of the Teutonic Order in Prussia. An exception to this rule was the situation in Żuławy (in the Malbork commandry), which was due to the local water conditions preventing, with some excep- tions, the application of water-powered mills,. The strict control of the right to

Pfennigsschuldbuch der Komturei Christburg, hg. u. bearb. v. H. Wunder, Köln–Ber- lin 1969, p. 92. 49 HKS no. 171, p. 179–180. 50 A private windmill was also in the possession of Chełmno and Grudziądz (in Za- jączkowo Wielkie). In the latter case, it was purchased from the city by the Teutonic Order in 1447. 51 HKS, no. 118, p. 132. 52 “sal nicht vorkoyfft werden ane wyssenheit des rothis, so das sie mogen und wellen derkennen, ab der koyffer eben und der stad nuttze ist vor iren tzins und gewyes”, HKS, no. 171, p. 179–180. 53 GStA PK, OF 97, f. 92v; W. Długokęcki, Z dziejów młynarstwa, p. 55. Windmills in the dominion of the Teutonic Order in Prussia… 227

build and operate windmills, just as in the case of watermills, was intended to ensure their optimum use. The state control of production indirectly guaranteed its profitability. The varying amounts of rent due were, on the other hand, related above all to the estimated amount of grain and malt milled annually. Moreover, the owners and millers working at windmills could count on additional support, in the form of free-of-charge construction wood, required for the maintenance and repair of their machines. The authorities also provided agency services in purchasing millstones. This situation did not undergo any major changes in the second half of the 15th c., though in Chełmno Land, in the wake of the Thirteen Years’ War, some watermills were not rebuilt, but replaced with windmills, operated by private owners for their own needs.54 At that time, the use of windmills to power drainage facilities in the Żuławy area had not been known yet. However, this later became, and continued to be until the 20th century, a hallmark of the local landscape.

Appendix: List of windmills in the Dominion of the Teutonic Order in Prussia in 14th–15th century55

– Bałga/Balga Commandry: Głębock/Tiefensee (1437) – Bierzgłowo/Birgelau Commandry: Bierzgłowo/Birgelau (15th c.) – Bishopric of Chełmno/Culm: two windmills in Wąbrzeźno/Briesen (1414) – Chełmża/Culmsee Chapter: Chełmża/Culmsee (1381) – Człuchów/Schlochau Commandry: two windmills in Chojnice/Konitz (1377), Człuchów/Schlochau (15th c.), Pawłówko/Pagelkau (1425) Rychnowy/Richnau (1379) – Dzierzgoń/Christburg Commandry: Dobrzyki/Weinsdorf (1437, 1461), Krzyżano- wo/Notzendorf (1407), Stary Dzierzgoń/Alt Christburg (1383), Zalewo/Saalfeld (1451) – Elbląg/Elbing Commandry: Fiszewo/Fischau (1402), Kmiecin/Fürstenau (1406), Królewo (1426), Nowa Wieś /Neuendorf (1402), Wilczęta/Deutschendorf (1469) – Gdańsk/Danzig Commandry: Łeba/Lebe (about 1400), two windmills in Puck/ Putzig (15th c.)

54 In the Chełmno Province, in 1570, there were new windmills recorded in the following localities: Bajerze, Szymborno, Głążewo, Raciniewo, Turzno, Dźwierzno, Wronie, Skłudzewo, Gierkowo, Brąchnówko whereas in the Malbork Province, in 1582. Lich- nówki, Jeziernik, Niedźwiedzica and Lobostein see R. Kubicki, Młynarstwo w pań- stwie zakonu, p. 308–309. 55 Historical administrative affiliation: Polish/German name, sometimes Russian/Polish/ German name, in parentheses the date of first mention. 228 Rafał Kubicki

– Królewiec/Königsberg Commandry: Lochstädt (1423), Marschalskoe/Gallgarben (1406), Pridoroznoe/Kirschappen (1398) – Malbork/Marienburg Commandry56: Boręty/Barendt (1453), Bronowo/Brunau (1404), Cedry Wielkie/Groß Zünder (after 1410), Dąbrowa/Damerau (1404), Drewni- ca/Schönbaum (1400), Falkenberg, Kiezmark/Käsemark (1427), Kończewice/Kunzen- dorf (1402), Koźliny/Güttland (after 1410), two windmills in Lasowice Wielkie/Groß Lesewitz (1407, 1440), Leklowy/Lecklau (1391), Leszkowy/Letzkau (after 1410), Leśno- wo/Reimerswalde (1441), Lipinka/Lindenau (1396), Mątowy/Klein Montau (1404), Mikoszewo/Nickelswalde (1400), Nowa Kościelnica/Neu Münsterberg (1417), two windmills in Nowy Staw/Neuteich (1402, 1440), Palczewo/Palschau (1399), Pręgowo Żuławskie/Prangenau (1408), Stara Kościelnica/Alt Münsterberg (1396), Stara Wisła/ Alt Weichsel (1450), Steblewo/Stüblau (1400), Subkowy/Subkau (1402–1409) Szawałd/ Schadwalde (1401), Sztum/Stuhm (1447), Tuja/Tiege (1404), Widowo Żuławskie/Wie- dau (1401), Wocławy/Wotzlaff (after 1410), Żelichowo/Petershagen (1400) – Nieszawa Commandry: Murzynno/Groß Morin (1404) –Pokarmin/Brandenburg Commandry: Uschakowo/Pokarmin/Brandenburg (1425), Wessjoloe/Bandismole/Brandenburg Unterflecken (1447) – Pomezania/Pomesanien Chapter: Łęgowo/Langenau (1377), Nipkowo/Gross Nipkau (1399), Różnowo/Rosenau (1394) – Radzyń/Rehden Commandry: two windmills in Radzyń Chełmiński/Rehden (1449) – Ragneta/Ragnit Commandry: Polessk/Labiawa/Labiau (1430) – Rogoźno/Roggenhausen Advocacy (Vogtei): Książki/Groß Ksionsken (1425), Trzciano/Trzianno (1419), Wielkie Zajączkowo/Groß Sanskau (1447) – Sambia/Samland Chapter: Primorsk/Fischhausen (1337) – Starogród/Althaus Commandry: Chełmno/Culm (1443), Kiełp/Kielp (1438), Starogród/Althaus (1442) – Tczew/Dirschau Advocacy (Vogtei): Miłobądz/Mühlbanz (1402–1409), Nowe nad Wisłą/Neuenburg (1437), Różyny/Rosenberg (1404), Subkowy/Subkau (1402–1409) – Toruń/Thorn Commandry: Kowróz/Kowros (1453), Mlewo (1407), Świętosław (1418), Unisław/Wenzlau (1384) – Tuchola/Tuchel Commandry: first windmill in Lichnowy/Lichnau (1405), second or the same windmill in Lichnowy/Lichnau (1420) – Bishopric of Warmia/Ermland: Wilczkowo/Wolfsdorf (1379), Wozławki/Wuslack (1380)

56 A windmill probably operated also in Pierzchowice/Portschweiten (1411) see A. Semrau, Die Orte und Fluren im ehemaligen Gebiet Stuhm und Waldamt Boenhof (Komturei Marienburg), “Mitteilungen des Coppernicus-Vereins für Wissenschaft und Kunst zu Thorn”, 36, 1928, p. 121. Windmills in the dominion of the Teutonic Order in Prussia… 229

Streszczenie

Wiatraki w Państwie Zakonu Krzyżackiego w Prusach w XIV i 1. połowie XV wieku

Jedną z ważnych zmian, jaka dokonała się w średniowieczu w organizacji oraz funkcjonowaniu życia wiejskiego i rzemiosła miejskiego, było upowszechnie- nie urządzeń napędzanych energią wodną, w tym przede wszystkim młyna wodnego, służącego nie tylko do przemiału zboża i słodu, surowców niezbęd- nych w przygotowaniu podstawowych produktów spożywczych: chleba i piwa.

Podobny proces miał miejsce odnośnie zastosowania w średniowieczu wiatra- ków, urządzeń przemiałowych napędzanych energią wiatru, również znanych już wcześniej. Wiatraki jako urządzenia przemiałowe napędzane siłą wiatru pełniły w państwie zakonu krzyżackiego zasadniczo jedynie rolę pomocniczą względem młynów wodnych. Wyjątkiem od tej reguły była sytuacja panująca na terenie Żuław (w komturstwie malborskim), co wynikało z lokalnych warun- ków wodnych, w praktyce uniemożliwiających, poza wyjątkami, zastosowanie młynów napędzanych energią wodną. Ścisła kontrola prawa do budowy i użytkowania wiatraków, podobnie jak w przypadku młynów wodnych, mia- ła na celu optymalne ich wykorzystanie. Sprawując kontrolę nad tą dziedziną produkcji przetwórczej, gwarantowano też pośrednio jej opłacalność. Zróż- nicowana wysokość płaconego czynszu była zaś związana przede wszystkim z szacunkową ilością mielonego rocznie zboża i słodu. Właściciele i młynarze pracujący w wiatrakach mogli ponadto liczyć na dodatkowe wsparcie w postaci darmowego drewna budowlanego potrzebnego do konserwacji i naprawy swych urządzeń. Władza pośredniczyła też w nabywaniu kamieni młyńskich.

Obraz ten w drugiej połowie XV w. nie uległ większym zmianom, choć w ziemi chełmińskiej po zniszczeniach powstałych w okresie wojny trzynastoletniej części młynów wodnych nie odbudowano, lecz zastąpiono wiatrakami pracują- cymi na potrzeby własne prywatnych właścicieli. W tym czasie nie odnotowano natomiast jeszcze stosowania wiatraków do napędzania urządzeń odwadnia- jących tereny Żuław, które w późniejszym czasie stały się charakterystycznym elementem krajobrazu, pełniąc swą rolę aż do początku XX w. Figure 1. ”The Siege of Malbork” (painted about 1480)

Figure 2. Selected sections of the images ”The Siege of Malbork” (painted about 1480) WATERMILLS AND WINDMILLS IN THE DOMINION OF TEUTONIC ORDER mentioned till the year 1454 WATERMILL WINDMILL Map 1. Map VISTULA BALTIC SEA GDAÑSK COMMANDRY Mikoszewo Jantar Wiœlinka SCHADELAKE Bogatka Przemys³aw Wiœlina Koszwa³y Drewnica VISTULA LAGOON Woc³awy ¯u³awki ELBL¥G’S VISTULA B³otnik Cedry Ma³e Bronowo Bystra Tujsk Mi³ocin Szkarpawa MOT£A Cedry Wielkie NiedŸwiedzica Kiezmark Truntowy W Tujce Nowa Koœcielnica A Leszkowy Grabiny Zameczek A ¯elichowo Ostaszewo AW Ostrowite D³ugie Pole Osice LIN Leœnowo Jeziernik Suchy D¹b Or³owo VISTULA Dziewiêæ Lubieszewo W³ók Kmiecin Steblewo Gniazdowo Krzywe Ko³o Tuja TURychnowyGA Nowa Cerkiew Brzózki KoŸliny Prêgowo ¯u³. Myszewko Palczewo Mirowo Marynowy ELBL¥G Stawiec Nidowo Borêty NOWY STAW Lubstowo J. Dru¿no Parszewo ELBL¥G Borêty Drugie Chlebówka Myszewo Trepnowy COMMANDRY D¹browa Œwierki T Laski Lipinka Widowo Lichnowy Wlk. Tropiszewo Dêbina ¯u³awskie Lichnówki NOGA Tralewo Pó³mieœcie Lisewo Mart¹g Z¹browo TCZEW Lasowice Staryna Stara Wis³a Tragamin Kaczy Szawa³d Nos Fiszewo TCZEW Koñczewice Szymankowo Koœcieleczki Janówka A Stare Pole ADVOCACY T Kamienice Gnojewo Ka³dowo M³yn Królewo Leklowy Krzy¿anowo S³odowy Bystrze ŒWIÊMALBORK Krasno³êka Stara Koœcielnica K³awki Gorzêdziej Klecie TINA Bronis³awie M³yn Œredni Parwark M³yn Piekarski Malewo Mi³oradz Grobelno T Dolna Lasy Jasna Nowa M¹towy Wlk. Kraœniewo Wielbark £oza Dorrenfelde Wieœ NOGA Y DZIERZGOÑ COMM M¹towy M³. Landmel D¹brówka AR Szropy Goœciszewo ST Malborska Pogorza³a Gronajny £abuñ Gintro Sadlno Koniecwa³d Koœlinka Telkwice Jurkowice Ig³y Miedzy³ê¿ ANDR Garc Uœnice Ka³wa Y Pietrzwa³d

Walichnowy Barlewice Klecewo Stary Targ DZIERZGOÑ SZTUM Mleczewo Zajezierze Górki Czernin K¹tki Tulice Sztumska Wieœ Szpitalna Cygusy Nowy Targ Benowo Wieœ Ramzy Ko³oz¹b WINDMILLS Krastudy Nowa Wieœ Sad³uki Borowy Cierpiêta IN THE ¯U£AWY GNIEW Postolin DURING THE FIRST HALF M³yn Mirowice COMMANDRY Pu³kowice OF THE 15TH CENTURY Polaszki Miko³ajki Linki Ryjewo M¹tki Pomorskie Borders of Malbork Pierzchowice Commandry VISTULA Klecewo Watkowice Wilczewo Villages Folwarks (Vorwerks)/towns Straszewo Watermill T Trzciano Windmill A Windmill ? Laski Advocacy (Vogtei) NOG Drawn by BISHOPRIC OF POMESANIA R. Kubicki Forests

Map 2. Jakub Rogulski Jagiellonian University

Demonstration of power and importance of Lithuanian Dukes in the late Middle Ages1

In the second half of the 14th century in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania there lived many dukes. This was a result of two factors. Firstly, the Grand Dukes of Lithuania, Gediminas (died 1341) and Algirdas (died 1377), had numerous sons and grandsons, who were the representatives of the Gediminid dynasty. Secondly, in the Lithuanian state there were numerous dukes coming from other local dynasties: Lithuanian, Ruthenian or even Tartar.2 They became subjects of the Lithuanian rulers of their own will or as a result of conquest. It is estimated that in the 15th century in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania there lived up to 80 ducal families.3

1 The following paper is only the presentation I delivered at the conference Origines et mutationes circa principio Mare Balticum: Exchange and Power around the Baltic Sea Region up to Industrial Age in Pruszcz Gdański on the 4th of September 2015. The extended and completed version of this was published under the title: Titles, Seals and Coats of Arms as Symbols of Power and Importance of the Lithuanian Dukes before the Union of Lublin in the journal „Zapiski Historyczne”, 82, 2017, p. 97–129. 2 Such division was introduced by: J. Wolff,Kniaziowie litewsko-ruscy od końca czterna- stego wieku, Warszawa 1895, reprint 1994, p. XXI. 3 L. Korczak, Monarcha i poddani. System władzy w Wielkim Księstwie Litewskim w okresie wczesnojagiellońskim, Kraków 2008, p. 60. In the 16th century the number of Lithuanian dukes slightly decreased to about 50–60 families: N. Yakovenko, Ukray- ins’ka shlyakhta z kintsya XIV do seredyny XVII stolittya. Volyn i Tsentral’na Ukrayina, Kyyiv 2008, p. 103. 234 Jakub Rogulski

In the paper, attention will be drawn to the demonstration of the power and importance of the Gediminas’ offspring. This choice is justified by the fact that these dukes were members of the ruling dynasty. Therefore, they played an especially important role in the political life of the Lithuanian state in the Late Middle Ages. It is seen most clearly in the 14th century, when the Gediminids ruled in their own duchies, forming part of the Lithuanian state.4 In that period, they created a strict power elite, supported (sometimes competed with) Lithuanian monarchs and signed the most important international treaties.5 In the first half of the following century the importance of many Gediminids decreased. They lost their duchies and in fact they became privileged Lithuanian landowners. On the other hand, they acquired a special social status, called status ducalis, and joined the separate and exclusive ducal stratum: ordo ducum.6 Despite this kind of “declassing”, the Gediminids remained significant and until the end of the 15th century they played an important role in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.7 The power and importance of Lithuanian dukes were manifested mainly by titles, seals and coats of arms. They contained a number of symbolic signs,8 which could clearly represent ducal dignity and authority, an important political role and a high social rank. In this way, they could create a propaganda image. Currently, the Lithuanian dukes’ titles, seals and emblems can be found on documents which have survived to the present times in quite large

4 H. Łowmiański, Uwagi w sprawie podłoża społecznego i gospodarczego unii jagielloń- skiej, [in:] Księga pamiątkowa ku uczczeniu czterechsetnej rocznicy wydania I Statutu Litewskiego, ed. S. Ehrenkreutz, Wilno 1935, p. 226; L. Korczak, op. cit., p. 53–57. 5 J. Wolff, op. cit., p. XX; L. Korczak, op. cit., p. 62–74. 6 More can be learnt about the formation and position of the Lithuanian ducal stratum in the 15th century from: W. Kamieniecki, Społeczeństwo litewskie w XV wieku, War szawa 1947, p. 50‒51; J. Suchocki, Początki narodu politycznego w Wielkim Księstwie Litewskim późnego średniowiecza, “Zapiski Historyczne”, 48, 1983, p. 36‒42; L. Korczak, op. cit., p. 57–61. 7 More can be learnt about the social notion of ducal authority in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania from: N. Yakovenko, op. cit., p. 80. 8 A symbol is here understood in a way proposed by Charles Sanders Peirce, i.e. a material object which stands for or suggests something else (another object, idea, meaning, belief, action, etc.) only on the basis of social convention, in contrast to the iconic sign based on similarity, and the indexical sign based on material contact (Ch.S. Peirce, The Essential Peirce: Selected Philosophical Writings, Bloomington 1998, p. 8). As this kind of sign will be the main subject of analysis, the word ‘symbol’ will be further used interchangeably with the word ‘sign’. Demonstration of the power and importance… 235

numbers.9 This enables us to choose the most interesting examples in order to analyse main functions, symbolic meanings and propaganda content. The analysis of the symbols of power and importance should start from the title. As mentioned before, in the 14th century many Gediminids had their own duchies which were parts of the Lithuanian state. The ducal titles, which these dukes used, were represented their power which had a political and territorial dimension. One of the most famous Lithuanian dukes of that period, Vytautas (died 1430), should be taken as a first example. In a document from 1387, when he was the ruler of Grodno and Brest, he called himself: “Nos Alexander alias Witoldus, Dei Gracia, dux brestensis et haradiensis etc.”10 As can be seen, his ducal title was composed of three parts: the first was a nomen, i.e. name: “Alexander alias Witoldus”; the second was a formula devotionis: “Dei Gracia” (by the Grace of God), and the last part, a titulum, which can be defined as the title proper: “dux brestensis et haradiensis”.11 Regarding the manifestation of power and importance, the last two parts had a particular meaning. Firstly, a formula devotionis: it was used by sovereign rulers as a sign that their authority comes directly from God. Thus, this formula signified that Vytautas had in his duchies the same power as others sovereign rulers in Europe, although he was bound to obey the grand duke of Lithuania as his overlord. In connection with formula devotionis, the last part of Vytautas’ title, the title proper: “dux brestensis et haradiensis”, served to specify the scope of his ducal power. Since Vytautas was a ruler of Brest and Grodno, his power extended to the area of those two provinces. The ducal titles, which consisted of these three parts, were used by all Gediminids, who received their own duchy to rule. It is easy to find other ex-

9 Numerous titles, seals and coats of arms of the Lithuanian Dukes have already been published in a number of works, particularly in: Codex epistolaris Vitoldi Magni Ducis Lithuaniae 1476–1430, ‘Monumenta medii aevii historica res gestas Poloniae illustrantia’, vol. VI, ed. A. Prochaska, Kraków 1882; Archiwum XX. Sanguszków Lubar- towiczów w Sławucie, ed. Z.L. Radzimiński, B. Gorczak, vol. I–VII , Lwów 1887–1910; Akta unii Polski z Litwą 1385–1791, eds. S. Kutrzeba, W. Semkowicz, Kraków 1932; M. Gumowski, Pieczęcie książąt litewskich, “Ateneum Wileńskie”, 7, 1930, p. 684–672; J. Puzyna, Niektóre pieczęcie litewskie z XVI i XVII wieku, “Miesięcznik Heraldyczny”, 12, 1933; Dokumenty strony polsko-litewskiej pokoju mełneńskiego z 1422 roku, eds. P. Nowak, P. Pokora, Poznań 2004; O. Odnorozhenko, Rus’ki korolivs’ki, gospodars’ki ta kniazivs’ki peczatki XIII–XVI st., Kharkiv 2009. 10 Codex epistolaris Vitoldi…, op. cit., no. 35, p. 132. 11 Such parts of ducal titles were pointed out by A. Świeżawski, Tytulatura ruska książąt mazowieckich, Warszawa 1994, p. 7–8. 236 Jakub Rogulski amples of such titles.12 However, this title was not only a sign of political subjectivity, but also of their great role in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It was due to the fact that in the 14th century the management of this very extensive state was based on provinces ruled by dukes. Therefore, the group of dukes who had their own provinces created the strict power elite of the state. In the light of evidence they were designated as seniors duces Lithuanie.13 The ducal titles can be considered to be an indicator of political power and importance of Lithuanian dukes at that time.14 At the turn of the 14th and 15th centuries, most of the Gedminids’ duchies were abolished by grand dukes, who aimed to consolidate and centralise their state. As a result, many dukes lost their political power and in fact became the Lithuanian landowners. How did this affect their titles? This time, the title of Duke Sangushko (d. 1454/1463), the son of Fyodor Olgerdovich, should be chosen for analysis. It can be found in a document from 1433. The title is as follows: “Nos dux Sanguschco”.15 Comparing this title with the ones discussed before, it is easy to see that Duke Sangushko did not use the formula devotionis and titulum, which were the sign of political subjectivity. Moreover, his ducal title is located in another place, before the name of the duke. It comes as no surprise. Duke Sangushko, in contrast to his father Fyodor, who ruled in the Rathno duchy, did not have his own province anymore. It meant that Sangushko became one of the Lithuanian landowners, and his authority lost any political dimension. Although he was still a duke, it was only because he was born as the son of another duke and

12 See: Codex epistolaris Vitoldi…, op. cit., no. 24, p. 8–9; Archiwum Sanguszków…, op. cit., vol. I, no. 29, p. 28. 13 Such a term emerged in the document of Kęstutis from 1358: “ceterorumque seniorum ducum eciam Lythwanie” (Kodeks dyplomatyczny Księstwa Mazowieckiego, ed. J. Lubo mirski, Warszawa 1863, no. 80, p. 73). Although it is very difficult to determine which given dukes were designated in this way (J. Suchocki, Początki narodu politycznego…, p. 36–42 attempted to do this, but failed, see: L. Korczak, Monarcha i poddani…, op. cit., p. 59), undoubtedly, the most powerful group of Lithuanian dukes in the fourteenth century must have included possessors of particular duchies. 14 It seems that the habit of using two names by Lithuanian dukes, which can be observed in many other examples, also served to demonstrate their power and importance. The usage of the pagan name could express an attachment to the Lithuanian origin and tradition, which was important for the local subjects, while the Christian name could create an image of a modern European ruler, which was significant in international politics. Detailed research on this subject requires the analysis of a number of documents, but this is beyond the scope of this paper. 15 The Princes Czartoryski Library in Krakow, the Parchment no. 389. Demonstration of the power and importance… 237

thus he had dynastic origins. Therefore, the shift of the ducal title from the titulum part before the name of the duke should be recognized as a result of the “declassing”. It was a sign of a new social position of Lithuanian dukes. Despite the loss of political subjectivity, the Gediminids remained very important dukes. They still played an outstanding role in the political and social life of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the 15th century. They had remarkable prestige, as they had created a separate and exclusive ducal stratum, up- permost in the Lithuanian society. No one else could enter this stratum. For example, the powerful Radziwiłł Family, who in the first half of the 16th century received a ducal title from Holy Roman Emperors, still remained lords (panowie), not dukes.16 To sum up, the ducal title, which was used by the Gediminids in that period, expressed a highly privileged social position and significance. The second sign of the power and importance was a ducal seal. The seal could express the propaganda content in two basic ways. Firstly, by a text – a legend placed in a rim of the seal – and secondly, by an image set in its central part.. Generally, the legend contained the ducal titles, which were analysed before. Therefore, the attention will paid to seal images. Their role was to complete the inscription in a graphic way, showing a figure or the symbol of the seal owner. The seal images were well-thought-out and contained the most important message for their users.17 What can be seen on the seals of Lithuanian dukes in the Late Middle Ages? A seal of Duke Vytautas should be taken as an example again. This time the seal of this duke comes from the early 1380s, when Vytautas was the ruler of Trakai (figure 1). This is one of the oldest known seals of a Lithuanian duke.18 As can be seen, the seal is round, the diameter has 45 millimeters. The seal shows a knight on horseback, riding to the left (this means the heraldic side); the knight has an armour and a pointed helmet and in his right hand he holds

16 This can be observed in the document of king Sigismund Augustus from 1558, where Mikołaj “the Black” Radziwiłł was called: “пан Миколай Радивил”: Archiwum San- guszków…, op. cit., vol. VII, no. 45, p. 41. 17 See methodological considerations about historical value of seals in Z. Piech, Ikono- grafia pieczęci Piastów, Kraków 1993, p. 7–15. 18 The seal was published in many works, among them see: F. Piekosiński, Pieczęcie polskie wieków średnich, vol. I, Doba Piastowska, Kraków 1899, no. 571, p. 282–283; M. Gumowski, op. cit., p. 717–718, figure no. VI, 41; W. Semkowicz, Sfragistyka Witoł- da, “Wiadomości numizmatyczno-archeologiczne”, 13, 1931, p. 75; O. Odnorozhenko, op. cit., no. 672, p. 175, figure on p. 310. 238 Jakub Rogulski

a sword, raised for a blow. In a seal rim there is a Latin inscription in majuscule Gothic letters: SIGILUM WITAWT(is) DVCIS TRACKEN(sis) (et)c. The considerable size and visible minuteness leave no doubt that we are dealing with a portrait of the duke. Vytautas decided to present himself as an equestrian knight ready to fight an enemy. This way of self-presentation was very popular among medieval rulers. It was due to the symbols which were in the equestrian image.19 A knight on horseback, in armour, charging and attacking an invisible enemy was a symbol of an ideal monarch, who can defend his subjects effectively. In turn, expressiveness and intensity of the image shows ruler’s combat readiness and high fighting ability. These were among the most desirable qualities of a good sovereign in the Middle Ages. This is why the monarchs of that time preferred to exhibit themselves as warriors on horseback, ready to reach for a weapon. This kind of seal, referred to as the equestrian seal, was used also by the Grand Dukes of Lithuania in the second half of the 14th century, Algirdas and his son Jogaila. Therefore, Vytautas’ seal, which we are analysing, was a very expressive way to manifest his power and importance. Firstly, it was to depict Vytautas as an ideal ruler, effective defender of his duchy and subjects. The seal -in formed that he had political authority in his duchy, and the legend specified that it was about the duchy of Trakai. At the same time, the seal was a sign of remarkable importance of Vytautas in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The same iconographic type as the one used by the grand dukes indicated that Vytautas belonged to the strict power elite in this state. It is confirmed by other facts. In the 1380s, other Lithuanian dukes also started to use equestrian seals, for example Skirgaila (d. 1394), Kaributas (d. 1404) and Lengvenis (d. 1431).20 They were Gediminids and played an important political role in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania as rulers of individual provinces and grand dukes’ associates (or rivals). Therefore, it seems that the equestrian seal could act as a sign of seniores duces Lithuaniae. However, not all Lithuanian dukes could use the equestrian seal. Espe- cially, we can observe this in the first half of the 15th century, when more and more dukes were deprived of their own duchies, losing some political

19 More about the symbolic meaning of the equestrian image can be learnt from: Z. Piech, op. cit., p. 41 and ff. 20 See the equestrian seals of these dukes published in: M. Gumowski, Pieczęcie książąt… op. cit., p. 703–704, 706, 713, figure no. V, 35, VI, 39 and O. Odnorozhenko, op. cit., no. 503, 507, p. 143–144, figure on p. 289. Demonstration of the power and importance… 239

importance. These dukes were forced to choose other images for seals, which would be their symbols and would represent their position. Many dukes started to use simplified geometrical signs, very similar to ones, which were very popular among Polish and Lithuanian nobility. We can see this in the case of such Gediminids as: Ivan Andrejevich (died about 1437), Fyodor Korybutovich (died 1440/1447), Alexander (Olelka) Vladimirovich (d. 1454) (figure 2), Ivan Vladimirovich (d. 1452) or Andrej Vladimirovich (d. 1457).21 The seals implied that these dukes could accept their new social status and resigned from demonstrating ducal dignity and authority, at least through the seals. But there were also those dukes, who disagreed with the “declassing” and still thought of themselves as very important figures, having supreme ducal authority. These dukes used very interesting seals, which often aimed to propagate not only their importance, but also political ambitions. An example of such images could be found on the seals of above-mentioned Duke Sangushko (figure 3) and his sons Alexander (d. 1491) and Mikhailo (d. 1511). Sangushko’s seal comes from 1430s, is round and has 30 millimeters in diameter.22 Although the seal is preserved in bad condition, we can see a warrior holding a spear and a shield who fights with a wild animal. Moreover, when we look carefully, we will see that the warrior has wings and there is a shape around his head, resembling a halo. This indicates that Sangushko’s seal depicts a holy warrior, who defeats a dragon. Since the warrior has wings, it must be the archangel Michael.23 It is known that Duke Sangushko especially worshipped this saint.24 Thus, we are dealing with the hagiographic seal, which shows the holy patron of the owner.

21 See the seals with the geometric signs of these dukes published in: M. Gumowski, op. cit., p. 691, 697, 695, 699, figure no. I, 2–4, II, 11, IX, 65, 67; and O. Odnorozhenko, op. cit., no. 452–456, 510–511, p. 132–133, 145, figure on p. 281 289. See also numerous other examples of such seals belonging to other Lithuanian dukes (non-Gediminids) published in: O. Odnorozhenko, op. cit., passim. 22 Sangushko’s seal survived to the present times on the document from 1433 (The Princes Czartoryski Library in Krakow, the Parchment no. 389). See also: M. Gumowski, Pieczęcie książąt…, p. 28, figure no. VIII, 50; O. Odnorozhenko, op. cit., no. 281, p. 105, figure on p. 256 (the figure is very indistinct). 23 This is confirmed by the icons published in: J. Kłosińska,Ikony , “Muzeum Narodowe w Krakowie. Katalogi zbiorów”, vol. I, Kraków 1973, p. 152–162, 209–211. 24 Sangushko’s posterity had a hereditary right of patronage of the monastery of Saint Michael in Volodymyr-Volynskyi (this can be learnt from a document from 1502: Archiwum Sanguszków…, op. cit., vol. I, p. 148) and that in the first generations of this family the name “Michael” occurred quite often (e.g. “Michael” was a name of San- gushko’s youngest son and eldest grandson). 240 Jakub Rogulski

In what way could the hagiographic seal manifest power and importance? Firstly, the very choice of archangel Michael as a holy patron was an effective way to express authority, since this saint was very popular among European rulers and knights. Great devotion to the saint who defeated Satan himself was to secure victory and safety for the ruler and his people.25 However, to analyse the propaganda content of the objects fully, functions of this very iconographic type must be taken into account. It turns out that hagiographic seals occur very rarely among Lithuanian dukes. Apart from the seals of Sangushko and his sons we know only one more hagiographic seal, which belonged to Duke Alexander Koryatowicz (died about 1382) and presented Saint George.26 In turn, the holy images were very popular on the seals of Ruthenian dukes from the 11th to the 13th century, who ruled the duchies before the conquest of the grand dukes of Lithuania.27 The seals of many Ruthenian dukes presented a holy person in fight, mostly they were holy warriors such as saints Teodor Tyron, George, Demetrius of Thessaloniki, and also Michael. This meant that Sangushko used the iconographic type which was closely associated with Ruthenian monarchs. The best evidence of this is the seal of Grand Duke of Moscow Ivan III from the end of the 15th century, which presented Saint George.28 Considering that Sangushko and his sons had their domains in Vol- hynia, one of the former Ruthenian duchies, the hagiographic seal had to be a very expressive way to manifest ducal dignity and authority. At this point, the equestrian seals should be recalled. Since the end of the 14th century, these seals had already started to change significantly. Firstly, the seal size decreased to about 30 millimetres, and consequently, the image lost distinct features of a portrait and became very schematic. This can be observed on the seals of Roman Fyodorovich (died 1431) and Sigismund Kęs- tutaitis (d. 1440).29 Moreover, seals emerged on which the equestrian knight was presented on a heraldic shield. These belonged to Alexander Wigunt

25 More can be learnt from: B. Modzelewska, M. Straszewicz, Michał Archanioł, vol. II: Kult, [in:] Encyklopedia katolicka, vol. X, Lublin 2008, p. 806–807. 26 This seal was published in: M. Gumowski, op. cit., p. 689, figure no. VIII, 52; O. Odno- rozhenko, op. cit., p. 87, figure on p. 242. 27 W.Ł. Janin, Aktowyje pieczati, vol. I, Pieczati X–naczala XIII w., Moskwa 1970, passim; vol. II, Nowgorodskie pieczati XIII–XV ww., “Nauka”, 1970, passim. 28 N.A. Soboliewa, Russkie pieczati, „Nauka”, 1991, 38, p. 157–158. 29 The seals of the dukes were published in: M. Gumowski, op. cit., p. 710, 724, figure no. VIII, 53, 57; and O. Odnorozhenko, op. cit., no. 476, p. 138, figure on p. 284 (the figure is indistinct). Demonstration of the power and importance… 241

(died 1392), Švitrigaila (died 1452), Alexander Ivanovich Nos (d. about 1435) (figure 4).30 The images from these seals can hardly be regarded as a portrait of an owner. All these indicate that the image of the equestrian knight started to be perceived not as a portrait of a duke but as his heraldic badge. Although these badges could be slightly different to each other in terms of the knight’s movement, the motion of the horse or the kind of weapon in the hand of the knight, undoubtedly we are dealing with the one emblem which was still at the formative stage. Therefore, the seals of some Lithuanian dukes from the turn of the 14th and 15th centuries seem to represent the coat of arms which was later called Pogoń. The coat of armsPogoń is the next symbol to be discussed. It was a very important sign of power and importance. This was due to the fact that Pogoń was the coat of arm of the whole Grand Duchy of Lithuania, so it was used mainly by the grand dukes as a sign of their power and the state. The coat of arm had been created as early as in the 1380s by the king Władysław II Jagiełło.31 For the first time we can see Pogoń on his majestic seal from 1387, where it clearly serves as an emblem of the Lithuanian state. From that time onwards, Pogoń was used by all grand dukes of Lithuania, until the collapse of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the eighteenth century. At the same time, Pogoń started to be used in the third function: it became a territorial coat of arms of the Vilnius Land, and later other Lithuanian lands.32 However, it was not only grand dukes who used this coat of arm. As was seen, in the first half of the 15th century Pogoń was adopted by some Lithuanian dukes. This was possible, because the grand (or supreme) dukes of Lithuania, as disposers of the emblem, could allow others to use it. For example, in 1442, three dukes Czartoryski received such a permission from king Władysław III of Varna.33 As can be learnt from this document, the king allowed them to use the emblem only for life. Thus,Pogoń on the seals of the Lithuanian dukes was their personal coat of arm, and their offspring could not use it without another permission. But it is clear that the royal

30 The seals of the dukes were published in: M. Gumowski, op. cit., p. 690–691, figure no. VIII, 54; O. Odnorozhenko, op. cit., no. 470, 480, 602, p. 161, 138, figure on p. 284, 302. 31 More about origin of Pogoń can be learnt in: Z. Piech, Monety, pieczęcie i herby w systemie symboli władzy Jagiellonów, Warszawa 2003, p. 227–229. 32 S.K. Kuczyński, Polskie herby ziemskie. Geneza, treści, funkcje, Warszawa 1993. 33 The Princes Czartoryski Library in Krakow as Deposit no. 1. The document was also cited in many Old-Polish chronicles and armorials, e. g. in: B. Paprocki, Herby rycerstwa polskiego, Kraków 1584, ed. K.J. Turowski, Kraków 1858, p. 828–829. 242 Jakub Rogulski permission for Pogoń was a way to distinguish and reward those dukes, who were especially important and meritorious for the monarch and state. The presence of such an important coat of arm on the seals of Lithuanian dukes expressed their remarkable prestige or significance. In the second half of the 15th and the beginning of the following century, Pogoń ceased to be the coat of arms of Lithuanian dukes. None of the ducal seals known from this period presented Pogoń.34 This should be explained by the fact that during the time the position and role of Lithuanian dukes were weakening more and more. This applied particularly to the Gedmin- ids who had ceased to be perceived as representatives of the ruling dynasty. At the same time, Pogoń became the dynastic emblem of the Jagiellonian dynasty.35 But in the 1530s, such ducal houses as Sangushkovich (figure 5), Czartoryski and Olelkovich-Slutski, who were closely related to that dynasty, adopted Pogoń again, this time as their family emblem.36 ThusPogoń started serving to symbolize that these families were descended from Gediminas and shared ties of kinship with the Jagiellonians. By using the coat of arms, they demonstrated their great ancestral splendour, which put them above the rest of the Lithuanian dukes and nobility. This was supported by a symbolic meaning of Pogoń. According to the heraldic legend, the coat of arms was

34 None of the ducal seals from that period were published by: M. Gumowski, op. cit., passim, and O. Odnorozhenko, op. cit., passim, presents the coats of arms Pogoń, except for the one which was to be used by Duke Semen Aleksandrovich Czartoryski in 1493. This seal was published by O. Odnorozhenko, op. cit., no. 438, figure on p. 279, but this must be a mistake. The document which was cited by the researcher, parchment no. 6732 in Central Archives of Historical Records in Warsaw does not in fact contain any seal (only a trace of the seal can be seen). 35 Z. Piech, op. cit., p. 237. 36 The oldest known seals depictingPogoń as the coat of arms of a ducal family belong to the House of Sanguszkovich, and they come from 1530s (National Archive in Krakow, Archive of the House of Sanguszko, Teki rzymskie III/16, p. 61, IV/42, p. 133; Cent- ral Archive of Historical Records in Warsaw, parch. 4800; see also: O. Odnorozhenko, Rus’ki koroliws’ki…, no. 263, 284, 286, p. 102, 105–106). In the Houses of Czartoryski the oldest known seals with Pogoń come from 1547 (National Archive in Krakow, Archive of the House of Sanguszko, teki rzymskie VI/51, VI/43; see also: O. Odnorozhenko, op. cit., no. 246, 439, p. 99, 130). In the House of Olelkovich the oldest seals are known only from 1550s (Central Archive of Historical Rercord, parch. 7737; see also: O. Odnorozhenko, op. cit., no. 482, p. 139, figure on p. 285). In other Lithuanian families which originated from Gediminas Pogoń emerged much later, only after the Union of Lublin (see the seals of the Korecki and Proński houses published in: O. Odnorozhenko, op. cit., p. 103–104, 177–179). Therefore, attention will continue to focus on those families which started to use Pogoń in the first half of the 16th century. Demonstration of the power and importance… 243 created by Lithuanian mythical ruler Narimantas to signify a mature ruler capable of defending his homeland with a sword.37 The knight who adorned the emblem of Pogoń still acted as a symbolic image of its user. In this way, Lithuanian dukes who used this emblem were perceived as natural leaders of their people and provinces. Pogoń suggested that they deserved to have power and great significance due to their origin and royal kinship. To conclude the paper, in the late Middle Ages the titles, seals and coats of arms were precise indicators of power and importance of the Lithuanian dukes. In that period, the position and role of these dukes changed significantly: from the rulers of individual duchies they became Lithuanian landowners. The illustrations of all these changes could be found in ducal titles, seals and coats of arms. However, it should be noted that the dukes tended to use titles, seals and coats of arms to show their great dignity and authority. That is why they very often used signs which were closely identified with monarchs. In the paper, the selected examples of titles, seals and coats of arms have been analysed. Some findings must be considered hypothetical and these demand further research. This paper is to argue that such research is worthwhile.

Streszczenie

Manifestacja władzy i znaczenia książąt litewskich w średniowieczu

W okresie późnego średniowiecza tytuły, pieczęcie i herby były precyzyjny- mi wskaźnikami władzy i znaczenia litewskich książąt. W tym okresie pozycja i rola tych książąt zmieniły się bardzo znacząco: od władców poszczególnych księstw stali się litewskimi właścicielami ziemskimi. Ilustracje wszystkich tych zmian można znaleźć w tytułach książęcych, pieczęciach i herbach. Należy jednak zauważyć, że książęta używali ich, aby pokazać swoją wielką godność i autorytet. Dlatego bardzo często używali znaków ściśle związanych z monar- chami. W artykule przeanalizowano wybrane przykłady tytułów, pieczęci i her- bów. Niektóre wnioski należy uznać za hipotetyczne i wymagające dalszych badań. Niniejszy artykuł ma udowodnić, że takie badania są warte zachodu.

37 The legend is known from the early 16th-century records. More can be learnt from: J. Jur- kiewicz, Od Palemona do Giedymina. Wczesnonowożytne wyobrażenia o początkach Litwy, vol. I: W kręgu latopisów litewskich, Poznań 2012, p. 77–78, where a compilation may be found of the previous literature on this subject. FIGURES

Figure 1. An equestrian seal of Duke Vytautas, 1380s (moulding from: Department for Sciences Auxiliary to History of Jagiellonian University in Krakow)

Figure 2. A seal of Duke Alexander (Olelko) with a geometric sign, 1422 (from: Przemysław Nowak, Piotr Pokora (ed.), Dokumenty strony…, p. 75) Figure 3. A seal of Duke Sangushko with Archangel Michael defeating Satan, 1433 (artifact from The Princes Czartoryski Library in Krakow)

Figure 4. A seal of Aleksander Nos with the coat of arms Pogoń, 1433 (artifact from Princes Czartoryski Library in Krakow) Figure 5. A seal of Prince Fyodor Sanguszkovich seal with the coat of arms Pogoń, 1540 (artefact from: The National Archive in Krakow) Cezary Wołodkowicz

Wolne Miasto Gdańsk jako element napoleońskiej potęgi w rejonie Morza Bałtyckiego w latach 1807–1812. Aspekty militarne

Wolne Miasto Gdańsk było dziwnym tworem politycznym, będącym wy- padkową tylżyckich rokowań, podczas których Napoleon, licząc na sojusz z Rosją, i car Aleksander, zamierzający nie dopuścić do całkowitego upad- ku Prus zdruzgotanych klęską 1806 r., uzgodnili, że Gdańsk nie zostanie ani włączony do Księstwa Warszawskiego, ani nie pozostanie w granicach Prus, lecz stanie się wolnym miastem1. W tym miejscu warto wspomnieć, że w wyniku traktatu tylżyckiego miasto znalazło się teoretycznie pod protektoratem Prus i Saksonii, w rze- czywistości jednak pod władzą francuską personifikowaną przez generała dywizji Jeana Rappa, adiutanta cesarza, który objął funkcję jego gubernatora. Miasto pełniło z racji swojego położenia element blokady kontynen- talnej, choć trudno mówić tu o ważnej roli, o czym świadczy stosunkowo późny moment przybycia francuskich celników do Gdańska (czerwiec

1 Decyzje w sprawie nadmotławskiego grodu były silnie powiązane z kwestią pru- ską i utworzeniem Królestwa Westfalii oraz sprawą polską – jeśli Aleksander przejąłby ziemie polskie, co proponował mu Napoleon, to powiększeniu uległoby królestwo Westfalii pod berłem Hieronima Bonaparte, brata Napoleona, wszystkie te zmiany odbyłyby się kosztem Prus. Por. E. Halicz, Geneza Księstwa War- szawskiego, Warszawa 1962, s. 162–201. Odnośnie Tylży i ustalenia granic Wolnego Miasta Gdańska por. W. Zajewski, Wolne Miasto Gdańsk pod znakiem Napoleona, Olsztyn 2005, s. 20–53, 112–113. 248 Cezary Włodkowicz

1810 r.)2. Było ono także „wysuniętą na wschód francuską placówką mi- litarną”3, punktem obsadzonym przez oddziały napoleońskie oraz – jak się okazało wiosną 1811 r. – jedyną twierdzą w tym rejonie, jaką posia- dał cesarz. Gdańsk przez cały okres istnienia napoleońskiego Wolnego Miasta bynajmniej nie pełnił ważnej roli w machinie wojennej Napoleona, wbrew temu co twierdzi najwybitniejszy badacz dziejów Gdańska Włady- sław Zajewski4. Gdańsk zaczął odgrywać ważniejszą rolę w planach cesarza dopiero od momentu ujawnienia się zagrożenia rosyjskiego, czyli od wspomnianej wyżej wiosny 1811 r. Mam nadzieję, że poniższe rozważania udowodnią tę tezę. Przed przejściem do dalszej analizy wyjaśnić należy przyjęte cezury cza- sowe. O ile 1807 r. nie wymaga większego komentarza – utworzono wówczas Wolne Miasto Gdańsk oraz ustanowiono gubernatorstwo francuskie – o tyle końcowa data wymaga osobnego wyjaśnienia. Kampania 1812 r. oraz działa- nia wojenne 1813 r. spowodowały, że Gdańsk został odcięty od reszty Wielkiej Armii i znalazł się w stanie oblężenia. Tym samym miasto przestało odgry- wać rolę w napoleońskiej machinie wojennej, trudno wówczas także mówić o napoleońskiej potędze nad Bałtykiem. Napoleon tylko w jednym momencie 1813 r. podejmował decyzje wzglę- dem Gdańska – w chwili zawieszenia broni od 4 czerwca do 13 sierpnia – lecz nawet wówczas postanowienia cesarza ograniczyły się do przyjęcia awansów oficerów garnizonu zaproponowanych mu przez Rappa i otrzymania rapor- tów o stanie miasta5. Nie wydał żadnych własnych dyspozycji.

2 W. Zajewski, Stagnacja gospodarcza i eksploatacja finansowa Wolnego Miasta Gdańska, [w:] Historia Gdańska, t. 3/2: 1793–1815, Gdańsk 1993, s. 154. 3 Pojęcie użyte za J. Staszewski, Z dziejów garnizonu polskiego w Gdańsku w latach 1807–1812, „Rocznik Gdański”, 7/8, 1933/1934, s. 224. Także W. Mazurek odniósł się do tego sformułowania w tytule artykułu Wolne Miasto Gdańsk 1807–1814. Na granicy francuskiego imperium [w:] Kresy, granice i pogranicza w historii wojskowej, Oświęcim 2014, s. 474–490. Artykuł stanowiący znakomite podsumowanie badań, wykorzystują- cy całość polskiej literatury przedmiotu. 4 W artykule Prowokacja partyzanta Schilla w Gdańsku w 1809 r., [w:] Wolne Miasto Gdańsk pod znakiem Napoleona, s. 102, wybitny badacz pisze: „Należy pamiętać, że w kalkulacjach strategicznych Napoleona Gdańsk jako twierdza, wybornie zao- patrzona w broń i amunicję, z licznymi magazynami, rozbudowanym szpitalnictwem oraz portem, odgrywał bardzo doniosłą rolę”. 5 Service Historique de la Défense (cyt. dalej SHD) 2 C 168, Journaux et Rapports sur la défense des Places Dantzick-Thorn-Modlin-Zamosc. Année 1813, dokument nr 953 (raport gen. Rappa z 11 czerwca 1813 r.) i dok. nr 1 (raport por. Planata z 28 czerwca 1813 r.). Teczka nieuporządkowana, karty są sygnowane od nr 1 dla każdego z dokumentów. Wolne Miasto Gdańsk jako element napoleońskiej potęgi… 249

Rozpatrując zagadnienie „Gdańsk jako element napoleońskiej potęgi”, a dokładniej element machiny wojennej, należy zwrócić uwagę na trzy aspekty. Garnizon: jego liczebność, skład, występowanie jego ciągłego wzrostu. Warto także podkreślić, że Napoleon traktował oddziały cudzoziemskie jako pomocnicze, uważając Francuzów za lepszych żołnierzy, a także starając się, by na czele oddziałów cudzoziemskich stawali francuscy generałowie. Stąd tworzenie przez długi czas przez wojska niefrancuskie garnizonu gdańskie- go świadczy dobitnie o roli, jaką cesarz przypisywał miastu6. Należy tutaj pokazać również miejsce gubernatorstwa gdańskiego w strukturze armii francuskiej – czy faktycznie podlegało wyłącznie samemu cesarzowi, będąc samodzielną jednostką organizacyjną7. Uzbrojenie: liczba dział i karabinów znajdujących się w mieście. Czy Gdańsk pełnił funkcję magazynu składowego, czy raczej składu, „z którego Napoleon brał, co chciał”? Infrastrukturę wojskową: liczba i typ zajmowanych budynków.

Garnizon

Wbrew temu, co twierdził sam generał Jean Rapp w swoich pamiętnikach, pełniąc funkcję gubernatora miasta, nigdy nie korespondował bezpośrednio z cesarzem8. Praktycznie przez cały okres będący przedmiotem artykułu garnizon napoleoński w Gdańsku wchodził w skład Armii Niemiec (Renu), na mocy dekretu erfurckiego znajdującej się pod dowództwem marszałka Louisa Nicolasa Davouta9. To przez marszałka płynęła korespondencja od genera-

6 Dokładny wykaz i podział garnizonu ze względu na narodowość obrazują wykresy nr 1–4. 7 Tak twierdził J. Staszewski, pisząc, że po na mocy dekretu erfurckiego Gdańsk wszedł wprawdzie w skład Armii Renu, dowodzonej przez marszałka Davouta, ale gubernatorstwo stanowiło osobną jednostkę – „samodzielne stanowisko”. S. Staszewski, op. cit., s. 227. 8 „Korespondowałem bezpośrednio z Napoleonem, prawie wszystkie jego listy tryskały niezwykłym humorem”. J. Rapp, Mémoires du général Rapp, aide-de-camp de Napoléon, écrits par lui-même, et publiés par sa famille, Paris 1823, s. 105. 9 Dekret wydany 12 października 1808 r. oprócz rozwiązania Wielkiej Armii i utworze- nia Armii Renu zajął się także garnizonami zabranych Prusakom twierdz: Gdańska, Szczecina, Kostrzyna i Głogowa. Wojska gubernatora Gdańska uzyskały status korpusu Armii Renu. Formalizując jego skład, cesarz włączył doń francuski 105. Pułk Pie- choty, 2. Pułki Piechoty Polskiej, a także francuski pułk lekkiej jazdy, pułk jazdy polskiej. Artylerię i oddział inżynierów stanowili sami Francuzi. W skład artylerii miały wejść trzy kompanie artylerii pieszej, dowodzone przez dwóch wyższych oficerów 250 Cezary Włodkowicz

ła Jean Rappa zarówno do cesarza, jak i do ministra wojny. Cesarz, pisząc w sprawach Gdańska, także nie kierował swoich listów do Rappa, lecz do marszałka Davouta i ministra wojny. Zwierzchnictwo Davouta nie było czysto nominalne. Wszelkie kwestie wzmocnień garnizonu gdańskiego były oma- wiane między cesarzem a marszałkiem10, to on również zajmował się kwestią dodatku do żołdu dla żołnierzy garnizonu, także z nim konsultowano choćby szkolenia oddziałów mieszczańskich, które powołano w 1809 r. w momencie zagrożenia austriackiego11. Rapp był tylko wykonawcą rozkazów Davouta. Jedynym okresem, gdy można mówić o „niezależności” garnizonu, w tym sensie, że był on samodzielną jednostką organizacyjną, podległą bezpośred- nio cesarzowi, jest okres od 11 listopada 1807 do września 1808 r., kiedy Napo- leon podzielił teren Niemiec na sześć dowództw oraz „Odrębne dowództwo Gdańska” (Comandement particulier de Dantzig), na czele owego dowódz- twa stanął generał dywizji Nicolas Charles Oudinot12. W październiku 1808 r., w myśl dekretu erfurckiego, gdański garnizon wszedł w skład nowo po-

i czterech kapitanów. Oddział inżynierów przy twierdzy stanowiła kompania saperów pod dowództwem wyższego oficera inżynierii i czterech oficerów. W skład sztabu -gu bernatora wchodziło 15 francuskich oficerów sztabowych pełniących funkcje: adiutanta komenderującego, komendanta fortów oraz komendanta broni. Francuska miała też być administracja: komisarz wojenny i magazynierzy – zob. Correspondance de Napoléon Ier, publiée par ordre de l’empereur Napoléon III [cyt. dalej Correspondance], Paris, 1865, t. 17, nr 14 376. Na mocy owego dekretu w Gdańsku powinno było znaleźć się blisko 9 000 żołnierzy, w rzeczywistości, zgodnie z wykazami liczebności garnizonu, w mieście znajdowało się pod bronią 7 014 oficerów i żołnierzy. Także decyzje dotyczące składu garnizonu zostały na razie wyłącznie na papierze, w mieście nie zna- lazł się polski pułk jazdy, pozostali za to kirasjerzy regimentu von Zastrow – por. SHD 2 C 498, raport z 15 listopada 1808 r. Por. J. Staszewski, op. cit., s. 225 (przypis 12), 227. 10 Correspondance, t. 21, nr 17 487. 11 Kwestia dodatku do żołdu – Archives Nationales, oddział w Pierrefitte-sur-Seine, Se- crétairerie d’Etat impériale. Rapports du ministre de la Guerre, AF/IV/1160 (cyt. dalej AF IV), s. 380–382. Odnośnie listu w sprawie gwardii mieszczańskiej do marszałka Davouta Archiwum Państwowe w Gdańsku (cyt. dalej AP Gd.), Militaria, 300, 18/183 nr mikrofilmu 64471, odpowiedź gen. Grabowskiego z 5 czerwca 1810 r. na skargę władz miejskich. 12 Correspondance, t. 16, nr 13 345 (Napoleon do księcia Neuchatel, czyli marszałka Ber- thiera). Cesarz podzielił terytorium zajmowane przez jego armię na następujące do- wództwa: pierwsze pod dowództwem marszałka Davouta obejmowało właśnie Księ- stwo oraz prowincję Kostrzyn, drugie dowództwo marszałka Nicolasa Soulta – teren od wyspy Nogat oraz tereny między lewem brzegiem Odry a prawym brzegiem Wisły, wraz z Pomorzem Szwedzkim, Szczecinem i prowincją Ukermark, trzecie dowództwo marszałka Louisa Mortiera – Śląsk, czwarte marszałka Claude’a Victora – teren mię- dzy Odrą a Łabą, dowództwo piąte marszałka Jeana Baptiste’a Bernadotte’a – miasta Wolne Miasto Gdańsk jako element napoleońskiej potęgi… 251 wstałej Armii Niemiec. Stan ten trwał do 1812 r., kiedy to część garnizonu, tzw. polska dywizja gdańska, wejdzie w skład w X Korpusu Wielkiej Armii marszałka Jeana Etienne’a Macdonalda, a w listopadzie 1812 r. resztki oddzia- łów Wielkiej Armii, które znalazły się w Gdańsku, zostały przemianowane na X Korpus Wielkiej Armii, tym razem już pod dowództwem generała Rappa. Kolejnym mitem jest także opinia o ciągłym wzroście liczebności garnizonu napoleońskiego stacjonującego w Gdańsku. W dniu 31 maja 1807 r., w momencie uroczystego wjazdu Napoleona do miasta, garnizon Gdańska i najbliższych okolic13 liczył (na papierze) 8 168 oficerów i żołnierzy (w tym 1 299 kawalerzystów) wszystkich rodzajów broni ze zwycięskiego X Korpusu zdobywcy miasta marszałka Jeana Lefe- bvre’a, księcia Gdańska14. Na mocy wspomnianego listopadowego dekretu Gdańsk został autono- micznym dowództwem, oddanym generałowi Oudinotowi, którego zbior- cza dywizja grenadierów i woltyżerów zajęła miejsce pierwotnego garnizonu już późnym latem 1807 r. Dołączyć miały doń trzy pułki lekkiej kawalerii (9. huzarów, 20. i 7. strzelców konnych15). O ile huzarów rzeczywiście zakwaterowano wówczas w mieście i okolicach, o tyle na temat strzelców konnych w raportach brakuje informacji16. Mamy w nich za to aż dwóch generałów dywizji: Rappa i Oudinota, 10 generałów brygady (w tym Jeana

hanzeatyckie (bez Gdańska), dowództwo szóste – Hanower, jego dowódca nie został podany. 13 Żołnierze napoleońscy z przyczyn braku odpowiedniej liczby budynków koszaro- wych zostali rozrzuceni na terenie całego Gdańska. I tak na przykład część oddziałów stacjonowała we Wrzeszczu, a szwadrony huzarów znalazły się w Pucku na Mierzei Wiślanej, jeden z pułków dywizji Oudinota został wysłany na Żuławy. SHD 2 C 498, Situations 1807–1808, Zestawienia z listopada 1807 r., grudnia 1807 r., lipca 1808 r. 14 SHD 2 C 47. Marszałek Lefebvre otrzymał swój tytuł tuż po zdobyciu miasta 28 maja 1807 r. wraz ze słynną „gdańską czekoladą”. Znakomicie okoliczności nadania tytułu książęce- go Lefebvre’owi oraz wiążące się z tym gratyfikacje (w tym słynne „gdańskie czekoladki”) przedstawia A. Nieuważny, Napoleoński marszałek i alzacka praczka. François-Joseph Le- febvre i „Madame Sans-Gêne” czyli książę i księżna Gdańska, Gdańsk 2007, s. 48–61. 15 W wersji drukowanej dekretu (por. przyp. 11) zamieszczonej w tomie 16 korespondencji Napoleona czytamy, że na jego mocy w skład garnizonu miały wejść również trzy pułki lekkiej jazdy, oprócz wspomnianego 9. Pułku Huzarów, także dwa pułki strzel- ców konnych : 2. i 7. Jest to prawdopodobnie błąd edytorski, pominięto zero w dru- ku, w oryginale znajdującym się w wyżej cytowanym Situations jest wyraźnie podane, że w skład garnizonu miał wejść 20. Pułk Strzelców Konnych. 16 Strzelcy konni pojawią się wczesną wiosną 1808 r. w sile 1 197 oficerów żołnierzy (nie licząc detaszowanych). SHD 2 C 498, Situations z marca i kwietnia 1808 r. 252 Cezary Włodkowicz

Ménarda, Pierre’a Puthoda i Guillaume’a Lamartinière’a, dowódcę artylerii twierdzy gdańskiej) oraz ze 30 oficerów sztabu i adiutantów. Razem, wraz z chorymi, stało tu ponad 11 000 żołnierzy. I tylko 30 z nich nie było Fran- cuzami17. Liczba żołnierzy cały czas malała. W połowie 1808 r., gdy nasilił się problem hiszpański, a sam Napoleon przygotowywał się do wkroczenia na Półwysep Iberyjski, nastąpiła konieczność przesunięcia oddziałów na zachód, a tym samym wycofania oddziałów francuskich z Księstwa War- szawskiego oraz Wolnego Miasta Gdańska. Konieczność utrzymania do- brych stosunków z Rosją również wymagała takiego kroku18. Cesarz podjął jednak pierwsze decyzje w tym względzie jeszcze przed dekretem erfurc- kim. W dniach 16 i 18 sierpnia 1808 r. Napoleon w listach do marszałka Ale- xandre’a Berthiera zadecydował, że dywizja Oudinota opuści miasto, gdy tylko pojawi się pułk z korpusu marszałka Nicolasa Soulta. Do miasta miały trafić oddziały polskie i saskie, utrzymywane nie na koszt miasta, ale ich własnych rządów19. Zgodnie z rozkazem z 1 września 1808 r. dywizja Oudinota opuściła Gdańsk, ustępując miejsca oddziałom polskim i saskim. W połowie miesiąca garnizon tworzyły cztery bataliony polskich 10. i 11. regimentów piechoty, dwa bataliony saskiego pułku von Rechten (płk Winter), cztery szwadrony saskiego pułku kirasjerów von Zastrow, 2. Kompania Artylerii Księstwa Warszawskiego. Razem sześć batalionów piechoty, cztery szwadrony kawalerii i ledwie jedna kompania artylerii, o łącznej liczbie 159 oficerów, 4117 podoficerów i żołnierzy. Na koszt mieszkańców wciąż jeszcze żyły trzy bataliony francuskiego 18. pułku piechoty liniowej (płk Ravier) oraz trzy szwadrony 16. pułku strzelców konnych (płk Maupoint), czyli wraz z oddziałem grenadierów blisko 3 000 ludzi20.

17 SHD 2C 498. Zestawienia garnizonu Gdańska z lat 1807–1808 r. 18 Głównym celem Napoleona w trakcie rokowań w Erfurcie było pozyskanie Rosji jako sojusznika w wypadku wybuchu wojny z Austrią, która czyniła gorączkowe zbrojenia od maja 1808 r. Stąd takie gesty cesarza, jak rozwiązanie Wielkiej Armii i wycofanie swoich oddziałów dalej od granicy rosyjskiej. Por. J. Staszewski, op. cit., s. 225–226. D. Lieven, La Russie contre Napoléon. La bataille pour l’Europe (1807–1814), Paris 2012, s. 92. J.H. Gill, 1809. Grom nad Dunajem, Zwycięstwo Napoleona nad Habsburgami, t. 1: Abensberg, Oświęcim 2014, s. 114–123. 19 Correspondance générale. Expansions méridionales et résistances 1808–janvier 1809, ed. Gabriel Madec,Paris 2007, nr 18 702, 18 716. 20 SHD 2 C 498 15 września. Oddziały marszałka Soulta opuszczą miasto przed 15 paź- dziernika. SHD 2 C 498 zestawienie z 15 października. Wolne Miasto Gdańsk jako element napoleońskiej potęgi… 253

Łącznie w mieście znajdowało się 17 generałów, 700 oficerów, 414 podoficerów, 6 583 żołnierzy21. W przededniu wojny z Austrią (1809 r.) na rozkaz marszałka Davouta z Gdańska wymaszerowały francuskie: 105. Pułk Piechoty, 8. Pułk Huzarów oraz regiment kirasjerów von Zastrow, które miały skierować się do Mag- deburga22. Oprócz tego rozkazem cesarza Gdańsk opuścił batalion polski w sile 800 ludzi, który miał udać się na Pomorze Szwedzkie23. Z powodu małej liczby żołnierzy dowodzący wówczas garnizonem generał Michał Grabowski nakazał sformowanie oddziałów gwardii mieszczańskiej. Pro- jekt jej powstania Grabowski przedstawił prezydentowi i senatowi w liście z 13 kwietnia 1809 r. Gwardia nie została rozwiązana po zakończeniu działań wojennych 1809 r. i istniała jeszcze dalej, na pewno w 1810 r.24 W kwietniu z Gdańska wyjechali Rapp, Ménard, a także pułkownicy Maucune, Latreche, Leblanc. Obowiązki dowódcy garnizonu przejął wów- czas generał Grabowski, by pełnić je prawie do lipca 1810 r. – do momentu powrotu Rappa. Miasto opuszczały również resztki pułków francuskich, mianowicie ozdrowieńcy, którzy po wyjściu ze szpitala natychmiast udawali się w kierunku głównego teatru działań wojennych na południu Niemiec25. W efekcie w lipcu 1809 r., choć można spokojnie założyć, że taka liczba wojskowych znajdowała się również w maju i czerwcu26, garnizon Gdań- ska tworzyły francuskie dwie kompanie artylerii pieszej (6. i 9.) z 5. Pułku, regiment piechoty saskiej von Rechten (dwa bataliony) wraz z detaszowaną

21 AP Gd. 300,18/131, nr mikrofilmu 64712, Anlage der Altstadt. APG 300,18/132, nr mikrofilmu 64713,Anlage Rechtstadt und Vorstadt. 22 SHD 2 C 511, Situations armée d’Allemagne. Garnisons françaises dans les places Po- meranien de Westphalie 18808-1809, de Dantzig, de Hanaue. Bataillons de Marche, 105. Pułk Piechoty Liniowej opuścił miasto 3 marca 1809 r., a 8. Pułk Huzarów 5 marca – zestawienie z 1 marca. Z zestawienia z 15 marca wynika, że rozkaz o opuszczeniu Gdańska przez 105. Pułk miał wydać sam cesarz. 23 Ibidem, zestawienie z 15 marca. 24 AP Gd, 300,18/183 nr mikrofilmu 64471, list z 13 kwietnia 1809 r. Zajewski nazywa tę jednostkę gwardią mieszczańską. W. Zajewski, Kult Napoleona w Wolnym Mieście Gdańsku, [w:] Wolne Miasto Gdańsk pod znakiem Napoleona, Olsztyn 2005, s. 83. Por. AP Gd. 300,18/183 nr mikrofilmu 64471, list z 13 kwietnia 1809 r. Odpowiedzi generała z 12 lutego i 5 czerwca 1810 r. na pismo władz miejskich. AP Gd. 300,18/183 nr mikrofilmu 64471. Por. C. Wołodkowicz, Wojskowe oddziały mieszczańskie w Na- poleońskim Wolnym Mieście Gdańsku w latach 1807–1814, [http://napoleon.org.pl/ europa/gda1.php]. 25 Ibidem, Zestawienia 15 marca, 1 kwietnia, 15 kwietnia 1809. 26 Brak zachowanych zestawień w archiwum Vincennes za te miesiące. 254 Cezary Włodkowicz

artylerią, 10. Pułk Piechoty Polskiej (1. i 3. Batalion), a także trzy bataliony 11. Pułku Piechoty, polska kompania artylerii konnej. Łącznie 4 457 oficerów i żołnierzy, lecz połowa tej liczby znajdowała się poza miastem27. Od owego momentu do początku 1811 r. liczebność garnizonu nie uległa prawie żadnym zmianom. W mieście przez cały czas znajdowały się wyżej wspomniane polskie bataliony piechoty, saski pułk oraz po jednej kompanii artylerii saskiej i polskiej. Wedle korespondencji Napoleona w połowie marca 1811 r. w Gdańsku stacjonowało już ok. 8 000 żołnierzy, połowę z nich stanowili Polacy, reszta to (w równych proporcjach) Sasi i Francuzi28. Wówczas nastąpiły zmiany w składzie garnizonu gdańskiego wywołane postawą Rosji. Problemy Napoleona z Rosją zaczęły pojawiać się od początku 1810 r. Car Aleksander wystosował do cesarza projekt traktatu, w którym ten miał zobo- wiązać się do nieużywania słów Polska i Polacy oraz niedążenia do odbudo- wy Polski. W grudniu 1810 r. car otworzył porty rosyjskie dla statków ame- rykańskich oraz nałożył wysokie cła na towary francuskie. Napoleon także przyczynił się do kryzysu, anektując miasta hanzeatyckie oraz Księstwo Ol- denburskie, którego władca był szwagrem Aleksandra. Gwoli ścisłości należy jednak dodać, że zaoferował księciu Wilhelmowi Oldenburskiemu oraz caro- wi rekompensatę, którą ci sami mieli wybrać; ze swojej strony cesarz zapro- ponował Frankfurt. Strona rosyjska odrzuciła wszelkie propozycje mediacji. Również nieudana próba mariażu Napoleona z siostrą cara przyczyniła się do pogorszenia stosunków. Cara ponadto obraził fakt, że cesarz Francuzów, mając dość niekończących się negocjacji ze stroną rosyjską, poślubił Marię Ludwikę, córkę cesarza Austrii29. Oprócz tego od czerwca 1810 r. armia rosyjska rozpoczęła koncentrację przy granicy z Księstwem Warszawskim, o czym pierwsze informacje ze strony polskiej zaczęły płynąć jesienią do marszałka Davouta. Już w październi- ku 1810 r. strona rosyjska dysponowała gotowym planem działań wojennych, który zakładał atak właśnie na Księstwo Warszawskie i Gdańsk oraz przy- łączenie się do Rosji Prus i Austrii. Według Aleksandra za tym przykładem

27 Ibidem, zestawienia z lipca, sierpnia, października 1809. SHD 2 C 511. 28 List do marszałka Davouta, nr 17 487. Skład garnizonu: 5 000 Polaków, po 1 500 Sasów i Francuzów. 29 M. Kukiel, op. cit., s. 10–11, 17–20; W. Zajewski, Dyplomacja polska w dobie porozbio- rowej 1795–1831, [w:] Europejskie konflikty dyplomatyczne (Wiek XIX), Kraków 2012, s. 26–27; por. D. Lieven, op. cit., s. 94–97; J. Tulard, Napoleon – mit zbawcy, tłum. K. Dunin, Warszawa 2003, s. 418–423. Wolne Miasto Gdańsk jako element napoleońskiej potęgi… 255 miały pójść również kraje Związku Reńskiego i Dania30. W lutym 1811 r. car podjął próbę przeciągnięcia na swoją stronę księcia Józefa Poniatowskiego, dowódcy armii Księstwa, obiecując mu wskrzeszenie kraju. W tej sprawie w lutym w imieniu cara rozmawiał z nim, a także innymi ważnymi polskimi osobistościami, książę Adam Jerzy Czartoryski. Poniatowski przesłał o tym wiadomość cesarzowi31. Oprócz tego do Napoleona dotarły informacje z innych źródeł o planowanej rosyjskiej operacji i rokowaniach z Prusami, w tym wyraźne sygnały od generała Rappa32. Zagrożenie ze strony Rosji wymusiło działania cesarza. Jedynym pewnym punktem, jakim dysponował w tym rejonie, był właśnie Gdańsk. Twierdze Modlin, Serock były dopiero w budowie. Ponadto garnizon Gdańska, jeśli składałby się z poważnej liczby sił, z racji swojego położenia pozwalał, w momencie ewentualnego rozpoczęcia wrogich działań przez Prusy, na odcięcie od siebie dwóch prowincji państwa pruskiego – Prus Wschodnich od Bran- denburgii33. W dniach 15 i 18 marca 1811 r. cesarz podjął szereg decyzji mających na celu wzmocnienie załogi i samej twierdzy. W listach do ministra wojny gene- rała Henri-Jacquesa Clarke’a34, do marszałka Davouta35, swojego brata Hie- ronima36, króla Westfalii i Wirtembergii Fryderyka37 oraz ministra spraw zagranicznych Jeana-Baptiste’a Champagny’ego38 stwierdził, że zamierza mieć w Gdańsku 15 000 ludzi pod bronią oraz zapasy żywności wystarczające na okres sześciu miesięcy39. Od tych marcowych dni dotąd prowizorycznie

30 M. Kukiel, op. cit., s. 16, 19–20; A. Zamoyski, 1812. Wojna z Rosją, tłum. M. Ronikier, Kraków 2007, s. 78; A. Roberts, Napoleon Wielki, tłum. M. i F. Fiedorek, J. Włodarczyk, Warszawa 2015, s. 579. Lieven podaje informacje, że początkowe plany rosyjskie, opra- cowywane już w marcu 1810 r. przez generała Barclaya de Tolly’ego, były tworzone pod kątem odparcia ataku francuskiego na zachodnią granicę Rosji. D. Lieven, op. cit., s. 96. 31 M. Kukiel, op. cit., s. 20–21; J. Skowronek, Książę Józef Poniatowski, Wrocław 1984, s. 195– 197. 32 M. Kukiel, op. cit., s. 20–21, 24. 33 J. Staszewski, op. cit., s. 254. 34 Correspondance, t. 21, nr 17 484. 35 Ibidem, nr 17 487, 17 488. 36 Ibidem, nr 17 490. 37 Ibidem, nr 17 491. 38 W liście do ministra Champagny’ego wspominał, że w Gdańsku znajdzie 12 000 ludzi. Ibidem, nr 17 492. 39 Wedle cytowanych we wcześniejszych przypisach listów Westfalia miała dostarczyć kontyngent w sile 2 400 żołnierzy (tworzących trzy pułki), królestwa Wirtember- gii, Bawarii oraz Wielkie Księstwo Bergu po pułku piechoty (każdy z nich składał 256 Cezary Włodkowicz i sporadycznie wzmacniana twierdza ze średniej wielkości garnizonem stała się, na razie na papierze, potężnym nadbałtyckim bastionem z dwukrotnie silniejszą załogą. Nowe oddziały znalazły się w mieście w połowie roku. Pod koniec maja do Gdańska dotarły: 13. Bawarski Pułk Piechoty, 7. Wirtemberski Regiment Pie- choty, a także francuski 2. Pułk Strzelców Konnych. W drugiej połowie roku do miasta zawitali Westfalczycy z dwóch pułków piechoty (1. i 8.) oraz kolejne polskie oddziały: 9. Pułk Ułanów, bateria artylerii konnej, saperzy. Ponadto pułk piechoty i kompania artylerii z Badenii, a także heski pułk piechoty40. We wrześniu 1811 r. w Gdańsku funkcjonował już znacznych rozmia- rów garnizon. W jego skład wchodziły polskie pułki piechoty 10. (cztery bataliony – 69 oficerów, 2 305 żołnierzy), 11. (cztery bataliony – 79 ofice- rów, 2 565 żołnierzy); westfalskie pułki piechoty 1. (dwa bataliony – 46 ofi- cerów, 1 216 żołnierzy) oraz 8. (44 oficerów, 1 474 żołnierzy); saski regiment piechoty von Rechtena (dwa bataliony – 46 oficerów, 1 439 żołnierzy); 13. Ba- warski Pułk Piechoty (dwa bataliony – 53 oficerów, 1 480 żołnierzy); 7. Wir- temberski Regiment Piechoty (dwa bataliony – 37 oficerów, 1 252 żołnierzy). Kawalerię garnizonu tworzyły dwa pułki: francuski 2. Pułk Strzelców Kon- nych (cztery szwadrony – 43 oficerów, 768 żołnierzy) oraz polski 9. Pułk Uła- nów (cztery szwadrony – 43 oficerów, 665 żołnierzy). Artylerię tworzyły trzy polskie kompanie: 1. Kompania Artylerii Konnej (czterech oficerów, 147 żoł- nierzy) oraz kompanie artylerii pieszej 6. (czterech oficerów, 188 żołnierzy) i 16. (czterech oficerów, 96 żołnierzy). Ponadto w skład garnizonu wchodzi- ły dwie kompanie saperów: 4. polska (czterech oficerów, 95 żołnierzy) oraz francuska 5. Kompania (czterech oficerów, 96 żołnierzy) i 2. Kompania Mi- nerów (dwóch oficerów, 64 żołnierzy). Łącznie 13 510 oficerów i żołnierzy oraz 2 749 koni41. Garnizon w Gdańsku znakomicie odzwierciedlał mozaikę narodową napoleońskiej Europy.

się z dwóch batalionów). W tej kwestii władcy owych państw mieli korespondować z Davoutem, a nie z Rappem. 40 Brak w archiwum w Vincennes danych dotyczących składu i liczebności garnizonu za okres styczeń–sierpień 1811 r. Daty przybycia pułków do Gdańska zostały przed- stawione w przybliżeniu na podstawie ksiąg kwaterunkowych, zawierających wykaz kwater oficerskich – obecność kadry oficerskiej z danego regimentu jest dowodem, że dany pułk znalazł się już w mieście. AP Gd. 300,18/139a; AP Gd. 300,18/139b. 41 SHD 2 C 519, Armée d’Allemagne. Garnisons françaises dans diverces places, zestawienia z września, listopada i grudnia 1811 r. Por. dane zamieszczone przez J. Staszewskiego – op. cit., przypis 93, s. 252–254. Wolne Miasto Gdańsk jako element napoleońskiej potęgi… 257

Taki stan utrzymał się do wczesnej wiosny 1812 r., gdy w Gdańsku będzie się organizował 10. Korpus. Wówczas w mieście znajdzie się blisko 20 000 żołnierzy42. Jednak w miarę upływu czasu i przesuwania się wojsk na wschód garnizon malał. Późną wiosną (maj) 1812 r. tworzyły go wyłącznie oddziały sprzymierzone – 127 zdolnych do służby oficerów i 3 765 żołnie- rzy z dwóch batalionów pułku Mecklemburg-Schwerin, batalionu 7. Puł- ku Wirtemberskiego z detaszowaną kompanią artylerii, batalionu saskiego pułku von Rechten z kompanią artylerii, polskich oddziałów: batalionu 10. Pułku, batalionu 11. Pułku, polskiej 16. Kompanii Artylerii, a także ba- warskiej kompanii artylerii43. W chwili powrotu 10. Korpusu z Inflant (listopad–grudzień 1812 r.), a tak- że oddziałów dywizji Heudeleta, w Gdańsku znalazło się 24 tysiące żołnierzy, których liczba zaczęła szybko maleć wskutek wysokiej śmiertelności spowo- dowanej wyczerpującym odwrotem oraz zarazą tyfusu, która nastąpiła tuż po przybyciu resztek Wielkiej Armii do miasta44. Wielu historyków, powo- łując się na dane P.H. d’Artois45, podawało, że w mieście na początku stycznia znalazło się ponad 39 000 ludzi.46 Zdaniem generała Campredona, szefa inżynierów twierdzy, w mieście znalazło się około 36 000 żołnierzy47. W po- łowie października 1813 r. garnizon składał się już tylko z 14 260 żołnierzy48. W obronie Gdańska poległo ponad 20 000 ludzi.

42 Pominięto tutaj szczegółowe kwestie organizacji 10. Korpusu Wielkiej Armii marszałka Macdonalda, który nie wszedł bezpośrednio w skład garnizonu oraz polskiej tzw. gdań- skiej dywizji, która weszła w skład owego korpusu, a tworzyły ją właśnie oddziały polskie stacjonujące w Gdańsku. Wyczerpująco o organizacji i liczebności owych oddzia- łów pisali: J. Staszewski, op. cit., s. 249–250, 255–257; J. Staszewski, Dywizja Gdańska nad Dźwiną i w obronie Gdańska (1812-1813), „Rocznik Gdański”, 11, 1937, s. 210–225; S. Kirkor, Dywizja polska z Gdańska w kampanii rosyjskiej 1812, s. 165–179; A. Paczuski, „Dywizja gdańska” – jej formacja, organizacja i walki (1808-1812), [w:] Apogeum polskich nadziei. 200-lecie kampanii rosyjskiej 1812 roku, Warszawa 2012, s. 84–100. 43 SHD 2 C 699, Grande armée. Situations au 1er mai 1812. 44 SHD 2 C 168. 45 Relation de la défense de Danzig, en 1813, par le 10e. corps de l’armée française, contre l’armée combinée Russe et Prussienne, Paris 1820, załącznik umieszczony na końcu pracy, stan garnizonu na 21 stycznia 1813. 46 Por. A. Nieuważny, Życie Miasta…, s. 20; A. Paczuski, Gdańsk napoleoński: oblężenia 1807, 1813. Katalog wystawy: Muzeum historyczne Miasta Gdańska, Gdańsk, Ratusz Głównomiejski, 22 lipca–13 sierpnia 2000, Gdańsk 2000, s. 38. 47 L. Campredon, Défense de Dantzig en 1813, Paris 1888, s. 56. 48 Zestawienie szefa sztabu d’Hericourta z 15 października 1813 r., 190 AP, 191 AP 1 a 3, cote 31 no 4, Etats de Bayonettes. 258 Cezary Włodkowicz

Uzbrojenie

Od momentu jego opanowania Gdańsk stał się ważnym punktem dla Wiel- kiej Armii jako wielki rezerwuar broni, z którego jednak Napoleon cały czas zabierał kolejne elementy. O ile Francuzi w 1807 r. znaleźli w mieście 778 luf wszelkich rodzajów49, to w 1810 r. w Gdańsku znajdowało się jedynie 328 dział. Jesienią 1808 r., zgodnie z dekretem Napoleona z 14 października, Francuzi zaczęli ściągać zbędną artylerię z twierdz pomorskich i nadodrzań- skich, wyznaczając limity uzbrojenia dla każdej z nich. Odpowiednie rozpo- rządzenia przygotował minister wojny generał Clarke. W Gdańsku pozostać miało 270 dział (w Szczecinie – 150, Kostrzynie – 66, Głogowie – 80) oraz zapas 600 pocisków na armatę, a 500 na moździerz i granatnik. W twierdzy gdańskiej było wówczas 260 dział z brązu (z czego 83 nie do użytku) i 132 z żelaza (63 nie do użytku)50. Punktem zbornym dla ewakuowanych dział był Magdeburg, w którym liczba luf sięgnęła 893. Po nadejściu artylerii m.in. z Gdańska i Szczecina liczba ta miała wzrosnąć do 1 527 luf, z czego 236 żelaznych. 21 listopada minister Clarke proponował Napoleonowi pozostawienie tylko 800 (później liczbę zmniejszył do 500) dział różnego typu i ewakuację pozostałych w głąb Ce- sarstwa i Westfalii. Prosił też o pozwolenie na przesłanie artylerii do Księstwa Warszawskiego51. Ponadto również część karabinów składowanych w Gdań- sku wywieziono do Księstwa Warszawskiego. Wykaz w tej sprawie sporządził generał Michał Grabowski52. Postanowienia z października 1808 r. nie zostały wykonane w pełni, al- bowiem w grudniu 1810 r. dowódca artylerii pułkownik Henry w raporcie na temat stanu artylerii twierdzy gdańskiej podawał, że w obrębie całej twierdzy (w tym Wisłoujście i Nowy Port), znajdowało się 328 dział, w tym bateria mobilnej artylerii, która miała wspierać obronę między fortami (zapewne wypady załogi). Jednocześnie stwierdził, że liczba dział jest niewystarczająca dla obrony twierdzy, do Gdańska należało „koniecznie” dosłać 20 dział: czte-

49 Raport generała Songisa dla Napoleona z 29 maja 1807 r. SHD 2 C 47. 50 Raport podsumowujący uzbrojenie utrzymanych placów i ewakuację niepotrzebnych przedmiotów z 31 października – Spuścizna po Robercie Bieleckim, sygn. 47/52 51 Clarke do Napoleona, 21.11. i 21.12.12.1808, AN AF IV 1162, dok. 431 i 439. 52 Do Księstwa, a dokładniej do Warszawy, na mocy decyzji Napoleona miało trafić 7 000 karabinów dla piechoty. Protokoły Rady Stanu Księstwa Warszawskiego, t. 2, cz. 2, wyd. B. Pawłowski i T. Mencel, Toruń 1968, sesja nr 455 (3 października 1809 r.), s. 202. Wolne Miasto Gdańsk jako element napoleońskiej potęgi… 259 ry działa 24-funtowe, 12 dział 6-funtowych, dwa moździerze kalibru 7, dwa granatniki kalibru 653. Podobnie jak z liczebnością garnizonu Gdańsk powoli ponownie stawał się rezerwuarem broni od wiosny 1811 r.54 Powstanie nowych dział obronnych podniosło liczbę dział o kolejne 200 sztuk, gdyż w momencie kapitu- lacji Gdańska w ręce oblegających trafiły już 584 działa55. W grudniu 1812 r. w mieście magazynowano broń wystarczająca dla uzbrojenia kilku korpusów Wielkiej Armii: 50 106 sztuk broni palnej, 56 190 bagnetów, 27 614 szabel i tasaków, 1 100 lanc i 56 kirysów produkcji francuskiej, ponadto 14 451 ka- rabinów obcej produkcji (głównie pruskiej) oraz 30 225 bagnetów. Aby ła- twiej zobrazować skalę owych zapasów, warto podkreślić, że w owym okresie w arsenałach Szczecina, Kostrzyna, Głogowa i Magdeburga znajdowało się łącznie zaledwie 7 478 karabinów i pistoletów francuskich, 4 715 karabinów innego pochodzenia oraz 1 617 szabel56.

Infrastruktura

Infrastruktura wojskowa odzwierciedlała fluktuację liczebności garnizonu. Tutaj również widzimy dwa okresy wzmożonego wykorzystania gdańskich budynków jako kwater lata 1807–1808 oraz 1811–1812. W pierwszym okresie w mieście znalazło się ponad 10 000 żołnierzy, w drugim już ponad 25 000. Problem był o tyle palący, że Gdańsk nie posiadał budynków przystosowa- nych do pomieszczenia tak znacznej liczby żołnierzy. Koniecznością stało się wykorzystanie spichlerzy, w których szybko można było umieścić większą liczbę ludzi57.

53 Spuścizna po Robercie Bieleckim BUW, Gab. Ręk. 47/52, teczka 3, Polacy w Gdańsku. Tabela nr 1 ukazuje spadek liczby dział będących na wyposażeniu twierdzy gdańskiej. 54 6 listopada 1811 r., zgodnie z wykazem sporządzonym w ministerstwie wojny, artyleria twierdzy gdańskiej liczyła 475 dział. AF IV 1164, dokumenty 86 i 87. 55 A. Nieuważny, Wolne Miasto Gdańsk 1807–1813/14 – rys historyczny, [w:] Życie miasta w cieniu wielkiej wojny i polityki czyli Wolne Miasto Gdańsk 1807–1813/14, Gdańsk 2013, s. 20, 23. 56 AF IV 1164, dok. 404. Por. A. Nieuważny, Wolne Miasto Gdańsk…, s. 21. 57 Oficerów w większości zakwaterowano w domach mieszczańskich. Miasto, chcąc po- kryć ten wydatek, zostało zmuszone do wprowadzenia podatku tzw. Exemtionsservis, który miał charakter progresywny, a mieszczan podzielono na 12 klas. Wysokość opłat wyglądało następująco (od klasy najwyższej do najniższej, dane we florenach): 200, 160, 120, 80, 50, 40, 35, 30, 24, 16, 8, 4. Liczba płatników się zwiększała, gdy w mieście 260 Cezary Włodkowicz

W latach 1807–1808 kwatery umieszczono w następujących spichlerzach: Wielbłąd, Polskie Bliźniaki, Niemieckie Bliźniaki, Barka Wiślana, Okręt Wo- jenny, Złota Kuźnia, Jednorożec oraz w budynku loterii. W 1808 r. ponadto w spichlerzach Trzy Rogi, Drzewo Pomarańczowe, Oliwa58. W 1809 r. z powodu spadku liczebności garnizonu zmniejszyła się rów- nież liczba budynków zajmowanych przez wojska napoleońskie. Szef batalionu Goll w swoim memoriale wymieniał następujące obiekty zamienione na koszary: budynek komory celnej (lub akcyzy), którego okna z jednej strony wychodziły na Długie Ogrody, z drugiej – na Motławę. Budynek oddalony był od ewentualnego frontu ataku nieprzyjacielskiego, suchy i w niezłym stanie, mieścił 550 łóżek. Oznaczało to możliwość zakwaterowania w niewiel- kich izbach 1000–1100 podoficerów i żołnierzy. Na mniejsze koszary przero- biono dawny budynek loterii przy Długich Ogrodach, mieszczący 119 łóżek, a więc kwatery dla najwyżej 240 wojskowych niższych stopni. Kolejne małe koszary urządzono w domu przy składach drzewnych; mieścił on 34 łóżka, czyli kompanię piechoty. Najbardziej prymitywne schronienia dla żołnierzy mieściły dawne spichlerze (Jednorożec, Niemieckie Bliźniaki, Polskie Bliź- niaki, Drzewo Pomarańczowe, Oliwa, Okręt Wojenny), które liczyły razem 2 107 łóżek i mogły pomieścić 4000–4200 ludzi59. Według wykazu z grudnia 1813 r.60 jako budynek zamieniony na koszary w tym okresie wspomniano powrozownię. W 1810 r. na kwatery zajęto budynek w Nowym Porcie61. W roku następ- nym wraz ze wzrostem liczebności garnizonu na potrzeby wojska oddano kolejne budynki, spichlerze: Rothe Lau, Biały Koń, Góra, Słoń, Światło, Miedź, Panna, Podkowa, Kolory, Flitsch, Czarna Godzina, Czarny Pies, Czarny So- kół, Wieniec fiołków (Violenkranz), Trzy Gwiazdy, Wiatrak oraz ponadto Wielki i Mały Młyn62. W 1812 r. ponadto ponownie Zbrojownię, spichlerze Baerentanz, Sandacz, Szara Gęś, Packhaus (być może chodzi tu o budynek

znajdowało się więcej oficerów. Por. AP Gd. 300, 92,Französische Zeit, teczki, nr 31–47 Exemptions Servirung Kart – Rechnung, od października 1808 do 1811 r. 58 Wykaz datowany na 13 grudnia 1813 r. AP Gd. 300, 92/540, k. 103. Niestety nie zawiera on informacji o liczbie łóżek czy żołnierzy mogących być ulokowanych w danym budynku. 59 Dane z memoriału Golla dzięki uprzejmości dr Andrzeja Nieuważnego. Oryginał w SHD 1 VM 90. 60 Wykaz datowany na 13 grudnia 1813 r. AP Gd. 300, 92/540, k. 103. 61 Ibidem. 62 Ibidem. Wolne Miasto Gdańsk jako element napoleońskiej potęgi… 261

Pockenhaus, mieszczący chorych na ospę), dwa domy na Piaskach63, Miedź, Panna, Drzewo Oliwne64. Liczba szpitali wojskowych, które zostały ustanowione w Gdańsku, rów- nież świadczyła o tym, że nie był on żadną miarą ważnym ośrodkiem poza 1811 r. oraz w okresie bezpośrednio po zdobyciu miasta przez Francuzów. Warto zauważyć w tym miejscu, że przez cały interesujący nas okres liczba hospitalizowanych żołnierzy była dość duża – w szpitalach w prawie każdym miesiącu przebywało około 20% całej liczby garnizonu65. W 1807 r., tuż po zdobyciu miasta, szpitale zostały umieszczone w spichlerzach oraz Wielkiej Zbrojowni (nazywanej przez Francuzów Arsenałem) jako budynkach o największej pojemności66. W spisie z 17 grudnia 1813 r. stworzonym przez władze miejskie, które chciały wykazać generałowi Rap- powi wielkość całości finansowych zobowiązań gubernatorstwa, podano, że oprócz wspomnianego Arsenału na szpitale zamieniono także trzy spichle-

63 Ta oraz wcześniejsza lokacja to zapewne błędy tworzącego wykaz, w tych budynkach mieściły się bowiem szpitale. 64 Ibidem. 65 Obliczenia szacunkowe na podstawie całości cytowanych wyżej zestawień – SHD 2 C 498, SHD 2 C 511, SHD 2 C 519. 66 Wizytujący 6 czerwca 1807 r. gdańskie szpitale naczelny chirurg Wielkiej Armii baron Pierre-François Percy pisał: „ten w arsenale [czyli Zbrojowni – przyp. aut.] jest wspa- niały; wątpię, czy kiedykolwiek istniał równie piękny; każda sala [jest – przyp. aut.] dobrze oświetlona i wybrukowana, licząc cztery rzędy po ponad sześćdziesiąt jedna- kowych łóżek; będzie tu łatwo zainstalować piece na zimę. Szpital o nazwie Drzewo Pomarańczowe jest wielkim magazynem bez okien, lecz dość przestrzennym i chorzy tam mają się nieźle. Obok jest Czerwony Dom, gdzie mają się strasznie. Dalej jest powrozownia, gdzie znajduje się tylko jeden rząd łóżek pod dachówkami i dlatego pa- nuje [tutaj – przyp. aut.] nieznośny żar. Chorzy niezwykle cierpią od gorąca, trzeba pilnie zlikwidować te dwa ostatnie lazarety, śmiertelność w nich jest przerażająca. Mó- wię o chorych na gorączkę, bo w tych okropnych szpitalach nie ma rannych, zresztą w Gdańsku umiera ich z reguły bardzo mało. Prawda, że chirurdzy dobrze wypełniają swe obowiązki, znają stan swych chorych i nie zaniedbują niczego, by ich ratować. Od piętnastu dni mają masę roboty z wilgotną gangreną […]. W zbrojowni i czterech innych lazaretach leży 2 700 chorych, każdego dnia umiera od dwunastu do piętnastu. W przedmieściu Orunia mieści się pięć domów, w których leczymy 400 weneryków […], kiedy 270 Rosjan opuści Nowy Port, damy tam wenerycznych, co będzie wygod- niejsze i bardziej przyzwoite dla mieszkańców. Poza tym trzeba oczyścić z 800 chorych powrozownię, Czerwony Dom i posesję nr 395”. P.-F. Percy, Journal des campagnes du baron Percy, chirurgien en chef de la Grande Armée (1754–1825), Paris 1904, s. 376–377; por. H. Ducoulombier, Le baron P.-F. Percy, Un chirurgien de la Grande Armée, Paris 2004, s. 263–264. Tam wzmianka, że w fortach leżących nad brzegiem Wisły umieszczono 1 000 chorych na świerzb oraz weneryków. 262 Cezary Włodkowicz rze: Drzewo Pomarańczowe, Wielbłąd oraz Trzy Rogi67. W 1808 r. przeniesiono szpitale, co z pewnością wiązało się z kiepskimi warunkami sanitar- nymi. Wspomniany szef batalionu Goll wskazywał na trzy czynniki: kiepską wentylację, wąskie klatki schodowe i latryny umieszczone na każdym piętrze, które zatruwały sale latem, a zimą zamarzały. Również położenie Zbrojowni powodowało, że w razie oblężenia znalazłaby się ona pod ostrzałem wrogiej artylerii68. Nie bez znaczenia pozostało także zmniejszenie się liczby garnizonu, zapewne nie było sensu utrzymywać szpitali w budynkach, które w celu ich ogrzania pochłaniały znaczne środki finansowe. Nie wiadomo również kiedy dokładnie przeniesiono siedziby szpitali. Zgodnie z wykazem znalazły się one obecnie w klasztorze Dominikanów, dwóch domach na Sandgrube (ob. Piaski), dwóch domach na Oruni. Zgodnie ze spisem taka liczba szpitali funkcjonowała do 1811 r.69 Zgodnie planem autorstwa szefa batalionu Golla70, znajdującym się w zbiorach berlińskiej Staatsbibliothek71, możemy przypi- sać szpitale poszczególnym oddziałom: klasztor Dominikanów był szpitalem polskim, domy na Sandgrube służyły Sasom, a domy na Oruni – Francuzom. W 1811 r. wraz ze wzmacnianiem garnizonu i przybywaniem do Gdańska nowych oddziałów pojawiła się konieczność zwiększenia liczby szpitali, a tak- że stworzenia nowych magazynów na wyposażenie i zapasy szpitalne. Według wspomnianego wykazu z 17 grudnia 1813 r. w 1811 r. na szpitale zamieniono następujące budynki: dom akcyzy, spichlerz Góra, klasztor Franciszkanów (będący wówczas siedzibą Gimnazjum Akademickiego), dom na Brodtbank- gasse (obecnie ul. Chlebnicka)72. Odmienne informacje zawiera spis budyn-

67 AP Gd. 300,92/540, k. 92. 68 Por. przypis 54. 69 AP Gd. 300, 92/540, k. 92. 70 Kilka słów o nim, gdyż była to postać nietuzinkowa. Generał Campredon określił go następująco: „oficer bardzo gorliwy i pilny”, który zasypywał ministerstwo licznymi ma- teriałami, rozrysowując choćby skalę poziomu wód na Wiśle w poszczególnych mie- siącach, sumy opadów również w skali miesięcznej, czy wystosowując liczne raporty odnośnie do prac fortyfikacyjnych. Niestety nie otrzymał awansu nawet w 1813 r. Nie został wymieniony na liście nominowanych oficerów sporządzonej przez d’Hericourta, szefa sztabu gen. Rappa w czasie obrony miasta w roku 1813. Por. Biblioteka Czarto- ryskich, Generała Michała Grabowskiego korespondencja wojskowa, papiery jako komendanta fortecy gdańskiej i różne 1808–1811, rkps 3159, dok. nr 30 i 31 Note relative aux travaux qui ont eté exectuées pendant l’an 1809 aux fortifications de Dantzig et de Weichselmunde (pierwszy dokument to brudnopis). SHD 1 VM 91, 1 VM 92 (całość). 71 SBB, III C Kart. X 22295, Blatt 1, Teil 1 i 2. Za informację na temat planu składam w tym miejscu serdeczne podziękowania pani dr Zofii Maciakowskiej. 72 AP Gd. 300,92/540, k. 92. Wolne Miasto Gdańsk jako element napoleońskiej potęgi… 263

ków wykonany przez przedstawiciela władz miejskich senatora Johanna Eph- raima Schmidta73 z 6 czerwca 1811 r., a więc z czasu przybywania oddziałów wojskowych do miasta. Zgodnie z nim szpitale mieściły się w 10 miejscach: Arsenale (czyli Zbrojowni), spichlerzach Wielbłąd, Drzewo Pomarańczowe, Jednorożec, w budynku (budynkach?) w Nowym Porcie, Oruni, powrozowni (franc. Corderie) na Nowych Ogrodach, bursie (być może chodzi tutaj o budynek bursy jezuickiej74). Ponadto dwa budynki zostały zamienione na magazyny lekarstw oraz wyposażenia, odpowiednio dom przy ul. Chlebnickiej oraz spichlerz Złota Ręka75. Były to jednak szpitale tymczasowe. W 1812 r. na szpitale zamieniono również klasztor na Szkotach oraz klasztor w Oliwie, zlikwidowano zaś szpital w budynku przy ul. Chlebnickiej. W 1813 r. w związku z pojawieniem się znacznej liczby żołnierzy oraz zastrasza- jącym się zwiększeniem liczby chorych w mieście zaczęła szaleć epidemia tyfusu. Wymusiło to konieczność zaaranżowania nowych budynków na siedziby szpitali. Powstały one w spichlerzach: Miedź, Panna, Oliwa, Biały Zasób (Weis- se Vorrath), Turek, Pokój, Jedność, Otto, a także w budynku szkoły fechtunku (przy dzisiejszej ul. Ogarnej). Kolejne spichlerze zamieniono na budynki maga- zynowe szpitali: Czerwony Krzyż mieścił spiżarnię, Zły Rolnik (Luschke Bauer, winno być lusche) – kuchnię, Patriarcha Jakub – magazyn lekarstw, Las Dębo- wy – kuchnię i spiżarnię, a Żelazna Waga – kwaterę dla stróżów i portierów76. Skalę infrastruktury, którą miasto było zmuszone oddać na potrzeby armii napoleońskiej w 1812 r., unaocznia wykaz budynków zajmowanych przez wojsko w dniu 6 kwietnia 1812 r., wedle którego wojsko zajmował 181 obiek- tów różnego typu (spichlerze, kościoły, budynek akcyzy)77. Również na podstawie infrastruktury wojskowej widać, że plany Napoleona względem miasta nabrały rozmachu, czy raczej dopiero pojawiły się wiosną 1811 r. Podsumowując, Gdańsk żadną miarą nie był ważnym punktem napoleoń- skiej machiny wojennej, przynajmniej w latach 1808–1811. Napoleon nie przy- wiązywał większej roli do miasta, co było wynikiem kolejno pojawiających

73 AP Gd. 300/539, k. 134. Por. J. Zdrenka, Urzędnicy miejscy Gdańska w latach 1342–1792 i 1807–1814. Spisy, Gdańsk 2008, s. 249–252. 74 S. Kościelak, Jezuici w Gdańsku. Od drugiej połowy XVI wieku do końca XVIII wieku, Gdańsk 2003, s. 164–165. Wniosek oparty na zdaniu: „Z braku źródeł trudno niestety ocenić, jak długo fundacja ta przetrwała. Pierwotna nazwa tej instytucji pobrzmiewała jednak i w późniejszych dokumentach (ibidem, s. 165). 75 Ibidem. 76 AP Gd. 300,92/540, k. 92. 77 AP Gd. 300,92/539, k. 72–75. 264 Cezary Włodkowicz się problemów w polityce zagranicznej, związanych najpierw z interwencją w Hiszpanii, a potem z Austrią, która starała się wykorzystać trudności Napole- ona na Półwyspie Iberyjskim. Miasto nie mogło stać się również zapleczem dla armii Księstwa w 1809 r.78 Nieprzygotowanie Gdańska do tego zadania obra- zują nikła infrastruktura, niewielka liczba szpitali i niska liczebność garnizonu. Gdańsk zaczął odgrywać większą rolę dopiero od wiosny 1811 r., gdy objawiło się realne zagrożenie ze strony Rosji, a Napoleon zaczął traktować miasto jako ważny punkt oparcia, lokując w nim olbrzymie magazyny broni oraz nakazując przygotowanie zaopatrzenia na sześć miesięcy oblężenia. Przed tym momentem trudno mówić o wielkim garnizonie czy o Gdańsku jako zapleczu Wielkiej Armii.

Summary

Free City of Gdańsk as part of the Napoleonic power in the Baltic Sea region in the years 1807–1812. Military aspects

The main subject of this article is to reveal the role of the Free City of Danzig, not only as a component of Napoleonic political system, but most of all as its role in Napoleonic war machine. Considering issues of this speech– Danzig as an element of Napoleonic power, and to be more precise as an element of the military machine, we have to focus on three the most important aspects. Gar- rison – its size, components, fluctuation, can we talk about its regular improve- ment and size. Ordnance – number of canons and rifles, that are in the city, was the city a warehouse storage or rather storehouse from which Napoleon could take everything he wants. Military infrastructure – number of buildings, types of taken buildings for needs of an army.

The main goal of the speech, apart from presenting new and broadly unknown facts, is polemic with the belief that Danzig had an important role in the Napoleonic’s plans over the whole period when the city was under Saxon’s and Prussian protectorate and also french administration, since 1807.

The meaning of city, or rather its role in Napoleonic politics, was conditioned mostly with relations with Russia, and also its situation on the West (wars against Spain and Austria). It’s hard to consider city as a value element of Napoleonic war machine in years 1808–1811.

78 Por. W. Zajewski, Wolne Miasto…, s. 115. Wykres 1. Podział garnizonu ze względu na narodowość (lipiec 1807 – sierpień 1808).

Wykres 2. Podział garnizonu ze względu na narodowość (wrzesień 1808 – marzec 1809).

Wykres 3. Podział garnizonu ze względu na narodowość (kwiecień 1809 – lipiec 1811).

Wykres 4. Podział garnizonu ze względu na narodowość (wrzesień 1811 – marzec 1812). 266 Cezary Włodkowicz

Tabela 1. Wykaz sprzętu artyleryjskiego znajdującego się w Gdańsku w latach 1807–1810

Typ/wagomiar (jeśli Czerwiec Listopad Październik 1808 Grudzień 1810 nie podano inaczej 1807 1807 Łącznie190 dział Łącznie 328 działo odlane Łącznie 778 Łącznie z brązu (do tego (brak infor- z brązu) dział 533 działa w magazynach macji o nad- (z tego 300 300 dział z brązu, wyżce w ma- w magazyn- 132 z żelaza gazynach) ach) Armaty/48-funtowe 4 0 0 0 36-funtowe 4 0 0 34 30-funtowe 2 0 0 0 24-funtowe 0 30 0 20 22-funtowe 22 0 0 20 20-funtowe 0 20 0 94 18-funtowe 8 0 0 0 12-funtowe 148 70 0 0 10-funtowe 0 0 0 64 9-funtowe 12 0 0 0 77, z nich 6-funtowe 45 0 40 70 na łożach 4-funtowe 1 0 0 0 44 do nich 3-funtowe 30 0 0 52 łoża Działa zdekalibrow- 15 0 0 0 ane Karonady 48-fun- 9 0 0 23 towe 299 niemal wszystkie Żelazne armaty 0 0 0 niezdatne do użytku 105 z nich 16 na łożach Moździerze 20 0 21 i 1 bom- barda Żelazne moździerze 9 0 0 0 17 z nich Granatniki 18 0 0 12 na łożach

Żelazne granatniki 2 0 0 0 Wolne Miasto Gdańsk jako element napoleońskiej potęgi… 267 Polskie Bliźniaki,Polskie Spichlerz Niemieckie Bliźniaki, Barka Wiślana, Spichlerz Budynek loterii Kuźnia, Okręt Wojenny, Spichlerz Okręt Wojenny, Spichlerz Wielbłąd, Spichlerz Wielbłąd, Spichlerz Spichlerz Spichlerz Jednorożec Złota 1807 Drzewo Pomarańczowe Drzewo Oliwne?) Spichlerz Trzy Spichlerz Trzy rog, Spichlerz Spichlerz (Drzewo Oliwa 1808 wnia Powrozo 1809 Nowy Port 1810 Rothe Lau Mały Młyn Wielki Młyn Spichlerz Biały Koń Spichlerz Góra Spichlerz Słoń Spichlerz Światło Spichlerz Miedź Spichlerz Panna Spichlerz Kolory Spichlerz Flitsch Spichlerz Pies Czarny Spichlerz Jastrząb Czarny Spichlerz Wieniec Kwiatów Spichlerz Trzy Gwiazdy Spichlerz Wiatrak 1811 Baarentanz (Pockenhaus) Pochaus na Piaskach Dwa domy Miedź Spichlerz Sandacz Spichlerz Gęś Szara Spichlerz Panna Spichlerz Oliwne Drzewo Arsenał (wielkaArsenał zbrojownia) 1812 Na podstawie: AP Gd. 300, 92/540, k. AP Gd. Na podstawie: 92. Tabela 2. Budynki zaaranżowane na kwatery 2. Budynki zaaranżowane dla żołnierzy 1807–1812 w latach Tabela 268 Cezary Włodkowicz - - 1813 Spichlerz Miedź Spichlerz Panna Spichlerz (Drzewo Oliwa Oliwne) Spichlerz Biały Zasób (Zapas) Spichlerz Turek Spichlerz Pokój Spichlerz Jedność (Szkoła Fech Fechtschule tunku przy Ogarnej) ul. Otto Spichlerz Krzyż Czerwony Spichlerz Zły Rolnik – kuch nia Jakub – Spichlerz Patriarcha magazyn leków – Waga Spichlerz Żelazna pracownicy cywilni Las dębowy – kuchnia i rachunkowość 1812 Klasztor na Szkotach Klasztor w Oliwie 1811 Dom akcyzy Spichlerz Góra moins gris Couvent (Klasztor Franciszkanów) ChlebnickiejDom na ul. 1808 Klasztor Dominikanów na Sandgrube Dwa domy Piaski) (dzisiejsza ul. na Oruni Dwa domy - Tabela 3. Wykaz budynków zajętych na szpitale w latach 1807–1812, opracowany 17 grudnia 1813 roku 17 grudnia Wykaz 1807–1812, opracowany na szpitale w latach zajętych budynków 3. Tabela 1807 Wielki Arsenał Spichlerz Po Drzewo marańczowe Spichlerz Wielbłąd Spichlerz Trzy Rogi 300, 92/540, k. AP Gd. Na podstawie: 103. Bibliografia / Bibliography

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