variation has been inconsistently handled. Improvement of the typological system is Wilson (1969), for example, distinguishes only a means to enhance communication among between types of Alameda Brown Ware on the different archeologists working on differ­ basis of the relative percentages of ent research problems within the study different mineral inclusions. This area. The case for more detailed analysis approach is unwieldy for the level of is already made. Despite the generally analysis envisioned in this discussion. On negative attitude toward the pioneering the other hand, there are apparently undif­ studies of stylistic variation done by ferentiated sherd and sand tempered varie­ Longacre and Hill, the principle on which ties of the Alma series. their work most fundamentally rests is now established; at virutally every level of 6. Corrugated: The same technological spatial detail, patterning can and should problems that characterize current descrip­ be sought. Hantman and Lightfoot (1978) tions of plainwares occur in the case of have made the same case for temporal pat­ corrugated types. These need to be re­ terning. It is dubious that the detail solved. Stylistic descriptions have been required for any of these analyses, nor for based on the pattern of surface coils, containing the variation that is demon­ bands, and indentations. Brunson's statis­ strated by petrographic studies, should tical analysis has demonstrated so much become a part of a typological system as overlap that relatively few categories will that system would rapidly become too com­ suffice, such as obliteration, partial plex and costly to use. However, the obliteration, indentation, banding, and useful information that can be obtained patterning (including scoring, punching, from these more detailed studies is now etc.). Yet, her analysis is for only a understood. portion of the study area and more detail may be required. The problem with the approach taken by Hill and Longacre is the overly simple inter­ 7. Painted Corrugated: Neither stylistic pretation that was placed on the results. nor technological variation is well des­ Spatial, temporal, and functional pattern­ cribed. For example, our collection in­ ing were not clearly distinguished. As S. cludes white-on-red, white-on-orange, Plog has shown, and subsequent analyses black-on-red, black-on-orange, red-on- have confirmed, one must clearly distin­ orange and virtually all of the possible guish between the three. Nevertheless, polychrome-on-orange combinations. Whether Plog's and subsequent analyses have found this is a local manifestation that does not attributes of ceramic variation that can be require resolution at the regional level, used for more detailed inferences when or if a regional resolution is required, is these overall dimensions are adequately unclear at present. treated.

90 CHIPPED AND

INTRODUCTION TYPOLOGY

Chipped stone artifacts have received far A first major area of investigation is less attention in efforts to interpret the typology. While an adequate typology for of the unit than have ceramic the study area clearly does not exist, a ones. As late as 1964, one major site number of studies on which such a typology report (Martin et al., 1964) grouped might be based have been done in recent chipped stone artifacts into the following years. categories: projectile points, drills, saws, gravers, , scrapers, choppers, The first departure from the use of intui­ and planes. No discussion of the tive typologies in analyzing chipped stone reasoning behind the typology, nor why they is Longacre's study of materials from used an abbreviated version of a previously Broken K (1967). He used metric far more complex one, was presented. The measurements of flake lengths and widths to results of the classification were not argue for selectivity in the use of flakes incorporated into the interpretation of the of different sizes for the manufacture of site in question. This approach is by no different tool types. He also analyzed, means unique; it is an accurate reflection using a rudimentary typology, the different of the manner in which chipped stone had categories of chipping degree and found been handled for decades. differences between some room blocks at the site. Perhaps most importantly, he found Within the last 15 years, this situation that habitation rooms and storage rooms has changed drastically. Chipped stone has with features had many times more chipping become a major focus of analysis as arche- debris than storage rooms without floor ologists sought to identify "tool kits" or features. to describe the variation in the techniques used to manufacture particular artifacts or Decker (1976) studied roughly 1400 chipped particular chipped stone assemblages. A stone tools from the Chevelon drainage in bewildering array of attributes are now an effort to identify classes within the used in the study of most assemblages. In general category of scrapers and knives. one recent effort these included: raw Of a large set of attributes studied, he material; flake condition; length; width; concluded that edge angle, edge length, and thickness; length, width, and thickness of edge contour were the significant variables the platform; residual ; for defining the classes. He identified platform preparation; number of dorsal two problems in the use of any such system, scars and type of scar; of cortex; flake however. First, the approach cannot be termination; eraillure; lipping; force applied to whole artifacts but to each lines; bulb of percussion; symmetry; utili­ worked edge and potentially to independent zation; and edge angle. An even longer use episodes on each edge. Second, even list of only partially overlapping vari­ using the variables he mentioned, computer ables could be described for recent analysis is necessary to group the arti­ analyses of projectile points alone. facts in question. On balance, these results suggest a very casual pattern of At the same time, chipped stone has been artifact use in potentially quite different seen more and more as a source of important activities. information concerning behavior and cul­ ture. Exchange and site function are two Perhaps the best attempt to rethink the of the most common patterns that are inves­ issue of chipped stone typology is that of tigated using this material. At present, DeGarmo (1975). His analysis of the assem­ there has been no effort to integrate the blage from Coyote Creek Pueblo included a results of these diverse studies into a clear description of each of the categories single overarching typology. The necessity into which artifacts were sorted. While of such an effort is debatable although it the effort included only minimal results of may prove useful. At present, it is statistical analyses of artifact types, it possible only to describe the diverse did provide historical background con­ courses that investigations have taken. cerning other references to the type,

91 hypotheses concerning the function that Coulam and Hutira 1979). Li attempted to each type served, and a discussion of some generate a usable system using a modifica­ experimental results that DeGarmo used in tion of WhalIon's (1972) technique for attempting to establish function. The generating a hierarchical classification distribution of different artifact types in system. While a usable typology was devel­ rooms and room blocks at the site was also oped, it proved to have minimal chronologi­ described. These data, in combination with cal value. Rafferty's effort was based others, suggest both variation in the use upon Li's and yielded the same conclusion. of different parts of the site and special­ Five attributes were used in these two ization in the production of at least some studies: basal width/ width, primary items. flake type, basal curvature, length, and width. Sexton employed a greatly expanded set of attributes: distal shoulder angle, MANUFACTURING PROCESSES proximal shoulder angle, basal indentation ratio, length-width ratio, notch opening, A number of studies have attempted to maximum width position both distal and define patterns of change in the manufac­ proximal, basal width/maximum width, ture of projectile points and other bifaces length/width, longitudinal cross section within the overview unit. Traugott (1968, and transverse cross section. see also Plog 1974) studied the relation­ ship between heat treating and flake form Rafferty's analysis resulted in the identi­ in the case of projectile points from sites fication of four basic in Hay Hollow Valley. His study contri­ types: unstemmed with basal indentation, buted to understanding the manner in which unstemmed without basal indentation, projectile points are manufactured. stemmed side-notched, and stemmed corner Specifically, projectile points made using notched. Before about AD 1100, unstemmed primary flaking to thin the flake tend to points with no basal notch and stemmed, be heat treated. Projectile points made side notched points predominate. After simply by trimming the edge of the flake about AD 1100 basal indentation on stemless (secondary retouch) are generally not heat points and corner notching on points with treated. Generally the secondary retouch stems are characteristic. While he inter­ is used to produce triangular forms on prets the data in spatial terms, an evalua­ flakes removed from cores so that they are tion of Sexton's results also suggest that already sufficiently thin. The flakes prior to AD 1100, points are thicker. This produced by the second process are far more is consistent with Traugott's argument con­ standardized than those produced by the cerning a shift in the manufacturing first. The first process is the earlier process. In my experience, the later and is superseded by the second at about AD points are also far more standardized in 800. Early and later points are shown in size and shape. Figures 21 and 22. Coulam and Hutira (1979) used a combination The complicating factor is the apparent of cluster and discriminant function analy­ widespread reuse at later sites of flakes sis in an effort to identify temporally made by the older process. While flakes sensitive projectile point forms. Their made using the second process are rarely analysis suggested some possible relation­ found on early sites, flakes made by the ships between body and basal width. second are widespread on later ones. This However, there was no apparent spatial or pattern occurs on sites from the entire temporal patterning to the distribution. Apache-Sitgreaves National Forests area. Figure 23 illustrates a particularly compelling case. At the same time assem­ FUNCTION blages from some sites are highly stan­ dardized (see Figure 24). The function of specific tool types has been explored and used in efforts to con­ CHRONOLOGY trast different activity areas on sites, on different types of sites or in different Further analyses have attempted to identify parts of a particular study area. specific changes in projectile point form sufficient for establishing an areal chron­ Garson (1972) studied the color character­ ology (Li 1973, Sexton 1976, Pafferty 1977, istics of chipped stone artifacts and the

92 Figure 21. Early projectile points and bifaces from the overview area.

Figure 22. Highly standardized points from Navaqueotaka, a large late pueblo just outside the Little Colorado overview unit. The average point is 1.5 cm long. 93 Figure 23. The range of variation in projectile points from a single pithouse 1 (CS-553) in the Chevelon drainage.

Figure 24. Later projectile points from the overview unit.

94 materials from which they were made at site this factor may represent the initial NS28 in Hay Hollow Valley. A sample of processing of the raw materials. and chalcedonies were collected from source areas in the immediate vicinity of Stone (1975) analyzed a large collection of the site. Garson postulated that there chipped stone artifacts recovered during might have been selection of different survey of the Chevelon drainage. Her colors of raw materials by different social approach was based upon "fuzzy set theory" units or for manufacturing different types a technique that is useful when the asso­ of artifacts. His results suggested that ciation of a particular observation with a no such selectivity occurred. Only in the particular activity is only probable rather case of chalcedony was there any apparent than certain. The investigator specifies selectivity and the possibility could not the probability in question and this infer­ be rejected that this pattern reflected a ence becomes a part of the analytical selection of a higher quality raw material. procedure.

Schiffer's (1976) analysis of chipped stone Stone's analysis required identifying the artifacts from the Joint Site is probably probable activities with which unutilized the most comprehensive analysis of varia­ flakes, formal tools, and casual stone tion in chipped stone artifacts undertaken tools were associated. For each artifact in the study area. His effort includes a category, the existing literature on stone lengthy discussion of the strengths and tool use, consultation with colleagues, and weaknesses of various approaches to the inspection of the materials were used as study of both tool manufacture and formulated the probabilities to be use. Among the major substantive conclu­ associated with each tool type. Actual sions of his research are the following: observations are then transformed by the probabilities and become the data for 1. Chalcedony, the rarest of the raw analysis. The strength of this procedure materials used at the site, was also the is that the inference becomes a part of the most intensively used and reused. The analysis rather than a guess that is made number of worked edges on flakes and the after particular patterns of artifact amount of shatter are significantly higher association have been identified. than for either quartzite or . Moreover, the result of the analysis is stated as a probability that a particular activity occurred at a particular spatial 2. OTJartzite was most frequently used in locus. the manufacture of large tools and chalce­ dony in the manufacture of smaller and especially bi facially retouched tools. Using excavated materials, Stone found evidence of a high probability of stone 3. When the chipped stone artifacts from tool manufacture and food preparation at secondary refuse are analyzed using factor all sites. The probabilities of hide analysis, three factors can be isolated. preparation, butchering, hunting, and wood The first consists of utilized flakes and working were both generally lower and utilized shatter with all but very steep highly varied from site to site. A cluster edges. With the exception of quartzite analysis performed on the data formed two artifacts, all had been used. These tools groups, one with a high certainty of all were most probably used in a wide range of activities and the other with a high cer­ cutting activities and for processing a tainty of only a subset of all activities. wide range of raw materials throughout the Specialization in both room function and site. Factor two is defined by some unuti­ site function are suggested by the data. lized chert and all unutilized chalcedony waste flakes, although a and Using the survey data, groups were again several formally made tools are included. formed indicating different combinations of This factor is probably associated with the activities at different sites. A discrim­ manufacture of chipped stone tools, primar­ inant function analysis of the cluster ily in the rooms and on the roof of the results indicated an error of only 2.74% in pueblo. Factor three is defined by chert assigning cases to the clusters. and quartzite waste flakes. Again, chipped Butchering and food preparation were rela­ manufacture is indicated but in tively useless in cluster formation; varia­ the areas away from the room block where tion in these activities is so great from the raw materials occur. I suspect that site to site that their presence at some

95 sites and absence at others is likely to be ponderosa communities had different lithic unrelated to the other variables. Most of assemblages. He examined the size of the variation is associated with differen­ limited activity sites and the percentages tial evidence of chipped stone tool manu­ of tools, types of decortication flakes, facture on sites where hunting also and cores found on limited activity sites occured. Hide preparation, and the proces­ found within the two zones. He was able sing of hard materials are the next most to show that they were homogenous. important activities separating the Habitation sites in the two zones are, clusters. As was the case with excavation however, different. Sites of the pinyon- data, the largest group is formed of sites juniper community have more tertiary where the probability is high of all activ­ decortication flakes and fewer primary ities being present. The remainder of the ones, and relatively fewer cores. Dobbins groups are defined on the basis of asso­ argued that the relatively greater numbers ciations between chipped stone tool manu­ of cores and primary flakes found on sites facture and various of the other activ­ in the ponderosa zone suggest only occa­ ities. sional manufacture of stone tools at these loci. Artifacts reflecting later stages The study provides little evidence of any of the manufacturing process occur in linear variation in the degree of site greater abundance in the juniper pinyon specialization through time. Instead, the area because these sites were occupied on degree of specialization seems to vary as a more permanent basis, he concluded. populations disperse and contract through the drainage or move into areas that were Saunders (1976) studied 275 chipped stone previously nearly uninhabited. Also, the artifacts from four contemporaneous sites more generalized site types are charac­ in the Chevelon drainage. One habitation teristic of periods of relatively more site and one limited activity site in the abundant rainfall. Among later and larger grassland and pinyon-juniper woodland sites there is good evidence for the per­ zones were selected for the study. He formance, of specialized activities in found evidence that, while all stages of specific rooms. chipped stone manufacture are indicated at habitation sites, only the thinning of Gibson (1975) investigated the relationship already decertified flakes and cores between edge orientation, edge angle and occurred at the limited activity sites. raw material type using a sample of 3000 The characteristics of the flakes used at artifacts from the Chevelon drainage. Her the sites proved to be generally similar. study indicated that the use of a lateral There was no evidence of patterning in the edge was the most common pattern for all use of different raw materials at the material types and that there was little s i tes. difference between the end and lateral edge angles. She found a trimodal distribution Briuer (1976) used techniques borrowed of edge angles roughly paralleling those from the police laboratory in an effort to described by Wilmsen (1970). While all raw understand the materials on which chipped materials showed working edges corres­ stone artifacts were used. He examined ponding to these peaks there was a marked organic residues on the edges of chipped tendency to use vitreous cherts for tasks stone tools, 37 from 0'Haco , that involved lower edge angles, inferably a Desert Culture site, and several from slicing and cutting tasks. Quartzite Coyote Creek Pueblo, an open air site. showed some tendency to be used in tasks Residues were present on the Coyote Creek requiring the steepest edge angles. Basalt artifacts despite their having been and chalky cherts were most abundant in the washed. Chemical tests indicated that the intermediate category of edge angles vast majority of the artifacts were used although no argument can be made that they for plant processing, although blood was were selected for tasks requiring edge indicated on the edge of one of them. angles of this category. Briuer was also at>le to show that the organic residue on the stone tools was unlike that found on natural objects in Dobbins (1977) studied a sample of 1800 the rock shelter. chipped stone tools from 28 sites in the Chevelon and Pinedale areas, dating to 1250 to 1325 AD. He attempted to assess the M. Donaldson (1977) studied a collection extent to which limited activity and habi­ of nearly 800 chipped stone tools from 5 tation sites in the juniper pinyon and limited activity and 5 habitation sites in

96 the Chevelon drainage. The main difference she found between them related to the quantity and types of chipping debris. There is much more chipping debris at habitation sites than at limited activity sites although there is more evidence of immediate reduction of flakes from cores at the latter. There is also much greater evidence of selectivity of flakes for utilization at habitation sites. Differ­ ences in the length, width, and thickness of utilized, as opposed to non-utilized, flakes is significant at habitation sites but not significant at limited activity Figure 25. A ground stone from the sites. overview area. This example is 10 cm long. Grove (1977) studied a large number of characteristics of the raw material, tool type, and flake morphology of sites from artifacts of this category. (See Figure the Little Colorado Planning Unit, west of 25 for an example of local groundstone.) Lakeside on the Apache-Sitgreaves National Forests. She attempted to distinguish Slawson (1978b) examined a number of vari­ between the lithic assemblages of artifact ables in an effort to separate aceramic scatters, one or two room sites, and larger from preceramic sites. Her basic strategy sites in this area. Few of the character­ involved comparison of the lithic assem­ istics proved to be significant and those blages from ceramic sites with those from that did were questionable. These results aceramic ones. Thus, the aceramic group stand in marked contrast to those obtained must be assumed to include preceramic for the western portion of the Apache- sites as well as sites contemporaneous Sitgreaves National Forests. The result is with the ceramic ones on which ceramic probably best understood in regard to the artifacts were simply not used. As a "argument developed by Wood and others (Plog result, the conclusions identified below 1978). Basically, the evidence suggests could probably be strengthened by using that occupation of the eastern area was them as a basis for separating preceramic late and lasted for a relatively brief and later sites and basing an analysis time. Given that the area is one of exclusively on those sites that have the greater geomorphological activity than the- apparently earlier characteristics. Major more westerly areas, the structures on the conclusions of the study were as follows: "limited activity sites" may simply be buried. Alternatively, what may be repre­ 1. Non-flakes (cores, shatter, and tools) sented is a series of large to small sites, are almost three times as abundant on with and without structures, all of which aceramic sites as on ceramic ones. reflect colonization or temporary use of the area. This issue cannot be resolved at 2. Non-ceramic sites have a much higher present. frequency of secondary flakes.

Little effort has been spent in attempting 3. Ceramic sites have a much greater to define types of ground stone artifacts abundance of tertiary flakes. in the study area. Generally, investi­ gators have used an intuitive typology 4. Quartz, orthoquartzite, and petrified consisting of the following elements: wood only occur in non-ceramic sites and one-hand manos, two-hand manos, basin flints and limestone are far more abundant , trough memtates, slab metates, on them. palettes, mortars, and pestles. In some instances, manos have been further divided 5. Andesite, jasper, calcite, and obsid­ on the basis of bevelling. Mundie (1973) ian only occur on ceramic sites. used statistical procedures in creating a more sophisticated typology for manos. Her 6. High percentages of edge angles results suggest that a relative few cate­ greater that 76 degrees and less than 18 gories are necessary in order to classify degrees are found on aceramic sites.

97 7. An abundance of edge angles in the 36 EXCHANGE to 45 degree range occurs on ceramic sites. A final major line of analysis focused on 8. More formally made cores and tools are the exchange of chipped stone artifacts or found on aceramic sites and more different the raw materials from which they were kinds of tools. There are some tool types made. Until recently, most efforts to that may be unique to these sites. study exchange have used exotic resources such as obsidian. In recent years, a 9. Utilized and unutilized flakes occur in number of studies done using data from the greater abundance on ceramic sites. overview unit suggest that there is great potential in studies of the distribution Unfortuntely, the analysis also suggested of more mundane resources. considerable spatial variation in the results over the area that Slawson studied. Rick and Gritzmacher (1970) analyzed Nevertheless, this suggestive evidence roughly 800 pieces of chipped stone from provides a substantial basis for beginning 10 sites in Hay Hollow Valley. The an effort to clearly distinguish between materials they used were surface collected aceramic and preceramic lithic sites. from the sites. Their investigation did, however, test the relationship between Most (1978b, 1979) has attempted to dis­ surface and subsurface deposits at one tinguish between various site types in the excavated site and they concluded that Pinedale area using lithic artifacts. The surface materials were a good reflection variables she considered include raw of subsurface deposits. They divided material, characteristics of the striking chipped stone raw materials into five platform, cortex, and characteristics of categories: chert, agate, petrified wood, the bulb of percussion. Using these basalt, and quartzite. Sources for each of variables pithouse, limited activity, and the raw materials were located with only pueblo sites are generally similar. There basalt and agate having restricted are, however, two important areas of sources. This argues for a linear difference. First, raw materials are decrease in abundance of material as differentially distributed. Specifically, distance from the source increases. basalt tends to occur on the largest sites and to be more typical of later sites. The sites studied were occupied between AD This nonlocal raw material was imported 300 and 1300. While the percentage of into the area and possibly was processed at chert, the most frequently used raw large habitation sites prior to distribu­ material, remained relatively constant tion to inhabitants of smaller ones. over time, utilization of agate decreased Second, a number of variables that are and utilization of quartzite increased. associated with the production of tool Since agate is a higher quality material, blanks suggests that these artifacts may I suspect that the replacement of it by have been manufactured on limited activity quartzite may indicate exhaustion of the sites. source material. While unwillingness to undertake the quarrying trip is a In the Pinedale area, clear distinctions possibility, the source is only a few between habitation and nonhabitation sites miles away from the most distant site used are not possible. There are clearly some in the study. sites that would have been recorded as limited activity sites were it not for One aspect of the study on which the potholes that revealed walls. In combina­ authors did not comment is the extreme tion with Most's data, most of the genuine variation in lithic density on the sites limited activity sites in the Pinedale area which they studied. The range is from 1.1 may be loci at which raw materials were to 21.5 per square meter. The coefficient quarried from the Rim Gravels and initially of variation is .59 and the chances are processed. Given the highly ecotonal less than 1 in 1000 that such a set of situation of the area, it is unlikely that observations would be drawn from a popu­ separate resource extraction loci would lation with the same mean. This suggests have been necessary for most floral and that efforts to distinguish site types faunal resources. might well focus on variation in the

98 overall quantity of chipped stone materials was best defined on the basis of the high on sites and that there may be substantial degree of variation in comparison with the variation in the quantity of material used other two clusters. In a 16 cluster at different points in time. solution, the eastern sector and the eastern third of the central sector show Green (1975) studied the distribution of high variation in comparison with the chipped stone raw materials on sites of all remaining portion of the central sector time periods from the Chevelon drainage. and the western sector, both of which She grouped raw materials into four cate­ remain relatively consistent. gories: vitreous chert, chalky chert, volcanic, and quartzite. Throughout the LePere also investigated the potential sequence, vitreous chert was the most sources of the raw materials and in many commonly used raw material, although chalky cases was able to identify possible chert was most important in the south­ sources by simply using geological maps of western corner. the area and fall-off rates. Both linear and exponential rates were identified. Of Green found that different localities course, the results of this analysis can within the drainage, when evaluated using be improved with field investigations to both SYMAP and cluster analysis, were more specifically identify the sources. relatively different from one another at Some possible associations with site size all time periods. The raw materials used, and site type were also identified. with the exception of volcanic, were typi­ cally the most abundant locally available Findlow (n.d.) has studied obsidian from raw materials. Volcanic materials appear several hundred sites on the Apache- to have been traded into the drainage by Si tgreaves National Forests. The tech­ peoples living to the west with the mate­ nique that he has used to identify obsid­ rial entering the drainage at the conflu­ ian sources has been described previously ences of Brookbank and Potato Wash with (Findlow 1976). The major result of this Chevelon Canyon. The distribution of the effort is the discovery that, as far east raw material follows the easternmost drain­ as Pinetop, obsidian is predominantly from ages within the Brookbank system. The sources in the Flagstaff area. In the period between AD 1175 and 1250 is marked vicinity of Springerville and Eagar, Red by exceptionally high diversity in the use Hill obsidian, from a source of that name of raw materials. Nevertheless, the basic in New Mexico, occurs in the greatest patterning is apparently spatial with much abundance, although Flagstaff obsidian less indication of change in use patterns still occurs in some quantity. The west­ through time. ernmost extent of exchange of Red Hill obsidian is the Pinedale area. LePere (1979a, 1979b) has undertaken a thorough statistical study of the different raw material types used in the manufacture FUTURE RESEARCH of chipped stone tools on the Apache- Sitgreaves National Forests. Her analysis The studies described above reflect sub­ indicates that chert and chalcedony were stantial progress in obtaining an initial the most widely used resources with basalt understanding of the nature of variation and quartzite next in importance. Many in chipped stone assemblages. While there less widely used resources (e.g., andesite, has been considerable growth of under­ jasper, and siltstone) are used within standing of the information that can be relatively smaller spatial isolates. derived from particular variables, there Obsidian occurs at low levels over the is also still considerable guessing con­ entire forest area. cerning the variables that are most likely to yield information and the manner in A cluster analysis of the data, one that which these should be defined. A number groups sites on the basis of different raw of important questions now exist. materials found on them, suggested several interesting conclusions. A three cluster 1. What is the source of materials used solution basically segregated the western, in manufacturing chipped stone tools? central and eastern sectors of the forests. While a number of studies are reported In an eight cluster solution, this division that describe variation in chipped stone was still clear although the eastern sector raw materials with tool-type, site type,

99 or time, the studies are exclusively based the studies discussed above indicate one or on data from sites. To date, with the sole more variables that can be used to differ­ exception of obsidian, no effort has been entiate the assemblages of habitation sites made to identify the actual sources of as opposed to limited activity sites. In particular raw material types through field other cases, however, no such differences work. Provenience postulates must be were noted. Whether this information established if we are to understand the reflects differences in the organization of nature and extent of exchange that brought productive activities from one portion of the raw materials to the loci where they the overview unit to another, or at differ­ were used. ent points in time, cannot be stated with any security at present. It does seem 2. What productive/extractive processes clear that, in at least some areas, limited are reflected in formally made stone tools? activity sites are characterized by rela­ Virtually all of the studies reported tively less chipped stone manufacture; this herein clearly indicate that the assem­ suggests that they were occupied for rela­ blages in the overview area are relatively tively short periods of time. casual assemblages: used and minimally modified flakes are the most typical tool. 5. Is there a typology that is useful for Behaviorally, a very eclectic pattern in comparing chipped stone from different the use of chipped stone tools is sug­ projects? The development of such a typol­ gested. The relatively infrequent occur­ ogy would be a major undertaking were one rence of formally manufactured stone tools to assume that it should proceed from leaves open the questions of why, and under statistical analyses of different artifacts what circumstances, prehistoric peoples to the establishment of formal types. chose to invest additional energy in manu­ Something less than this may be useful, facturing more specific tool types. however, for communication at the same level of detail envisioned in the dis­ 3. Can preceramic and non-ceramic sites be cussion of ceramic variation. Were a distinguished? The study reported above is system based on the use of a relatively few preliminary in nature and in no way re­ attributes in existence, [such a typology solves the question of whether this dis­ would be perhaps not too different from tinction can be clarified. that used by DeGarmo (1975)] variation in functional and manufacturing patterns of a 4. What is the nature of spatial and magnitude that would imply major cultural temporal variation in lithic assemblages or organizational differences might be found on sites of different types? Some of evident.

100 SETTLEMENT PATTERNS: INTRA-SITE

During the last decade much of the intel­ variation in room features at most of the lectual investment in studies within the sites in the area. Thus, the habitation/ overview unit has been in studies of loca- storage contrast seemed secure. tional and settlement patterning. There is probably more detailed information on In a subsequent analysis of the relation­ settlement related issues for various ship between room size and room function, localities within the study area than any Johnson (1970) found evidence of inter-site other area of comparable size. variation in average room size in Hay Hollow Valley. Because the average size of In the case of both intra-site and inter- rooms on sites varied from site to site, no site patterning there are two general areas single quantitative criterion was clearly of analytical concern: the definition of useful in distinguishing between habitation the elements of settlement patterns and the and storage rooms. However, Johnson did analysis of the manner in which these discover two size modalities on the sites elements are articulated and change in he considered and argued that the habita­ their articulation through space and tion/storage dichotomy is valid even if through time. there is no single quantitative distinction that is viable for all sites and/or time periods. ELEMENTS OF INTRA-SITE PATTERNS Ott (1970) returned to the question of While efforts to identify room types have a ceremonial vs. secular rooms and ventured long history in studies of southwestern into the relatively difficult area of archeology, it is only within the last 15 prehistoric ceremonialism in analyzing a years that systematic efforts to identify series of excavated sites in the Upper attributes of different room types have Little Colorado and the Pine Lawn area of been common. Prior to this time obvious New Mexico. She compared changing charac­ distinctions (between and secular teristics of the features and artifact rooms, between pithouses and surface assemblages that differentiate kivas and storage units) were commonly made. Recent houses. efforts have focused on the identification of more subtle differences between rooms Her analysis indicated limited evidence of that served different functions. any consistent differences in the artifact assemblages found in kivas as opposed to Efforts to systematically define and verify other structures, prior to about AD 1000. the existence of different room types begin There is also limited evidence of features with the work of Hill (Hill 1966, 1968, that differentiate the two classes before 1970; Martin, Hill, and Longacre 1967). this date. The argument is not that there The goal of this effort was to identify is no basis on which kivas can be defined differences in room sizes and features prior to this period, but only that there associated with habitation as opposed to is little evidence of strongly developed storage rooms. Kivas and "clan rooms" are activity specialization. Interestingly, also recognized, although their definition the change occurred at a time when there is was more problematical. Subsequently, Hill evidence of a substantial increase in the and Hevly (1968) described palynological overall degree of specialization in site data that also coincide with the artifact assemblages and an increase in the habitation/storage distinction made ratio of structures on a site to kivas. earl ier. .. Blank, Fischel, and Wild (1974) attempted Zilen (1968) and Plog (1969, 1970) used to identify room types using material from data from the overview unit and surrounding excavated sites in the Purcel 1-Larson areas in an effort to test the utility of locality. Since there is little variation Hill's distinction. Their analysis in room size in the area that is suggestive suggested that, while the size boundary was of a clear habitation/storage dichotomy, not absolute, a general distinction between architecture could not be used to inform two size modalities was associated with the analysis. They found little evidence

101 of meaningful variation in quantities or vessel that was clearly sitting on the kinds of ceramic artifacts. The most floor of one room were found in the other important distinctions concerned the room providing some idea of the magnitude presence/absence of significant quantities of transformation processes that effect of ground stone and the presence/absence of distributions at even the most pristine evidence of tool manufacture (as opposed to sites. tool use). All four possible combinations (e.g., with ground stone, without tool use) were discovered. It seems unlikely that so INTRA-SITE SPATIAL PATTERNS complex a pattern of specialization would have characterized intra-site patterns in There have been two major analytical the area. The distinctions that were found traditions in the effort to understand more probably reflect the last activities intra-site spatial patterning. The first that were carried out in the various rooms of these focuses on inferences concerning and/or the nature of trash that was dumped organizational patterns as these can be in them. inferred from the distribution of artifacts among rooms. The major impact of this Acciavatti (1974) provides some notion of tradition has been the development of the distributional patterns that occur on evidence suggesting increasing specializa­ living surfaces when conditions of preser­ tion of room function and activity vation are ideal. She analyzed material structures through time. The second tradi­ from rooms 5 and 6 of site 731 in the tion has focused on the "construction Purcell Larson locality. These two rooms, cycle" or at least the construction process apparently occupied at about AD 1275 to at sites (see Figures 26 and 27). The 1300, were both burned. major impact of this tradition has been the suggestion that there are regularities in Acciavatti separated the ceramics in the the manner in which sites grow, although rooms into eating (bowls, ladles, these are affected by events that are pitchers), (smudged jars), and occurring in the natural and social storage (unsmudged jars) vessels. Limited environment at the time construction is neighborhood classification analysis was on-going. then used to group 1 by 1 meter excavation units on the basis of similarities in the Longacre (1966) has argued for differentia­ proportions of these different functional tion of productive processes at Broken K categories. There was a tendency in room 5 Pueblo. He notes that while finished for storage jars to occur along the walls products are found throughout the pueblo, and cooking and eating vessels in the tools used in artifact manufacture are, in vicinity of , although there were some instances, highly localized. Graving some storage vessels near the hearths also. tools that might have been used in manu­ Room 6 was somewhat more complex, with a facturing artifacts, for example, high density of storage vessels throughout occur largely in the northwestern corner of the room. Nevertheless, cooking and eating the Pueblo while arrowshaft tools are vessels predominated in the vicinity of localized in the southern portion. hearths. Interestingly, there was also evidence that black-on-white, black-on-red, Anderson (1971) attempted to measure varia­ and polychrome vessels are distributed tion in the extent of social stratification differently, within the room. from the time of Christ until about AD 1400. Her effort is based upon a distinc­ Room 6 is somewhat of a puzzle in that it tion between "necessary and unnecessary" is 60 square meters, atypically large for artifacts and their distribution in the the overview unit. Acciavatti (1974) rooms of the Hay Hollow, Gurley, Carter observes that there may have been imper­ Ranch, Joint and Broken K sites in Hay manent partitions dividing the room as the Hollow Valley. While the distinctions that hearths are dispersed over it. Vessels may she made in analyzing the artifact also have been on the roof rather than on assemblages are somewhat questionable, she the room floor, which was unconsolidated describes a way of approaching the problem sand. As a result, the charcoal from the that is worth pursuing. Her analysis burned room simply graded into the sand; suggests that one cannot exclude the there was no clear floor surface. Finally, possibility of differential access to Acciavatti (1974) notes that sherds from a resources at any time during the valley's

102 i—o» CO

Figure 26. One interpretation of the construction sequence at Broken K. Figure 27. The sequence of room additions at Riatuthlanna. occupation, although the evidence for while the third was a work area. The differential access is clearly stronger distributions of tools used in ceramic and toward the end. chipped stone manufacture, especially those used in manufacturing and chipped Plog (1974) has discussed a number of stone, suggests some specialization on the different aspects of inter- and intra-site part of the two groups. It is possible, settlement patterning in Hay Hollow Valley. DeGarmo suggests, that -manufacture He argues that the features and tools that was a specialty for the inhabitants of the identify different activity structures sites with members of the two domestic within sites vary and suggest a pattern of groups subspecialized in the process. increasing specialization through time. Additional suggestions of specialization/ This change correlates with increases in exchange include: (a) parts of two bison population and the appearance of a more found in the two domestic areas, and (b) hierarchical and aggregated settlement bone tools in one domestic area are made pattern within the area. with right-side while those in the other are made with left-side bones. There is, also, some differentiation of ceramic DeCarmo (1975) has provided a thorough design between the two areas. review of the construction sequence and interactive patterns at Coyote Creek Pueblo. He uses information concerning DeGarmo was not arguing for a substantial bonding and abutting patterns, trash degree of specialization. Nevertheless, his deposits, and tree-ring dates to argue for careful, perhaps overly cautious, arguments construction of different room and room suggest that productive specialization may sets at the pueblo at different points in have been a more pervasive pattern in the time. These and additional data are then study area than the current literature used to construct a convincing argument reflects. that just prior to the abandonment of the site most, if not all, of the rooms were Although the recognition that bonding- still in use. abutting patterns and other architectural details could yield important insights DeGarmo's major focus is on the domestic concerning prehistoric behavior is an old and economic organization of the pueblo. one, this insight has only recently been He argued that two of the three major room harnessed to current anthropological clusters were the abode of domestic groups theory. The relationships of construction

104 patterns to stress, to the availability of was a regular construction sequence at all resources, and to household or domestic sites with an initial heavy investment in cycles have been studied. the construction of habitation rooms, followed by the construction of propor­ Driskell (1969) attempted to discover tionally more storage than habitation relationships between population decline/ space. Then there was a return to rela­ subsistence stress and pueblo construction tively more construction of proportionally patterns. He argued that, in Hay Hollow more storage space followed by a return to Valley, the average size of rooms declined relatively more construction of habitation with population decrease. (Note elsewhere space. Second, there was a general overall in this section that this is likely a increase in the construction of storage product of an increase in the relative rooms during periods of time when the proportion of storage rooms that were pollen records suggest that stress might constructed.) He does note a number of have occurred in the area. changes in construction techniques between about AD 900 and 1400, although his argu­ The first pattern might be either a genera­ ment is based on only four. There was a tional one or related to the stress. It general decrease in the number of building could reflect the construction of habita­ stones of which walls were composed, as tion rooms sufficient to underwrite the banded or semi-banded walls were replaced expansion of a nuclear family, followed by by rubble-adobe construction. Walls become storage rooms necessary for the foodstuffs generally thinner, the extent to which required to sustain children, followed by construction stones were dressed decreased, the construction of new households. Alter­ and the practice of plastering walls natively, it could reflect an initial decreased. Driskell argued that all of the settlement the inhabitants of which con­ above represent more economical construc­ struct additional storage space during a tion practices as a result of decreased time of stress and then ultimately resolve labor availability. the problem by enticing more inhabitants/ laborers to the settlement. Schaefer (1970) also provided an analysis of the growth curve at Broken K. He was One equally important point on which the particularly concerned with the relation­ authors (Autry and Vaughan 1972) do not ship between private and public space. The comment is the substantial variation in the public space in question is essentially the size of the residential clusters at all plaza which is bounded by the dwelling sites. The ratio of the largest to the units. Even the earliest few rooms seem to smallest cluster at each site is between have bounded a plaza. While some of this about 3:1 and 4:1. In one instance the "implicit plaza" was eventually used as the difference is due to a greater quantity of pueblo grew, the basic growth pattern at storage space in the largest cluster, in the site is outward from the plaza around two cases it is due to a greater quantity which the first few room clusters at the of habitation space, and in one the rela­ site were built (see Figure 26). tionship is proportional. Thus, while both economic (storage) and social (habitation) Autry and Vaughan (1972) analyzed the factors can account for the difference, the settlement patterns of Hooper Ranch, Table possibility of a status-based explanation Rock, Mineral Creek, Rim Valley, Carter for variation in cluster size seems likely Ranch, Broken K and the Joint Site . in at least two cases. Their analysis began with an effort to describe the architectural history of the Tracz (1970) used formal analysis in an sites through a detailed analysis of effort to understand variation in the rules bonding-abutting patterns. Having com­ that described construction techniques in pleted this analysis, they defined residen­ different sectors of the Joint Site. Her tial clusters, groups of rooms of different analysis focused on 15 attributes of the types that seemed to represent additions to rooms, ranging from area to such detailed an initial core group of rooms. They then attributes as presence/absence of attempted to determine whether variation in in the walls. Her analysis suggested that the nature of these clusters from site to it is possible to describe different site was best explained in terms of envi­ sectors of the pueblo that were built ronmental stress or domestic group dyna­ according to different rule sets. Whether mics. They note two trends. First, there these are ascribable to temporal or social

105 variation is unclear. Nevertheless, the Hay Hollow Valley. Early in the history of study suggests the potential of efforts to the site, there was a very typical define residential clusters, or at least dwelling-living unit that consisted of a clusters representing an epoch of construc­ habitation room (firepit), preparation room tion, on the basis of detailed attributes (mealing bin and/or - complex), of the rooms. and a storage room (featureless). The last rooms constructed at the site were larger, Wilcox (1975) has summarized the architec­ multi-functional rooms. Hanson suggested tural history of the Joint Site in Hay that the experimentation and economy Hollow Valley. His analysis rested on a reflected in these rooms are a response to careful treatment of bonding-abutting stress. It is worth noting, however, that patterns, the surface on which particular the clear-cut room function pattern that rooms rested, and tree-ring dates. He seems to be common in the Upper Little argued that the site was initially occupied Colorado is less common in surrounding by three social groups and that the later mountainous areas. Thus, this change could history of the site reflects expansion of represent the adoption of a different these groups. Although the rate cannot be architectural style. determined, the site grew as a result of aggregation and not a massive and planned labor investment. This essay probably FUTURE RESEARCH: ROOM TYPE provides the best available model for the analysis of the architectural history of While the ability to distinguish between relatively large puebloan sites. habitation, storage, and ceremonial rooms provides an important analytical basis for Wilcox (1975) has also analyzed the archi­ studies of intra-site settlement patterning tectural history of Broken K. His work in the study area, there are a number of supports the notion that each of the four areas in which our understanding is less main room blocks grew from a small core of precise than it should be. rooms. Thus, the "plaza" was defined from the very beginning of the site. The room size/room function equation seems to work best in the plains portion of the A regular alternation in the construction overview area. In the more mountainous of habitation, storage, and/or habitation/ areas, a bimodal distribution of room sizes storage combinations is evident in the is not apparent. Thus, activity structure various room blocks. The number of rooms in sites that are composed of these multi­ constructed does vary between room blocks. functional rooms is relatively poorly Contemporaneity of construction is uncer­ understood. tain. At precisely the same points in the construction sequence (but again not neces­ While the habitation/storage dichotomy is sarily contemporaneously) large clan rooms now relatively well understood, the are added in each wing. This pattern is secular/ceremonial distinction is not. strongly suggestive of one that would Watson Smith's thorough discussion of result from the relatively regular growth "-ness" (1952) has made it clear the of family units in each of the four room "kiva" features are not exclusively asso­ blocks. Habitation rooms were added when ciated with this architectural form. No children left their natal residence. study of variation in the presence of kiva Storage rooms were added to accommodate features with respect to architectural more children. After some critical density types, not to mention an assessment of the was reached, a clan room was added for strength of covariation, has occurred in meetings. There is, of course, the alter­ the overview unit. Thus, the degree of native possibility that some of the storage distinctiveness of ceremonial units is rooms were added to meet environmental problematical. problems, and that the addition of clan rooms reflects organizational change with Little effort has been invested in recent little relationship to the household years in the study of construction tech­ dynamics of the pueblo. niques. It is clear that Chaco, Mesa Verde, and Kayenta "styles" are all present Hanson (1975) has argued that a major within the area and that more than a single change in occupation pattern occurred near style can occur at one site. and the end of occupation at the Joint Site in possible adobe architecture are also found.

106 Because little effort has been expended in Sites that are virtual images of a badly needed study of the overlap of this one occur elsewhere in the overview these different styles, it is not possible unit, as far south and west as Wild Cat to use them in studies of either spatial or Canyon near the Forest Development Road temporal patterning. 504. While excavation has been done at only a few other sites, surface indications Clan rooms remain somewhat of a mystery. suggest a White pattern. Invariably Exceptionally large rooms occur on even the sites, or perhaps better, multi-site quite small sites and seem to contain communities, are among the largest in the relatively distinctive artifactual assem­ areas where they occur. Thus, there is a blages, a point to be discussed later. strong suggestion that these may have been Nevertheless, there is at present no good ritual, economic, or political centers and definition of such rooms, not to mention an that their distinctive characteristics are evaluation of their function. The same a reflection of functional patterns rather comment holds for "mealing rooms," rooms than temporal patterns. with stone boxes and/or metates set into the floor. These are evidence of the first The Flattop Site (Wendorf 1950, 1953) is a clearly specialized processing space in pithouse village located in the Petrified Southwestern sites. Yet, no study to date Forest. The site consists of 25 structures has compared them with respect to size, on top of a mesa. Eight of the houses at attributes of architecture, or space-time the site were excavated. Only one of these distribution. had a and only one a firepit. The houses were generally about 35 centimeters deep and 2.5 to 3 meters in diameter. All PATTERNS AND PRINCIPLES OF were slab-lined and were circular to oval SETTLEMENT LAYOUT in shape with an inclined entry way. Some corn was recovered from the site. A rela­ There is no easy way to summarize these tively large ceramic collection from the specific studies in terms of a few predomi­ site was entirely Adamana Brown. nant sites types. However, for the pit- house and pueblo periods some synthetic The Twin Butte Site, also in the Petrified statements are possible. Because pithouse Forest, was described by Wendorf (1951, data are more limited, these will be con­ 1953). The site is probably best viewed as sidered in some detail with a focus on one settlement in a multi-site community broader principles for the Puebloan sites. because there are several other nearby sites as well as suggestions of water Gladwin's (1945) description of the White control features. Eight, of a total of Mound type provides evidence of a very twelve, structures were excavated. Both typical settlement pattern and architec­ surface, semi-subterranean, and subter­ tural form that occurs throughout the ranean structures occurred on the site. overview unit, although not at all sites. These are variable in size, shape, and White Mound Village was a series of depth. The living structures and storage clusters consisting of a variety of combi­ occur both individually and in cres- nations of pithouses and surface struc­ centic groups around "kivas". Eight tures. The pithouses varied considerably burials at the site contained shell in shape, from circular to subrectangular. ornaments, turquoise, and argyllite. There While the surface rooms were generally is variation suggestive of status rectangular, there is considerable varia­ differences. Corn was recovered from some tion in size and the presence/absence of of the storage cists. Lino Grey, Woodruff "basins" inside the structures. Somewhat Brown, Lino Black-on-Gray, and La Plata and larger houses with benches that may have White Mound Black-on-White were the major been kivas are also present. Structures components of the ceramic assemblage, with and without hearths and with and suggesting a Basketmaker III occupation of without V-shaped walls emanating from the the site. hearths were recorded. The general pattern of the settlements was a line or arc of Three, of a possible total of four, houses surface, probably storage, structures were excavated at the Tumbleweed Canyon around a cluster of pithouses and a single Site (Martin et. al, 1962). The structures possible kiva. varied from circular to D-shaped. All of

107 the houses were lined with basalt boulders All were rocklined. Hearths were generally and all had hearths, although only one had present along with a vertical deflector a storage pit. No ceramic artifacts were slab. In a general sense, the houses are recovered from the site, but a single arrayed in an arc around the probable kiva. radiocarbon date suggests occupation at The site is radiocarbon dated to about AD about AD 300. 225, although there is an archeomagnetic date of AD 650 and 690. Pottery from the Cumerman (1966) excavated two pithouse site is uniformly Adamana Brown. The sites near Houck. MA 8937 consists of oval Connie Site has a companion site, NS 243, pithouses that average 60 centimeters in on the same mesa top. The architectural depth and 4.5 meters in diameter. The characteristics of the site are similar, houses all had hearths on a gently sloping, and the ceramics identical. In general, unprepared floor. The absence of interior there are many similarities to the Flattop postholes suggests a sloping self-supported Site, although there appears to be somewhat roof. The house contained no internal more of a village pattern. storage pits. A single Cibola White Ware sherd, believed to be intrusive, was re­ This list by no means exhausts the total of covered from one of the houses. Four excavated pithouse sites in the overview pithouses were excavated at NA 8971. While unit. These do represent the larger and these were also oval in shape they were on more complete projects. Reports on the the average smaller (3.75 meters) than excavation of a single pithouse allow those at NA 8937. The structures contained little opportunity for the discussion of hearths, postholes, and, in two cases, diversity. Some pithouses and pithouse meter deep storage pits. Pueblo II sites are shown in Figures 28 and 29. ceramics were recovered from the fill and again identified as intrusive. Corn pollen A number of "patterns" can be described on was recovered from sediments at the site. the basis of the data that have been re­ Radiocarbon determinations were deemed viewed. I use the term pattern because I "worthless" at the time and were not do not wish to leap to the conclusion that reported. Given subsequent evidence of the these represent either temporal or spatial late occurrence of pithouses in the area, units. First, architecturally, there are it is entirely possible that these sites four patterns that we may refer to as the may represent late aceramic manifestations, Adamana, White Mound, Finger Rock, and although the basis for arguing a - Mogollon patterns. The Adamana pattern is maker II association is evident. that expressed at sites such as Connie, Flattop, and Tumbleweed Canyon. All of The Finger Rock Site (Cumerman 1979) is these are mesa top sites and the structures north of Winslow, actually outside of the are rocklined. This is not to say that overview unit proper. Both rectangular and there are no differences between the sites. circular structures are present on the site The houses at Connie and Tumbleweed, for with a diversity of floor features. The example, have hearths while those at Flat­ pottery is predominantly Lino Gray, but top do not. Connie and Flattop have both Lino Black-on-gray and White Mound Adamana or Woodruff Brown pottery while Black-on-white are present. Some later Tumbleweed has none. But, there appears to ceramics suggest that there may be more be a basic similarity in the location and than a single occupation at the site. In architecture of these sites. Their spatial this regard, the site is a classic illus­ distribution appears to be to the east of tration of the problem of determining Silver Creek (which is interesting in light whether one is dealing with a single multi- of the preceeding discussion of the distri­ family settlement or a series of sequential bution of Desert Culture projectile point ,', occupations of a particular location. styles). There are no records of such f sites further south than Hay Hollow Valley. , The Connie Site (Thompson and Longacre They may well occur further northward and 1977, Rogge, in prep.) is located on a eastward than the boundaries of the over­ point of a mesa in Hay Hollow Valley. The view unit. Temporarily, their placement is site consists of 35 pithouses, 11 "smaller a problem. Connie may date to either about structures," 6 features bounded by a cobble AD 200 or AD 600. Tumbleweed Canyon dates arc, and 1 probable kiva. Seven houses to about AD 300. Flattop has been dated to excavated at the site were relatively AD 300 on the basis of the occurrence of uniform. They were 4 to 5 meters in Adamana pottery in Hilltop phase contexts diameter and about 30 centimeters deep. at the Bluff Site, a chronological argument

108 Figure 28. Variation in the plan of pithouse villages in the Little Colorado overview unit. that Gladwin (1948) has questioned in peoples with distinctive technological rather telling fashion. traditions in a small village. These sites occur throughout the overview unit. The White found pattern is expressed at Temporal placement is difficult, although White Mound, the Whitewater Sites, and Twin the Gurley Sites in Hay Hollow Valley, a Buttes. It consists of relatively deep classic example of the pattern, date to AD pithouses with rather consistent floor 500 and AD 1000. features along with surface living and storage rooms. Again, while sites are by Pueblo period village patterns are far more no means identical, the homogenity is difficult to synthesize (see Figures 26 and striking. In fact, I would suggest that 27). First, there are many more sites that there is more similarity among White Mound have been excavated or mapped. Similarly, sites than any other widespread architec­ it is far easier to record the pattern of tural tradition in Southwestern prehistory. Puebloan sites on survey than is the case Spatially, such sites barely cross the rim with pithouse villages. Second, once above at Walnut Creek (Morris 1970), clearly ground masonry construction had become extend northward and eastward outside of common, the prehistoric engineer-architects the overview unit and may occur beyond the had available an almost unending array of westernmost boundary also. Well-dated different combinations that could be sites seem to suggest that this pattern was employed in constructing sites. Most of characteristic between AD 700 and 1000. these options appear to have been used in one circumstance or another. For this The Finger Rock pattern is defined by the reason, it is far easier to identify the absence of a pattern. These sites are principles that underlie the variation than characterized by enormous architectural any set patterns. Apart from obvious variability, but usually appear to be variation in size, there are four major small, on the order of four or five rooms. principles: aggregation of rooms; associa­ There is no clear evidence that the struc­ tion of kinds of rooms; focus; and tures are contemporaneous. In this sense, planning. the sites might represent no more than the periodic occupation of a desirable hunting, Puebloan sites within the overview area gathering, or farming location by a family- vary incredibly in regard to the extent of size group or the coming together of aggregation of rooms (Figures 30 and 31). 109 Figure 29. Variation in pithouses in the Little Colorado overview unit.

110 Figure 30. Variations in the plans of small pueblo sites in the Little Colorado overview unit. Ill i—1 t—•

Figure 31. Variations in the plans of larger pueblo sites in the Little Colorado overview unit. Aggregated sites are ones on which the site. Front oriented sites are ones on rooms occur in one or several contiguous which entrances all appear to face in a blocks. Disaggregated sites are ones on single direction. In a sense, the space which the rooms occur as isolates. I know outside such units is an unbounded plaza. of very few completely disagregated sites Finally, sites such as those described by that have more than just a few rooms. The Gumerman (1960) and Gumerman and Skinner largest disaggregated sites are several in (1968) near Hoi brook are constructed within the Purcell-Larson drainage that range in a compound. In the case of very large and size from one dozen to two dozen rooms. complex sites, multiple foci may be Aggregated sites may be quite small. There present. At Pinedale Ruin (Haury and are many examples in the overview area of Hargrave 1931) there are both compound and "unit pueblos," or at least sites that front focused components to the site. To a resemble unit pueblos. These are composed minimal extent, one can talk about focus in of blocks of four rooms. The very largest the case of disaggregated sites. In the sites in the study area are generally Chevelon drainage, for example, great kivas aggregated. Of course, there are many appear to occur in the center of clusters examples of sites that vary between these of smaller sites. two poles. Even the largest aggregated sites often have a few outlying rooms. Finally, Puebloan sites vary in the degree And, there are some sites, site 689 in the to which they are planned. In general, Chevelon drainage is an example, that are planning refers to the presence of a focus composed of a single aggregated room block for the site and to some evidence of coop­ with an equal number of individual outlying erative effort in erecting at least por­ rooms. tions of the site. However, the specific evidence of planning is highly variable. On aggregated sites, the manner in which As we saw at Broken K, planning could have particular rooms are associated also involved little more than an implicit varies. The predominant pattern is one in notion of public space, the idea of a which habitation, storage, and kiva rooms plaza, with the construction of particular are associated in a complex fashion. rooms around the plaza appearing to repre­ Broken K (Hill 1970) and Carter Ranch sent discrete construction events or clus­ (Longacre 1970) are examples of this ters of events. At Kiatuthlanna, construc­ pattern. Another pattern is one in which tion apparently occurred in larger units. storage rooms occur in association with At this site most of the room walls in kivas. Site 201 (Zubrow 1975) in Hay major architectural units seem to have been Hollow Valley is an example of this erected relatively simultaneously. At pattern. Kiathuthlanna (Roberts 1931) still other sites, a combination of co­ shows an association of storage rooms with operative-planned and individual construc­ kivas, the former surrounded by a ring of tion seems to have occurred. Walls habitation rooms. In the Chevelon drain­ oriented in one direction were sometimes age, the definition of room types is an constructed at a single time using a single almost impossible task since room sizes masonry style. The perpendicular walls vary little within sites. Thus, explora­ that abut these show highly varied con­ tion of this principle is not always struction techniques, probably the result possible. of individual family or clan efforts. I know of no excavated site within the over­ The focus of Puebloan sites refers to the view area done in precisely this fashion. around which rooms appear to be It was the technique used at Nuvaqueotaka, aggregated or dispersed. It is of course just outside of the overview area. difficult to discuss this issue in the case of very small sites. In the case of larger ones, it is meaningful to distinguish FUTURE RESEARCH: PATTERN AND GROWTH between plaza, kiva, front, and compound focused sites. Plaza-focused sites are At present, few generalizations can be ones such as Broken K (Hill 1979) where the drawn from these studies--they are simply construction of rooms appears to have too few in number and too restricted to a occured around a plaza. At Kiatuthlanna, a limited sector of the study area. However, kiva is the focus of each of the major a clear case has been made for the careful construction units (Roberts 1931) and a analysis of construction techniques and series of kivas are, thus, the foci of the sequences at all future excavated sites in

113 the overview unit. Such data could be used likely to yield valuable results when they in the following sorts of analyses. are applied to site space as if it were undifferentiated when, in fact, architec­ While most of the sites discussed above ture can be used to provide a structure on appear to have grown from relatively slow which statistical analysis can be framed. accretion, there are departures from this pattern. The site of Kiathuthlanna, for Detailed control of the epochs during which example, appears to have been built in rapid construction of storage rooms highly planned segments. At Broken K, the occurred is vital. At present, it is existence of the plaza seems to have been equally likely that these reflect either a implicit in the very earliest stage of change in subsistence strategy associated construction at the site. The difference with greater numbers of people living at between planned and unplanned sites is a sites, or a change in organizational critical one since the former implies a strategy, with some sites serving as degree of labor control or coordination storage/redistributive centers, in a that the latter does not. It is unclear response to stress. Of course, these whether planning was characteristic of some possibilities are not mutually exclusive. sites at all time periods: if this were But the substantial variation in the con­ true, these sites would probably be impor­ struction of storage room through space and tant central places or distinctive of through time is an intriguing phenomenon particular time horizons. This would imply that will certainly yield valuable greater local organization but not neces­ insights. sarily centrality. Clearly this informa­ tion is necessary to understanding the Changes in construction techniques present prehistory of the area. a similar problem. Where detailed studies have been done, as at Broken K and the The nature of residential clusters and of Joint Site, there is obvious variation. As their growth sequences must be better noted earlier, the magnitude of this vari­ understood. Of primary importance is an ation can even extend to include the effort to combine studies of stylistic presence of more than one of the tradi­ variation in ceramic materials and of tional Southwestern styles at a single functional or stylistic variation in other site. Whether such variation represents artifacts with residential data. The only the degradation or improvement of construc­ study to date that approximates this tion techniques in response to environ­ approach is that of DeGarmo (1975). Not mental change, migration, or other social accidentally, his provides the most dynamics cannot be stated at present. thorough evidence for the existence of both domestic groups and task specialization. Analysis of wall bonding-abutting patterns Status differences among residential at sites where dates can be assigned to clusters remain largely unexplored. different construction epochs is an obvious Statistical "pattern searches" are less need.

114 SETTLEMENT PATTERNS: INTER-SITE

In the preceding section, on-site settle­ and may also lack interpretabil ity. They ment patterns were considered. In this are relatively large areas characterized by one, relationships between discrete sites a low density of artifactual materials, are the focus. In general, inter-site often less than one artifact in a 10 square studies rely heavily on observations of the meter area. surface conditions of sites rather than on excavated materials. In some cases to be considered the latter are used, but they Lithic Scatters are rare. Nevertheless, inter-site studies are clearly dependent to a very substantial Lithfc scatters are defined by the exclu­ degree on a thorough understanding of sive presence of chipped and ground stone intra-site patterns and on the manner in artifacts. Known sites of this type in the which particular of these patterns are, or overview unit range from 1 square meter to are not, manifested on site surfaces. over 1000 square meters. Their precise interpretation is at present unclear because two \/ery different patterns of ELEMENTS OF INTER-SITE PATTERNS human behavior generate such sites. As mentioned earlier, prior to approximately There are probably few concepts in arche­ AD 1, Southwestern peoples did not manu­ ology that are more problematical than that facture ceramic artifacts. Therefore, the of site type. The difficulty with the term sites reflecting their presence are almost reflects two considerations. First, as exclusively lithic sites. Even after archeological sophistication in making Southwestern peoples made and commonly used inferences concerning behavior and activi­ ceramic artifacts, some of their activities ties in the past increased, acceptable were carried out at loci where ceramic levels of detail for defining site types items were not a necessity—butchering and increased. Second, success in defining hunting camps are examples. Differen­ site types is considerably dependent on the tiating between these two behavioral pat­ profession's ability to relate key pieces terns is extremely difficult, and analyses of surface information to subsurface undertaken to date have proven unsuccessful deposits. (Slawson 1978).

No effort is made here to generate a detailed definition of site types for the Ceramic Scatters area, one that reflects behavior and activities. Instead, the discussion will Ceramic scatters are defined by the focus on surface artifacts and surface exclusive presence of ceramic artifacts. features. While such an approach leaves In general, the presence of ceramic materi­ much to be desired, site types defined even als allows assigning at least a rough date in this crude fashion present difficulties. to such manifestations. These sites are The first topic of discussion will generated by prehistoric human activity summarize efforts to define more specific that, in respect to nonperishable site types in response to a variety of artifacts, involved the exclusive use of management and research problems. The ceramic containers. Such containers were second identifies studies that have been used for cooking, for the storage of water, done in an effort to refine definitions of and for the storage and processing of functional variation among sites. foodstuffs. They may also have been used as boundary markers for the fields or lands associated with a particular settlement. Low Density Artifact Scatters

Low density artifact scatters, commonly Artifact Scatters termed "non-sites" in the literature, are different from prehistoric sites. Sites Artifact scatters are defined by the are discrete and interpretable loci of presence of lithic and ceramic artifacts. cultural materials. Low density artifact These sites are generated by at least three scatters lack the quality of discreteness distinctive patterns of human behavior.

115 First, they are produced by resource ex­ rock, usually only a single course in tracting behavior requiring the use of height, aligned to closely follow the chipped and ground stone and ceramic arti­ contour of the land surface. Contour facts in collecting resources. Second, plowing is the closest modern analog to they are generated when a locus is used for gridding. Check dams are defined by rock habitation but the habitation structures alignments, usually one but sometimes more were so ephemeral in character that they courses in height, placed across stream leave no surface evidence. Third, they are channels perpendicular to the flow of the generated when permanent habitation struc­ stream. These served to slow the flow of tures are obscured by later natural and water through the channel, reduced erosion cultural transformation processes. by capturing soil suspended in the stream Preliminary analysis indicates that the water, and increased the level of ground majority of these artifact scatters in the moisture in the channel. study area are associated with activities other than habitation since their artifact inventories are distinct from those of Shrines habitation sites (McAllister and Plog 1979). Shrines are a category of cultural resources the definition of which is some­ what of a problem. They normally are /Pictographs defined as low stone walls enclosing a circular or quadrilaterial area on the Petroglyphs are drawings made on rock order of one or a few square meters. A surfaces by pounding those surfaces with a shrine may consist of several such hard instrument to create a pattern. arrangements. Beads, ceramics, and chipped Pictographs are made on rock surfaces using stone artifacts and a variety of esoteric (see Figure 32). There are many materials may be associated with shrines. known and pictograph sites in In the study area, shrines occur at high the overview unit. These sites may reflect al titudes--on mountain peaks and over­ the efforts of prehistoric peoples to looking the headwaters of major drainages. communicate with one another, or may be simply aesthetic expressions. Some scholars argue that these sites can be Rock Shelters dated, while others question this claim. Some argue that the drawings are inter- The earliest "roofed space" that existed on pretable, others disagree. That the sites the National Forests were rock shelters, can yield valuable information is indicated erosional cavities in cliff faces that were by one glyph in the vicinity of Chavez Pass used for perhaps occasional, perhaps Ruin on the Coconino National Forest. This permanent, human habitation. A large and a glyph is a presentation of Quetzalcoatl, a small rock shelter are shown in Figures 39 Meso-American god. In this instance the and 40. The most common occurrence of particular representation of Quetzalcoatl these features is in the larger and deeper is one that is sacred to stone workers. canyons, Chevelon, Wildcat, and Brookbank, This discovery illustrates the possibility but they are also found elsewhere on the of drawing symbolic connections between National Forests. These sites represent peoples of different areas using the rock particularly important cultural resources art. because they often contain stratified deposits that yield information concerning changes in prehistoric behavior through Water Control Devices time. Also, materials such as basketry and cloth not normally preserved in Southwestern peoples used , Southwestern sites are preserved in rock ditches, terraces, gridlines, shelters (see Figure 41). and check dams as mechanisms for water and soil control (see Figures 33 through 38). Examples of each are known from the study Pithouse Sites area. Terraces were constructed by placing rocks on top of one another to a height Prior to about AD 1000, most habitation or sufficient to level the land surface behind living sites occupied by Southwestern the terrace. Gridlines are also lines of peoples were pithouse villages (see Figures

116 Figure 32. Pictographs in Chevelon Canyon.

Figure 33. Agricultural terraces at Nuvaqueotaka.

117 Figure 34. Check dams in the Chevelon area.

Figure 35. Cleared field, Hay Hollow Valley.

118 Figure 36. Fossilized canal segment near St. Johns.

Figure 37. Vegetation marking buried irrigation ditch in Hay Hollow Valley.

119 42 through 44). Pi thouse is a term that characteristic of Southwestern peoples covers a multitude of sins. Some South­ after about AD 1000, although there is western pithouses are only a few dozen substantial evidence that some peoples centimeters in depth while others are over residing in the study area continued to 2 meters deep. Nevertheless, with rare live in pithouses well after this date. exceptions, pithouses were built by erect­ Pueblo architecture is markedly diverse. ing timber supports in a pit, laying "Field houses" (Pilles 1979) are marked by branches and/or reeds against these to form a simple pile of boulders covering an area walls and roofs, and covering these with of several square meters. The associated dirt or adobe. artifact density is typically quite low. These structures were probably used Pithouse sites are relatively difficult to seasonally in association with plant culti­ identify, especially when the houses in vation activities in fields. question were relatively shallow. Their presence can be indicated by some combi­ Small U-shaped structures of one or two nation of circular depressions, circular rooms are characteristic at higher vegetation patterns, circular patterns elevations in the study area. The artifact marked by the absence of vegetation, density associated with these structures circular configurations of wall stones or suggests that occupation at the sites, or cobbles. Pithouses may be present on sites at least the production of artifacts, was without any substantial surface far greater than at field houses. indications. True "pueblo" architecture has four full standing walls. In the overview unit, Pueblo Sites these sites also typically average about two to four rooms. Their artifact Pueblo sites are defined by evidence of inventories suggest, however, that they may above-ground masonry architecture (see have played a distinctive role in trade or Figures 45 through 49). These sites are exchange relationships within the area.

Figure 38. Irrigation ditch revealed in Figure 39. Adobe-walled M. cross-section by archeologist's excavation. Chevelon Canyon.

120 Great Kivas

Great kiva sites are defined by the presence of large (ca. 15-25 meters diameter), usually circular depressions. These sites represent the centers of cere­ monial activity among prehistoric peoples. Great kivas sometimes occur as features on pueblo sites, but they also occur in total isolation. While their principal impor­ tance was ceremonial, these sites also seem to have served as important centers of exchange and trade.

Compounds

Compounds are a completely enigmatic site type. They are defined by substantial masonry walls enclosing rectangular areas between approximately 300 to over 1000 square meters. The artifactual assemblage Figure 40. Rock shelter in Brookbank of such sites is generally quite different Canyon. from that of contemporaneous sites, although the manner in which such sites differ is highly variable. While their precise role in regional settlement systems is currently unknown, they too apparently served as centers of trade and exchange within the study area.

Defensive Sites

Attribution of defensive characteristics to sites has waxed and waned in the literature. When this concept has been criticized, attention has been directed to the casual manner in which the term has been used, sometimes in reference to sites that are on a moderate hill (Figure 50). Nevertheless, there are sites in the over­ view unit that can be defined as defensive based on relatively firm criteria. These sites have one or more of the following attributes: 1) an inaccessible location— reaching the site involves a difficult climb taking at least several dozens of minutes; 2) low visibility—the site can be seen from only a relatively few points Figure 41. from rock shelter in in the surrounding area, if at all, and; Chevelon Canyon. Each measures about 20 3) defensive walls--(Figure 51) there are centimeters in diameter. examples in the overview unit of walls bounding a site that are up to 3 meters in height and 2 meters in thickness. While both U-shaped and true pueblo sites are typically small, there are larger examples. Within the overview unit, the ANALYSES OF SITE TYPES largest known site of U-shaped structures has roughly 40 rooms and the largest true Johnson (1970) provided a number of useful pueblo has about 400 rooms. insights concerning local settlement 121 larger and more central places had twice as many storage rooms as surrounding sites; 2) sites generally occur in discrete clusters with one very large, or a few relatively large, settlements in each; 3) within each cluster, sites occur in loci that suggest different productive activities; and 4) larger sites, taken alone, are more evenly dispersed than the aggregate of sites.

Johnson's focus is on the period between AD 950 and 1100. His research suggests that the coordination of specialized productive Figure 42. Pithouse site in Chevelon activities through central places was Canyon. The surface is marked by ground present in the area by at least this time. stone and upturned cobbles and boulders. Hirvela (1971) tested a number of hypo­ theses concerning the relationship between settlement shape and potential independent variables including the size of the site, the distance to usable raw materials, and the physical setting. Testing of the hypo­ theses proved difficult and most tests were negative. However, the best correlations that she found were between the shape of the settlement and the presence of 25 or more rooms. In other words, large sites are not simply larger than small ones but generally differ in respect to the formal­ ity of the pattern of the settlement. This evidence suggests that the labor expended in the construction of the site is likely to have been both greater and more formally organized than at smaller sites.

Coe (1972) considered a number of possible relationships between environmental stress (as defined by Hevly 1974) and changes in material culture. Her analysis suffers from small sample size (four sites) and a rather tortuous argument that two of the sites, which were contemporaneously occupied during a stress period, are sepa­ rable into stress and non-stress categories since one is near what is now a permanent stream. Nevertheless, the effort did show some interesting relationships between site Figure 43. Woodruff Butte site. Houses size and the presence of ornamentation and are marked by substantial stone circles. indicated significant variation in the overall density of artifacts between the sites. patterning. His data are from Hay Hollow Valley. He was particularly interested in Gregory (1975) described the excavation of the possibility that sites in different six one-room structures in Hay Hollow environmental niches were involved in Valley. The effort was intended to provide different exploitative activities and that some evidence of the function of these there were central places in which these sites in the settlement system. However, productive activities were integrated. The recovered artifactual materials were too results of his analysis do little in limited to provide any firm basis for respect to the first claim. However, in inferences. Nevertheless, primarily on the regard to the second, he suggests that: 1) basis of their small size, Gregory

122 Figure 44. A pithouse is exposed by erosion in the wall of an arroyo near Nuvaqueotaka.

Figure 45. Homolovi II seen from the air.

123 Figure 46. Ruins of a field house near Nuvaqueotaka,

* I* ••> Figure 47. Chevelon site 690, a Pueblo site.

124 sites in the Springervil le area. His approach is essentially intuitive. Nevertheless, the study illustrates the substantial variation in the presence of rooms, kivas, plazas, and their layout on sites that can occur within a very small spatial area.

Dove (1979) has analyzed ceramics obtained from three-wall, as opposed to four-wall, sites in the Chevelon drainage. His analysis suggests that corrugated ceramics are more typical of the latter than the former. This pattern may be a temporal one, since corrugated wares are later than plainwares. However, immediately to the west of the study area, plainwares are characteristic at all time periods. Thus, the four-wall sites may reflect some interaction or cultural affiliation with Figure 48. Chevelon site 689, a pueblo corrugated ware producing groups to the site with exposed walls but no mounding. south or to the east.

Preliminary analyses also suggest that suggested that they were a functionally there is some organizational significance specific class of sites. He noted the in the presence of one or more rooms with importance of understanding such sites for four full standing walls in areas where the the interpretation of settlement patterns typical pattern is one of three foundation in the area. For example, a calculated walls. In the Chevelon drainage, (Plog nearest neighbor statistic of 1.14 for the n.d.), black-on-red and polychrome ceramics period AD 1000 to 1100 increased to 1.81 if have a statistically significant the apparent field house sites are omitted. association with such sites (x = 19.49, p= Thus, the apparent randomness of settlement .001). Similarly, over 80% of the examples patterning in much of the overview unit may of exotic materials (such as shell, be the product of the relatively casual steatite, and turquoise) occur on such decisionmaking involved in locating such sites. Great kivas and larger three-wall small sites. This can mask a very regular sites were apparently functional equiva­ and highly dispersed pattern for the major lents as distinctive ceramics and exotic dwelling sites. materials are also characteristics of these sites. Nevertheless, why the presence of McAllister and Plog (1978) attempted to four standing walls should result in so identify criteria that would clearly dis­ distinctive a pattern is unclear. Some tinguish between small "field house" sites central role in local settlement systems, and larger dwelling units in the Chevelon probably related to exchange, is strongly drainage. Variations were investigated in suggested. the presence of different types of chipped stone, ceramic, and ground stone artifacts A number of additional studies are on sites of different sizes and different pertinent to differentiating sites of time periods. Analysis of variance and different types, specifically those that discriminant function analysis were the deal with ceramic and lithic variation. major statistical techniques used. Their These were discussed in an earlier chapter analyses failed to identify any clear cut and will not be repeated here. Ceramic evidence that the range of activities variation seems to provide a valuable tool carried out on sites of different sizes for identifying the role of different sites varied. The claim that small sites were in local and regional settlement patterns. functionally different from large ones was The value of chipped stone studies is less not supported. clear. Surface collections do not seem to yield interpretable results with any Wood (1978a) proposed a site typology on regularity for issues other than the the basis of his study of the layout of differential use of raw materials. 125 Figure 49. Artist's reconstruction of Four Mile Pueblo near Taylor, (Fewkes 1904; Lightfoot, personal communication). Figure 50. An aerial view of site CS-189, a defensive site in Chevelon Canyon.

Bargen (1968) evaluated locational patterns in Hay Hollow Valley by comparing expected and actual distributions of sites. The valley was first divided into a series of roughly .5 miles by .5 miles squares. Each of these was evaluated on the basis of soil quality, availability of water, topography and erosion. A Monte Carlo simulation of potential population movement between the different squares was then undertaken.

He found that the actual distribution of sites corresponded fairly closely to the distribution postulated on the basis of the environmental ranking when evaluated using Figure 51. Site CS-189 in Chevelon Canyon. both chi square and rank correlation: the squares with the most desirable environ­ mental conditions had the most sites. With SITES AND THEIR ENVIRONMENTS the Monte Carlo simulation added, the correspondence between the actual and A next set of studies has focused on loca­ expected distributions were less close, tional patterning, the relationships of although the rank correlation value sites to one another and to various natural remained significant. environmental features. Because many studies include analyses of both types, Schiffer (1968) investigated the relation­ they are considered together. ship between economic diversity and popu­ lation growth in Hay Hollow Valley. The Plog (1968) undertook a spatial analysis of paper is useful principally for the manner the Longacre-Rinaldo survey data from of in which it illustrates a number of the Upper Little Colorado area. The different ways of generating population analysis includes a reconstruction of curves from the same data. It also illus­ population trends, changes in the distribu­ trates means of testing to determine if tion of sites, and changes in their loca­ some of the apparent variation in such a tion in respect to water sources and 'curve may be due to cultural or natural landform. transformation processes that effect the

127 surface record. Vanasse (1968) and Duncan Findlow (1974) used multivariate statisti­ (1968) generalize some of Schiffer's cal techniques to summarize the locational results to other parts of Hay Hollow Valley characteristics of sites in the Chevelon and the Upper Little Colorado area drainage generally and in the Purcell- generally. Larson locality specifically. Measures of slope, vegetation, and distance to water Derousseau (1969) analyzed the pattern of were employed in the analysis. Since the site distributions in Hay Hollow Valley sites were the "cases" used in the analy­ from about AD 600 to 1100. She was able to sis, the results do not take into account demonstrate an increase in the extent of the environmental characteristics of loca­ clustering of settlements. tions in which sites are not found.

McCutcheon (1969) investigated the rela­ Nevertheless, Findlow identified nine tionship between changing climatic patterns locational types and used SYMAP to and the locations of sites in relation to illustrate their distribution within the water sources in Hay Hollow Valley. Puree! 1-Larson area. He provides some Dendroclimatological data were used for the comments, based on ethnographic data, climatic reconstruction. Her definition of concerning the probable interpretation of distance to water source attempts to the locational types. exclude channels that are a product of recent arroyo cutting and to include the Loria (1975a, 1975b) attempted to evaluate locations of potential, if not currently the relationship between site densities and flowing, springs. The results suggest no environmental variables in the Show Low and predictable pattern of change in site Pinedale areas. Her analysis focused on locations relative to water sources as the vegetation, altitude, precipitation, and climate of the area changes. soil. The first three variables are highly correlated and the extent of overlap Powers (1970) analyzed settlement pattern­ between them is not evaluated in the study. ing in Hay Hollow Valley using Theissen The areas in which sites are most likely to polygons. Her analysis focused on the be found are characterized by ponderosa period between AD 1000 and 1100. Performed pine or a mixed ponderosa, juniper, pinyon for all sites, the analysis yielded complex pattern; elevation of 6600 to 6800 feet; 15 results. There was no clear relationship to 18 inches of precipitation per year; and between the population estimate for the gravel loam soils. site and the amount of land surrounding it. As a result, she postulated the existence F. Plog (1975a) compared the settlement of large central sites with multiple site patterns of the Hay Hollow and Purcell- communities surrounding them. This analy­ Larson areas. The article attempted to sis was successful: there was a good identify a number of key indicators that correlation between the size of the polygon could be used in such comparative studies. and its estimated population. Her analy­ Some major differences in the nature of sis, then, suggests the existence of multi- settlement patterns of the two areas are site communities in the area by at least AD identified: at most time periods, sites in 1000. Hay Hollow Valley were larger and denser. Population in Hay Hollow Valley was subject Sandor (1974) generated a series of cross- to more rapid increases and decreases (see tabulations of locational and cultural also F. Plog 1975b). There were also many attributes of sites in the Chevelon more sites without structures in Hay Hollow Drainage. Perhaps the most important Valley than in Purcell-Larson. Tentative pattern that he detected concerns the explanations were offered for the differ­ contrast between earlier and later sites. ences between the settlement patterns in While the former occur in far more diverse the two areas. environmental settings (especially in respect to elevation and vegetation), the Plog (1978) described the relationship latter are more diverse in respect to their between site locations and environmental cultural characteristics. Sandor does note variables in the Chevelon drainage. While that many of the earlier sites are larger a number of different potential environ­ than typical later ones, although the mental predictors are significantly asso­ period when sites in general, and habita­ ciated with the presence of sites, the tion sites in particular, are smallest overall percentage of the variance occurs in the middle of the sequence. accounted for by the model is not great. 128 Vegetation is the best overall predictor of In addition, there appear to be two very site locations, with the greatest number different and, perhaps functionally occurring in the juniper pinyon woodland. specific, classes of artifact scatters A number of different statistical tech­ which occur at different elevations. A niques are used in the analysis with vary­ rank size analysis of sites in the drainage ing results. is convex, suggesting a multiplicity of small, independent systems. A variety of Jewett (1978) undertook a detailed study of different spatial statistics failed to spatial patterning in the Pinedale area indicate any significant departure from using transect data and compared these with random in the distribution of sites. the results of block survey data. Her analysis showed a strong association Adams (1978) has summarized a number of between site distributions and ecotonal locational characteristics of sites in the conditions. Variation in site size and Purcel1-Larson area. Both site density and site hierarchies through time are also site size increased regularly, but not demonstrated. This study probably repre­ drastically, through the sequence of sents the most detailed application of a occupation. The average number of rooms variety of locational techniques to a per site was never greater than 3.0. single locality and illustrates the Rank-size distributions are generally problems that arise from, and the advan­ convex to plano-convex, suggesting multiple tages of, such as approach. small systems within the locality. The major exception is between AD 1050 and 1125 Hantman and Jewett (1978) compared the when the distribution suggests a more settlement patterns of the Purcel1-Larson, hierarchical system. Pinedale, Little Colorado Planning Unit and Hay Hollow areas. Their results indicated Legard (1978a) calculated nearest neighbor that substantial variation is characteris­ statistics for the Chevelon Juniper Push, tic of the area. Site densities vary from Pinedale, and Purcel1-Larson areas. While a high of 50 per square mile in Hay Hollow she noted variation through time and Valley to a low of 12 near Springerville. through space, none of the statistics Hay Hollow has the most average rooms per proved to be significantly different from site (12.8) while Springerville and the random. Extrapolating these results to Purcel1-Larson areas are least (2.3 and 2.5 previous studies that did not evaluate the respectively). The percentage of sites significance of the statistic, one must that are limited activity sites, or at suspect that most, if not all, of the least lack structures, varies from highs of apparent variation in the nearest neighbor 74% in Pinedale and 73% in Hay Hollow to a statistic over space and over time is just low of 34% in Purcel 1-Larson. Mori 11's that. index of continuity was used as a measure of site spacing and varied from a value of Slawson (1978a) has used a number of loca­ .5 indicating clustering in the Purcell- tional techniques in describing settlement Larson area to a high of 1.35 in Pinedale, patterns in the Pinedale area. Like indicating dispersion. several other investigators, her analysis suggests that structural sites had a very Wood (1978a, 1978b) generated a predictive different and much more dispersed pattern model of site locations for the Little than all sites and than non-structural Colorado Planning Unit. His data show that sites alone. She argued that the larger vegetation community and soils provide good sites discovered in timber sales in the indicators of relative site densities, with area are secondary centers to Pinedale and landform also an important factor. that these secondary sites, but not Pinedale Ruin itself, are surrounded by a Grove (1978) has used a number of different zone of smaller habitations and then by a locational techniques in attempting to zone of limited activity sites. All of the understand settlement patterning in the nearest neighbor statistics on which she Bagnal Hollow locality. She used SYMAP in based her inferences did prove signifi­ an effort to determine whether sites of cantly different from random. different types were associated with land- forms of different elevations. While the Legard (1978b) attempted to differentiate results of the study were mixed, they do pithouse, pueblo, and limited activity suggest some differences between pithouses sites on the basis of five environmental and pueblos. variables: landform, elevation, facing, 129 orientation, and distance to nearest water. a possibility. His basic approach was to Using discriminant function analysis, she use univariate and multivariate statistics was unable to detect any significant dif­ to control for variation in time and in ferences between these types. She also vessel function so that the remaining determined that the rank-size relationship variation could be considered largely in for the area was convex, suggesting regard to spatial boundaries. He was able multiple independent centers (although it to identify different clusters of sites in is far less so than that for some of the the study area in two of the four time other areas discussed). periods under study. Of particular impor­ tance are two clusters, multi-site Millett (1981) undertook a number of communities, that existed during the penul­ studies of spatial patterning in Hay Hollow timate phase of occupation. The two are Valley between AD 850 and 1300. Nearest distributed parallel to one another in such neighbor and various indexes of a fashion that ecological and climatic aggregation/agglomeration are discussed in differences between sites within each relation to the postulated evidence of community are maximized. stress during the latter part of this period. Included are SYMAPs of both room Lightfoot was able to demonstrate that each and site distributions during the period in community had one larger settlement with a question that suggest the existence of kiva and that there are statistically settlement clusters, perhaps multi-site significant differences in the ceramic communities within the valley. design traditions associated with the two communities. While the paper utilized a Blank (1979) has summarized a number of more limited data base than would be different aspects of our current under­ desirable, it provides an excellent model standing of site distributions in the for efforts to identify inter-community Pinedale area. She noted that there is interaction while controlling for other little evidence of a hierarchical settle­ variables. ment pattern defined using rank-size criteria. However, Blank also noted that In a subsequent paper, Lightfoot (1979) the largest sites in the area were farther expanded on the theoretical and empirical from one another than are smaller sites. reasons why multi-site communities might be She discussed the difficulties in achieving present in an area with environmental precise population estimates in an area diversity similar to that which is known where it is evident that even relatively for the study area. He argued for the large room blocks are sometimes buried. presence of at least a one-tier system of managerial elite, and explored pertinent Preliminary evidence from the area suggests evidence. Lightfoot (1979) has also that low density artifact scatters in the summarized the evidence of parallel area are typically associated with only one problems and responses among Mormon com­ or two periods of occupation. The greatest munities in the area. number of low density artifact scatters are associated with periods of rapid population F. Plog's (1981) analysis of environmental growth at about AD 1000 and 1250. The patterning on the Apache-Sitgreaves first epoch is associated with the coloni­ National Forests is the most comprehensive zation of the area, and the second with the effort to build a predictive model under­ single most rapid period of population taken in the area to date. While the increase. Factors that affect the distri­ analysis may not be appropriate for lower bution of sites over the area were also elevations in the overview unit, since considered. these elevations are not present in any quantity on the forests, it does indicate Lightfoot (1978b) has argued persuasively that elevation is the best site predictor for the existence of multi-site communities at high altitudes with the vast majority of in the vicinity of Pinedale. His report sites (88%) occurring below 7000 feet. summarized earlier thoughts concerning the Other variables improve predictability only existence of such an organizational and slightly. There is a strong suggestion settlement pattern in the area. He also that, were more detailed soil maps covered some of the pertinent ethnographic available, soils would greatly improve the information and ceramic correlates to such prediction.

130 FUTURE RESEARCH: issues. The principal efforts to under­ SITE TYPES stand environmental patterning in the area have resulted from a combination of plan­ The distribution of great kivas is only ning studies for the Forest Service and roughly known at present. We need some Southwestern Anthropological Research Group understanding of the locales within the (SARG) oriented efforts. As such, these overview unit where these commonly occur in reflect a relatively mechanical effort to association with sites and those in which predict site locations. The success they are more typically found in isolation. achieved has been considerable and it is apparent that elevation, vegetation, land- To understand the importance of redis­ form, and soils should be a beginning point tribution in the area, variation in the for any effort to predict site locations ratio of storage to habitation rooms must elsewhere in the overview unit. be understood. We should also study the possible association of kivas and great At the same time, these studies have kivas with sites with larger than expected offered little insight into the reasons for numbers of storage rooms, must be the relationships that were discovered. understood. First, sites of different time periods have rarely been separated. Second, little work The nature of major distinctions among has been done at the multivariate level sites without architecture (time, organiza­ that attempts to separate the interaction tion, or function) is almost completely effects of the different variables. unknown at present. On Black Mesa, most Finally, since the studies have rarely been such sites, when excavated, have proven to coupled with excavation data, determining have structures (S. Plog 1978). If this precisely what resources have been exploit­ same pattern exists in the study area, a ed in particular locations has been major component of the settlement pattern problematical. Badly needed at present is being missed at present. are: (a) efforts to obtain better samples of floral and faunal remains from sites in Pithouses use apparently persists on sites the area, and (b) efforts to develop more almost until the abandonment of the over­ complete models of the likely behavior of. view unit, either alone or with pueblo agricultural and hunting/gathering popula­ structures. Whether these represent func­ tions in the area generally and in respect tionally different sites, or ones with to different microenvironments within it. ethnically distinct inhabitants, is unclear at present. Again, it is unlikely that the Evidence of organizational patterning is prehistory of the overview unit can be somewhat more complete but still tantal- understood without clarification of this izingly incomplete. It is now obvious that issue. there is immense variation in the size, density, and distribution of sites at While criteria for distinguishing defensive different times and in different places in sites from other sites have been the study area. What is not now obvious is identified, these do not satisfactorily how this diversity was articulated, if in resolve the question of the nature of such fact there is any sense in which the region sites. Whether they date to particular was integrated. That some regional inte­ time horizons must be known if we are to gration existed is strongly suggested by understand the occurrence of conflict in the growing evidence. the overview unit. Similarly, whether they are homologs of non-defensive sites in all When limited activity sites, including criteria save locations, or whether they field houses, are removed from site distri­ represent distinctive functional or organi­ butions there is an indicated pattern of zational components of the settlement dispersed site clusters. This is true in pattern, is not known. most, if not all, areas that have been studied to date. The existence of these clusters is also suggested by the convex FUTURE RESEARCH: rank-size curves that have been obtained in LOCATIONAL PATTERN INC most studies, curves that suggest small autonomous systems. Missing from most such Our current understanding of locational analyses are the largest and potentially patterning in the area is best discussed by most central sites that exist within the separating environmental and organizational study area. No block or sample survey done 131 to date has included one of these sites; Inter-site variability in the study area their records result from the early and remains, on balance, poorly understood. unsystematic surveys. It is entirely One can clearly go too far in attempting to possible that if such sites were integrated distinguish between the functions of dif­ into existing studies, a linear rank-size ferent sites in a settlement pattern. At relationship would be indicated. present, however, the needed effort is only beginning. Through excavation, and, when There is very little in the way of innova­ possible, more detailed surface maps of tive analyses that is required for remedy­ sites, architectural and artifactual indi­ ing the deficiency that exists at present. cators of varied roles in a regional (Useful variables have been identified and settlement system must be found. Of shown to be operational.) The integration course, there is also still considerable of more diverse data sets, especially those need for studies that help to pinpoint the including larger and more central places, dates of the sites in question; separating with current studies should provide a dating from function (Figure 52) remains a substantial increase in our understanding major problem, as discussed earlier. of organizational patterning. (Of course, far more can be done as our understanding of the "elements" of the settlement pattern 1s refined.)

Time Or Social Diversity

Phase III Central Site

Phase II Outlying Villages

Phase I Farmsteads

Figure 52. Differences in site size and layout could reflect temporal variation or a contemporaneous organizational pattern. 132 ARCHEOLOGY OF THE LITTLE COLORADO REGION

INTRODUCTION explorations of regions and management based studies can articulate. Surely, it The intellectual history of efforts to is possible to distinguish between the understand the systematics of regional concerns of managers and those of prehistory for areas as large as that researchers. But, if management decisions described in this overview is relatively are not informed by the best research brief. Summaries of regional prehistory strategies available, then it is unlikely have been common for decades, as have that such decisions will be of the quality efforts to generate typologies of cultural that we all desire. While it is easy to patterning. But, it is only in the rela­ assume that managers and pure researchers tively recent past that archeologists have want to understand different aspects of the begun to explore methodologies for gener­ prehistoric record, unless this assumption alizing about large regions rather than is documented, the true referent of the assuming that such generalizations would term "management information" is second readily grow from the results of excavation rate data and inferences. and more localized survey. For these reasons, I attempt in the While I grant that there is room for following pages to characterize regional disagreement, Willey's Viru Valley survey archeology and its articulation with (1953) and Ruppe and Dittert's work in the planning. First, I will consider the Acoma Province (Ruppe 1966) represent the question of transformation processes and first characterizations of regional pre­ how these are to be understood at the history on the basis of field investiga­ regional level. Subsequently, the nature tions specifically attuned to describing of inferences concerning spatial and and explaining regional phenomena. temporal variation in regional phenomena Binford's discussions of research designs are considered. Finally, I turn to the (1964, 1965) further elucidated the extent question of planning and how regional plans to which meaningful understanding of are informed by the approaches that have regional phenomena was unlikely to come been defined. from other than well focused regional research designs and field work. SITE FORMATION PROCESSES The rapid growth in efforts to do regional archeology has been stimulated as much by A first set of theories necessary to inter­ the growth of contract archeology, espe­ preting regional prehistory concerns cially the need for overviews such as this transformation processes. In a series of one, as by the growth of an intellectual articles Schiffer has described the trans­ tradition. The rapidity of that growth is formation processes that form, transform, perhaps best indicated by the existence of and reform the archeological record at parallel regional literatures in archeology particular sites (Schiffer 1975, 1976, today, the citation patterns of each form­ 1978; Schiffer and Rathje 1973; Reid, ing almost disjunct sets. For example, the Schiffer and Neff 1975). There is no point regional analyses undertaken by members of in repeating the details of these SARG (Gumerman 1971; Euler and Gumerman discussions. My major concern is the 1978) draw little from the concepts and extent to which attention to the site theories discussed by Johnson (1977) in his specific processes described by Schiffer characterization of regional analyses and will suffice for a consideration of vice versa. Both of these differ markedly regional archeology and the extent to which from Parson's (1975) summary of "settlement an inter-site focus and attendant field pattern" studies. While such provincialism strategies require an elaboration of the is expectable in circumstances where a new work that Schiffer has done. Are there research domain is being explored, there is transformation processes that effect the much to be gained by exploring the manner regional record in ways other than their in which efforts of different schools of manifestation at specific sites? Does the regional archeology articulate. fact that the regional record is known largely through surface collection generate Of equal importance is exploration of the problems in the understanding of manner in which strictly research oriented transformation processes that shape the 133 record? The answer to both questions is between modern environments and those that "yes," and it necessitates a consideration formed the systemic context of site systems of pertinent processes. at various points in the past. But, the analysis should never presume differences of great magnitude. NATURAL TRANSFORMATION PROCESSES Our current understanding of prehistoric Environmental Change environmental variation in the study area was reviewed earlier. While appropriate When site records are generated by survey, data for understanding selected aspects of archeologists commonly make observations of prehistoric environmental variation are the natural context in which the sites are available, they are woefully inadequate for found. Yet, because environmental change meaningful regional generalizations in occurs, it is impossible to assume that the regard to the issues addressed above. archeological context in which sites are These inadequacies stem from research with found is identical to the systemic context both prehistoric and modern focuses. in which they were utilized. At the same time, it is unreasonable to assume either A primary problem in respect to modern that the archeological and systemic con­ records in the area is simply their limited texts differ or that the degree of differ­ extent. There are few weather recording ence is the same for all environmental stations relative to what would be desir­ variables. able and even fewer detailed floral and faunal studies. The weaknesses of the While the archeological and systemic con­ modern baseline create immediate problems texts of sites may be different, they are for generalizations concerning the prehis­ not necessarily so. In the early days of toric past. To the extent that planning Southwestern pollen studies, many arche­ activities carried out by Federal and State ologists assumed that sharp contrasts agencies generate more detailed environ­ between modern and at least some prehis­ mental records, it is essential that these toric conditions would be revealed. What be made immediately available to archeolo­ is remarkable about the last decades' gists working in the area. results is the limited evidence of change that has been documented. Certainly the Even with more complete modern records, environments of Paleolndian and Archaic there would be significant problems in sites differed drastically from those of prehistoric reconstructions. Pollen analy­ the present, as described in an earlier ses are a case in point. The literature section. But, for later prehistoric sites, abounds with statements concerning the there is not evidence for drastic differ­ diversity of factors that affect the abun­ ences. That change occurred is clear; that dance of pollen of particular types re­ the resulting environmental variation lies covered at a given locus (e.g., wind, beyond the limits of modern variation is humidity, and soil chemistry). But, as not. yet, no study has been undertaken that attempts to control for pertinent variables Similarly, it would be a mistake to assume by analyzing samples collected from the that the magnitude of change was the same modern surface (or appropriate pollen for all relevant environmental variables. traps) on given days with known conditions. Precipitation and temperature conditions Until such studies are undertaken, the are the most likely to have changed. element of guesswork involved in the col­ Vegetation patterns may or may not have lection of prehistoric samples will remain changed. The character of drainages in an so high as to render their results at least area is likely to have been similar at some subject to substantial doubt. points in the past and different at others. Major topographic features, in the absence Apart from this interpretive problem, there of recent vulcanism, are relatively is the issue of the quantity and quality of unlikely to have changed, although some specimens that it would be desirable to topographic features, e.g., dunes, are more have from any given excavation locus. To likely to have changed than others, e.g., the best of my knowledge, there is at basalt capped mesas. Certainly, a careful present no study that investigates varia­ consideration is warranted of the probable tion among samples taken from a single magnitude of similarities and differences small living surface. While there is

134 certainly a perspective from which one can suggest the need for their initiation. regard a 200 grain count on a single slide Packrat nests have, to the best of my as 200 observations, it would be useful to knowledge, never been studied in the inven­ know how much variation among slides tory area. While some localities within exists. With this information, economy and the overview unit lack appropriate topo­ efficiency in the collection of pollen graphy, much of it does not. Cliffs and samples could be balanced. talus, for example, bound most of the Upper Little Colorado drainage as well as the A final problem is the simple absence of an majority of its southern tributaries. adequate data base from which generaliza­ Detailed analyses of paleosols are also tions might be made. Even in recent years, absent in the area. Even routine flotation no pollen analyses have been undertaken of deposits from archeological sites to from the majority of excavated sites in the obtain simple lists of available resources area. Archeologists will be in a poor generally have not been done. Overall, position to realize any of the potential of there is a need for increased sensitivity pollen analyses until such samples are to our currently poor understanding of routinely taken and analyzed. In this environmental variation. regard, the cost of anlysis is typically prohibitive. A regional center for pollen analysis that functions much as the Labora­ Deposition tory of Tree-Ring Research would clearly be desirable. At the same time, research Deposition is likely to have a major impact designs generated by palynologists that on our understanding of the regional record sample the region in both cultural and in most areas. The existence of deposition noncultural prehistoric contexts is essen­ is not the major source of the problem; tial if our understanding of prehistoric even when it is heavy, sites can be located environmental variation is to proceed at if appropriate survey techniques are more than a snail-pace. The days when employed. The problem is the differential palynologists could afford to serve as the effect of deposition, spatially, tempor­ archeologists1 handmaiden are long gone. ally, and functionally. Truly regional generalizations require regional research design and data collec­ Temporally, the problem is straightforward: tion, an effort that surely belongs in the all other things equal, older sites are hands of palynologists. more likely to be buried than younger ones. Spatially, some topographic environments Control of tree-ring variation by dendro- are characterized by higher rates of depo­ cl imatologists is far more substantial and sition than others. Deposition is more sophisticated than that of palynologists. likely to have obscured elements of the The primary problem with our current archeological record in broad alluvial ability to use this data base for regional valleys than on flat mesa tops. Finally, generalizations is a dearth of recording there are functional problems: small and stations. While it is again possible to ephemeral loci, and those reflecting- envision modification of this situation activities associated with depositionally through the gradual accumulation of data active locations, are more likely to be from archeological sites, an immediate obscured by deposition than larger and more effort to generate additional stations permanent loci. Because prehistoric through a second "beam expedition" (the peoples carried out different activities in effort made in the 1930s to gather materi­ loci with different depositional als needed to complete the tree-ring plot) conditions, it is necessary to consider the would greatly improve our control of cli­ possibility that prehistoric activities matic variation data in the area. As associated with particular resource zones earlier discussions make obvious, the three or time periods have been differentially recording stations now available in the obscured by deposition. area do not provide an adequate basis for regional generalizations. Again, research design and data collection specifically Erosion attuned to regional description and inter­ pretation seem warranted. The role of erosion directly parallels that of deposition. Because they have been Other analytical traditions are so poorly exposed to erosional agents for longer developed at present that one can only periods of time, older sites are more 135 likely to have been removed and redeposited suggest the improbability of identical than younger ones. Sites that were origin­ sequences from drainage to drainage. The ally characterized by few materials are whole history of Quaternary and Archaic more likely to have been erased than larger research in the area is a record of the ones. Sites in topographic environments destruction of what were presumed to be that are erosionally active are more likely valid pan-regional sequences: most deposi- to have been removed than those in zones of tional and erosional events are present in less activity. some areas but not others and occur at different times and magnitudes even where they do occur (Ackerly, personal Differential Erosion/Deposition communication). When working with Federal and State agencies, it is appropriate for The interaction of erosion and deposition archeologists to request the necessary create a still more complex set of possi­ assistance from the agency in question. bilities since one can imagine environments The need for developing appropriate where one but not the other, both, or expertise on nonagency funded projects neither were active during the relevant seems clear. time interval. The greater the complexity of the interaction between the two pro­ cesses within a study area, the greater the Catastrophes probability that some elements of the archeological record have been preserved While catastrophes should not be used to differentially. explain the evolution of prehistoric groups, the potential effects on the record An initial problem in interpreting the of, for example, major floods or volcanic effects of erosion/deposition on the pre­ eruptions cannot be ignored. These are historic record in the study area is, capable of obliterating evidence of prehis­ again, the dearth of modern data. toric occupation over large areas. Hydrological records are relatively rich. While they do not permit a detailed mapping Within the study area, the effects of three of stream flow within the area, they are such phenomena require additional study. sufficient to indicate substantial vari­ First, no meaningful research has been ation. It is unlikely that the desir­ conducted in respect to vulcanism. It is ability of further studies for archeo­ generally understood that vulcanism may logical purposes is sufficient to justify have been contemporaneous with the earliest the expense involved. occupation of the area, but the potential magnitude of this problem is not Soil and geomorphological studies are understood. Second, given the boom-bust another matter entirely. The available pattern of stream flow in the area, the data are weak and inconsistent. The occasional prehistoric occurrence of floods mapping of extent of erosion, for example, that removed substantial portions of the is scarcely more than what one could do by archeological record in at least some drawing isomorphs on the assumption that drainages seems likely. Finally, and erosion is heaviest near major drainages admittedly of somewhat minimal concern, is and least in the uplands, with a gradient the possibility that high altitude glacia- between. Regional sampling to more specif­ tion obscured some aspects of the early ically identify erosional difficulties is prehistoric record in the region. likely to be generated in the course of land use studies. The immediate avail­ ability of such information to archeolo- CULTURAL TRANSFORMATION PROCESSES gists is highly desirable. S-A Processes At the same time, archeologists' geomorpho­ logical expertise is generally weak and we Schiffer uses the concept "S-A process" to have rarely requested funds for appropriate refer to those processes by which artifacts research at the level necessary to create and sites move from a systemic to an arche­ localized understanding of cut and fill ological context: primary and secondary sequences. In this instance, localized discard, abandonment, loss, and burial studies are clearly warranted. The hydro- (Schiffer uses the term "disposal of the logical data alone are sufficient to dead." I prefer the term "burial" since

136 objects other than human bodies, including In the second case, the nature of the S-A whole sites, can be purposefully buried and processes that formed the site are even since the dead can be disposed of by what more difficult to infer than with data from amounts to discard). These same processes high density sites since the context of the operate to form the regional archeological materials is even less clear. While a record. However, a major problem exists in greater than expected occurrence of arti­ regard to differences in their relative facts in some specific plant community, for effects at different loci. example, could be produced by primary discard and indicate extensive use of that First, when the prehistory of a region is community, it could also reflect the cen­ approached through surface collection and tral ity of the community alone—more people the generation of site records, it is walked through it more times during a extremely difficult even to identify the particular annual round and lost or specific processes that led to the arti­ discarded more artifacts. This problem has facts presence on the site surface. While not been adequately addressed by proponents S-A processes can be difficult to identify of "non-site" archeology. or control for when sites are excavated, there are at least some contextual bases A final problem involving S-A processes is for attempting their identification. But, burial. Simply put, aspects of the archeo­ materials removed from the site surface logical record generated by purposeful often lack such context. It is sometimes, burial are extremely unlikely to be known but not always, possible to differentiate a on the basis of surface survey or surface deep from a thin surface scatter. col lection. While artifacts collected from within the boundaries of a room were not necessarily Several lines of investigation would used in that room, they may have been used greatly improve our understanding of the there. While a thin scatter of artifacts effects of these processes on the archeo­ on a depositionally and erosionally stable logical record. First, there is a signifi­ surface may represent sheet trash, they may cant need for investigations of the rela­ also approximate the distribution of mate­ tionship between surface and subsurface rials left by the inhabitants of a camp deposits. None exists at present. This site closely enough to allow behavioral problem is ultimately a relatively easy one inferences (see Wait 1976). If collections to resolve. Presumably, most modern exca­ made from some sites are largely from areas vations in the area distinguish between of primary refuse, and closely reflect a surface and subsurface deposits. Thus, it discrete set of activities carried out is likely that existing records from a there, while collections made at another variety of sites in the area would be site are largely from areas where it is sufficient for highly detailed analyses of common to find secondary refuse which surface-subsurface relations if sufficient reflects no particular set of activities, funds were available for such a study. the potential for making incorrect infer­ ences concerning the activities carried out Second, there is a very great need for at the two sites is very great. studies of the accuracy and precision of alternate collecting techniques. Studies Such problems become even more extreme when of survey techniques are now available and both relatively discrete, high density can serve as an excellent model for studies artifact scatters and amorphous, low den­ of collection techniques. Unfortunately, sity scatters exist within a single study appropriate data are not currently area, or when low density scatters are the available. In order to conduct the appro­ only observable cultural loci. In the priate research, one would need a fairly first instance, the relation of the latter large number of sites that have had 100% to the former is extremely problematical surface collections. A variety of since the latter could represent the move­ different sampling strategies ranging from ment of artifacts from high density sites grab to statistical samples could be simu­ by natural or cultural processes. It also lated using these data. Existing studies could represent a discrete activity of survey strategies (cf. Stafford et al., pattern. On the basis of surface evidence, 1978) have demonstrated that, given a resolution of this ' issue is close to sufficiently large sample size, great impossible. latitude can be exercised in designing

137 sample surveys. The applicability of their (Figure 53), elusive effect on the regional conclusions to collections from site record. surfaces could be quickly evaluated were the necessary site data obtained. Sites to which the public has easy access are more likely to have been effected by A third major problem concerns low density such activities than sites to which access artifact scatters. For the reasons dis­ is difficult. Large and obvious sites are cussed above, the interpretation of these more likely to have been impacted than archeological manifestations is at best smaller and more obscure ones. Finally,, ambiguous. Moreover, they can present a the kinds of artifacts that are removed major management problem. Collections and from site surfaces may be quite specific. analyses of materials from a number of such Metates and other large objects are more scatters in different locations within the likely to have been removed from frequently study area could quickly resolve the issue visited sites than from low access sites. of their interpretability. Decorated pottery and formally made tools, such as projectile points, are more likely Finally, the entire set of issues con­ to have been removed than undecorated cerning the processes that generate archeo­ pottery and or casual tools. logical sites is poorly understood within Thus, the kinds and frequencies of arti­ the study area. The only exception is the facts found at sites can be greatly work of Schiffer and his associates in Hay affected by the differential removal of Hollow Valley. His various writings materials from them. provide excellent guidance for conducting studies of the effect of transformation ^Jery, very little is known of the impacts processes in generating the patterns of such processes on the record of the observable at particular sites. Those area. I early noted that there is a dis­ writings should be consulted for the design tinct possibility that the impact of of appropriate research. pothunting in the distant past was far more substantial than is evident from the inspection of site surfaces today. Two A-S Processes lines of research would greatly improve our understanding of this impact. First, it is A-S processes are those that move artifacts desirable that an ethnography of pothunters from the archeological context to that of be written as soon as possible. There are the modern system: collecting; pothunting; still individuals alive who observed, and excavation. Collecting and excavation participated in, or at least heard of, the are generally documented, although destruction that was occurring in the area unpublished surveys and excavations do at the turn of the century. These same create problems. Pothunting and collecting individuals are a source of information on by amateurs can have a major, capricious pothunting activities prior to the start of a major archeological presence in the area, which only began in 1960. These people should be able to provide at least rough information concerning the areas and sites where pothunting was the most intense. Admittedly, there will be difficulty in obtaining information from those who are still engaged in the activity. However, especially given the provisions of the Archaeological Resources Protection Act, Section 11, there should be relatively little difficulty in compiling a sub­ stantial body of information. This infor­ mation could then be field checked to identify the presence or absence of modern indications of the activity. In addition, site records could be thoroughly reviewed and archeologists interviewed in an effort to identify the excavated evidence, Figure 53. In the Pinedale area, walls reported or unreported, of the magnitude of exposed in potholes are often the only disturbance. evidence of Pueblo architecture. 138 A second line of investigation should focus which earlier deposits were buried by later on the modern effects of pothunting and ones. collecting. A preliminary effort in this direction is reflected in the works of The second problem is equally evident if Lightfoot and Francis (Lightfoot and characterized in the context of seriation Francis 1978; Francis 1978; Lightfoot analysis. The relative percentages of 1978). They attempted to determine the materials from different time periods are extent to which access via roads increases likely to be the same whether a site was pothunting and the selective removal of occupied throughout each of a series of particular artifact categories from sites. time periods or only for short episodes While their results are of a preliminary during each. There is the further problem nature, the possibility of assigning of early and late episodic occupations degrees and zones of impact to particular being obscured by lengthy occupation during modern activities that increase access or some intervening period. human activity in particular localities is clearly indicated. There is no reason why Levelling the land and channelization have their analysis cannot be extended to regional impacts since these activities are include the full range of activities non-randomly distributed in relation to carried out by Federal and State agencies environmental variables that may have been in the area. Plog (1981) has attempted to important to prehistoric peoples. Juniper estimate the overall impacts of both land pushing, for example, can easily obliterate disturbance and pothunting on the Apache- much of the archeological record in a Sitgreaves National Forests. Again, this woodland while leaving that in nearby information is critical for wise management grasslands and pine parklands intact. planning and for understanding what compo­ Similarly, channelization is most likely to nents of regional prehistory are no longer have occurred and destroyed sites in the available for investigation or have vicinity of major drainages. Thus, select suffered qualitatively relative to others. elements of the regional record can be removed while others are left intact.

A-A Processes Archeological studies of these impacts are, again, few in number. Major impacts that A-A processes are those that move cultural may be envisioned in the overview unit and materials within the archeological context: elements of these that require further later occupation; land-levelling; and discussion follow. channelization. Two major problems in interpreting the prehistoric record arise from the consideration of these processes. General Impacts The first is later occupation. When sites are known principally through surface There is no question that the greatest collections, earlier components may be single source of potential impact on variably obscured by later deposits. Also, cultural resources is a simple lack of it may be impossible to differentiate sites awareness of those resources. While there with lengthy occupations spans from sites is no way of documenting this argument, one with a large number of episodic must seriously question whether specific occupations. The first problem is illus­ land modifying activities have had as much trated in recent work by Arizona State impact on cultural resources as that University at Chavez Pass Ruin. A number created by failure to be aware of the need of previous investigators (e.g., Wilson to protect them. The casual destruction of 1969) argued for the sequential occupation sites and the casual removal of artifacts of the three major room blocks at this from site surfaces by agency personnel, site. Our own surface collections contractors, and the general public may supported these earlier conclusions. Once have had a greater effect on the quality of test excavations were undertaken, however, existing resources than the aggregate of a quite different pattern was apparent. land modification activities that have The occupations of the three room blocks occurred there. Having raised this parti­ were late and largely contemporaneous. The cular issue as a general one, it will not three areas differed in the extent of be addressed in the succeeding section. earlier occupation and/or the extent to Means of increasing employee, contractor,

139 and public awareness are discussed in a stantial additional impacts is great. At later section. issue is the relative advisability of flagging sites to warn vehicle operators to avoid them (thereby drawing more attention Timber Harvest Impacts to them) as opposed to simply ensuring that fuelwood cutters are aware of the potential The greatest impact arising from timber existence of such sites and leave them harvesting is a result of the timber har­ alone when they are encountered. vest itself. The movement of heavy equip­ ment across the ground surface and the skidding of trees are the major direct Range Management Impacts impact. The construction of haul roads and landings is a second source of impact. Three activities of range management poten­ These impacts occur to cultural resources, tially impact cultural resources: juniper 'both those with and without surface clearance; fence construction; and the manifestations. construction of stock tanks. The first of these impacts is potentially the most The first impact is best resolved by prior damaging. The movement of heavy equipment survey of the area that is to be harvested through an area and the disruption of and flagging cultural resource locations so subsurface deposits when large trees are that the movement of equipment through them removed are the sources of destruction. can be avoided. As currently practiced, These impacts have been largely avoided in this approach has two negative side recent clearance activities by prior survey effects. First, it advertises the location and flagging of cultural resources. While of cultural resources to anyone passing there is potential for the same problems through the area. Second, the flagging is with flagging that arise in timber har­ frequently done so far in advance of the vesting, the time lag between the cultural sale that many of the boundary markers have resouces survey and the clearance can be disappeared prior to the harvest. Techno­ greatly reduced. Again, the flagging logical means for resolving this problem should be removed after the activity has potentially exist in the form of alterna­ been completed. tive site markers. Stores and libraries are beginning to use small chips placed in An indirect impact of juniper clearance is merchandise or books that amplify a trans­ that it increases the visibility of cul­ mitter signal. The use of such chips tural resources. A few early efforts to embedded in a site tag or a nail could be protect cultural resources resulted in tree used to mark a site. The time required to zones around them that virtually identified return to a site and flag its boundaries the existence of the resource. Vegetative immediately prior to harvesting in the area screens are left to minimize the impact of would be greatly reduced. Similarly, the clearance on the aesthetic qualities of an flagging should be removed immediately area as well as its quality as a wildlife after completion of the sale, with the tag habitat. Incorporating the cultural remaining as a permanent indicator of the resources into these will also serve to presence of a cultural resource. protect the cultural resources there. Such devices would be useful for providing an The second impact is best resolved by inconspicuous indicator of site locations actually surveying road and landing loca­ in any circumstance. tions and realigning them, if necessary, to avoid sites. In this fashion, the costs Fencing has both direct and indirect poten­ and problems raised by conspicuous flagging tial impacts. Survey in advance of actual can be avoided. construction is probably not warranted since the actual zone of disturbance is not Given the energy crisis that we are great. However, at least one individual currently experiencing, the cutting of able to identify cultural resources should fuelwood is likely to become far more of a be a member of the construction crew. An problem than it has been in the past. indirect impact of fencing is the use of Fuelwood cutting involves the movement of fences as a trail through the forest. To vehicles and trailers through an area. In the extent that hunters and hikers use the addition, it increases the level of human fencelines they will be attracted to nearby activity in what have been relatively archeological sites and casual collecting isolated areas. The potential for sub­ may result. Thus, when a fence!ine is

140 moved around a cultural resource it should are dense. The major impact that enhanced be moved a sufficient distance so that the access has had on cultural resources is resource in question is not visible from discussed elsewhere in the report. Roads the fenceline. are necessary and some of these impacts are unavoidable, but they can be ameliorated Because stock tanks are isolated points, by: (1) avoiding road construction in minimizing their impact is relatively areas of exceptionally high site density; simple. As long as the site, and the means and (2) either leaving vegetation that by which heavy equipment will be moved to screens cultural resources or revegetating the site, are inspected, direct impacts are in a manner that screens the resource from easily avoided. The indirect impact traffic moving on the road. resulting from the construction of a stock tank., is the concentration of cattle in its vicinity. Site surfaces can be disturbed Fire Suppression Impacts to a point where materials can no longer be analyzed when those surfaces are repeatedly The potential impact of fire suppression on trampled by livestock. Therefore, stock cultural resources is substantial. Stories tanks should generally: (a) not be located of fire crew members removing artifacts in zones of exceptionally high site den­ from sites and direct evidence of the sity; and (b) not be located in the imme­ destruction of cultural resources abound in diate vicinity of an archeological site. the case of the Day Burn, one recent fire that occurred in an area of high cultural From these activities, a major secondary resouce density. Whenever possible, it is impact is derived—grazing by cattle. advisable to have one or more archeologists Evaluating the specific effects of grazing present during fire suppression to reduce is only possible through specific studies the impact of the activity on cultural of sites that have been impacted. On the resources as much as feasible given the one hand, it is clear that there can be more immediate and pressing concerns. It impacts. The author participated in the is especially important that the sensitiv­ excavation of one site that had been a ity of temporary summer personnel to stock pen. The sherds there were often so cultural resources be increased to prevent small as to defy analysis. But, this site both casual and major destruction of represents an extreme situation. cultural resouces.

Trampling along fence lines and in the vicinity of stock tanks have, to the best Recreation and Land Exchange Impacts of my knowledge, never been evaluated. And a heavy degree of impact in these areas The primary direct impact of recreational should not be assumed. Similarly, while it activities is the construction of camp is clear that overgrazing can lead to sites. In general, these sites increase erosion that in turn impacts cultural access to cultural resouces. The magnitude resouces, the magnitude of this problem has of the problem created by that access is never been determined and remains a subject difficult to estimate, but it may be sub­ of great controversy. stantial. Most of the rock shelters, for example, in the vicinity of the Chevelon Creek campground are virtually devoid of Engineering Projects Impacts cultural materials as a result of illicit excavation. The limits of the impact area Apart from their role in the activities are essentially defined by the average just discussed, the major impact of engi­ distance that citizen-users range from the neering projects is the construction of camp during their stay there and this datum roads. The direct impact of road construc­ is at present unknown. It should be tion is the disturbance of the ground assumed, however, that survey undertaken in surface. Careful survey of proposed roads conjunction with the development of a new prior to construction is, therefore, camping area should not be restricted to warranted. To the maximum extent feasible, the direct impacts of construction. actual flagging of sites should be avoided for the reasons discussed earlier. The Land exchanges are another potential source major impact of roads is opening public of impact. Unfortunately, there is a high access to areas where cultural resources density of cultural resources in the

141 vicinity of rapidly growing communities. have been identified (cf. Plog 1974). Yet, Clearly, the relationship between the most late sites, even the very latest ones, forests and those communities will deter­ typically have points made using the early iorate unless some allowance for their . Whether this pattern reflects growth is made. Given that growth may the survival of the earlier technology or occur in virtually any direction, planning the systematic removal and reuse of earlier for this eventuality should begin soon. points from earlier sites is impossible to Specific proposals are made in the dis­ say. The removal of building stones from cussion of the inventory of the forest's earlier sites for use in the construction resources. of later ones has also been discussed.

While such behavior almost certainly Mining Impacts occurred, it is easy to confuse a settle­ ment that had only foundation stones rather Mining is by far the most destructive than full standing walls with one from single activity that threatens cultural which stone was removed. The ultimate resources. Given that most mineral raw extent of recycling and reuse at the materials are now becoming scarce, this regional level will be difficult to define. activity is likely to increase; the rising But, it certainly must be considered rather cost of the raw material allows the exploi­ than simply assuming that the materials tation of previously uneconomical sources found at a particular loci were made by the and efforts to discover new sources using people who lived there or by their more expensive techniques. Both testing contemporaries. and actual mining can be highly destructive. The movement of heavy machin­ Clearly, one can become so concerned with ery to drill locations can destroy sites. the potential role of such processes in Similarly, there are some testing pro­ obscuring behavioral patterns that be­ cedures that result in heavy impacts to the havioral analyses no longer seems fruitful. land surface within several hundred meters It is not correct to argue, as some of the drill site. students of transformation processes seem to, that one cannot do archeology without None of the processes discussed above are controlling for these processes. At the well understood. It is easy in envisioning same time, one should never fail to control a particular project, to imagine major for intervening variables whenever impacts that later prove to be minimal and possible. There is little doubt that some to fail to suspect major impacts. of what we currently perceive to be Similarly, corrective measures that ini­ patterns of material culture left by pre­ tially seem desirable may in the long run historic peoples in the overview area will draw attention to, and increase impacts on, prove to be the products of transformation sites. Only through careful documentation processes. The sooner archeologists are of efforts to avoid sites, and the subse­ able to undertake studies such as those quent occurrence or lack of impacts, will mentioned throughout the preceding dis­ the necessary knowledge be obtained. cussion, the better our interpretations will become. S-S Processes

These processes are ones that move cultural DESCRIBING SPATIAL VARIATION materials within a systemic context: recycling, secondary use, lateral recy­ Assuming that transformation processes are cling, and conservation. The negative controlled and described to a meaningful effect of such processes on the prehistoric extent, the major focus of archeological record is potentially great and difficult analysis is the description, interpreta­ to evaluate. In essence, the question tion, and explanation of spatial and tem­ raised is the extent to which the first poral patterns. Spatial patterns and their pothunters were in fact later prehistoric treatment are considered here and temporal occupants of particular regions. patterns are considered in the following section. In both discussions, the need for The problem is perhaps most evident in the truly regional approaches is presumed. case of projectile points. In some areas, That is, I do not assume that a genuine early and late manufacturing picture of regional patterns will emerge

142 from the accumulation of site excavations utilized chipped and ground stone tools, and local surveys. Instead, my assumption was far less structured than that involved is that generalizations about large spatial in making and using ceramic vessels. What entities require research designs specifi­ was originally a projectile point could be, cally attuned to that task, research and often was, refashioned as a or designs that involve a dynamic interplay of scraper. What began as a casually local and specifically regional analyses. retouched piece of stone became a formal Spatial variation in artifactual distri­ scraper through episodic use and retouch. bution, settlement systems, and behavioral systems are independent foci of the follow­ The possibilities are endless and existing ing discussion. evidence suggests that prehistoric peoples did not simply make and subsequently use stone tools. Instead, they used flakes Artifacts eclectically in a process that involved many discrete episodes of manufacture, use, There are two current problems that con­ modification, and reuse in a sometimes found efforts to describe and explain exceedingly complex chain. Until more artifactual distributions at the regional studies demonstrate what categories and/or level: for some artifact classes our attributes are useful in characterizing understanding is too limited and for variation in , it is others, too complex. Perhaps the best unlikely that we will be able to understand example of the first problem is stone the functional variation in activities that technology. There is no typology for were undertaken at particular sites as they either chipped or ground stone that is are reflected by variation in this class of shared by archeologists working either artifacts. On the other hand, these same within the Southwest or within a particular studies may identify a simple typology. region of it. Even efforts to establish terminological consistency between dif­ The movement of raw materials used in ferent classification systems are lacking. manufacturing stone tools is also poorly understood. When analyses have been At first glance, the problem of ever undertaken (cf. Green 1975, 1978), con­ attaining the agreement necessary for such siderable support has been generated for a lithic classification system seems the proposition that some raw material insurmountable. It can, however, be easily classes were exchanged over a wide area. overestimated. I would suggest that most Unfortunately, there are so few such of the lithic typologies that have been studies that the magnitude of exchange, not used presume that lithic technologies to mention the patterning of exchange should ultimately attain the same degree of relationships, is impossible to formality that is characteristic of ceramic characterize. systems. Recent studies challenge this assumption. In the cases of both chipped Ceramics are an example of the problem of (Decker 1976) and ground (Mundie 1976) too complex classification. Simply put, stone, statistical analyses of attributes archeologists have allowed themselves such have resulted in the definition of rela­ latitude in defining types that it is now tively few types. That is, of all the close to impossible to establish equiva­ categories that archeologists have used in lencies within, not to mention across, defining different types of scrapers and regions. This situation is particularly knives, few prove to have integrity when unfortunate since a consistent application subjected to attribute analyses of a rela­ of the standards used by Col ton in the tively large collection of artifacts. early period of type definition would have Certainly, the archeologists who created resulted in a \/ery different situation. the earlier typologies recognized distinc­ His approach was directly modeled on the tive forms, but quantitative treatments process of manufacturing a vessel. show both a complex and a relatively con­ Technological distinctions were used to tinuous pattern of variation among the create wares, stylistic distinctions to ideal types defined on the basis of create types within wares. Unfortunately, especially distinctive forms. he and others, to a more substantial degree, began to use space-time rather than The underlying problem seems to be that the formal attributes in generating behavior of prehistoric peoples, as they definitions.

143 We now face a situation in which, for literature continues to assume village- example, the technological variation within level manufacture. The implications for the category "Cibola White Ware" can only understanding regional prehistory are be described as five different wares if the enormous. If the petrography is correct, criteria that are used to separate Tusayan an enormous volume of material items cir­ from Little Colorado White Wares are culated in the study area in every calendar consistently used. Similarly, we have year. failed to resolve the question of whether a horizon style system, cross-cutting wares, For effective regional analysis, typo­ can be defined for the northern Southwest. logical and distributional problems such as Wasley (1959) proposed such a system some those described above must be overcome. years ago, but Breternitz's analysis of Until they are, the interpretation of even tree-ring associations appeared to con­ our most basic artifactual evidence is in tradict it (1966). (The reasons for using doubt. And, problems with artifactual the term "appeared" will be discussed interpretation create difficulties in later.) virtually every other area of analysis. As noted earlier, it is impossible to discuss Dee Green (personal communication) observed with any security the distribution of some years ago that the temporal sequences Pueblo I period sites when a clear argument of change in line width and line density on associating this time period with a parti­ painted sherds was similar on the various cular artifactual assemblage cannot be National Forests within the Southwestern made. Region. As noted earlier, recent analyses of stylistic change within major domains I do not intend that any of the above be (e.g., Kana'a-Black Mesa-Sosi; Puerco- interpreted as a recommendation that mono­ Reserve-Tularosa), using materials from the lithic typologies be created and that Upper Little Colorado and Kayenta areas, archeologists working in the overview unit document regular changes in line width that all be forced to employ them. correspond roughly to the horizon styles Nevertheless, some commonality in the defined by Wasley (Hantman and Lightfoot manner in which artifacts are described is 1978; S. Plog and Hantman 1978; Hantman, et essential if the results of independent al., in press). research efforts are ever to be comparable. The commonality that I envision would be I suspect that there are indeed horizon sufficient to place artifactual materials styles with pan-regional integrity. I also with gross spatial and temporal units, at suspect that we will gain much in our least allowing dating within a 100 year understanding of regional prehistory as we period and allowing at least initial confi­ begin to see that there are, at virtually dence that particular artifacts were or every time period, some areas of the were not made in a particular area. At the northern Southwest that have a localized same time, an effort to generate such an style rather than the one that then charac­ approach would recognize that independent terizes most of the area. In any case, attributes of particular artifact classes regional prehistory will be far easier vary for different reasons. The variation after the efficacy of a horizon style in some attributes is temporally sensitive, system has been resolved. others spatially sensitive, and still others functional. Other detailed local There is also a major unresolved issue in analyses will tap the rich potential of our understanding of ceramic exchange. such attribute analyses and it is dubious Virtually every petrographic study of that sufficient detail can ever be con­ Southwestern ceramics has suggested rela­ tained in a workable regional scheme. tively localized manufacture and relatively widespread exchange (see S. Plog 1977, 1980 It is indicative of the current state of for summaries). Even Col ton's ware system our understanding of these issues as they monitors this variation relatively well. pertain to the overview unit that many of Coupled with the nearly absolute failure to the citations used to illustrate specific find evidence of ceramic manufacture des­ points are studies undertaken within the pite decades of excavation, the case for area. A number of the distributional specialized production and widespread studies described in this document simply exchange, rather than village-level ceramic have no parallels at the present time manufacture, is strong. Yet, existing elsewhere in the Southwest (the computer

144 mappings of ceramic and chipped stone raw Nevertheless, it can be profitably applied material distributions, for example). to a sample. Nevertheless, it is precisely these studies that have led to perception of the clear The second approach is that developed by need for a greater investment in typologi­ SARG (Gumerman 1971; Euler and Gumerman cal studies. These are important not 1978). This more analytical approach seeks simply for interpretation of the prehistory correlations with particular environmental of the area, but because effective manage­ variables. As recent descriptions of SARG ment cannot occur without standardized and efforts demonstrate, these variables can be comparable treatments of artifacts in treated in terms of local and regional spatially disparate contexts. Specific patterns as well as individually. The studies that need to be undertaken were ultimate goal of both site catchment identified in earlier chapters. Here the analysis and the SARG approach is the same: discussion has focused on how the further to understand the manner in which prehis­ interpretation of the materials in question toric peoples used their environments and might proceed. the manner in which the environment shaped their use of particular areas.

Spatial Systems Locational or point pattern analyses of the relationship between a set of points have One might argue that the logical next step now been described in some detail and from in attempting to construct a regional a number of different perspectives (F. Plog approach is a consideration of sites and 1974; Hodder and Orton 1976; Clarke 1977; variation in site types. However, it Johnson 1977). Common to all of these seems, on the basis of recent literature, approaches is the assumption that attention that the concept "site," is a highly prob­ must be given to characteristics of a lematical one, at both extremes. On the system of points rather than the unique one hand, where one draws the boundary characteristics of the points themselves, between sites and low density artifact although the latter may very well be scatters is an issue. In some parts of the differentiated in a set of types or Southwest, such low density scatters or categories. Characteristics of the distr­ "non-sites" are more typical than sites. ibution are then measured: density, On the other hand, not all sites are com­ evenness, agglomeration, differentiation, munities or even settlements. Multi-size integration, hierarchy, and symmetry. communities have been described in a number There are appropriate quantitative tech­ of areas. Thus, I suggest that instead of niques for each. Each measure is building regions from sites, it is prefer­ implicitly systemic because the value or able to begin with an effort to understand condition that a particular variable takes the distribution of material remains irre­ is a product of the relationships among the spective of how those remains are agglomer­ entire set of points. Properly used, such ated into entities that may be called analyses define localities or subsystems sites. From this perspective, the major within regions and identify their distinc­ analytical effort is toward analyzing the tive properties. pattern of the distribution of cultural points, (architectural or artifactual), however those points are defined. It is undeniably difficult to escape famil­ iar paleoethnographic handles such as butchering camp, field house, town, etc., Points can first be analyzed in respect to and the equally familiar notion of an the environmental settings in which they ideographic version of the cultural land­ occur. There are two pertinent methods for scape, a settlement pattern. Nevertheless, exploring this relationship. The first is the time has come to recognize the dubious site catchment analysis (Vita-Finzi and empirical content of such terms for many Higgs 1970). While this approach is useful regional situations. Simply put, too many in considering environmental relationships different usages of a given locus are for a relatively few points, its possible to allow the conclusion that such application is somewhere between difficult analogic characterizations are providing and impossible when the number of sites real information. Similarly, eyeball under study is large. There would be large analyses of distributional maps leave too numbers of sites in the case of most, but much room for observer bias and error to certainly not all, regional studies. permit confidence in their results. A more

145 structural approach, where structure is attribute is used as a basis for classify­ defined over largely quantitative elements ing a particular site or region in terms of of the points under analysis, is the more a typology, the nature of explanatory likely source of understanding of settle­ arguments that can be explored is either ment and spatial systems. sharply truncated or becomes hopelessly circular. If, for example, the size of the The studies that will lead to further largest settlement is used to define state understanding in this area were discussed organization, it is impossible to construct in earlier chapters on intra- and inter- arguments relating state organization and site settlement patterns. Comments made population aggregation; such an argument here are primarily intended to clarify the would be tautological since population broad implications of such efforts. While aggregation was used to define state archeologists will never completely agree organization. on acceptable site typologies nor on appro­ priate locational statistics, some agree­ The second and third problems stem from the ment is essential if the cultural resources typologies themselves, from the very fact of the area are to be managed with any that they are based on ideal types. As overall design in mind. Fried has observed, the advantage of ideal types is that they isolate key aspects of variation and key patterns of covariation by treating complex continua as simpler Behavioral and Organizational Systems' categories. I do not doubt the importance of such simplification in the search for In 1968, and in reaction to the efforts of structural regularities. However, there new archeologists to do paleoethnography, are two difficulties created in the study Marvin Harris warned against the use of of prehistory. On the one hand, when one familiar ethnographic terms in describing studies evolution, it is precisely the prehistoric behavior and organization. complex patterns of continual variation Whether at the inter-site level (tribes, that are crucial to understanding why the bands, etc) or intra-site level (residence patterns identified by categories of ideal groups, etc.) such terms are highly prob­ types are the most typical outcomes of lematical in the ethnological and ethno­ evolutionary processes. One must be able graphic literature and likely to be more so to explore the range of variation to under­ in the past. More recently, Leaf (1973), stand why there are relatively few typical Quinn (1975) and others have cogently outcomes. On the other hand, if we are to argued that the social behavior and cate­ take seriously the claim that one strength gories that have been described as rules, of archeology is the ability to identify norms, and even groups are best treated as behavioral and organizational patterns not elements in complex decision structures, found in the ethnographic and ethnohistoric not real behavior. records, then we must employ conceptual strategies that allow the possibility of Avoiding mishandling of archeological data patterns of variation and covariation not requires changes both in the way in which found in the present. Thus, in both res­ we employ the theoretical literature of pects, a more continuous approach to the sociocultural anthropology in formulating archeological record is desirable. interpretations and the way in which we employ ethnographic data. The major prob­ A fourth problem arises when summary cate­ lem that typically arises in using the gories are injudiciously used by archeol­ theoretical literature occurs when typolo­ ogists, ethnographers, or both. I do not gies are employed. Most archeological question the utility for some discussions, discussions of social organization, for arguments, and syntheses of applying terms example, are based on either Service's such as band and tribe, egalitarian and (1962) or Fried's (1967) typology. stratified. But, there are limits to the kinds of analyses in which the use of such The use of these typologies to interpret terms is appropriate. Because these terms the prehistoric past necessarily involves mask substantial variation in particular four major problems. First, when some key institutional, status, and power patterns,

1. The following discussion was prepared in collaboration with Steadman Upham. 146 their utility for detailed comparative and Antelope Clan holds all political and evolutionary studies is questionable. ceremonial offices and is far wealthier Perhaps more important is the danger of too than any other clan (Ruppe, personal quick a summary judgment and subsequent communication). In point of fact, sub­ failure to reevaluate evidence of variation stantial variation in wealth and power over space and time. between individuals and groups has been described for most Pueblos, not to mention Virtually every typology of social forms craft specialists and "caciques." And, presents similar problems. I have pre­ this information exists despite the con­ viously noted (Plog 1977) the difficulty in summate skill with which the Pueblo are separating reciprocity, redistribution, and able to shelter intra-village reality from marketing on behavioral criteria alone, not the outside world (Brandt 1976). to mention artifactual patterns. And, it is unlikely that most of the groups occupy­ Of course such evidence is generally dis­ ing the overview unit after about AD 300 missed as a product of Pueblo participation were easily classifiable as hunter- in modern economic and political systems. gatherers or agriculturalists. The prob­ And yet, there are both ethnohistoric and ability is quite high that the same prehistoric data suggesting that strati­ cultural and biological group drastically fication and political complexity have shifted its subsistence procurement existed for some time in the Pueblo area. behavior over time. There is also the For example, high status burials, elite probability that nearby groups practiced residential complexes, craft specializa­ different strategies. tion, and status restricted material goods have now been documented prehistorically. A second problem arises when summary Similarly, the records of the entrada in­ descriptions of behavior and organization dicate that the chiefs of particular are borrowed from the ethnographic settlements were capable of assembling literature. This has typically occurred in large quantities of goods. Espejo, for the case of the overview unit in the abuse example, is said to have been given 4000 of Puebloan ethnography. cotton mantas by the cacique of Awatobi (Hammond and Rey 1966). Even granting For example, by virtually every summary overestimation and misrepresentation by the classification, the modern Pueblo are Spanish recorder, the production and dis­ tribal and egalitarian. As a result, tribution of so sizeable a quantity of one analysts of Puebloan prehistory typically craft good is inconsistent with the argu­ assume these patterns. Yet, there is more ment that the Pueblo were egalitarian. than suggestive evidence of \/ery non- egalitarian organizations and behaviors The point of this discussion is not to among the Pueblo. Brandt (1976) has con­ argue that the Pueblo are, in fact, a trasted the "New" and "Old" People at Taos: stratified society. Rather, the claim is that there are elements of both egalitarian These groups represent emergent and quite highly stratified organizations social classes. The New People are and behaviors in Pueblo culture that have poor ceremonially and tend to be considerable time depth. At various times poor in other respects as well. and places, particular Pueblo settlements They are disenfranchised and lack were almost certainly characterized by kin support which would enable them quite complex political and social to obtain favorable grazing permits organization. Either our commitment to an and access to land. They are unable Apollonian view of the Pueblo, or the to hold political office and rarely necessity of identifying unbroken Puebloan have friends in high places .... traditions that grew out of the land claims The lulina (Old People) are leaders cases, has interfered with anthropological and produce leaders. They allocate judgment. land, water and permits (1976:11). Perhaps it is also too heavy a reliance on The Old People, who number 50 out of a summary categories that necessarily obscure population of 1200, hold all of the poli­ some variation that has prevented us from tical and ceremonial offices in the Pueblo. seeing that evidence of complexity and Membership in the group is inherited stratification among the Pueblo cannot patrilineally. A similar situation has simply be dismissed as a product of white been described at Acoma Pueblo where the contact. Again, these same problems arise 147 when a "direct historical" argument is used these preliminary data, it is clear that as a basis for preferring Puebloan, or a there is potentially enormous variation particular subset of Puebloan, ethnography over the overview unit in the particular over alternatives. It is likely that only demographic, productive and organizational through employing the full range of south­ strategies that were employed. Much care­ western ethnographic literature will we ful analysis and description is necessary formulate interpretive models that are though, before we will be able to describe sufficient to describe the range of varia­ spatial variation in such strategies. tion that actually occurred in prehistoric times. But, detailed local descriptions are ulti­ mately unsatisfactory. The question of Recognizing such problems, Cordell and I large organizational entities must ulti­ (1979) have recently argued that our most mately be addressed: were there times when meaningful investment in attempting to the overview unit, or most of it, describe the past will come from the study functioned as a single interactive, or even of strategies, coping behavior. Specifi­ political, entity? Answering such a ques­ cally, we have argued that demographic, tion again involves the dynamic interplay productive, and organizational strategies of local and regional analyses. are likely to be the best bases for under­ standing prehistoric organizational vari­ At the local level, the analyses of inter­ ability. In a regional context, such an action and multi-site communities discussed approach begins with the assumption that earlier is needed. These provide a means the inhabitants of different sites and of working from the bottom up toward an localities were, in all probability, understanding of larger interactive and involved in quite different strategies. To organizational units. Point pattern the extent that these strategies are har­ analyses are also useful in that, applied nessed in sub-regional or pan-regional to larger bodies of survey data, they may systems, it is through interaction, alli­ identify clusters and verify the reality of ance and exchange. Thus, if efforts to the apparently variable density that one describe and explain artifactual and may divine from existing records. settlement distributions are to achieve Distributions of distinctive artifact types fruition, it will not happen through the and styles provide a means of working from assumption of regional homogeneity. the top down. Rather, we require careful investigation of local similarities and differences and how I have argued elsewhere that the concept they are integrated through casual inter­ that most closely approximates the notion action and/or hierarchically and non- of region is what Ruppe and Dittert have hierarchical ly arranged alliance and called a "province." Provinces are defined exchange systems. by a distinctive system of material culture that is assumed to result from interaction. Such an effort must begin with more However, both behavioral and organizational detailed discussions of variation in par­ variation are assumed to have occurred ticular strategies across the overview within the province. I find this concept unit. At present such a description is appealing for both theoretical and empircal impossible, but suggestive data do exist. reasons. Theoretically, one ought to be For example, the earlier discussion of able to define such spatial entities. demographic variation focused on two areas, Recent discussions of mate and material Hay Hollow Valley and the Purcell-Larson exchange (e.g., Sanders 1975; Wobst 1977; locality, for which acceptable demographic S. Plog 1977) suggest that, controlling for studies have been done. It is clear that population densities, there are upper and the demographic trajectories for these two lower limits to the expected spatial extent areas were not the same. Whether different of interaction and exchange. Empirically, trajectories will be identified for other the size and shape of provinces, such as areas is unknown. Similarly, evidence of Zuni and Acoma, that have been described craft specialization in some sites was correspond to such expectations. They are reviewed. How widespread and varied this roughly hexagonal and about 15,000 square phenomenon may be is also unknown. The kilometers in area. Similarly, even given stellar architectural diversity of the the vague characterization of actual boun­ overview unit was described, although even daries, maps showing the location of a beginning interpretation of this diver­ cultural branches appear to correspond with sity is missing at present. Given even expectations for province locations and

148 boundaries, at least for the Anasazi area since access to information on specific during the period AD 900 to 1400 (F. Plog managerial individuals and groups is 1980). difficult without written records. Thus, archeological data are not best analyzed in The strategy I envision for characterizing terms of the status and role related such provinces does not involve generating concepts of egalitarian, rank, and strati­ definitions of average or typical charac­ fied societies that Fried has developed for teristics of one province for comparison ethnographic groups. with others. Rather, I would examine the way in which the province is built through Although status and role are pertinent, the interaction and exchange between local archeological record, to the extent that it groups that were, in all probability, reflects political organization, is the culturally and organizationally distinct. product of managerial decisions broadly As Cordell and I (1979) have recently conceived. In any society, the most basic argued, a major source of our misunder­ such decisions concern: (1) access to standing of the prehistory of the northern space; (2) access to human and natural Southwest is a result of preoccupation with resources; (3) access to social statuses facile descriptions of what is typical at and organization; and (4) access to social most times and places. Understanding symbols. Across societies, access in each organizational and evolutionary dynamics of these areas varies in: (1) the extent necessitates a concern with the manner in to which it is restricted to particular which local groups that were distinctive in individuals and/or groups; and (2) whether their demographic, exploitative, the restrictions are consensual or organizational, and symbolic patterns came cooperative. to be articulated into systems of diverse sorts. These systems are sometimes intra- The extent to which one can demonstrate regional, sometimes regional, and sometimes that particular patterns of decisionmaking pan-regional. are likely to leave clear patterns in material remains is critical to the success Admittedly, we are not always in a position that archeologists are likely to achieve in to begin a particular study with a well studying political organization in the defined province. Naturally defined enti­ past. The difficulty of this task should ties (a drainage, or a foothill zone) or not be underestimated. While it is beyond one defined for managerial reasons are more the scope of this essay to discuss all of typical starting points. Nevertheless, a the issues mentioned above, a consideration crucial initial question is whether the of variation in access to space will illus­ entity contained single or multiple cul­ trate the problems that arise and tural entities at different points in time. approaches that might be taken. Such descriptions are, however, ultimately of composition or behavior rather than of In recent years, a large body of literature structure. Structural descriptions neces­ has appeared concerning human terri­ sitate a more careful treatment of politi­ toriality (see Plog and Upham, in press, cal organization, which itself proves a for a summary). There is little agreement domain for archeological analyses. about territoriality in these studies, the vast majority of which, both archeological Fried defines political organization as, and ethnographic, deal with band level societies. As Dyson-Hudson and Smith . . . those portions of social (1978:21) point out, "The territoriality organization that specifically controversy in anthropology has primarily relate to the individuals and groups focused on hunter-gatherers." King (1975, that manage the affairs of public 1976) and Peterson (1975) are recent pol icy or seek to control the examples of a long line of anthropologists appointment or action of those (e.g., Radcliffe-Brown 1930; Service 1962; individuals or groups (1967:20). Williams 1974) who argue that some form of territorial band is the optimum pattern of At a general level, Fried's definition is spatial organization for hunter-gatherers acceptable. For archeological purposes, under all or most ecological conditions. the emphasis must be placed on evidence of Various authors (e.g., Lee and DeVore 1968; the manner in which affairs were managed Damas 1969) have argued that a more

149 flexible pattern of spatial organization assume a temporally invariant pattern for and resource utilization is typical of any given location. hunter-gatherers. Given this potential complexity, what Dyson-Hudson and Smith ultimately argue evidence of the waxing and waning of terri­ that both patterns are possible but will torial behavior can archeologists expect to occur under different circumstances. discover? Specifically, defense of an identified territory is likely to occur only when, Distributions of Material Traits critical resources are sufficiently abundant and predictable in space It is tempting to view the spatial zones and time, so that costs of exclusive that can be defined on the basis of mate­ use and defense of an area are out­ rial trait distributions as indicators of weighed by the benefits gained from territories. It is true that in at least resource control (Ibid). some areas it is possible to define periods of time when the distribution of such One can extend their analysis by noting its traits is relatively homogeneous over a articulation with the common anthropologi­ broad area and others when a number of cal distinction between proprietary and highly distinctive divisions of that same usufruct rights. In essence, at any level space are warranted. Unfortunately, our of social organization (the family, growing understanding of the manner in village, clan, or cultural group) indi­ which such boundaries are generated by viduals and groups may seek to claim pro­ interaction and exchange provides little prietary rights over space. Yet such a support for the notion that such distribu­ claim is neither necessary nor necessarily tions reflect actual territories. Whether common, but only likely to arise in speci­ such zones were occupied by particular fic circumstances as described above. ethnic groups or whether they simply describe patterns of particularly intense This formulation is particularly useful for interaction or exchange, there is no a archeological purposes because it forces priori basis for inferring that the spatial upon us a clear distinction between the entity in question was consciously per­ observation that a particular group of ceived as an exclusive territory, much less people occupy space and the claim that they defined as such. I am not arguing that either define or defend an explicit such distributions are irrelevant to the territory. In all probability, the topic of this paper and will return to the continuum between these two extremes, issue later. especially prior to the existence of state organized societies, was quite complex. It is difficult to believe that there was not Boundary Markers a great deal of fluidity in the spatial domain that a given hunting-gathering band Shrines, , petroglyphs, and even occupied. In all likelihood, that space potbusts, have been identified ethnogra­ changed regularly in response to the growth phical ly and ethnohistorically as terri­ and decline of a group, similar processes torial markers. While it is not possible operating in those around it, and short- to say precisely what limitations of access term and long-term fluctuations in climatic are intended by such markers, some restric­ patterns. This same variation would have tion of access is clearly being symbolized. produced changes in the extent to which Thus, to the extent that the use of such territories were explicitly defended. At devices varies in time and/or space, in­ the other extreme are groups that defend creasing concern with access to space is territories and do so with complex politi­ indicated. cal coordination and use specialists, soldiers. Many combinations are possible. Many specific organizational entities can Warfare assert proprietary rights over space: households within villages; villages; clans It is tempting to take evidence of warfare, that are either within or cross-cut in the form of mutilated bodies, etc., as villages can all claim and defend rights to evidence of territoriality. It is evident, space. Similarly, there is no reason to however, that (especially prior to the

150 advent of state organized societies) war­ information concerning the study area for fare and raiding have no necessary connec­ the purpose of identifying meaningful tion with actual defense of territory. sociopolitical and sociocultural entities. The proposal is essentially to set aside the site-focused efforts of investigators Architectural Features such as Longacre (1970) and Hill (1970) and to begin with definitions of broader Architectural features such as forts, patterns. Fortunately, such an effort has defensive walls, garrisons, or signal already been undertaken for the late time towers are suggestive but not conclusive period in the study area. Upham (1980) has evidence of warfare and territorial done an analysis very similar to that defense. Nevertheless, it seems reasonable outlined in the preceding pages. He has to assume that when a society reaches a found evidence of site clusters that may point of making a major labor and material represent local polities and of variation investment in defense, territory is likely in the exchange ties between particular to be an issue. Unfortunately, analyses of polities. Upham's work provides a more the spatial distribution of such features succinct and comprehensive model than can that could, for example, indicate that they be described here. Extending his analysis bound a spatial unit or occur at key passes into the earlier periods of time in the between different valleys, have rarely been study area would accomplish the goals undertaken. identified here.

Art TEMPORAL VARIATION

Representational art can provide clues to Unlike the recent literature on spatial the existence of more or less formally variation, current discussions of temporal defined groups of warriors which must, as variation are far from convergence. described above, at least strongly suggest Whether the topic is as specific as the use a substantial concern with defense of of radiocarbon dating (Read n.d.), the territory. contextual analysis of dated samples (Dean 1978) or theories of change (Plog, in Unfortunately, most of the evidence dis­ press), the current literature places cussed above pertains largely to the more principle emphasis on the many problems complex end of the political spectrum. In that must be resolved if we are to deal the case of simpler groups, one can only with temporal variation effectively. caution against overly quick territorial Initially, I will summarize what seem to me assumptions. While analysts should the more salient points of these discus­ certainly seek to identify changing sions and then discuss approaches to change patterns of spatial use, these must never studies. be confused with actual restrictions of access to space. It does seem likely that The association between dated samples and appropriate ethnographic, especially cross- artifact assemblages must be more carefully cultural studies, might provide good defined. When associational controls are indirect evidence of highly territorial not cautious, one runs the risk of reject­ behavior. For example, once societies are ing viable temporal models. This problem making substantial investments in the seems to characterize the rejection of construction of features that improve Wasley's horizon style system for Anasazi agricultural land or create permanent ceramics (1959), which Breternitz's (1966) dwellings, a greater concern with territory tree-ring analysis of Southwestern ceramics seems likely. At the same time, such appears to destroy. In point of fact, correlations lead directly back to the precisely what ceramic materials are asso­ problem mentioned earlier: if settlements ciated with particular dated specimens, and with permanent architecture or the presence in what quantity, is so highly variable of intensive agricultural systems are taken that Breternitz's work cannot be considered as evidence of territorial behavior, one a viable test of Wasley's model. cannot study the relationship between the former and the latter. Chronologies must be recognized as hypoth­ eses to be tested using a combination of The preceding discussion envisions harness­ chronometric and statistical techniques. ing all of the available distributional In most instances, the most complete 151 chronologies (those applicable to the Derivatives of variable trajectories should greatest number of sites) will be based on be investigated. For some social and ceramic seriation. These should always be natural science problems, regularities and done first, with appropriate quantities of patterning have proven difficult to chronometric techniques employed to a identify when simple plots of variation sufficiently large number of specimens to over time were analyzed. When attention permit statistical tests of the viability turned to the investigation of rates or of the chronology. The odds that inappro­ even derivatives of change, substantial priate specimens or techniques with too regularities were discovered. high an error factor will have to be used are so high that a meaningful test of an Immediate causality should not be presumed. entire chronology is improbable. Again, in both natural and social scientific phenomena, dramatic changes Spatial correlates of temporal processes occur as substantial lag effects, post­ should not be assumed. In those few dating the triggering event(s) by sub­ instances where historical records have stantial intervals. Systemic effects also been used to evaluate the presumed spatial confound efforts to deal with linear and correlates of a temporal process, e.g., immediate causality. diffusion from a center of innovation, great variation has been found. Moreover, Explanations of change processes should when one infers temporal processes from focus on trends and not event-outcome spatial patterns, the use of evolutionary connections. The same triggering event can arguments to explain particular spatial have different outcomes and the same phenomena is likely to become circular. outcome can have different triggering events. It is for this reason that most Observations should be made for a suffi­ natural science laws describe trends or cient number of temporally discrete points. tendencies, not events and outcomes. Too many archeological studies have been before-after studies. Growing evidence in Specific changes occur in the context of both the social and natural sciences many other changes. Too many of our (Hamblin, Jacobsen and Miller 1974) efforts to explain change focus on the suggests that unless 7 to 11 discrete environmental and organizational context in points can be measured, the description of which the change occurs. A particular variation over time for any given variable change may just as well result from some is likely to be quite problematical. aspect of the change processes itself, as when an increase or decrease exceeds some Continuous, rather than categorical, vari­ limit and deviation amplifying processes ables should be preferred. By their are triggered. nature, categorical variables reduce the variation with which an investigator can There are, of course, many problems with work. The essence of studying evolution or specific models and theories of change, change is discovering the manner in which both in their structure and in their variation is shaped. While categories application. However, I would argue that (tribes, chiefdoms, etc.) may roughly the majority of these specific problems characterize the most common outcomes of reflect difficulties in the overall particular change episodes, it is approach taken to change studies, the way improbable that we will ever understand why change is conceptualized, of the sort particular structural configurations are discussed above. more probable unless we employ techniques that allow the identification of the The focus of the preceding section has been diversity from which they emerge. on concepts for interpreting temporal variation. Most of the specific needs for Linearity of change processes should not be investigations within the study area were assumed. Linear change processes are identified in earlier chapters. extremely rare in both natural and social Nevertheless, some conceptual coherence is phenomena. One runs an immense risk in essential if management strategies in the assuming linearity underlying dating tech­ study area are to be interpretable with niques (as the radiocarbon experience respect to one another. indicates) and social processes.

152 BUILDING PROCESSUAL MODELS a few individuals or institutions (Flannery 1972; Sanders 1973). Explaining temporal variation necessitates building testable models for investigating 6. Differentiation (or diversification): the topic phenomenon. In this section, I the number of separate organizations or discuss two aspects of that process, the institutions (Flannery 1972; Plog 1974). definition of processual variables and the construction of processual models. Three I believe that these variables describe the different sets of variables will be dis­ major long-term changes that have occurred cussed; long-term, short-term, and and are occurring in human societies. When programmatic. I say long-term, I mean that the periods over which changes occur is measured in centuries or millenia. This is not to say Long-Term Processual Variables that they can't or don't sometimes change over shorter periods (that are called Based upon his extensive analyses using the "revolutions") but that frequent radical human relations area files, Naroll (1973) changes are unlikely in an ongoing society. has argued that there are really only a few well defined lines along which human be­ I am not arguing that one can make laws of havior and culture have evolved. In his such trends, "centralization tends to analysis, these are in fact major differ­ increase," for example. Such a statement ences among ethnographical ly described is nonsensical because centralization can societies. But, there is good justifica­ clearly increase as well as decrease and tion for arguing that there is archeo- has done so in the past. They are more logical evidence for change of the sort properly regarded as consequences of many that he envisions. While I have added some short-term processes operating within a ideas of Flannery (1972), and redefined society. But, they do provide a means for some of the terms for clarity's sake, I defining and using continuous variables to would suggest that the most important describe (a) differences between two long-term changes in human behavior are societies at the same point in time, and measured by the following variables. (b) differences over time. Moreover, (Sources of more operational definitions in specificity and generalization are not parentheses.) opposed--the measure at each instant of time and the measure of change over time 1. Intensification: change in the product utilize the same variables. derived per unit of land or human labor (Boserup 1965; Sanders 1973; Logan and Sanders 1975). Short-Term Processual Variables

2. Specialization: change in the number I recently suggested a list of variables of specialists; change in the percentage of for modeling exchange betweeen the the entire set of activities carried out in inhabitants of different settlements (Plog a society in which an average individual is 1977b). Before the article appeared in likely to be engaged (Wright and Johnson print, I discovered that Michael Schiffer 1975; Plog 1974). (1980) had formulated a nearly identical list of variables in discussing how one 3. Stratification: change in the relative might model an activity. In retrospect access of individuals and groups to re­ both of us were asking how one models an sources and power (Adams 1966; Sanders ongoing behavioral system and arriving at 1973; Tainter and Cordy 1978). reasonably similar answers. We both begin with the notion that what is worth modeling 4. Nucleation: change in the size of is not the things (people, goods, settlements in which humans dwell; change institutions) of which a system is composed in density (Swedlund 1975; Cook 1972; Baker but the nature of the interaction between and Sanders 1972). the parts of the system. In human systems this interaction most basically involves 5. Centralization: change in the extent exchange of information and goods. Major to which sociopolitical and socioeconomic variables that must be considered to decisions are concentrated in the hands of accurately describe such a system follow:

153 1. Content: the things that are being on a graph. Obviously there must be words, exchanged. variables, that can be used to describe these lines. I suspect that four variables 2. Size: the number of people involved in are both necessary and sufficient for the exchange. describing any temporal process:

3. Magnitude: the quantity of things that 1. Magnitude: the scale over which varia­ are being exchanged. tion occurs 101, 102, 103, 104, etc.

4. Diversity: the number of different 2. Amplitude: the height of the curve. kinds of things that are being exchanged. 3. Frequency: the duration of cycles, if 5. Frequency: the incidence of exchange any. in time. 4. Slope: the overall direction of the 6. Duration: the length of the exchange. curve (up, down, constant).

7. Territory: the spatial extent of the Having defined such variables, they too can exchangers. become parts of particular causal models.

8. Directionality: the direction (one or many) in which the goods or information Underlying Assumptions flow. However neat the models and concepts, some 9. Symmetry: the relative quantity of the notion of people and what they are about flows in each direction (even or uneven). must be the basis of any approach. Some of the most important current ideas have, in 10. Centralization: the extent to which fact, grown out of elements used to build a the exchange is centrally regulated. more dynamic evolutionary theory in biology. I rely here, in particular, on 11. Complexity: the extent of variation in the works of Slobodkin (1968, 1972) and the first 10 items from area to area and Holling (1973). time to time in the operation of the system. In modeling change it is necessary to remember that people have a number of Again, each of these is a continuous vari­ alternative responses that they may employ able; changes in each can be plotted over to a change in their situation; alternative time. Moreover, the same variables are behavioral, cultural, and physiological relevant, whatever the scale of analysis--a responses are all possible. Behavioral and few individuals, a settlement or a series physiological changes can obviously occur of interacting settlements. Changes can far more quickly than cultural ones. But be, and are, relatively short-term occur­ all are possibilities; all must be explored ring over days, weeks, and years, although in relation to the specific change in longer periods are also possible. There question. are two other aspects of the variables that are appealing: (1) they are characteris­ In nature, the only constant is change. It tics of the entire system; not simply a makes no sense to try to explain behavioral part, they synthesize a critical bit of or cultural changes by citing a change in information that relates to the entire the natural environment; people are adapted system; and (2) they are dynamic. In to change in their environment. One may passing, it is noteworthy that moving from attempt to demonstrate, however, that the a focus on things to a focus on interaction magnitude, duration, frequency, or novelty has been critical to the growth of most of a particular change is sufficient to disciplines. drastically alter the circumstance in which people find themselves.

Programmatic Variables By the same token, evolutionary success is a matter of resiliancy, not stability. Throughout the discussion thus far, I have Stability is a measure of the ease with talked of temporal variables as if they which a system returns to equilibrium after were almost exclusively described by lines absorbing disturbances. Resiliency is a 154 measure of the degree of change it can the prehistoric peoples continually faced undergo while still maintaining its basic changes in resource availability and in elements or relationships. It is the their own numbers, two strategies were resilient, not the stable, who inherit the possible: (1) limit population; and (2) earth. But, how does one measure increase the production of resources, resiliency? Human numbers are an initial (intensify). Both strategies effectively factor; the more expendable bodies in a solve the problem. But, strategy one system, the greater its resiliency. But, results in a retardation or cessation of clever (not wise) strategies for adapting growth while strategy two does not. The (not proper, but smart, in Frielich's members who practice the latter become more [1973] terms) are what ultimately make the numerous relative to those of the former. difference. It is for this reason that the earth is not populated by hundreds of small stable If resiliency matters most, then it makes societies effectively balancing resources sense to think of evolution as an existen­ and their own numbers but rather by rapidly tial poker game the object of which is growing and rapidly declining societies. simply to stay in the game. Optimization and maximization are probably less accurate Preliminary studies along the lines descriptions of what people strive to do suggested above have been done in many than satisficing (Isard 1975) or coping. areas. And, there are other studies that Most people, most of the time, are not could be done almost immediately. However, involved in inventing clever strategies to much of the temporal detail of prehistoric acquire the most poker chips possible for activity in the overview unit cannot be the least effort. They are simply trying described until more and better chrono­ to get by. logical techniques are employed and the resulting data are handled using variables In evolution there is a demographic that are amenable to study through time. baseline. Given instability, given that

155 REGIONAL PLANNING: THE SIGNIFICANCE ISSUE

Regional planning is an effort to insure for proper government planning. Again, if that cultural resources are never casually one believes the Advisory Council on destroyed and to avoid the costs of pro­ Historic Preservation's (ACHP) "Issues in tecting expendable resources. If we fail Archaeology" (1977), there is little that in the former, we will be the parties most goes wrong in conservation planning that is responsible for the destruction of our not blamed on significance. As a result, resource base. If we fail in the latter, the concept of significance is the major- others will justifiably insist on the right focus of the ACHP task force currently to make for us decisions of which we have studying the archeological preservation proven incapable. A pivotal concept is process. significance. In this section, I will discuss the issue at a general level and It is appropriate to step back from the turn to more specific implications later. emotion of the current concerns and ask what a concept such as significance should It is safe to say that only a decade ago accomplish and whether or not the current few archeologists had given meaningful definition meets those standards. thought to the significance of archeo- logical sites. Certainly there were sites of sufficient importance that they were EVALUATING THE UTILITY OF SIGNIFICANCE declared National Historic Landmarks. Others attracted excavation projects. It is easy to say that the ultimate measure Similarly, there were sites worth salvaging of the utility of any concept is its and those that weren't. But, the boundary clarity. In point of fact, some of the most between sites that deserved preservation critical concepts in any profession are of and those that did not was largely dubious clarity--one need only mention the unexplored. thousands of pages that have been spent in exploring the meaning of the term "culture." For reasons familiar to archeologists, that Nor is such ambiguity the exclusive property situation has dramatically changed. There of academics. Were legal concepts and their are several extensive and insightful meaning exquisitely clear, courts of law explorations of the concept (King, Hickman, would consider only neat questions of and Berg 1977; Schiffer and Gumerman 1978; application, not the tortuous issues of Moratto and Kelley 1978), and also of the interpretation-in-application that form the conservation and preservation ethic from theoretical basis of the legal profession which such a concept is derived (as above; and consume years of court time. Lipe 1974). These treatments are them­ selves summaries of the use of the signifi­ Certainly, there has been a problem in the cance concept in hundreds of specific clarity of the term. Two literatures exist, resource evaluation studies. one within the federal archeological commu­ nity and one within the academic archeologi­ Despite the immense growth in the precision cal community, that explore the meaning of with which most archeologists understand significance. There is, I think, remarkable and define significance, despite the agreement on pertinent issues given the growing concord within the professional limited interaction between the two community, we are told that there is a communities. Moreover, relative to the time problem with significance (see especially spent in defining and redefining most legal ACHP 1977). The problem is described in a and quasi-legal concepts, the evolution has variety of ways. According to some, the been quite rapid. Finally, I think, there definition of the term is simply unclear. is little doubt that, were the members of According to others, the concept has been the academic and federal communities who extended in application to include sites have invested the greatest effort in explor­ that are not significant under the original ing the concept to meet, still greater intent of the pertinent legislation, clarity and agreement would result. executive orders, and Code of Federal Regulations. According to still others, Despite the existence of the literatures, the concept generates preservation pro­ and irrespective of my claims of increasing cesses that are too slow and too expensive agreement on the abstract meaning of signi-

156 ficance, there is the separate but related at which limited and unsystematic excava­ issue of its clarity in application. Some tion was done in the 1920s. A 22-foot argue that the lack of clarity in the case deep, 8 lane freeway will be excavated of specific sites is the real problem, or through 2.3 linear miles of the site. that inconsequential sites are being called Existing evaluations of the site's signifi­ significant. The implication is that cance are based on surface remains because sites' significance ought to be immediately the agency in question refuses to undertake obvious and that the significant sites are testing until a final right-of-way decision the larger more interpretable ones. There is made. Professional opinion ranges from is sometimes the further implication that a conclusion that the site is significant the problem of significance is unique to to one that it lacks both integrity and archeological sites: because they are significance. While the disagreement is beneath the ground their significance is phrased in terms of significance, the real not manifest. problem is the failure to undertake pre­ liminary studies of the sites at an early I observed earlier that few legal or pro­ point in the planning process. In any fessional concepts could meet the standard case, the problem of significance does not of clarity that underlies arguments such as arise only in the case of small sites but those discussed in the preceding can clearly occur in the case of very large paragraphs, especially in so short a time. ones. The problem is, I think obvious- significance is a pivotal concept in a Interestingly, in both of these cases the legal and political process. As is the concept of significance serves to structure case with any such concept, parties with the controversy. The concept is certainly different interests in a particular case not the origin of the controversy. will seek to interpret the concept to their Structuring and thereby helping to clarify own ends. Two examples may illustrate the the controversy is, I submit, the function problem. of a good concept. To blame the concept for the existence of the controversy is In a recent study of a highway right-of- nonsense. way, a small historic structure was located and determined to be the homestead of the Correjo family who settled in the area in CONSISTENCY question about 85 years ago. In due course, the issue of the site's signifi­ A final consideration, the basic one I cance was taken to the ACHP and the think, is whether the concept can be National Register where it was determined applied consistently. Surely, a major that the site possessed integrity, was problem exists if a concept is defined in reflective of a distinctive architectural such a way that there are inherent incon­ style, and reflected important events in sistencies when it is applied in different the area's history. The historic arche- situations. One might envision two areas ologist who undertook the on-the-ground in which such inconsistencies might arise evaluation of the site noted that the main in the case of significance: the applica­ structure was marked by only three courses tion of the concept in different cultural of wooden logs and that if this site was regions and its application by different significant there were tens of thousands of agencies with different missions. other such sites that would eventually clutter the register. It is difficult to The cultural resources of different regions conclude from this case, that the problem are, of course, highly varied. Sites can of inconsequential sites is uniquely be marked by adobe or stone walls, by prehistoric; historic sites are equally a , or by no more than a thin scatter problem. The real problem is either of artifacts. But, it is not the kinds of political or administrative, but, in any artifacts or architecture found on most case, reflects inflexible adherence to a sites that make them significant or insig­ misinterpretation of the ACHP's guidelines nificant, it is primarily their potential rather than a legitimate question of for yielding information important to significance. understanding a variety of different aspects of prehistory. Even should the A second case involves a site that covers specific central research problems vary an area of more than a square mile, a site from one region to another, the relevance

157 of a particular site to those problems We anticipate pressure being exerted remains the key issue. on our agency, and I wouldn't be surprised if it fell on other There is no question that the application agencies as well, to expedite pro­ of the term in specific contexts will vary jects at the expense of the existing with the nature of the research problems cultural preservation system. (Olson and the abundance of sites at which those 1977:46) problems might be pursued. However, the problems resulting from this variation will Again, while there are agency complaints be resolved by more complete regional concerning significance, the overwhelming overviews and inventories, far superior to majority of the specifics seem to concern any that currently exist, and more precise procedure. Will not these complaints exist models predicting the abundance and distri­ whatever the definition that is used to bution of particular site types. evaluate the need for conserving/preserving specific resources? Does the definition produce inconsistencies when applied by different agencies with different missions? Clearly "land THE ALTERNATIVES management" and "project" agencies encounter the archeological record in very Authoring an impassioned defense of the different forms. Land management agencies status quo is not an activity in which I are dealing with millions of sites on have great experience. Yet, to this point millions of acres of land, while project I have done just that. As I have argued, agencies attempt to cope with a few, a few the problems I perceive are not with the dozen, or a few hundred sites on typically definition of significance but with the small and spatially disparate (e.g., high­ context in which that definition is now way rights-of-way) parcels. Interestingly, used. I wish to go further and suggest it is not the land managing agencies caring that some of the proposed alternatives for millions of sites, many of them either do not solve the current problems or "inconsequential" in some sense of the make them worse. None of the proposals I term, who find a problem with significance. will discuss are the unique creation of a single individual, and I do not intend to Project agencies do face a special problem attack any specific proposal or its author. because a single project involves only a few sites. It is difficult to assess A first proposal has been to create a significance against a background of knowl­ checklist or scorecard of characteristics edge of the abundance of particular site that a site might possess. A site with a types in the area when project funds cannot sufficiently high score would be considered be used to develop that background. But, significant. There are a number of pro­ this is a problem that is best resolved by blems with such a proposal. First, an the creation of high quality overviews and inflexible quantitative boundary between long-term planning documents. It is diffi­ significant and nonsignificant sites is cult to see that a definitional change will necessarily arbitrary and will result in resolve the issue. Moreover, I suspect arbitrary decisions concerning cultural that for some agencies the real complaint resources. Second, it is doubtful that a is reflected in statements such as the single list of criteria can be applied following: nationwide. Sites in some regions and some types of sites will almost necessarily . . . once you go to work for the receive lower scores. That is to say, the Federal government in the area of procedure would almost certainly result in historic preservation, you all but inconsistencies. Third, the use of such a become automatically suspect in the system would require overviews and planning broader academic world. (Weakly studies that do not currently exist. 1977:20-22) Fourth, such a procedure violates the spirit, if not the letter, of pertinent The States are faced with a slow down legislation. Finally, such lists would of Federal funds which causes them to increase the quantity of grounds for argu­ resist the compliance, not as a ments about archeological sites. Rather matter of fact, but to see what they than phrasing debates in terms of a central can get away with to prevent delays. concept and arguing about its interpreta­ (Crecco 1977:32) tion, as many as a dozen criteria could 158 become bases for dispute. The discovery of It is increasingly evident that something the type-variety system did not stop the between a 10% and 20% sample is adequate proliferation of taxonomic units; it simply for most studies in most natural and shifted the growth in numbers from types to cultural circumstances as long as the varieties. Similarly, writing a more sample unit is small and the number of detailed definition of significance will observations correspondingly large. A not stop the proliferation of arguments recent study by Stafford et al. (1978), concerning significance, but will increase strongly suggests that much of the argument the grounds on which arguments can occur in the current literature concerning the and, ultimately, their number. size and shape of survey units and the efficacy of different strategies is A second proposal is to create a master misleading. list of significant sites that is either a real "honor roll" or a random sample of When variation in the number of obser­ sites or some combination of the two. Such vations is controlled for, such considera­ an approach presumes the completeness of tions are far less important than once our understanding of the archeological believed. After the 5% (and especially record in two ways. It presumes that no after the 10%) sampling fractions have been new sites of significance will be found and surpassed, information gain for each new that we will continue to evaluate the unit surveyed drops drastically. Past 20%, significance of particular sites and site the new information gain does not justify types exactly as we evaluate them today. the greater expense. Of course, there are Were protection extended only to such a still archeologists who object in principle list of sites, much of the progress of to sampling. recent years would be destroyed. Evidence grows that even very small samples While the complaints concerning signifi­ (ca. 2%) of large regions generate infor­ cance are obvious to us all, the successes mation on thousands of sites, more than we are rarely so evident. For example, on are methodologically capable of handling. land managed by the Forest Service and the As the way in which the highly selective Bureau of Land Management, thousands if not survey procedures of an earlier archeologi­ tens of thousands of sites that would have cal generation essentially constituted a been casually destroyed in the past are sample the biases of which cannot be de­ nearly effortlessly saved by small changes scribed or even estimated, such arguments in project locations. These are made by lose credibility. Even when a complete staff archeologists, paraprofessional inventory of sites in a region will eventu­ archeologists, and managers of other ally be undertaken, sampling is basic to resources who have been sensitized to the designing a program that will ensure the ease with which cultural resources can be wise expenditure of survey dollars. preserved when there is an appropriate planning process. It would be folly to Qualitatively, a data base must be evalu­ undercut a structure that results in the ated against the best ongoing research preservation of so many sites with so methodologies appropriate to the region in little friction by denying cultural question. It is precisely those standards resource managers the option of simply that I have tried to summarize at a general presuming significance. Yet, any effort to level in the early sections of this tighten the definition of significance overview. I wish at this time to identify would do just that. somewhat more specifically the planning information that will be foregone and the risks that will exist if information meet­ PLANNING: IMPLEMENTING SIGNIFICANCE ing these standards is not developed.

If the definition of significance is not a problem, its implementation certainly is. Transformation Processes And, it is precisely the preparation of sound regional plans that will render My concern here is principally with the implementation less problematical. Sound effects of natural transformation regional plans are ones based on quantita­ processes. While there are potentially tively and qualitatively acceptable data important effects of cultural processes, a bases. full understanding of these will require

159 new analyses of excavated materials the on the basis of environmental correlations conclusions of which can be extrapolated to is an example. On the one hand, control­ survey situations. ling for transformation processes, this information is an aspect of understanding A careful review of major land modifying prehistoric behavior. On the other, it activities that have been undertaken in a permits us to identify environmental con­ region is both necessary and relatively texts in which sites are likely or unlikely simple. While one might argue that for a to be found and to assess particular pro­ small locality the effect of natural trans­ jects with such a background. formation processes is likely to be negligible, for an entire region the Similarly, knowing the spatial distribution opposite is true. of cultural resources can greatly aid planning efforts. Even assuming that one Of particular importance are the effects of is discussing areas in which site densities erosion and deposition since, at least in are high, it is useful to know something of principle, these agents are capable of the evenness of the distribution, for enhancing the visibility of cultural example. Depending upon the particular remains in some contexts and obscuring it proposed impacts, it will be more or less in others. Checking for such effects is easy to design a project in such a way that not difficult: when archeological sites impacts will be minimized depending on cluster on geomorphologically stable ridges whether points in the area are randomly, and are rarely found on alluvial plains, evenly, or unevenly distributed in relation natural transformation processes should be to the proposed project zone and available immediately suspect. We serve our alternatives. interests poorly if we fail to identify environmental contexts in which sites with little surface evidence occur since any Temporal Variation deep land modification activities will destroy these resources. The relationship of temporal variation to the planning process is less direct. Many of the specific pieces of information Spatial Variation generated pertain to understanding the archeological record more than to managing Failure to generate a relatively complete it. Nevertheless, unless temporal varia­ description of cultural resources as out­ tion and processes that need to be under­ lined earlier creates two problems. First, stood are clearly identified, one runs the unless the nature of spatial variation is risk of expending resources that represent understood in some depth, one runs the risk potentially crucial pieces of information. of permitting the expenditure of cultural Similarly, as we begin to understand such resources on the assumption that they are processes, it becomes possible to evaluate not significant when in fact they are. the impact of a particular project not in Were we to believe that sites are sites are respect to a temporally homogenous data sites, we would randomize our protection of base but in respect to a more refined the cultural resource base and our under­ notion of the importance of particular standing of it. The more refined our sites to particular research efforts. control of spatial variation, the greater our ability to differentiate critical from Given an understanding of the above, the common resources, the greater our ability class of significant sites consists of the to wisely invest in the use of particular quantity of distinctive sites of pertinent resources. site types necessary to ensure an understanding of regional prehistory Second, understanding spatial variation as through the application of identified described earlier is in itself a planning research strategies. tool. The generation of predictive models

160 MANAGING CULTURAL RESOURCES

The discussion to this point has focused on design to ensure even coverage of the area assessing current understanding of cultural but with reduction of bias. Five might be resources in the overview unit and identi­ placed in "likely locations" of cultural fying research efforts that are necessary resources thereby allowing a judgmental for a more complete understanding of those effort to enter the survey design. resources. At issue now are management strategies that will ensure a framework in Thus, management information might be which that research can be completed as generated using two procedures. First, as opportunities arise. Five such strategies management needs require the survey of can be defined: (1) completion of manage­ particular parcels, those parcels would be ment planning and the inventory effort in sampled following the strategy identified the study area; (2) protection of resources above. Secondly, in a single contract or from other land use activities; (3) regula­ in several smaller contracts as funds tion of consumption of the resource by the become available, survey of remaining scientific community; (4) regulation of the parcels would be undertaken. In consumption of the resource by the public; combination, these two mechanisms should and (5) administrative studies. Each of result in the generation of information these is addressed separately. necessary for a management plan within a period of a few years. In the meantime, management decisions could use available PLANNING AND THE INVENTORY EFFORT information for parcels with prior survey or generate new survey information. A management plan for the portions of the overview unit under Forest Service adminis­ Only one viable alternative methodology tration has been completed. A management exists. If the Bureau of Land Management plan based on a Phase II effort (sample and other agencies holding dispersed survey) for Bureau of Land Management and parcels within the study area are willing other agency lands has not yet been to assume the risks of a nonprobabilistic written. It will be difficult to pursue a sample, the risk of unstatable biases, then management plan on Bureau of Land Phase II and Phase III planning (inventory) Management and other agency lands using the might be combined in the following manner. same strategies employed on the National In any parcel, a block representing about Forests. The National Forest is a contig­ 25% of the land surface of the parcel will uous spatial unit. Remaining agency lands be randomly selected for survey. Upon are discontinuous units. Moreover, and as arrival in the field, the survey archeolo- a result of the spatial situation, planning gists will have discretion to break this needs necessary to inform wise management survey unit into two parcels. The situa­ decisions are somewhat different since tion under which that decision might be decisions must often be made that compare a made would include suggestive evidence of 1 square mile parcel in one location with high variation in the density of cultural another several miles away. Such consider­ resources, clear indications of extreme ations must be based upon statistically environmental variation, or both. Such a valid information. Without multiple obser­ procedure would provide "some information" vations of each parcel statistical validity about each parcel held, but would lack the is impossible. generalizabil ity of the first approach discussed. On the other hand, it is a good I, therefore, propose that the Phase II compromise between "planning" and effort involve survey of 15 small units in "inventory" goals, if one allows such a each section under the jurisdiction of the compromise. agency conducting the survey. Fifteen observations are sufficient for a statis­ tical comparison of the cultural resources INVENTORY COALS of two populations. These sample units should be 50 yards wide and 120 yards long. As originally envisioned, the consideration This coverage is equivalent to a single of future plans for obtaining an inventory transect used for planning purposes on the of the cultural resources of the study area National Forests. Ten of the sample units was to identify a series of programmatic would be chosen using a random systematic goals consistent with agency deadlines. 161 Considering the various topics discussed crucial to the extent that use activities herein, such an approach to cultural re­ sometimes have ill effects on protected sources in the area seems unproductive. resources. If land use is not occurring in First, such an approach presumes that the a particular location, impacts on cultural primary goal of future research concerning resources are unlikely. cultural resources and their distribution is to obtain as complete as possible a Finally, an effort to achieve an overall catalogue of what is there. This goal inventory is unnecessary because the makes no more sense than the presumption "consuming public" would have no use for that successful management planning its results. There are two possible con­ requires an inventory of every tree or structions of the consuming public in every acre of grazing land within the study regard to cultural resources, those who use' area. Clearly, one can plan for a timber them for recreation--the general public-- harvest program or one for grazing without and those who use them for knowledge—the such detailed information. In the same scientific community. It is obvious that manner, one can plan for the wise manage­ the general public has no concern for such ment of cultural resources without knowing a resource in the quantity of tens of where each and every one of them is thousands of cultural resource loci. located. Scientific strategies for utilizing the evidence from tens of thousands of cultural The original inventory goal assumes a set resource loci do not exist at present, are of conditions that may exist on some, unlikely to exist in the foreseeable perhaps most, public lands but not those in future, and will be superceded by more question here. The assumption is that economical strategies in the distant cultural resources are relatively rare. It future. is difficult to speak of tens of thousands of cultural resources as a rare resource. For all of these reasons, it seems prefer­ That the resource is nonrenewable is clear. able to discuss the inventory problem not That without wise management it will dis­ in terms of goals, such as acres surveyed appear more quickly than many other or sites recorded, but in terms of how to resources, is clear. That each and every achieve an increased understanding of how cultural resource must be described in the these resources can be routinely preserved same detail is unclear. and conserved as more "consumptive" activi­ ties are carried out on public lands. This The investigative strategy required to know can be done in much the same way as pro­ every resource in even approximately the jects are defined so as to avoid major same detail would be wasteful of the tax watershed impacts. This is not to say that dollar. There are places in the overview there are no plans for the consumers that area where the probability of encountering need to be formulated. These will be cultural resources is close to zero. Yet, discussed later. The point made here is the dollars required to inventory those simply that there is a difference between acres differ insignificantly from the the inventory task on the one hand and dollars required to inventory acres on provisions for the wise use of the resource which cultural resources occur in on the other. This last question will be abundance. The major expense incurred in discussed in a later section. inventory work is getting to a cultural resource. In this sense, whether the An inventory plan should articulate with result of an effort to get to a cultural other land use activities. When a particu­ resource is successful or unsuccessful, the lar area is to be impacted because of a expenditure is relatively the same. Thus, timber harvest, land exchange, or road the question of means of accomplishing the construction, the designation of that area inventory goal without pedestrian survey of for a cultural resources survey is essen­ all public lands in the area is a critical tially random in regard to the cultural one. resources. The growth of the inventory in conjunction with, rather than separate Such an effort is inconsistent with a from, other forests goals is ultimately multiple-use philosophy. Some resources consistent with archeological as well as are critical because they are used, trees management goals. for example. Others are important because their protection is in the public good. In There is no justification for additional the case of the latter, inventory is transect surveys for planning purposes on 162 the National Forests. The distribution of documented, although clearly not exhaus­ resources described for the Apache- tively, by records searches. None of this Sitgreaves National Forests is probably as is to argue that every specific project good as can ever be achieved using such a will not require some effort to identify, device. In fact, and given that hindsight conserve, and preserve cultural resources, is always 100%, current conclusions (Plog only that the identification of all such 1981) could have been reached with approxi­ resources is not best accomplished through mately 25% less effort, which—given that a an inventory effort. substantial part of the effort was at no expense to the Forest Service—equates with These same conditions will exist in the about 10% less expenditure by the Forest more arid, desertic, portions of the over­ Service in relation to the current project, view unit. While the nature of locations given the substantial volunteered time. where sites are likely to occur is not clear at present, studies could clarify its Transects are an inefficient inventory unit meaning and lead to far less expensive for further research, even though they are survey efforts. an efficient planning tool. Inventory is best accomplished in more sizeable areas. With these goals in mind, an inventory is There is ultimately some indecision as to probably best accomplished through a number which sites have been recorded and which of activities. have not, what areas have been surveyed and which have not when transects are used as a 1. Drawing upon the conclusions of this primary tool. Moreover, the critical study, an effort should be made to identify planning information that is not contained, the boundaries between areas with, and but only suggested, in this report is local areas largely devoid of, cultural variation in site distributions. Only resources. through the survey of relatively large blocks of land evenly spaced over the study 2. In areas where the density of resources area will such information be obtained. is likely to be quite low, the inventory effort should focus on checks of likely Project areas are not always of a size locations in the case of prehistoric re­ useful for inventory purposes. Small and sources and on records searches in the case sinuous project areas provide a limited of historic resources. basis for spatial generalizations. For this reason, it will often prove useful to 3. In areas where site densities are attach inventory dollars to project dollars likely to be high, an initial 10% survey to increase the size and regularity of the should be used to define specific areas boundaries of a study area. In this way, where resources occur. A 100% sample inventory goals and other planning goals should be designed on the basis of the can be accomplished together. information obtained in this preliminary stage. There are some portions of the study area for which pedestrian survey is an ineffi­ 4. Where project areas are small and/or cient means of obtaining an inventory. In irregular, inventory dollars should be used those areas where site densities are high to create larger and more regularly bounded the cost of obtaining an inventory record, study units. assuming a standard survey cost of $10 per acre, is about $160. Where site densities 5. Given identified needs for resources on are very low, the cost rises to $6400 per public lands, inventory dollars should be site (if only a single site is found). used to fund studies lying in areas where While some gains in the efficiency of immediate project needs are not survey in low density areas are realized, substantial. the strategy is still not cost effective. 6. The immediate goal of such efforts In areas above 8200 feet, for example, should be greater understanding of local cultural resources likely to be found variation in cultural resources so that include shrines and historic sites. The projects can be defined so as to avoid former may often be documented using a them. The long term goal is inventory. check of likely loci —springs, peaks and promontories. The latter are perhaps best A survey of the entire unsurveyed acreage documented, although clearly not exhaus- within the study area would cost over $20 163 million assuming an average cost of $10 per acre during the time that the survey is Table 33. Numbers of Prehistoric Site done. Such an expense is unjustified from Types the perspective of wise planning for the preservation and conservation of cultural Site Types Numbers resources. The $10 per acre figure con­ verts to a cost of roughly $700 per Surface habitation resource. There is no consumer of the structures Pueblo resource that requires the information 1 room 1731 generated by such an expenditure. 2-5 rooms 3159 2-5 rooms, with kiva 87 If inventory survey is focused on areas 6-9 rooms 476 where sites are likely to be found, the 6-9 rooms, with kiva 43 cost can be greatly reduced. For the 10+ rooms 619 specific case of public lands administered unknown number of rooms 173 by the Forest Service, the reduction would be to about $305 per resource. Even at Pithouse structures this level of activity, the cost is high 1 room 649 and the availability of necessary manpower 2-5 rooms 433 to conduct the survey within a reasonable 6-9 rooms 43 period of time dubious. By further refine­ ments of the need for inventory survey in Combination of specific areas, cost can be further surface and pithouse reduced. These refinements include the structures 303 identificaiton of areas where checks of likely site locations are a more justifi­ Artifact scatters able tool than generalized survey. In the 1-9 square meters 173 case of the forests, the proposed plan 10-99 square meters 1211 would result in a cost of about $160 per 100-999 square meters 3894 resource. For the entire overview unit, an 1000+ square meters 865 expenditure on the order of $7 million unknown square meters 260 would be required. While high, the cost is far below the initial $20 million figure. Lithic scatters 1-9 square meters 43 10-99 square meters 260 PROTECTION FROM LAND USE ACTIVITIES 100-999 square meters 606 1000+ square meters 130 An earlier section of this document dis­ unknown square meters 43 cussed the nature of impacts and described strategies either currently in use or that Ceramic scatters could be developed for avoiding further 1-9 square meters 87 impacts to cultural resources. The contin­ 10-99 square meters 303 uation and improvement of these strategies 100-999 square meters 216 is the primary basis for protection pro­ posed in this study. One question remains, Water control features 822 however: how to proceed when a situation arises where impacts to at least some Kivas, alone 216 cultural resources are unavoidable. Rock ring or amorphous The answer to this question presupposes rock structures 563 some effort to complete the inventory of the study area along the general lines just Petroglyphs 43 discussed. I will use the Apache- Si tgreaves National Forests as an example Historic 130 and assume that there are about 18,000 such resources on the National Forests distri­ Rock shelters 216 buted among site types in the manner shown in Table 33. Further inventory will cer­ not enough details 606 tainly result in the refinement of these figures. I also assume that it is unlikely

164 in the case of projects that have major resources. Compounds, defensive sites, and impacts to acquire the level of funding multi-hundred room pueblos are examples of sufficient to mitigate by a data recovery known rare sites. Paleolndian sites are program all of the resources that are to be examples of types that may be present impacted. Given all of these assumptions, although they are not currently identified. the quantity of such resources available These very rare site types warrant the for study and their distribution on highest degree of protection, especially in different districts should serve as a major regard to vandalism. The utility of formu­ guide to decisions as to where mitigation lating a list of eligible or "super- dollars should be directed. eligible" sites is dubious. In the absence of detailed field inspection, the current For example, the most abundant site type on integrity of many of the sites on which the National Forests is an artifact scatter records have now been assembled is also between 100 and 999 square meters in area. dubious. Similarly, the probability of There are potentially 3894 such sites in highly significant sites that have not yet the study area. There have been five been inventoried is dubious. I cannot excavation projects done at such sites in honestly respond to the issue of which the last 20 years. If these sites are used sites within the overview unit are most by the scientific community at the rate of worthy of nomination to the register on the one every four years, the resource would basis of available information. not be spent until the year AD 17,555. By that date, archeologists, if they still exist as an identifiable profession, will THE SCIENTIFIC COMMUNITY be studying the archeology of us. To the extent that prehistoric materials are still Archeologists are one major category of necessary to archeological research, potential user of the cultural resources on improvements in site discovery techniques, public lands. Unfortunately, despite the and in the economy of analytical techniques use of the "conservation-preservation (not to mention the vast amount of perti­ ethic" to ensure enlightened treatment of nent materials that will be stored in resources by public agencies, there is museums and at universities), will probably still some insensitivity to the resource assure the adequacy of a data base in ways impacts created by archeologists that we cannot currently envision. In the themselves. In one recent case, an arche- context of a multiple use philosophy, the ologist working in Arizona chided the expenditure of funds to protect or improve Forest Service for its insistence tnat a some other resource seems far more justifi­ road be moved to avoid impacting a prehis­ able than the protection of cultural ones. toric site when the Arizona Department of Transportation (ADOT) was willing to pay At the same time, the distribution of such for the excavation and the archeologist was resources must be taken into account. For interested in undertaking it. Such a example, in the case of artifact scatters position is clearly inconsistent with the of the size we have been discussing, there ethic in question. But, it is no less are 33 times the number of such resources inconsistent than the behavior of a doc­ on the Pinedale Ranger District as on the toral dissertation committee that fails to Alpine Ranger District. On the Alpine insist that students demonstrate the need District they represent a far rarer to pursue a particular research project resource and are therefore more crucial to using newly recovered materials rather than interpreting the prehistory of that existing collections. The profession as a district. whole has invested little effort in explor­ ing the strengths and weaknesses of such Clearly, the boundary between these two collections, presuming that they were districts is not a cultural boundary and, collected using techniques that are below therefore, variance estimates might be current standards and thus they are totally further refined. However, the boundary useless. between the two districts is a natural one and, therefore, may have been a cultural For these reasons, it is entirely appro­ one so that the estimates are unlikely to priate that public agenices develop their be very far out of line. own strategies for ensuring that the re­ sources they seek to protect are never It must also be recognized that there are taken unnecessarily. While this discussion within the study area very scarce is of one particular area the amelioration 165 of the problem will most likely result from cultural materials essential to the success a coordinated effort at the regional level. of the project? If different agencies, not to mention administrative units within them, have Clearly, this list could be elaborated and drastically different policies, more re­ the level of detail increased. But the sources will be taken on some land than above questions identify the general others and our understanding of the regions grounds on which particular projects can be history and prehistory correspondingly evaluated, to determine whether the taking biased. A first step in that direction of new resources from Federal lands is would involve systematic review of all essential. research proposals by the appropriate representatives of different agencies sitting as a panel. INTERPRETIVE PROGRAMS

The subject of their review should be a The goals of preservation-conservation and document that is both a research design and of interpretation are closely related. On a demonstration that the resources that the other hand, there is little justifica­ will be taken are essential to the success tion for spending public monies on the of the project in question. I use the term conservation of cultural resources unless "essential" purposefully. The greatest there is a social value to the product, percentage of the region's cultural re­ that is, unless the resources are actually sources exist on private land, where they resources. Interpretation of those re­ are totally unprotected, or on State lands, sources is the only means to that product where the level of protection currently both through the enjoyment that citizens given them is far less than desirable and obtain through seeing the material remains far less than that characteristic of of past cultures and the education that Federal lands. It is preferable that the results from actual interpretation of the scientific community take resources from lifestyles of prehistoric peoples. State and private lands, leaving the better Education can be both direct and indirect. protected ones on federal lands as a store­ Direct education occurs when a cultural house for the future. resource becomes a part of a display, exhibit, lecture, or publication that is Drawing upon the general literatures of readily available to the public. Indirect anthropology and archeology and others that education occurs when the resource is used will undoubtedly be generated in the near to contribute to understanding the past but future, a number of questions should be in a more mundane scientific fashion; the addressed. results are in relatively inaccessible publications. 1. What are the theoretical, methodologi­ cal, and empirical goals of the project? On the other hand, interpretation is essential to the conservation and preserva­ 2. What specific theoretical, methodologi­ tion of cultural resources. The expendi­ cal, and empirical advances would result ture of funds that would be required to from the project? stop the destruction that is now occurring to sites on public lands because of illegal 3. What categories of data are necessary collecting and excavation would be close to to the completion of the project and in unimaginable and might very well not what quantities must these data be avail­ succeed. Neither will new legislation, able given the inferential techniques that however high the attached penalties, cause will be used in the study? this criminal behavior to stop. Tighter laws and stricter enforcement will ulti­ 4. Why are data from federal, rather than mately increase the value of antiquities from State or private, land essential to and the willingness of pothunters to con­ the success of the project? What are the tinue their efforts. This is not to say available options on the latter and why are that legislation and stricter enforcement these unsatisfactory? are not partial answers. Indeed, they are necessities. But, there must be positive 5. What existing collections have been reenforcement along with the negative. evaluated in regard to their adequacy for Preservation and conservation will the study? Why is the recovery of new ultimately be based in a concerned local

166 community that sees efforts to protect mentioning the laws that protect these cultural resources as an integral part of resources. maintaining the community. The preparation of descriptive material and Changing a community's attitudes toward illustrations for such a booklet should be cultural resources will not be an easy in such a form that it can be distributed task. But, given the level of destruction at district offices, at some campgrounds, described earlier, a negative attitude and to interested local educational groups. toward collecting and pothunting is a cost effective check on those activities. If 2. A slide and tape program should be concerned citizens begin to report such developed. The necessary slides are events, the burden falling on the agencies already on file. Thirty and sixty minute is greatly decreased. If citizen awareness talks to accompany the slides could be grows that their illicit activities may be taped. The program could be a cooperative reported, they will be less likely to effort between federal and state agencies. engage in them. Similarly, a citizenry that is aware of the potential benefits of 3. Contacts should be initiated with local preserving the resources--benefits such as schools, church groups and service clubs increased visits to the area and prolonged and talks to these various groups lengths of visits--is more likely to accept scheduled. the necessity of protection and participate actively in it. The potential in this area is almost limitless. I have talked about the archeo­ logy of the area in forums ranging from Awareness Program service clubs to priesthood meetings. There are enough different educational, Goal: To increase local awareness of religious, and civic groups in the vicinity cultural resources and their value to of this overview area that a schedule of the local community. one or two talks a week is not an impossibility. Given that the program is The ability of different agencies to par­ updated each year, this program could be ticipate in interpreting cultural resources continued indefinitely. Its implementation to the local communities varies. The would require either full time assistance Forest Service has a permanent presence in of someone with public education skills or the area, the Bureau of Land Management training one or more individuals in han­ does not, for example. Similarly Forest dling the program. Alternatively, the Service lands are contiguous while those taped talk could be used for the verbal administered by other agencies are not. portion of the program. For this reason, the roles that different agencies can play in increasing awareness Additional attention should be given to is different. This discussion is of the schools in the area. Segments of the overall nature of such a program with the social studies curriculum deal with local recognition of desirability of interagency history and prehistory and with American coordination as the position and resources Indians. At these points in the of the agencies warrant. curriculum, agencies can provide major assistance in enriching the education of A first step in interpretation is forging a local students through the presentation of link between agencies and local communities talks, the loan of artifactual materials, for the benefit of both. This effort arranging visits to sites, and providing should focus on education and can be pur­ booklets on local prehistory. Efforts in sued in a number of different directions. the schools should be given high priority— The following specific efforts are the education of the next generation is a suggested: more productive path to protecting re­ sources than changing the behavior of this 1. The Forest Service, because its re­ one. sources are currently better known, should publish a booklet describing cultural In the case of service clubs a somewhat resources on the National Forests, inter­ pecuniary addendum is in order: to the preting the same, describing their existing extent that the resources are preserved and and potential value to the community, and developed along some of the lines to be

167 discussed later, the community will benefit 1. The agencies should produce a poster economically. concerning archeology and cultural resources for display at district offices, 4. A program of weekly or monthly press campgrounds, and other appropriate public releases to local radio stations and news­ locations. papers should be initiated. This program is intended as a quick-and- By the end of 1981, a wealth of digested dirty means of generating a display material on the cultural resources of the program. It would consist of a silk- overview unit will be available. At screen, multi-color poster with illustra­ regular intervals, short (100 to 200 word) tions of a few interesting artifacts from stories discussing a specific aspect of the overview unit and three messages: (1) local prehistory could be released. (I a brief summary of local prehistory (200 once wrote weekly columns for the Winslow words), (2) a discussion of the value of newspaper.) The media are generally willing cultural resources (100 words), and (3) A to publish the information. To the extent warning concerning the illegality of that this effort can be regularized into a collecting (50 words). weekly/monthly archeology column or talk, its impact will be further increased. 2. A series of roughly 1 meter by 1 meter Since a "local presence" is not so display boards for use at district offices essential to this activity, it might be should be produced. handled by the Bureau of Land Management. These displays are intended as more sophis­ 5. Agencies should foster the development ticated versions of the posters. Rather of local archeological societies. than illustrations, reproductions of arti­ facts would be attached to a solid wood Whetting local interest in archeology background. The prose could be somewhat without providing a means of satisfying more extensive than that on the posters. that interest would be a mistake. An Still, it should be possible to produce immediate means of providing a way of them for not more than $25 to $50 each. actually involving local citizens in arche­ ology is founding a chapter of the Arizona 3. The agencies should produce a set of Archaeological Society. This organization "archeological columns." currently has chapters in a number of cities and towns throughout the state. Its I use the jargon for want of a better term members are active in visiting sites, and to describe the display I have in mind. have been involved in field work both on a Basically, it consists of a wooden box 1 paid and volunteer basis. meter on each side and 2 meters high. Two sides of the box are flat panels. On these One or more local societies would, on the sides there are prose descriptions of local one hand, provide a group of concerned prehistory on one side and of some specific local citizens with which a variety of aspect of the location where the column cultural resource efforts could articulate, occurs on the other. The specific discus­ and on the other hand, a pool of manpower sion might focus on a nearby site, the of a variety of different tasks that might nature of the prehistoric occupation of a be undertaken. Direct involvement could particular canyon or district, or simply on involve the forest archeologists playing a some interesting aspect of regional guiding role in the founding of the prehistory--the earliest corn cobs, the society(ies), the provision of meeting abandonment of the National Forest, etc. facilities, the use of sites on the National Forests for some of the early The other two sides would be sealed cases. field trips, and, possibly, for field work In one there would be a diaroma showing a training and experience as has been done on reconstruction of one of the more interest­ the Coconino National Forest. ing sites in the vicinity. In the other, there would be reproductions of chipped, ground stone and/or ceramic artifacts along Display Program with some interpretation of them.

Goal: To provide brief visual inter­ This proposal is the heart of the display pretations of prehistory to visitors. program. It is intended to be completely

168 flexible. The columns could be located at The purpose of the survey is to provide an district offices, in campgrounds, outside inventory of archeological sites in easy- Post Offices, along highways—anywhere that access situations. This information is made sense. The intention is to fit the unavailable at present. Some high quality specifics of each column to the location sites near roadways are known (e.g., site where it is found. 203 and the "fort", both along the 504 road). There are other sites with great A column at Correjo Crossing, for example, interpretive potential that are substantial would describe the importance of the home­ distances from roads (e.g., Stotts Ranch, stead there in local history. One at the Bear Ruin, East Lincoln Ridge, Homolovi 1-40 rest area near Hibbard could focus on II). Chevelon Ruin, right across the Little Colorado River and in clear view from the Reasonable decisions must be based on a rest area. One at the Forest Supervisor's balance of archeological potential and office would more likely deal with National fiscal reality. Frequently, this will Forest prehistory in general. Columns involve comparing similar sites at varied could occur singly or in groups. An exca­ degrees of access. The survey would vated site might have several columns provide the data basis from which assess­ interpreting it and illustrating the work ments could be made. "Typical" sites would that was done there. Initial construction be selected in easy-access locations. A costs should be no more than $300 to $500 few sites with particularly difficult per column and maintenance costs, save for access problems but with high interpretive some inevitable vandalism (a factor for value would be included in the plan. which local community interest will again (While this survey is discussed here in be important), minimal. Once a dozen or respect to interpretation, it has a high more columns existed, it would also make priority in both administrative study and sense to distribute a mimeographed sheet of protective proposals discussed elsewhere.) their locations so that visitors could spend a Saturday or Sunday "touring" the 2. Interpretation should focus equally on area's archeology as captured in the many different aspects of archeology. columns. Archeological exhibits saturate the interest of the curious when they become Interpretive Archeology monotonous. This is most likely to occur when displays are all of the same type--all Goal: To develop a series of arche­ excavated rooms for example. To avoid this ological parks that the public can problem, displays should have a number of visit for their education and different foci including, but not limited enjoyment. to:

Discussing a large scale excavation-for- (a) excavation—when possible visitors can interpretation program taxes current under­ be directed to sites where they can watch standing of the cultural resources and is ongoing excavation. difficult without at least some crude notion of likely funding levels. For this (b) survey--a transect-size area is fenced reason, my suggestions pertain more to and the visitor is challenged to find the broad principles rather than to specific sites, fill out a sample site form, etc. work at specific locations. (c) vandal ism--a particularly badly potted 1. The agencies should undertake an inven­ site could be used to show what pothunters tory of the land lying within 300 meters of destroy that archeologists can learn from. major highways and forest roads. The survey should occur along 40 miles of (d) site formation processes—the descrip­ roadway in situations where archeological tive material at and the tour of, the site site density is likely to be high and focus on how the site came to be as it is. land-use factors indicate suitability for The depositional and post-depositional hiking, camping, etc. The specific 40 processes that created the site are miles should be selected so as to provide illustrated. maximum possible dispersion over the over­ view unit. Survey should not be done in (e) settlement patterns—a walking tour segments of less than .25 miles in length. along trails through an area of dense but 169 unexcavated sites to provide an understand­ 4. Excavation and restoration should be ing of inter-community patterns. directed to low maintenance products. Self-guided walking tours, sufficient to (f) excavated sites--to show architecture, allow the handicapped access and at least activities, etc. occasionally specifically directed to particular handicapped groups, should be 3. Interpretation of sites should the norm at all exhibits. When camping encompass multiple-use goals. facilities are associated with the exhibits, they should be pack-it-in, pack- The goals of educating the public concern­ it-out facilities. Displays should be ing cultural resources and multiple use archeological columns as described earlier. management should be amenable to mutually reinforcing display strategies. Each 5. There should be some provision for prehistoric family was involved in a mul­ seasonal supervision of the sites. tiple use approach to the resources of the Interpretation would be greatly aided by area in a way that the typical modern two or more archeologically trained family is not. Most modern families seasonal employees who spend portions of utilize the area in very limited ways--for each week at different sites giving talks, recreation, for Christmas trees, for graz­ answering questions, etc. These same ing the family herd. They are not depend­ employees could provide campfire talks at ent on nearly so wide a range of resources the larger campgrounds. as were prehistoric peoples. 6. There should be local involvement in It is only the agency that is in a position the planning, development, and operation of to view the entire set of resources and to the interpretive program. The interpretive act for effective resolution of competing program is a community resource. If it use needs in the same way that prehistoric succeeds, the increase in tourist dollars families did. A prehistoric family needed in the area will be substantial. Beyond wood for fuel and for construction, but economics, local citizens and their guests cutting the juniper and pinyon trees will be frequent visitors at the reduced the availability of food stuffs facilities. Finally, the public is an and, in some cases, may have changed the expert advisor as to what the public would climatic regime. In summary, discussions like to see in such sites. One recent of how prehistoric families met their evaluation of the characteristic attitude resource needs may be an effective means of of visitors to archeological and historic explaining multiple use strategies to the exhibits is that they are bored (Leone public. 1978). This comment taken in conjunction with the rapidly increasing rate of visita­ At the same time, such an approach can help tion suggests that the public wants more to directly and indirectly educate the from such exhibits than it is currently public concerning cultural resources. getting. First, the very use of the analogy is a means of educating the public to the After planning, volunteers of time and potential importance of studying the past: resources can greatly assist in excavation at least some prehistoric peoples did and development. Later, volunteers could mismanage their resources and had to carry on demonstration excavation programs abandon the areas where they lived. and even serve as docents for particular Second, specific cultural materials could exhibits. Finally, volunteers and an be used in illustrations. interested local community can provide the ultimate protection for those exhibits. This approach could be implemented in a variety of ways. Pamphlets could be 7. Interpretive development should be done written that describe the history of at an interagency level. The development multiple-use of public lands from earliest of major interpretive exhibits should be prehistoric to modern times. Archeological primarily a National Forest responsibility. sites could be moved to, or reconstructed A great potential would be lost, however, in, multiple-use demonstration areas. were there not some interagency Finally, descriptive material in all arche­ cooperation,specifically between the ological exhibits should make reference to Apache-Sitgreaves, Tonto and Coconino the multiple-use concept. National Forests and the BLM. Four of the

170 largest and most interesting sites in the To establish such a baseline, it would be area are near Winslow (Nuvaqueotaka and necessary to generate information on Homolovi), Payson (Shoo-fly), and Heber roughly 100 randomly chosen archeological (Stotts Ranch). Developing these sites sites in the study area. The sites should with a degree of coordination so as to be in a variety of different locational facilitate a driving tour of the archeology contexts (both cultural and natural) and of the area would enhance the interpretive should have suffered a variety of obvious value of each. The nascent "Hopi Origins previous impacts. Low level air photos of Project" has a similar potential for coop­ the sites requiring probably 10 hours of eration between the forests and the Bureau helicopter time could be used to generate of Land Management. site maps and for an overall assessment of current major impacts. Roughly 1 day of collecting at each site using a formal grid ADMINISTRATIVE STUDIES system would provide a basis for a baseline characterization of the artifactual There are undoubtedly effective means of materials. In addition, some artifacts managing cultural resources that are not would be field analyzed and left in situ. described in this document because they have not been tried. Administrative Periodic studies at a sample of these sites studies are necessary in a number of areas each year in 10 year intervals would to improve management strategies. provide a relatively continuous monitoring of the impacts the sites suffer. Given the 1. Low density artifact scatters. For continuation of the study for several reasons discussed earlier, a fuller under­ decades, it is likely that land modifica­ standing of low density artifact scatters tion and other projects will be carried out could have immediate benefits to management in their vicinity, allowing a comparison of activities. a great range of different impacts.

2. Site signature study. The agencies now 4. Site surface renewal. A few sites in are in possession of high quality air the study area have been collected several photos. It is essential to determine as different times within the last 100 years. quickly as possible the potential utility Partial collections have been made from of these in locating cultural resources. over 2000 sites. The rapidity with which An appropriate procedure involves using a the surface of sites is renewed is an stereo viewer to find esoteric vegetation important consideration in evaluating or soil patterns that may represent archeo- impacts. If the artifacts that occur on logical site "signatures." These locations the surface of a site at some point in time are then checked for "ground truth," to are a subset of all those that have ever determine which signatures are false and been there and the set that contains those which are in fact indicative of sites. which will be there in a decade, then Control of typical site signatures in an protection against surface impacts is a area--and they cannot always be found--is a significant consideration. Alternatively, means of quickly estimating the likelihood if the surface of a site is "renewed" at a of finding resources in a particular sufficient rate that the same quantity and project area. types of artifacts endure over long periods of time, then protection against only the 3. Site formation processes baseline. most extreme impacts is warranted. Quite apart from specific human impacts that result in the deterioration of the Recollecting a sample of already collected quality of the archeological record, there sites and testing to see whether a variety are a variety of continuing unpreventable of inferences that might be made using natural impacts, such as trampling by herd surface materials have changed or remained animals, excavation by rabbits, badgers, the same is a beginning. Close articula­ coyotes, etc. In discussing the impact tion between surface renewal studies and that a particular project has on a the studies described in item 3 are, in the resource, it would be very useful to have long run, a source of more sophisticated some standard other than "the pristine information that may reduce the preventive archeological site" with which to compare a actions that need to be taken in the face probable impact. of particular impacts.

171 5. Sites and fires. The probability is when boundaries are shifted to avoid sites. quite high that most archeological sites If, as a result of a push, carrying found on the National Forests have been capacity is increased and animals move to burned over by a forest fire at least once. the remaining vegetated areas for shade, The effect of burning on sites in unknown. the indirect impact on archeological sites Yet, that burning may have seriously in the vicinity of the push may be affected the quantity and quality of substantial. Archeologists recognize the materials available on sites. great destruction that occurs on sites where the density of cattle is high--sherds Bone, for example, is present in subnormal are very small, chipped stone is character­ quantities on sites on the National ized by "cow retouch." A systematic Forests. Yet, there is no obvious charac­ before-after study of sites in the vicinity teristic of soil chemistry or hydrology of pushes would help to resolve this issue. that explains the poor preservation that There is no reason to believe that pushing has been observed. Periodic forest fires would become so overwhelming an impact may be the cause. through greater animal densities so as to make it inadvisable. However, wider bound­ This issue can be addressed by three admin­ aries around cultural resources might be istrative studies. (1) Excavating sites warranted. in an area immediately after a major fire. Especially when some parts of a site have 7. Sampling dispersed parcels such as been impacted more than others, the extent those managed by Bureau of Land Management of degradation of the archeological record is a problem for the reasons discussed by the fire can be estimated. (2) It is earlier. Before a full Phase II survey of justifiable to use some sites, partially the overview area is undertaken, useful excavated in advance, in areas where slash information could be gained by comparing is to be burned, to begin to understand the relative results of the two approaches this impact. (3) Sites could be "built" suggested earlier. A sample of about 15 and then burned. parcels for each strategy should be used. Once the sample is done the predictive 6. Juniper pushes and animal habitat. power of the two approaches could be Juniper pushes are justified on the grounds compared, by surveying the entire parcel that they increase the quantity and quality and examining the relationship between the of grass for animals. The direct impact of sample and the population. Pushes on archeological sites is alleviated

172 BIBLIOGRAPHY

The following names occur with sufficient frequency to warrant use of an abbreviated form in the bibliography.

ASU - Arizona State University, Tempe.

BAE - Bureau of American Ethnology.

CARP - Chevelon Archaeological Research Project.

DOA - Department of Anthropology (used with any university).

FMNH - Field Museum of Natural History.

MNA - Museum of Northern Arizona.

Ms. - Manuscript on file at (used with any location).

NAU - Northern Arizona University, Flagstaff.

SAA - Society for American Archaeology.

SUAE - Southwest Archaeological Expedition.

UCLA - University of California, Los Angeles.

UNM - University of New Mexico.

UOA - University of Arizona.

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Adams, R. Arizona Bureau of Mines 19CC The evolution of Urban Society. 19CC Ceological map of Arizona. Aldine, Chicago. 19C7 Ceological map of Navaho and Adams, T. Apache counties. 197C A spatial analysis of the Puree!1- Larson area. Ms. DOA, ASU (CARP), Tempe.

173 Ascher, R. and M. Ascher 1965 Archaeological systematics and the 1965 Recognizing the emergence of man. study of culture process. American Science 147:243-250. Antiquity 31:203-210.

Autry, W. and P. Vaughan Binford, L. R. and W. J. Chasko 1972 Change in prehistoric utilization 1976 Nunamiut demographic history: a of family cluster space. Ms. FMNH provocative case. l_n Demographic (SUAE), Chicago. Anthropology: Quantative Approaches, pp. 63-144, Ezra Zubrow, editor. UNM . Baker, P. and W. Sanders Press, Albuquerque. 1971 Demographic studies in anthro­ pology. Annual Review of Anthropology Birkby, W. H. 1:151-178. 1973 Human skeletal remains from the Dobell site. In Kiva 39:69-73. Bandelier, A. F. 1890 Final report of investigations Blank, L., L. Fischel and P. Wild among the Indians of the Southwestern 1974 An analysis of functional varia­ , carried on mainly in the tion of rooms at Chevelon. Ms. DOA ASU years from 1880 to 1885, part I. (CARP), Tempe. Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America, American Series III. John Blank-Roper, L. Wilson and Son, University Press, 1979 An overview of Pinedale settlement Cambridge pattern research. Ms. DOA, ASU, Tempe.

Bargen, W. L. Bohrer, V. 1968 The prehistoric-predictive popula­ 1972 Paleoecology of the Hay Hollow tion simulation method: locational site, Arizona. Fieldiana, Anthropology analysis in archeology. Ms. FMNH 63:1-30. (SWAE), Chicago. Boserup, E. Barth, F. (Editor) 1965 The conditions of agricultural 1969 Ethnic groups and boundaries: the growth. Aldine-Atherton, Chicago. social organization of cultural differ­ ence. Little Brown, Boston. Bowman, D. 1975 Preliminary comments on the allu­ Bartlett, K. vial chronology of the Hay Hollow 1942 Notes upon a primitive stone valley, east-central Arizona. J_n of the Little Colorado valley. Chapters in the Prehistory of Eastern Plateau 14:347-41. Arizona, IV, pp. 12-16, Martin et al., editors, Fieldiana: Anthropology 65. 1943 A primitive stone industry of the Little Colorado valley, Arizona. Bradfield, R. American Antiquity 8:266-268. 1971 The changing pattern of Hopi agriculture. Royal Anthropological Beeson, W. J. Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 1966 Archaeological survey near Occasional Paper 30, London. St. Johns, Arizona: a methodological study. Unpublished PhD dissertation. Brandt, E. DOA, UOA, Tucson. 1976 On secrecy and the control of knowledge through speech. Paper pre­ Berry, M. S. sented at the meeting of the Southwest n.d. The age of maize in the greater Anthropological Association, San Southwest. Ms., Michael S. Berry, Francisco. Phoenix, Arizona. Breternitz, D. A. Binford, L. 1966 An appraisal of tree-ring dated 1964 A consideration of archaeological pottery in the Southwest. Anthropo­ research design. American Antiquity, logical papers of the UOA 10, Tucson. 29:425-441.

174 Brew, J. 0. 1977 Spatial archaeology. Academic 1941 Preliminary report of the Peabody Press, New York. Museum Awatovi expedition of 1939. Plateau 13:37-48. Coe, C. 1972 Differential rates of culture Briuer, F. L. change: the role of environmental 1976 New clues to stone tool function: stress. Ms. FMNH (SUAE). plant and animal residues. American Antiquity 41:478-483. Coe, C. A. and S. L. Fuller 1975 The archaeological resources of 1977 Cultural and noncultural deposi­ the Little Colorado and Apache-Navajo tion processes in Chevelon canyon. Planning Units of the Bureau of Land Unpublished PhD dissertation in anthro­ Management. Ms. on file at Arizona pology, UCLA. State Museum.

Brown H. C. Cohn, N. and T. Earle 1976 A system of classifying landforms 1967 A study of color variability in based upon the geomorphic systems plainware pottery. Ms. FMNH (SUAE), concept. Ms. USDA Forest Service, Chicago. Region 3, Albuquerque. Colton, H. S. Brozek, C. 1939 Prehistoric cultural units and n.d. A preliminary investigation of their relationships in northern painted corrugated wares in the South­ Arizona. MNA Bulletin 17, Flagstaff. west. Ms. DOA, ASU, Tempe. 1946 The Sinagua, a summary of the Brunson, J. archaeology of the region of Flagstaff, 1979 Corrugated ceramics as indicators Arizona. MNA Bulletin 22, Flagstaff. of interaction spheres. Unpublished MA thesis, DOA, ASU, Tempe. 1953 Potsherds. The Northern Arizona Society of Science and Art, Flagstaff. Bullard, W. 1962 The Cerro Colorado site and pit 1955a Pottery types of the southwest: house architecture in the Southwestern Tusayan Cray and White Ware, Little United States prior to A.D. 900. Colorado Gray and White Ware. MNA Papers of the Peabody Museum of Ceramic Series 3A, Flagstaff. American archaeology and ethnology 44(2), Cambridge. 1955b Pottery types of the southwest: San Juan Red Ware, Mesa Verde Gray and Burkenroad, D. White Ware, San Juan White Ware. MNA 1968 Population growth and economic Ceramic Series 3B, Flagstaff. change. Ms. FMNH (SUAE), Chicago. 1956 Pottery types of the southwest: Carlson, R. L. San Juan Red Ware, Tsegi Orange Ware, 1970 White Mountain redware, a pottery Homolovi Orange Ware, Winslow Orange tradition of east-central Arizona and Ware, Awatovi Yellow Ware, Jeddito western New Mexico. Anthropological Yellow Ware, Sichomovi Red Ware. MNA, papers of UOA 19. UOA Press, Tucson. Ceramic Series 3C, Flagstaff.

Cauthen, J. 1958 Pottery types of the southwest: 1972 A study of population in Hay Alameda Brown Ware, Tizon Brown Ware, Hollow valley. Ms. DOA, ASU, Tempe. Lower Colorado Buff Ware, Prescott Gray Ware, San Francisco Mt. Gray Ware. MNA Chang, K. C. Ceramic Series 3D, Flagstaff. 1962 Settlement archaeology. National Press Books, Palo Alto. Connor, J. 1968 Economic independence and social Clarke, D. interaction: related variables in 1968 Analytical archaeology. Methuen, culture change. Ms. FMNH (SWAE). London

175 Cook, S. and sociopolitical complexity in the 1972 Prehistoric demography. Addison- prehistoric plateau Southwest: a test Weshley, Reading, Mass. of the relationship. Unpublished MA Thesis. ASU, Tempe. Cook, T. 1970 Social groups and settlement Damas, D. patterns in Basketmaker III. Unpub­ 1967 Conference on band societies. lished MA thesis, DOA, University of National Museum of Canada Bulletin 228. Chicago. Danson, E. Cooley, M. and P. Hevly 1961 Early man points from the vicinity 1964 Geology and depositional environ­ of Sanders, Arizona. Plateau 34:67-68. ment of Laguna Salada. Jn_, Chapters in the Prehistory of Eastern Arizona, II, Danson, E. B. pp. 188-2CC, Martin et al., editors. 1957 An archaeological survey of west- Fieldiana: Anthropology 55. central New Mexico and east-central Arizona. Papers of the Peabody Museum Copeland, C. of American Archaeology and Ethnology 1973 The relationship of surface to 44(1), Cambridge. excavated materials. Ms. DCA (CARP), ASU. Danson, E. and H. Malde 1950 Casa Malapais, fortified pueblo Cordell, L. and F. Plog site at Springerville, Arizona. 1979 Escaping the confines of normative Plateau 22:61-67. thought: a reevaluation of puebloan prehistory. American Antiquity, 44: Dean, J. 405-429. 1978 Independent dating in archaeologi­ cal analysis. JTJT_ Advances in Archaeo­ Coulam, N. and J. Hutira logical Method and Theory, pp. 223-265, 1979 Variation in projectile points M. Schiffer, editor. Academic Press, from the Apache-Sitgreaves Forests. New York. Ms., DOA (CARP), ASU, Tempe. Dean, J. and ti. Robinson Cox, N. and E. Mayer 1977 Dendroclimatic variability in the 1973 Analysis of black-on-white sherds american southwest, AD 680 to 1970. from the Chevelon project. Ms. DCA, Final Report to the National Park ASU, Tempe. Service. Laboratory of Tree-Ring Research, U0A. Crecco, R. 1977 DOT: problems with the historic DeAtley, S. preservation program. Ijn Issues in 1973 A preliminary analysis of patterns Archeology. Report Special Issue, of raw materials use in plainware March-April-May, Volume V. Dumber 2-3. ceramics from Chevelon, Arizona. Advisory Council on Historic Unpublished MA thesis, DOA, UCLA. Preservation. Decker, D. A. Cronin, C. 1976 A typology for the Chevelon flaked 1962 An analysis of pottery design lithic implements. J_n Chevelon Archae­ elements. ln_ Chapters in the Prehis­ ological Research Project, pp. 92-106, tory of Eastern Arizona, I, pp. Fred Plog, James Hill, Dwight Read, 105-114. P. Martin et al., editors. editors, Archaeological Survey Mono­ Fieldiana: Anthropology 53, Chicago. graph II, DOA, UCLA.

Crook, J. H. DeC.armo, C. 1973 The nature and function of terri­ 1975 Coyote Creek, site 01: a methodo­ torial aggression. Jrj_ Mian and Aggres­ logical study of a prehistoric pueblo sion, Ashley Montague, editor. Oxford population. Unpublished PhD disserta­ University Press, London. tion, DOA, UCLA, Los Angeles.

Daddario, J. Derousseau, C. 1980 Ceramic productive specialization 1969 Territoriality as an adaptation to 176 localization of subsistence activities. Duncan, R. L. Ms. FMNH (SUAE), Chicago. 1968 Population growth/diversity in land use: the test of an hypothesis. Dickey, A. M. Ms. FMNH (SWAE), Chicago. 1971 Palynology of the Hay Hollow valley. Unpublished MA thesis, Depart­ Dunstan, K., C. Robertson, B. Sexton, and ment of Biological Sciences, NAU, M. Kaplan Flagstaff. 1976 White Mountain soil resource inventory, Lakeside and Pinedale Ranger Dobbins, E. Districts Apache-Sitgreaves National 1977 Prehistoric utilization of plant Forests, Springerville, Arizona. communities in the Chevelon drainage, east central Arizona. Ms. ASU. Dyson-Hudson, R. and E. Smith 1978 Human territoriality: an ecologi­ Donaldson, B. cal reassessment. American Anthro­ 1975 An archeological sample of the pologist 80:21-41. Uhite Mountain Planning Unit, Apache- Sitgreaves National Forest, Arizona. Eisenlauer, J. S. USDA Forest Service Southwest Regional n.d. Environmental instability and an Archeological Report 6, Albuquerque. accompanying rise in agriculture, AD 200-900. Ms. FMNH, Chicago. 1977 Adaptation and change in Bagnal Hollow, Arizona. Ms. Bruce Donaldson, Elmore, F. Springerville, Arizona. 1944 Ethnobotany of the Navajo. School of American Research Monographs 8. Donaldson, M. 1977 . Ms. DCA ASU. El-Najjar, M. Y. 1974 People of Canyon de Chelly: a Dove, D. study of their biology and culture. 1979 A study of ceramic profiles at Unpublished PhD dissertation, DOA, ASU, three and four wall sites. Ms. DOA, ASU Tempe. (CARP), Tempe. Engstrom, A. Doyel, D. 1971 Functional change at Broken K n.d. Prehistoric environment, sub­ Pueblo, AD 1150-1283. Ms. FMNH (SWAE), sistence, and land use in Dead Valley. Chicago. Proceedings of the Second Annual Con­ ference on Ethnobiology (in press). Ennis, G. H. MMA. Flagstaff. 1949 A survey of the prehistory of Concho Flat. Unpublished MA thesis, 1979 The prehistoric occupation of DOA, University of Pennsylvania. Correjo Crossing, east-central Arizona. Contributions to Highway Archaeology in Ester, M. Arizona 59, Arizona State Museum, 1970 Sharing and structural contrast. Tucson. Ms. FMNH (SWAE), Chicago.

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1976 The processes of farming diffusion Wright, H. and G. Johnson in the Southwest and Great Basin. 1975 Population, exchange and early American Antiquity 41:421-29. state formation in southwestern Iran. American Anthropology 77:267-289. Wobst, M. 1974 Boundary conditions for paleo­ Zanic, T. lithic social systems: a simulation 1968 An analysis of Pueblo room type approach. American Antiquity 39: functions. Ms. FMNH (SWAE), Chicago. 147-178. Zilen, J. 1977 Stylistic behavior and information 1968 Storage: an environmental stabi­ exchange. _I_n Papers for the Director: lizing device. Ms. FMNH (SWAE), Research Essays in Honor of James B. Chicago. Griffin, pp. 317-342, Charles B. Cleland, editor. Anthropological Zubrow, E. Papers of the Museum of Anthropology, 1975 Prehistoric carrying capacity: a University of Michigan 61, Ann Arbor. model. Cummings Publishing, Menlo Park. Wood, J. S. n.d. Archaeological clearance survey-- 1976 Stability and instability: a proposed Highway 180/666 realignment. problem in long-term regional growth. Ms. Office of cultural resource manage­ In Demographic Anthropology: Quantita­ ment, ASU, Tempe. tive Approaches, pp. 245-273, Ezra Zubrow, editor. UNM Press, 1978a Settlement pattern analysis: Albuquerque. environmental predictors. JJT_ An

192 PHOTOGRAPH CREDITS

Author: Figures 2, 3, 32-40, 42-48, 50, and 51

S. Upham: Figure 22

F. Briuer: Figure 41

USDA-Forest Service: Figures 4, 5, 7-18, and 20-25

193 INDEX

Acciavatti, S., (1974) 102 Bowman, D., (1975) 7 Aceves, C, (1970) 83 Brandt, E., (1976) 147 Acker, C., (1972) 37 Bradley, B., (1969) 46 Acoma Province, 133, 148 Breternitz, D. A., (1966) 56, 66, 77, 144, Pueblo, 147 151 Adamana pattern, 108 Briuer, F. L. , (1977) 25, 36, (1975) 41, style, 44, 73, 74, 107, 108 (1977) 53, (1976) 96 Adams, T., (1978) 129 Broken K Pueblo, 36, 45, 71, 80, 91, 102 Advisory Council on Historic Preservation, 105, 106, 113, 114 156, 157 Brookbank, 99, 116 Agate House, 43 Brunson, J., (1978) 81, 85, 90 Aitchison, S., (1974) 16 Bureau of Land Management (USDI), 1, 28, Alameda Brownware, 83, 85, 90 159, 161, 167, 168, 171, 172 Alma series, 81, 83, 85, 89, 90 Alpine, 1, 10, 47 Ranger District, 165 Carlson, R. L., (1970) 89 American Museum, 47 Carter Ranch Site, 45, 80, 102, 105, 113 Anasazi, 45, 74, 149, 151 Casa Malapais, 44 Anderson, S., (1971) 102 ceramic seriation, 66 Antelope Clan, 147 Chaco style, 106 Apache County, 16 Chacoan outlier, 44 Apache-Navajo Planning Unit (BLM), 1 Chavez Pass Ruin, 42, 116, 139 Apache-Sitgreaves National Forests, 1, 37, Chevelon Archaeological Research Project, 46, 47, 85, 92, 97, 99, 130, 139, 163, 47, 56, 77 164, 171 Chevelon area, 68, 96 Archaic research, 136 Canyon, 37, 47, 53, 85, 99, 116 Archaic sites, 51, 134 Creek, 53 Aripine, 1 Creek Campground, 141 Arizona Archaeological Society, 168 drainage, 46, 47, 52, 66, 69, 83, 84, 91, Arizona Bureau of Mines, 1 95, 96, 99, 113, 125, 128 Arizona Department of Transportation, 165 Ruin, 42, 169 Arizona State Museum, 46, 47 typology, 84, 85 Arizona State University, 47, 139 Chevelon Juniper Push, 129 autonomy, 70, 71, 72, 80, 131 chi square correlation, 127 Autry, W., (1972) 105 Chilcott Sites, 45 Awatobi, 147 Chinle Formation, 7, 31 Choi la project, 47 chronology, 49, 66 Bagnal Hollow, 129 Cibola White Ware, 77, 83, 84, 85, 88, 108, Bailey Ruin, 43 144 Bandelier, A. F., (1890) 42, 43 Clear Creek, 12, 46, 47 Bargen, H. L., (1968) 127 Clovis occupation, 45, 51 Bartlett, K., (1942) 44, (1942, 1943) 51 points, 49, 52 Basalt Highlands, 1, 7 Coconino National Forest, 1, 47, 116, 168, Basketmaker period, 71 171 Basketmaker II, 45, 108 Coconino-Kaibab-Moenkopi Uplands, 7 III, 44, 45, 107 Coconino Sandstone, 30 Beach Sites, 45, 52 Coe, C, (1972) 122 Bear Ruin, 169 Colorado Plateau, 1, 25, 38, 74 Beeson, W. J., (1966) 45 Colton, H. S., 53, (1955, 1956, 1958) 76, Bering land mass, 49 77, 81, 88, 143, 144 Berry, M. S., (n.d.) 36 Concho, 1, 7, 44, 45, 51, 52 Binford, L. R., (1964, 1965) 133 Complex, 44, 51, 52 Black Mesa area, 68, 131 points, 52 Blank, L., (1974) 101, (1979) 130 Connie Site, 45, 73, 108 Bluff Site, 108 Connor, J., (1969) 80 Bohrer, V., (1972) 28, 53 Cook, T., (1970) 81

194 Cooley, M., (1964) 7 Flattop Site, 44, 107, 108 Cordell, L. S. , (1979) 36, 49, 53, 148, 149 Folsom Complex, 51 Coronado project, 47, 85 points, 49, 51 Correjo Crossing, 169 Forest Road 504, 107 family, 157 Forest Service (USDA), 1, 16, 28, 38, 131, Coulam, N., (1979) 92 159, 161, 163, 164, 165, 167, 171 County Road Site, 45, 53 Forestdale series, 89 Coyote Creek drainage, 46 Four Mile Site, 42, 80 Pueblo, 46, 71, 91, 96, 104 Francis, J., (1978) 139 Cronin, C., (1962) 80 Freeman, T., (1973) 37 Cushing, F, 42 Fried, M., (1967) 146, 149

Dakota Sandstone, 7, 30 Gallagher, M., (1977) 33 Daniel, D. S., (1962) 45 Gamboa, M., (1972) 83 Danson, E. B., (1950, 1957) 44 Garrett, E., 84 Datil Formation, 1, 30 Garson, A., (1972) 92, 95 Day Fire, 141 Gasser, R. E., (n.d., 1978) 36 Dean, J., (1977) 23 Gibson, D., (1975) 96 DeAtley, S., (1977) 46, (1973) 83, 84 Gladwin, H. S., (1945) 44, 58, 72, 107, Decker, D. A., (1976) 91 (1948) 109 DeGamo, C., (1970) 46, (1975) 91, 92, 104, Goesling Site, 45 114 Graves, M. W., (1976) 45, 51, (1978) 81, 89 Derousseau, C., (1969) 128 Grebinger, P., (1969) 46 Desert Culture, 30, 37, 44, 52, 53, 71, 74, Green, D., (1979) 99 75, 96 Green, D. F., 144 points, 108 Gregory, D., (1975) 45, 122 Dittert, A., 133, 148 Gritzmacker, E., (1970) 98 Dobbins, E., (1977) 96 Grove, L. K., (1977) 97, (1978) 129 DoBell Site, 46 Gumerman, G., (1966, 1968) 45, (1969) 46, Donaldson, B. M., (1975) 46 (1968) 60, (1966) 108, (1960, 1968) 113 Donaldson, M., (1977) 96 Gurley Site, 45, 102, 109 Dove, D., (1979) 125 Doyel, D., (1979, in press) 47 Driskell, B., (1969) 105 Hammond system, 7 Dulaney, A., (in press) 85, 88 Hanson, J., (1975) 106 Duncan, R. L., (1968) 128 Hantman, J. L., (1977) 46, (in press) 77, Dyson-Hudson, R., (1978) 149, 150 (1978) 81, 90, 129 Hardscrubble Wash, 7 Hargrave, L., (1931) 43 Eagar, 99 Harrill, B., (1973) 46 Formation, 1 Harris, M., (1968) 146 East Lincoln Ridge, 169 Hatch Site, 45 egalitarian, 146, 149 Haury, E., (1931) 43 Ennis, G. H., (1949) 44 Hay Hollow Site, 45, 52, 53, 102 Espejo, 147 Valley, 37, 44, 51, 58, 66, 68, 69, 80, Ester, M., (1970) 80 81, 95, 98, 101, 102, 104, 105, 106, Euler, R. C., (1979) 69 108, 109, 113, 122, 127, 128, 129, 130, evolutionism, 49 138, 148 Heber, 46, 171 Ranger District, 38 Fewkes, J. W., (1898) 42, 43 Hevly, R., (1964) 24, 25, (n.d., 1964) 28, Field Museum of Natural History, 43, 44, 47 (1968) 101 Findlow, F., (n.d., 1976) 99, (1974) 128 Heye Foundation, 47 Finger Rock pattern, 108, 109 Hibbard, 169 Site, 108 hierarchical system, 92, 104, 129, 130, Fischel, L., (1974) 101 145, 148 Fish, P., (1974) 51, (1978) 88 Hill, J. N., (1970) 36, (1976) 46, (1970) Flagstaff, 77, 99 80, 90, (1966, 1967, 1968, 1970) 101, Flannery, K., (1972) 153 (1970) 151

195 Hilltop Phase, 108 Li, K. C., (1973) 92 Hirvela, E., (1971) 122 Lightfoot, K. G., (1981) 10, 12, (1979) 32, Hoffman, L., (1974) 33, 36, 37, 71 (1978) 38, (1977) 46, (1981) 47, (1978) Holbrook, 10, 12, 16, 42, 43, 45, 46, 113 68, (1978, 1981) 81, (1978) 90, (1978, style, 80 1979) 130, (1978) 139 Holling, C. S., (1973) 154 Linden, 7 Holocene times, 7 Lindsay, A. J., (1969) 46 Homolovi group, 42 Lino ware, 107, 108 Ruin, 43, 171 Little Colorado Basin, 1 II, 45, 169 River, 1, 7, 12, 45, 46, 52, 169 Hooper Ranch Pueblo, 45, 81, 105 Valley, 12, 42, 44, 45 Hopi Buttes, 46 wares, 83, 84, 85, 89, 144 Indians, 31, 32, 33, 36, 42 Little Ortega Lake, 53 Origins project, 171 Longacre, W. A., (1976) 45, 51, (1964, Houck, 45, 52, 108 1970), 56, (1976) 68, (1960) 79, (1964, Hough, W., (1903) 42, 43 1970) 80, (1961, 1964) 81, 90, (1967) 91, Hunt, 45 (1966) 102, 127, (1970) 151 Hutira, J., (1979) 92 Longacre chronology, 58 Loria, C, (1975) 128 Lowe, C., (1964) 16 Interstate 40, 46, 169 lower Paleolithic, 44 Irwin-Williams, C, (1967) 52 lumbering activities, 28 Lupton, 45 Lyman Lake, 7 Jeddito Black-on-yellow, 45 Pueblo, 45 Jennings, C., (n.d.) 45 Jewett, R., (1978) 129 Johnson, D., (1974) 10, 12 Malde, H., (1950) 44 Johnson, G., (1977) 133 Maley, C, (1970) 80 Johnson, J. R., (1970) 101, 121, 122 Mancos Formation, 31 Joint Site, 45, 81, 95, 102, 105, 106, 114 Martin, P. S., (1960) 53, (1973) 73, (1941, Juniper Ridge Ruins, 42 1960, 1961) 81 McAllister, J., (1978) 85, 125 McCutcheon, M., (1969) 128 Kaibab Limestone, 7, 30, 31, 37, 51 McDonald Wash, 43 Kana'a, 72 Mera, H. P., (1933) 43, 44 Kayenta, 144 Mesa Verde Formation, 31 style, 106 group, 7 Kearney, T., (1960) 33 Sandstone, 30 Keller, D. R., (1976) 51 style, 106 Kiatuthlanna, 43, 72, 113, 114 MesoAmerican, 74 Kidder, A. Y., (1924) 43, 58, 60 Mexican homestead, 45 King, G. E., (1975, 1976) 149 Mexico, 49 Kintiel, 42, 53 Millett, S., (1981) 130 Krieger, A., (1962, 1964) 51 Millon, R., (1975) 49 Kuhn Site, 45 Mineral Creek Site, 45, 81, 105 Minnis, P., (1976) 37 Moenkopi Formation, 31 La Plata wares, 107 Sandstone, 7, 30, 37, 51 Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mogollon influence, 60 Mexico, 44, 47 pattern, 108 Laboratory of Tree-Ring Research, 135 traits, 45 Laguna Salada, 25, 53 wares, 74, 83, 85 Lakeside, 97 Mogollon Rim, 1, 7, 10, 12, 33, 72 Leaf, M., (1973) 146 Gravels, 7, 13, 30, 37, 51, 98 Legard, C., (1978) 129 Planning Unit, 16 Leone, M., (1968) 70, 71, 80, 81 Morill's Index, 129 LePere, L., (1979) 99 Mormon communities, 130 Lerner, S. A., (1979) 47, 81 Most, R., (1978, 1979) 98 Levine, Al, 44 Muessel, D., (1975) 84

196 Mundie, C., (1973) 97 125, (1968) 127, (1975) 128, (1981) Museum of New Mexico, 47 130, 139, (1979) 148, 149 Museum of Northern Arizona, 45, 46, 47, 76 Plog, S., (1980) 70, (1976) 77, (1976, 1980) 79, (1978) 80, (1976, 1977) 81, (1977) 83, (1980) 84, 90 Naroll, R., (1973) 153 Pond, G., (1966) 45 National Historic Landmarks, 156 Potato Wash, 99 (USDI), 47 Powers, M., (1970) 128 National Register of Historic Places, 157, Pre-Projectile Point stage, 51 165 Price, B., (1975) 45 Navajo Reservation, 1, 38 provincialism, 133 Indians, 33, 38 Pueblo, 147 New Mexico, 44, 52, 81, 99, 101 I sites, 144 New People, 147 II sites, 45, 108 New World, 49 IV sites, 44 North America, 31 period sites, 51, 109 Nutrioso, 44 settlements, 45 Nuvaqueotaka, 113, 171 times, 51 Pueblo Grande, 42 Puebloan, 37, 107, 109, 113, 147, 148 O'Haco Rock Shelter, 37, 52, 53, 96 Puerco area, 45 Old People, 147 River, 7 Old World, 44 Ruin, 45 Olson, S., (1968) 45, 46 wares, 85 one-tier system, 130 Purcell-Larson area, 37, 68, 69, 83, 84, Orcutt, J., (1974) 68, 69 86, 101, 102, 113, 128, 129, 148 Ott, S., (1970) 101

Quaternary Research, 136 Painted Desert, 7 Quetzalcoatl, 116 Paleolndian, 30, 51, 52, 53, 71, 74, 134 Quinn, N., (1975) 146 Desert Culture sites, 45 sites, 49, 165 Palmer, F. M., (1905), 42, 43 Rafferty, K., (1978) 81, 92 Parsons, J., (1975) 133 rank correlation, 127 Payson, 171 Read, D. W., (1976) 46, (1974) 84 Pecos chronology, 58, 60 Red Brown typology, 83, 85 Peebles, R., (1960) 33 Reserve style, 80, 85 Petrified Forest, 7, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, Rick, J., (1970) 98 47, 107 Rim Valley Pueblo, 44, 105 Phase II planning, 161, 172 Rinaldo, J. B., (n.d.) 58, 60, 68, (1960, III planning, 161 1961) 81, 127 Phillips, D. A., (1972) 36 Rio Puerco, 43 Phipps Site, 45 Roberts, F., (1931) 43, (1939, 1940) 44, Picosa culture, 52 (1935) 56, 58, 60 Pine Lawn area, 101 Robinson, W., (1977) 23 Pinedale, 10, 12, 42, 46, 81, 96, 98, 128, Rudecoff, C. A., (1975) 81 129, 130 Ruppe, R., 133, 148 Ranger District, 165 Russell, S., (n.d.) 38 Ruin, 43, 80, 113, 129 Pinetop, 99 Pinto Complex, 52 saltation concept, 49 occupation, 45 San Cosmos, 43 points, 52 San Francisco Red, 81, 89 Plebisite Site, 45 Sanders, 45, 49, 51 Pleistocene, 7 Sanders, W., (1976) 38 Plog, F., (1974, 1979) 36, (1976) 37, 46, Sandor, J., (1974) 128 (1978) 47, (1979) 49, 53, (1974) 58, 68, Sarayadar, S., (1970) 37 (1973, 1974) 73, (in press) 74, (1976) Saunders, (1976) 96 84, (1969, 1970) 101, (1974) 104, (1978) Schaefer, J., (1970) 105

197 Schemanas, Z., (1973) 37, 41 Thode Site, 45 Schiffer, M., (1976) 92, (1968) 127, 128, Thomas, T., (1951, 1952) 44 (1973, 1975, 1976, 1978) 133, 136, 138, timber, 28, 32, 33, 38, 39, 140, 162, 172 (1980) 153 Tolchaco Complex, 51 Schoenwetter, J., (1962) 24, (1968) 25 Focus, 44 sedentism, 70 Tonto National Forest, 171 Service, E., (1962) 146 wares, 83, 85 Sexton, B., 92 Tracz, S., (1970) 105 Shoo-fly, 171 Traugott, J., (1968) 92 Show Low, 1, 16, 42, 128 transformation processes, 127, 133, 136, Ruin, 42, 43 . 138, 142, 159, 160 Shumway, 1 Tucson Gas and Electric project, 85 Ruin, 42, 80 Tule Springs Site, Nevada, 49 Silver Creek, 52, 108 Tumbleweed Canyon Site, 45, 107, 108 Simms, J., (1962) 45 Turner, A., (1967) 48 Sinagua, 46, 74 Tusayan wares, 74, 84, 85, 144 Sipe, L., (1978) 81 Twin Butte Site, 44, 107, 109 Site 201, 113 Site 203, 169 Site 689, 113 U.S. Highway 66, 44, 45 NA 8937, 108 University of Arizona, 47 NA 8971, 108 Upham, S., (in press) 74, (1980) 151 NS 28, 95 Upper Little Colorado area, 44, 68, 80, NS 243, 108 101, 106, 127, 128, 135, 144 Skinner, A. K., (1968) 45, 60, 113 Slatter, E., (1973, 1979) 69 Slawson, L., (1978) 97, 98, 129 Vanasse, C, (1968) 128 Slobodkin, L. B., (1968, 1972) 154 Vaughan, P., (1972) 105 Smith, E., (1962) 80, (1978) 149, 150 Vernon, 45 Smith, W., (1952) 106 Site, 51, 52 Smithsonian Institute, 47 Viru Valley, 133 Snowflake, 42, 44 Vivian, R. G., (1967) 45, (1969) 46 style, 80, 85 Soil Conservation Service (USDA), 16 South America, 49 Wait, W., (1975) 83, 84 Southwest Archeological Expedition, Field Walnut Creek, 109 Museum of Natural History, 44 Wasley, W., (1960) 45, 46, 58, (1959) 77, Southwestern Archaeological Research Group, 81, 144, 151 131, 133, 145 Wasley chronology, 60 Spier, L., (1918) 43 Weingand, P. C, (in press) 74 Springerville, 38, 42, 44, 45, 46, 51, 58, Wendorf, F., (1948, 1951) 44, (1950, 1951, 85, 99, 125, 129 1953) 107 St. Johns, 7, 30, 42, 43, 45, 51, 81 Western Archeological Center, National Park St. Joseph wares, 89 Service, 47 Stafford, R., (1978) 159 Western Pueblo Indians, 79 Stewart, Y., (1980) 47 Whallon, R., (1972) 92 Stone, J., (1975) 95 White Mound pattern, 107, 108, 109 Stott Ranch, 43, 169, 171 sites, 109 SU Site, 81 style, 72, 73, 107 Sullivan, A., (in press) 77, 81 Village, 44, 72, 107, 109 Sunset type wares, 85 wares, 107, 108 Swarthout, J., (in press) 88 White Mountain Planning Unit, 46 Swinburn , 45 Redwares, 81, 89 SYMAP, 85, 99, 128, 129, 130 Whitewater sites, 108 District, 44 Wide Ruin, 42 Table Rock Pueblo, 45, 81, 105 Wilcox, D. R., (1975) 106 territoriality, 149, 150, 151 Wild, P., (1974) 101 Theissen polygons, 128 Wild Cat Canyon, 107, 116 Theroux, M., (1974) 16 Willey, G., (1953) 133

198 Wilmsen, E., (1970) 51, 96 Zeniff, 7 Wilson, J. P., (1969) 46, 53, 56, 90 Zilen, J., (1968) 101 Wilson, S., (1976) 51 Zubrow, E., (1975) 45, 68, 69 Wingate, wares, 84 Zuni, 12, 42 Winslow, 10, 45, 46, 49, 51, 52, 108, 168, Province, 148 171 River, 45 Wisconsin times, 7 Wobst, M., 70 Wood, J. S., 97, (1978) 125, 129 Woodruff, 12 wares, 85, 89, 107, 108

199 Other Titles In the Cultural Resources Overview Series:

Cultural Resources Overview: Middle Rio Grande Valley, New Mexico by Dr. Linda S. Cordel1 (1979). Available from the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D.C. 20402. S/N: 001-001-00496-1. $7.00 per copy.

Cultural Resources Overview: Socorro Area, New Mexico by Mary Jane Berman 1979. Available from the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D.C. 20402. S/N: 001-001-00511-8. $4.00 per copy.

Cultural Resources Overview: Mt. Taylor Area, New Mexico by Joseph A. Tainter and David "A" Gillio (1980). Out of print.

Artist's reconstruction of Puebloan "carport" site.

irU.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE:1981 -781-905 / 28