Majalah MPR No. 10/TH. VIII/Oktober 2014
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Indonesia Beyond Reformasi: Necessity and the “De-Centering” of Democracy
INDONESIA BEYOND REFORMASI: NECESSITY AND THE “DE-CENTERING” OF DEMOCRACY Leonard C. Sebastian, Jonathan Chen and Adhi Priamarizki* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION: TRANSITIONAL POLITICS IN INDONESIA ......................................... 2 R II. NECESSITY MAKES STRANGE BEDFELLOWS: THE GLOBAL AND DOMESTIC CONTEXT FOR DEMOCRACY IN INDONESIA .................... 7 R III. NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ................... 12 R A. What Necessity Inevitably Entailed: Changes to Defining Features of the New Order ............. 12 R 1. Military Reform: From Dual Function (Dwifungsi) to NKRI ......................... 13 R 2. Taming Golkar: From Hegemony to Political Party .......................................... 21 R 3. Decentralizing the Executive and Devolution to the Regions................................. 26 R 4. Necessary Changes and Beyond: A Reflection .31 R IV. NON NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ............. 32 R A. After Necessity: A Political Tug of War........... 32 R 1. The Evolution of Legislative Elections ........ 33 R 2. The Introduction of Direct Presidential Elections ...................................... 44 R a. The 2004 Direct Presidential Elections . 47 R b. The 2009 Direct Presidential Elections . 48 R 3. The Emergence of Direct Local Elections ..... 50 R V. 2014: A WATERSHED ............................... 55 R * Leonard C. Sebastian is Associate Professor and Coordinator, Indonesia Pro- gramme at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, S. Rajaratnam School of In- ternational Studies, Nanyang Technological University, -
Planned Deforestation: Forest Policy in Papua | 1
PLANNED DEFORESTATION: FOREST POLICY IN PAPUA | 1 Planned Deforestation Forest Policy in Papua PLANNED DEFORESTATION: FOREST POLICY IN PAPUA | 3 CITATION: Koalisi Indonesia Memantau. 2021. Planned Deforestation: Forest Policy in Papua. February, 2021. Jakarta, Indonesia. Dalam Bahasa Indonesia: Koalisi Indonesia Memantau. 2021. Menatap ke Timur: Deforestasi dan Pelepasan Kawasan Hutan di Tanah Papua. Februari, 2021. Jakarta, Indonesia. Photo cover: Ulet Ifansasti/Greenpeace PLANNED DEFORESTATION: FOREST POLICY IN PAPUA | 3 1. INDONESIAN DEFORESTATION: TARGETING FOREST-RICH PROVINCES Deforestation, or loss of forest cover, has fallen in Indonesia in recent years. Consequently, Indonesia has received awards from the international community, deeming the country to have met its global emissions reduction commitments. The Norwegian Government, in line with the Norway – Indonesia Letter of Intent signed during the Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono presidency, paid USD 56 million,1 equivalent to IDR 812 billion, that recognizes Indonesia’s emissions achievements.2 Shortly after that, the Green Climate Fund, a funding facility established by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), agreed to a funding proposal submitted by Indonesia for USD 103.8 million3, equivalent to IDR 1.46 trillion, that supports further reducing deforestation. 923,050 923,550 782,239 713,827 697,085 639,760 511,319 553,954 508,283 494,428 485,494 461,387 460,397 422,931 386,328 365,552 231,577 231,577 176,568 184,560 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015 2017 2019 Figure 1. Annual deforestation in Indonesia from 2001-2019 (in hectares). Deforestation data was obtained by combining the Global Forest Change dataset from the University of Maryland’s Global Land Analysis and Discovery (GLAD) and land cover maps from the Ministry of Environment and Forestry (MoEF). -
Who Owns the Broadcasting Television Network Business in Indonesia?
Network Intelligence Studies Volume VI, Issue 11 (1/2018) Rendra WIDYATAMA Károly Ihrig Doctoral School of Management and Business University of Debrecen, Hungary Communication Department University of Ahmad Dahlan, Indonesia Case WHO OWNS THE BROADCASTING Study TELEVISION NETWORK BUSINESS IN INDONESIA? Keywords Regulation, Parent TV Station, Private TV station, Business orientation, TV broadcasting network JEL Classification D22; L21; L51; L82 Abstract Broadcasting TV occupies a significant position in the community. Therefore, all the countries in the world give attention to TV broadcasting business. In Indonesia, the government requires TV stations to broadcast locally, except through networking. In this state, there are 763 private TV companies broadcasting free to air. Of these, some companies have many TV stations and build various broadcasting networks. In this article, the author reveals the substantial TV stations that control the market, based on literature studies. From the data analysis, there are 14 substantial free to network broadcast private TV broadcasters but owns by eight companies; these include the MNC Group, EMTEK, Viva Media Asia, CTCorp, Media Indonesia, Rajawali Corpora, and Indigo Multimedia. All TV stations are from Jakarta, which broadcasts in 22 to 32 Indonesian provinces. 11 Network Intelligence Studies Volume VI, Issue 11 (1/2018) METHODOLOGY INTRODUCTION The author uses the Broadcasting Act 32 of 2002 on In modern society, TV occupies a significant broadcasting and the Government Decree 50 of 2005 position. All shareholders have an interest in this on the implementation of free to air private TV as a medium. Governments have an interest in TV parameter of substantial TV network. According to because it has political effects (Sakr, 2012), while the regulation, the government requires local TV business people have an interest because they can stations to broadcast locally, except through the benefit from the TV business (Baumann and broadcasting network. -
Respons Konstitusional Larangan Calon Anggota Dewan Perwakilan
Respons Konstitusional Larangan Calon Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Daerah sebagai Pengurus Partai Politik Constitutional Response Concerning the Prohibition for Regional Representative Council Candidates as Political Party Officials Pan Mohamad Faiz dan Muhammad Reza Winata Pusat Penelitian dan Pengkajian Perkara Mahkamah Konstitusi Jl. Medan Merdeka Barat No.6, Jakarta E-mail: [email protected] dan [email protected] Naskah diterima: 27/03/2019 revisi:07/08/2019 disetujui: 20/08/2019 Abstrak Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) Nomor 30/PUU-XVI/2018 bertanggal 23 Juli 2018 menjadi salah satu putusan penting bagi desain lembaga perwakilan di Indonesia. Dalam Putusan tersebut, MK menyatakan bahwa pengurus partai politik dilarang menjadi calon anggota Dewan Perwakilan Daerah. Namun, tindak lanjut dari Putusan ini memicu polemik ketatanegaraan. Sebab, terjadi kontradiksi mengenai waktu pemberlakuan larangan tersebut akibat adanya perbedaan pemaknaan terhadap Putusan MK di dalam Putusan MA, PTUN, dan Bawaslu. MK menyatakan bahwa Putusannya berlaku sejak Pemilu 2019. Akan tetapi, Putusan MA, PTUN, dan Bawaslu tersebut menyatakan larangan tersebut berlaku setelah Pemilu 2019. Artikel ini mengkaji kontradiksi Putusan-Putusan tersebut doktrindengan menggunakanresponsivitas terhadap tiga pisau putusan analisis, pengadilan yaitu: (1) finalitasdari Tom putusan; Ginsburg, (2) artikel respons ini menyimpulkanterhadap putusan; bahwa dan Keputusan(3) validitas KPU atau yang keberlakuan tetap kukuh norma. memberlakukan Dengan menggunakan larangan bagi pengurus -
Mahkamah Agu Mahkamah Agung Republik Indo
Direktori Putusan Mahkamah Agung Republik Indonesia putusan.mahkamahagung.go.id PUTUSAN Nomor 33 P/HUM/2017 DEMI KEADILAN BERDASARKAN KETUHANAN YANG MAHA ESA MAHKAMAH AGUNG Mahkamah AgungMemeriksa dan mengadili Republik perkara permohonan keberatan Indonesia hak uji materiil terhadap Peraturan Dewan Perwakilan Daerah Republik Indonesia (DPD RI) Nomor 4 Tahun 2017 tentang Tata Tertib, pada tingkat pertama dan terakhir telah memutuskan sebagai berikut, dalam perkara: 1. Ir. ANANG PRIHANTORO, kewarganegaraan Indonesia, tempat tinggal RT. 003 RW. 003 Kelurahan Nambahdadi, Kecamatan Terbanggi Besar, Kabupaten Lampung Tengah, Provinsi Lampung, pekerjaan Anggota DPD RI Periode 2014-2019; 2. MARHANY VICTOR POLY PUA, kewarganegaraan Indonesia, tempat tinggal RT. -/RW 008 Kelurahan Kairagi Dua Kecamatan Mapanget Kota Manado, Provinsi Sulawesi Utara, pekerjaan Anggota DPD RI Periode 2014-2019; 3. DJASARMEN PURBA, S.H. kewarganegaraan Indonesia, tempat tinggal Jl. Kaktus Giwang No. 2A Sukajadi RT/RW: 003/001 Batam, pekerjaan Anggota DPD RI Periode 2014- Mahkamah Agung2019; Republik Indonesia 4. AM. IQBAL PAREWANGI, S.SI, kewarganegaraan Indonesia, tempat tinggal Jl. Datuk Patimang No. 47 RT/RW: 006/003, Desa La’Latang, Kec. Tallo, Kota, Makassar, Provinsi Sulawesi Selatan, pekerjaan Anggota DPD RI Periode 2014-2019; 5. HI AHMAD JAJULI S.IP, kewarganegaraan Indonesia, Jl. Sisinga Mangaraja No. 56 LK2, RT/RW: 012/-, Desa Gedong Air, Kecamatan Tanjung Karang Barat, Kota Bandar Lampung, Provinsi Lampung, pekerjaan Anggota DPD RI Periode 2014-2019; Selanjutnya memberi kuasa kepada : 1. Dr. A. Irmanputra Sidin, S.H., M.H.; 2. Iqbal Tawakkal Pasaribu, S.H.; 3. Hermawanto, S.H.,M.H.; 4. Victor Santoso Tandiasa, S.H., M.H.; Mahkamah Agung5. Agustiar, Republik S.H.; Indonesia Halaman 1 dari 53 halaman. -
JURNAL MAJELIS Media Aspirasi Konstitusi
JURNAL MAJELIS Media Aspirasi Konstitusi MEWUJUDKAN VISI INDONESIA 2045 Badan Pengkajian MPR RI 2018 Susunan Dewan Redaksi Penasehat : Dr. (H.C.) Zulkifl i Hasan, S.E., M.M. Dr. Mahyudin, S.T., M.M. E.E. Mangindaan, S.IP. Dr. H.M. Hidayat Nur Wahid, M.A. Dr. (H.C.) Oesman Sapta Odang Dr. Ahmad Basarah, M.H. H. Ahmad Muzani Dr. (H.C.) H. A. Muhaimin Iskandar, M.Si. Pengarah : Dr. Bambang Sadono, S.H., M.H. Prof. Dr. Hendrawan Supratikno Rambe Kamarul Zaman, M.Sc., M.M. Martin Hutabarat, S.H. Ir. Tifatul Sembiring Penanggung Jawab : Dr. Ma’ruf Cahyono, S.H., M.H. Wakil Penanggung Jawab : Dra. Selfi Zaini Pemimpin Redaksi : Drs. Yana Indrawan, M.Si. Redaktur Pelaksana : Tommy Andana, S.IP, M.AP. Drs. Joni Jondriman Editor : Siti Aminah; Pradita Devis Dukarno; Otto Trengginas Setiawan. Pengumpul Bahan : Endang Sapari; Endang Ita; Riswandi; Rindra Budi Priyatmo; Dian Kartika Sari; Widhi Aditia Putra; Bayu Nugroho; Wafi strietman Corris; Elias Petege; Indra Ardianto; Wasinton Saragih; Rani Purwati Kemala Sari; Alamat Redaksi Biro Pengkajian, Sekretariat Jenderal MPR RI Gedung Bharana Graha, Lantai 3, Jl. Jend. Gatot Subroto No. 6 Jakarta 10270 Telp. (021) 57895421, Fax: (021) 57895420 E-mail : [email protected] / [email protected] DAFTAR ISI Daftar Isi ......................................................................................................................... i Pengantar Redaksi ...................................................................................................... iii Sambutan Sekretaris Jenderal -
The Indonesian Presidential Election: Now a Real Horse Race?
Asia Pacific Bulletin EastWestCenter.org/APB Number 266 | June 5, 2014 The Indonesian Presidential Election: Now a Real Horse Race? BY ALPHONSE F. LA PORTA The startling about-face of Indonesia’s second largest political party, Golkar, which is also the legacy political movement of deposed President Suharto, to bolt from a coalition with the front-runner Joko Widodo, or “Jokowi,” to team up with the controversial retired general Prabowo Subianto, raises the possibility that the forthcoming July 9 presidential election will be more than a public crowning of the populist Jokowi. Alphonse F. La Porta, former Golkar, Indonesia’s second largest vote-getter in the April 9 parliamentary election, made President of the US-Indonesia its decision on May 19 based on the calculus by party leaders that Golkar’s role in Society, explains that “With government would better be served by joining with a strong figure like Prabowo rather more forthcoming support from than Widodo, who is a neophyte to leadership on the national level. Thus a large coalition of parties fronted by the authoritarian-minded Prabowo will now be pitted against the the top level of the PDI-P, it is smaller coalition of the nationalist Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), which had just possible that Jokowi could selected former vice president Jusuf Kalla, nominally of Golkar, as Jokowi’s running mate. achieve the 44 percent plurality If this turn of events sounds complicated, it is—even for Indonesian politics. But first a look some forecast in the presidential at some of the basics: election, but against Prabowo’s rising 28 percent, the election is Indonesia’s fourth general election since Suharto’s downfall in 1998 has marked another increasingly becoming a real— milestone in Indonesia’s democratization journey. -
Table of Contents DISCLAIMER
Volume 16 : As of 30 June 2020 Table of Contents DISCLAIMER ....................................................................................................................................................... 2 ISSUE OF THE WEEK ........................................................................................................................................ 3 POLICY INSIGHT ................................................................................................................................................ 4 1. National Level .......................................................................................................................................... 4 2. Provincial Level ........................................................................................................................................ 5 FOOD SYSTEM ................................................................................................................................................... 7 1. East Java ................................................................................................................................................. 7 2. Central Java ............................................................................................................................................. 7 3. West Nusa Tenggara (NTB) .................................................................................................................... 8 4. East Nusa Tenggara (NTT) .................................................................................................................... -
ETIKA POLITIK DAN KEKUASAAN (Studi Atas Pemilihan Ketua DPD RI Periode 2017-2019, Oesman Sapta Odang)
ETIKA POLITIK DAN KEKUASAAN (Studi atas Pemilihan Ketua DPD RI Periode 2017-2019, Oesman Sapta Odang) Skripsi Diajukan Untuk Memenuhi Persyaratan Memperoleh Gelar Sarjana Sosial (S.Sos) Oleh: Muhammad Mardhiyulloh 11141120000045 PROGRAM STUDI ILMU POLITIK FAKULTAS ILMU SOSIAL DAN ILMU POLITIK UNIVERSITAS ISLAM NEGERI SYARIF HIDAYATULLAH JAKARTA 1440 H/2019 M ABSTRAK ETIKA POLITIK DAN KEKUASAAN (Studi atas Pemilihan Ketua DPD RI Periode 2017-2019, Oesman Sapta Odang) Pemilihan Ketua DPD RI merupakan bagian dari pemilihan pimpinan DPD RI, tercakup di dalamnya pemilihan wakil ketua I dan wakil ketua II. Terdapat sesuatu yang berbeda pada pemilihan ketua DPD RI periode 2017-2019 dengan pemilihan-pemilihan periode sebelumnya, yaitu kebiasaan memilih ketua DPD RI dari kalangan independen atau non partisan, sedangkan kali ini memilih ketua DPD RI Oesman Sapta Odang dengan status rangkap jabatan sebagai wakil ketua MPR RI periode 2014-2019 dan juga ketua umum partai Hanura. Selain itu, pemilihan tersebut juga sebagai wujud perubahan Tata Tertib DPD RI No. 1 Tahun 2014 yang mengatur masa jabatan pimpinan selama lima tahun menjadi No. 1 Tahun 2016 dan No. 1 Tahun 2017 dengan aturan dua tahun enam bulan. Secara otomatis periode pimpinan DPD RI 2014-2019 berubah menjadi periode 2014-2017 dan terpaksa berakhir pada April 2017. Namun demikian, Mahkamah Agung (MA) melalui putusannya No. 38P/HUM/2016 dan 20P/HUM/2017 membatalkan perubahan Tata Tertib DPD RI tersebut dan mengembalikannya pada Tata Tertib DPD RI No. 1 Tahun 2014. Akan tetapi, pemilihan tersebut tetap berlangsung dengan diwaranai kericuhan yang berdampak terhadap buruknya citra moral DPD RI. Skripsi ini mengkaji dinamika politik sebenarnya yang terjadi pada pemilihan pimpinan DPD RI periode 2017-2019, juga membedah fenomena tersebut dan status rangkap jabatan Oesman Sapta Odang dari sudut pandang etika politik, juga membongkar sumber-sumber kekuasaan Oesman Sapta Odang sebagai Ketua DPD RI terpilih. -
Jokowi Sworn in to Tackle a Divided Indonesian Government
20 October 2014 https://theconversation.com/jokowi-sworn-in-to-tackle-a-divided-indonesian-government-33026 Jokowi sworn in to tackle a divided Indonesian government Joko Widodo (right) will replace Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as Indonesian president. He faces strong opposition in the parliament. EPA/Made Nagi Indonesia’s president-elect Joko Widodo, popularly known as Jokowi, will be sworn into office today in a divisive political environment. Jokowi, who won 53.15% of the votes in the presidential election, will have to work with a parliament controlled by the opposing coalition. Defeated candidate Prabowo Subianto’s Red-and-White coalition holds 292 seats. Parties supporting Jokowi hold 207 seats. On Friday, Jokowi met with Prabowo after months of political tension. Prabowo stated that his party should now support the new president. He also said that he would remain critical if the government went against the people’s aspiration. The meeting does not ensure Prabowo’s coalition will go along with the Jokowi government. Although Prabowo did not say it openly, being critical could still also mean being obstructive to Jokowi’s reform plans. Divided government Indonesia’s current political landscape, in which different political parties or different coalitions of parties control different branches of government, is generally referred to as “divided government”. 1 A divided government is nothing new. It happens in developing as well as in developed countries. It happened in Ecuador after the military regime in 1979 as well as in Mexico between 1997 and 2000. Germany and the United States also have divided governments. At times, a divided government can result in better checks and balances. -
PRESS RELEASE Hob Pontianak
VIDEO RELEASE 2 October 2013 Camera traps produce first ever hard evidence of Sumatran rhino population in Kalimantan forests Lampung, Sumatra – Using video camera traps, a joint research team that included members from WWF- Indonesia and the district authorities of Kutai Barat, East Kalimantan, have captured video of the Sumatran rhino in East Kalimantan. The footage of the rhinos --- the rare Dicerorhinus sumatrensis --- is the fruit of three months of research that collected footage from 16 video camera traps. The team is delighted to have secured the first known visual evidence of the Sumatran rhino in Kalimantan. “This physical evidence is very important, as it forms the basis to develop and implement more comprehensive conservation efforts for the Indonesian rhinoceros,” said Forestry Minister Zulkifli Hasan upon unveiling the video at the opening of the Asian Rhino Range States Ministrial Meeting in Lampung, Sumatra. “This finding represents the hard work of many parties, and will hopefully contribute to achieving Indonesia's target of three percent per year rhino population growth.” He emphasized that all parties need to immediately begin working together to develop a scientific estimate of all the remaining Sumatran rhino populations in Kalimantan, and to implement measures to conserve the species --- particularly by strengthening the protection and security of the rhinos and their habitats. The remarkable evidence from the camera traps includes footage of a rhino wallowing in the mud to keep its body temperature cool and a rhino walking in search of food. The rhino footage, captured on June 23, June 30 and August 3, is believed to show different rhinos although confirmation of this will require further study. -
A B S T R a C T © 2020 Bingkai Yusril Ihza Mahendra Menjadi Pengacara
Kalijaga Journal of Communication, Vol. 2, No. 2, 2020: 93-106, DOI: https://doi.org/10.14421/kjc.22.01.2020 ISSN (e): 2685-1334; ISSN (p): 2775-1414, http://ejournal.uin-suka.ac.id/dakwah/kjc/index Bingkai Yusril Ihza Mahendra menjadi Pengacara Jokowi-Ma’ruf dalam Media Daring M. Sabron Sukmanul Hakim(a)(*) (a) UIN Sunan Kalijaga *Korespondensi Penulis, Alamat: Jl. Laksda Adisucipto, Papringan, Caturtunggal, Kec. Depok, Kabupaten Sleman, Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta 55281, Indonesia, Email: [email protected] A B S T R A C T Keywords: This paper discusses the mass media polemic when Yusril Ihza Mahendra Yusril Ihza Mahendra, became a lawyer for Jokowi-Ma’ruf in the 2019 presidential election. Media, Jokowi-Ma’ruf Previously, Yusril was a lawyer for Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) which later became a banned organization in Indonesia. In addition, Yusril was previously known as a critic of Jokowi and an active defender of Prabowo along with the party he leads, the Crescent Star Party (PBB). The focus of this research is to explore three mass media that are well known to the general public: Sindonews.com, Kompas.com, and Republika.co.id to see how the mass media dared to frame the coverage of Yusril Ihza Mahendra’s decision to become Jokowi-Ma’ruf’s campaign team. By using a qualitative research methodology, this study also uses Robert N. Entman’s framing analysis to see the framing. This is done in order to penetrate the reporting frame made by the three brave mass media. The findings of this study indicate that the three media have different attitudes.