The Story of the Middle Ages

The Hundred Years’ War

Guilds, Banking, and Money – Strange Folk of the Orient – The Hundred Years’ War – Chronicles of the Great Battles – French vs. English – Joan of Arc – Excerpts from the Transcripts of Joan’s Trial

C. Dale Brittain: “Guilds, Banking, and Money,” (AD 2014) More from Brittain on everyday life!

Guilds: http://cdalebrittain.blogspot.ca/2015/02/medieval-guilds.html Banking and Money: http://cdalebrittain.blogspot.ca/2014/11/medieval-banking-and-money.html

Sir John Mandeville: “Strange Folk of the Orient” From The Travels of Sir John Mandeville (AD 1366)

During this time, Marco Polo made his famous travels to the Orient, and captivated the world with his account of Cathay (China.) So popular were his writings that false imitators sprang up, making up tales of fictitious voyages and what they had seen – the more sensational the better! One of the best known – and most ridiculous – is the work of Sir John Mandeville.

FROM that isle, in going by sea toward the south, is another great isle that is clept Dondun. In that isle be folk of diverse kinds, so that the father eateth the son, the son the father, the husband the wife, and the wife the husband. And if it so befall, that the father or mother or p. 133any of their friends be sick, anon the son goeth to the priest of their law and prayeth him to ask the idol if his father or mother or friend shall die on that evil or not. And then the priest and the son go together before the idol and kneel full devoutly and ask of the idol their demand. And if the devil that is within answer that he shall live, they keep him well; and if he say that he shall die, then the priest goeth with the son, with the wife of him that is sick, and they put their hands upon his mouth and stop his breath, and so they slay him. And after that, they chop all the body in small pieces, and pray all his friends to come and eat of him that is dead. And they send for all the minstrels of the country and make a solemn feast. And when they have eaten the flesh, they take the bones and bury them, and sing and make great melody. And all those that be of his kin or pretend them to be his friends, an they come not to that feast, they be reproved for evermore and shamed, and make great dole, for never after shall they be holden as friends. And they say also, that men eat their flesh for to deliver them out of pain; for if the worms of the earth eat them the soul should suffer great pain, as they say. And namely when the flesh is tender and meagre, then say their friends, that they do great sin to let them have so long languor to suffer so much pain without reason. And when they find the flesh fat, then they say, that it is well done to send them soon to Paradise, and that they have not suffered him too long to endure in pain. The king of this isle is a full great lord and a mighty, and hath under him fifty-four great isles that give tribute to him. And in everych of these isles is a king crowned; and all be obeissant to that king. And he hath in those isles many diverse folk. In one of these isles be folk of great stature, as giants. And they be hideous for to look upon. And they have but one eye, and that is in the middle of the front. And they eat nothing but raw flesh and raw fish. And in another isle toward the south dwell folk of foul p. 134stature and of cursed kind that have no heads. And their eyen be in their shoulders. And in another isle be folk that have the face all flat, all plain, without nose and without mouth. But they have two small holes, all round, instead of their eyes, and their mouth is plat also without lips. And in another isle be folk of foul fashion and shape that have the lip above the mouth so great, that when they sleep in the sun they cover all the face with that lip. And in another isle there be little folk, as dwarfs. And they be two so much as the pigmies. And they have no mouth; but instead of their mouth they have a little round hole, and when they shall eat or drink, they take through a pipe or a pen or such a thing, and suck it in, for they have no tongue; and therefore they speak not, but they make a manner of hissing as an adder doth, and they make signs one to another as monks do, by the which every of them understandeth other. And in another isle be folk that have great ears and long, that hang down to their knees. And in another isle be folk that have horses’ feet. And they be strong and mighty, and swift runners; for they take wild beasts with running, and eat them. And in another isle be folk that go upon their hands and their feet as beasts. And they be all skinned and feathered, and they will leap as lightly into trees, and from tree to tree, as it were squirrels or apes.... And in another isle be folk that go always upon their knees full marvellously. And at every pace that they go, it seemeth that they would fall. And they have in every foot eight toes. Many other diverse folk of diverse natures be there in other isles about, of the which it were too long to tell, and therefore I pass over shortly.

Samuel B. Harding: “The Hundred Years’ War” From The Story of the Middle Ages (AD 1901)

One of the signs that the Middle Ages were coming to an end was the long war between France and England. It lasted altogether from 1337 to 1453, and is called the Hundred Years' War. When William the Conqueror became King of England, he did not cease to be Duke of Normandy. Indeed, as time went on, the power of the English kings in France increased, until William's successors ruled all the western part of that land, from north of the river Seine to the Pyrenees Mountains, and from the Bay of Biscay almost to the river Rhone. They held all this territory as fiefs of the kings of France; but the fact that they were also independent kings of England made them stronger than their overlords. This led to frequent wars, until, at last, the English kings had lost all their land in France except Aquitaine, in the southwest. These, however, were merely feudal wars between the rulers of the two countries. They did not much concern the people of either France or England; for in neither country had the people come to feel that they were a nation and that one of their first duties was to love their own country and support their own government. In Aquitaine, indeed, the people [194] scarcely felt that they were French at all, and rather preferred the kings of England to the French kings who dwelt at Paris. During the Hundred Years' War, all this was to change. In fighting with one another, in this long struggle, the people of France and of England came gradually to feel that they were French and English. The people of Aquitaine began to feel that they were of nearer kin to those who dwelt about Paris than they were to the English, and began to feel love for France and hatred for England. It was the same, too, with the English. In fighting the French, the descendants of the old Saxons, and of the conquering Normans, came to feel that they were all alike Englishmen. So, although the long war brought terrible suffering and misery, it brought also some good to both countries. In each patriotism was born, and in each the people became a nation. There were many things which led up to the war, but the chief was the fact that the French King, who died in 1328, left no son to succeed him. The principal claimants for the throne were his cousin, Philip, who was Duke of Valois, and his nephew, Edward III. of England. The French nobles decided in favor of Duke Philip, and he became King as Philip VI. Edward did not like this decision, but he accepted it for a time. After nine years, however, war broke out because of other reasons; and then Edward claimed the throne as his of right. [The French had for some centuries allowed monarchs to descend through the female line, in spite of the Salic Law Clovis had passed so many centuries earlier. Among other things, it forbade inheritance to pass through the female lines, and the eldest male relative received the inheritance. Philip was descended from a younger male relative, whereas the English kings descended through the female line. However, at the time of the Hundred Years’ War, the English pointed out that not only had the French been ignoring the Salic Law for year (and thus rendering the idea that girls could not inherit null,) but also pointed out that the area Clovis had made the law for did not correspond to modern day France, and hence the law did not apply. Therefore, they said, the English had greater right to France, as they descended from the eldest line, and it did not matter that it was through a woman. The French, on the other hand, claimed Clovis was King of Frankia, and France was Frankia, even if its borders had changed. They also claimed that while they had not obeyed the Salic law in some time, they were fully prepared to obey it now.] During the first eight years, neither country gained any great advantage, though the English won an important battle at sea. In the ninth year the English gained their first great victory on land. [195] This battle took place at Crecy, in the northernmost part of France, about one hundred miles from Paris. The French army was twice as large as the English, and was made up mainly of mounted knights, armed with lance and sword, and clad in the heavy armor of the Middle Ages. The English army was made up chiefly of archers on foot. Everywhere in England boys were trained from the time they were six or seven years old at shooting with the bow and arrow. As they grew older, stronger and stronger bows were given them, until at last they could use the great longbows of their fathers. The greatest care was taken in this teaching; and on holidays grown men as well as boys might be seen practicing shooting at marks on the village commons. In this way the English became the best archers in Europe, and so powerful were their bows that the arrows would often pierce armor or slay a knight's horse at a hundred yards. So the advantage was not so great on the side of the French as it seemed. Besides, King Edward placed his men very skillfully, while the French managed the [196] battle very badly. Edward placed his archers at the top of a sloping hillside, with the knights behind. In command of the first line he placed his fifteen-year-old son, the Black Prince, while the King himself took a position on a little windmill-hill in the rear. The French had a large number of crossbowmen with them. Although the crossbowmen could not shoot so rapidly as the English archers, because the crossbow had to be rested on the ground, and wound up after each shot, they could shoot to a greater distance and with more force. Unluckily, a shower wet the strings of the crossbows, while the English were able to protect their bows and keep the strings dry. So when the French King ordered the crossbowmen to advance, they went unwillingly; and when the English archers, each stepping forward one pace, let fly their arrows, the crossbowmen turned and fled. At this King Philip was very angry, for he thought they fled through cowardice; so he cried: "Slay me those rascals!" At this command, the French knights rode among the crossbowmen and killed many of their own men. All this while the English arrows were falling in showers about them, and many horses, and knights, as well as archers, were slain. Then the French horsemen charged the English lines. Some of the knights about the young Prince [197] now began to fear for him, and sent to the King, urging him to send assistance. "Is my son dead," asked the King, "or so wounded that he cannot help himself?" "No, sire, please God," answered the messenger, "but he is in a hard passage of arms, and much needs your help." "Then," said King Edward, "return to them that sent you, and tell them not to send to me again so long as my son lives. I command them to let the boy win his spurs. If God be pleased, I will that the honor of this day shall be his." On the French side was the blind old King of Bohemia. When the fighting began he said to those about him: "You are my vassals and friends. I pray you to lead me so far into the battle that I may strike at least one good stroke with my sword!" Two of his attendants then placed themselves on either side of him; and, tying the bridles of their horses together, they rode into the fight. There the old blind King fought valiantly; and when the battle was over, the bodies of all three were found, with their horses still tied together. The victory of the English was complete. Thousands of the French were slain, and King Philip himself was obliged to flee to escape capture. But though the Black Prince won his spurs right nobly, the chief credit for the victory was due to the English archers. It was many years after this before the next great battle was fought. This was due, in part, to a terrible [198] sickness which came upon all Western Europe soon after the battle of Crecy. It was called the Black Death, and arose in Asia, where cholera and the plague often arise. Whole villages were attacked at the same time; and for two years the disease raged everywhere. When, at last, it died out, half of the population of England was gone; and France had suffered almost as terribly.

Jean Froissart: Chronicles of the Great Battles

(AD1337-1453)

The "Hundred Years' War" between France and England (1337-1453) was an episodic struggle lasting well over a hundred years, for much of the time without any conflict. The battles were both violent, but also occasions when ideals of "chivalry" were displayed. Here are extracts describing various battles from the Chronicle of Jean Froissart.

The Battle of Crecy (1346) The Englishmen, who were in three battles lying on the ground to rest them, as soon as they saw the Frenchmen approach, they rose upon their feet fair and easily without any haste and arranged their battles. The first, which was the prince's battle, the archers there stood in manner of a herse and the men of arms in the bottom of the battle. The earl of Northampton and the earl of Arundel with the second battle were on a wing in good order, ready to comfort the prince's battle, if need were. The lords and knights of France came not to the assembly together in good order, for some came before and some came after in such haste and evil order, that one of them did trouble another. When the French king saw the Englishmen, his blood changed, and [he] said to his marshals: "Make the Genoways go on before and begin the battle in the name of God and Saint Denis." There were of the Genoways crossbows about a fifteen thousand, but they were so weary of going afoot that day a six leagues armed with their crossbows, that they said to their constables: "We be not well ordered to fight this day, for we be not in the case to do any great deed of arms: we have more need of rest." These words came to the earl of Alencon, who said: "A man is well at ease to be charged with such a sort of rascals, to be faint and fail now at most need." Also the same season there fell a great rain and a clipse with a terrible thunder, and before the rain there came flying over both battles a great number of crows for fear of the tempest coming. Then anon the air began to wax clear, and the sun to shine fair and bright, the which was right in the Frenchmen's eyes and on the Englishmen's backs. When the Genoways were assembled together and began to approach, they made a great [shout] and cry to abash the Englishmen, but they stood still and stirred not for all that: then the Genoways again the second time made another leap and a fell cry, and stept forward a little, and the Englishmen removed not one foot: thirdly, again they lept and cried, and went forth till they came within shot; then they shot fiercely with their crossbows. Then the English archers stept forth one pace and let fly their arrows so wholly [together] and so thick, that it seemed snow. When the Genoways felt the arrows piercing through heads arms and breasts, many of them cast down their crossbows and did cut their strings and returned discomfited. When the French king saw them fly away, he said: "Slay these rascals, for they shall let and trouble us without reason." Then ye should have seen the men at arms dash in among them and killed a great number of them: and ever still the Englishmen shot whereas they saw thickest press; the sharp arrows ran into the men of arms and into their horses, an many fell, horse and men, among the Genoways, and when they were down, they could not relieve again, the press was so thick that on overthrew another. And also among the Englishmen there were certain rascals that went afoot with great knives, and they went in among the men of arms, and slew and murdered many as they lay on the ground, both earls, barons, knights, and squires, whereof the king of England was after displeased, for he had rather they had been taken prisoners. The valiant king of Bohemia called Charles of Luxembourg, son to the noble emperor Henry of Luxembourg, for all that he was nigh blind, when he understood the order of the battle, he said to the about him: "Where is the lord Charles my son?" His men said: "Sir we cannot tell; we think he be fighting." Then he said: "Sirs, ye are my men, my companions and friends in this journey: I require you bring me so far forward, that I may strike one stroke with my sword." They said they would do his commandment, and to the intent that they should not lose him in the press, they tied all their reins of their bridles each to other and set the king before to accomplish his desire, and so they went on their enemies. The lord Charles of Bohemia his son, who wrote himself king of Almaine and bare the arms, he came in good order to the battle; but when he saw that the matter went awry on their party, he departed, I cannot tell you which way. The king his father was so far forward that he strake a stroke with his sword, yea and more than four, and fought valiantly and so did his company; and they adventured themselves so forward, that they were there all slain; and the next day they were found in the place about the king, and all their horses tied each to other. *** [The contingent led by the king's son, the Black Prince, was hard pressed in the fighting.] Then the second battle of the Englishment came to succour the prince's battle, the which was time, for they had as then much ado and they with the prince sent a messenger to the king, who was on a little windmill hill. Then the knight said to the king: "Sir, the earl of Warwick and the earl of Oxford, sir Raynold Cobham and other, such as be about the prince your son, are fiercely fought withal and are sore handled; wherefore they desire you that you and your battle will come and aid them; for if the Frenchmen increase, as they doubt they will, your son and they shall have much ado." Then the king said: "Is my son dead or hurt or on the earth felled?" "No, sir," quoth the knight, "but he is hardly matched; wherefore he hath need of your aid." "Well," said the king, "return to him and to them that sent you hither, and say to them that they send no more to me for any adventure that falleth, as long as my son is alive: and also say to them that they suffer him this day to win his spurs; for if God be pleased, I will this journey be his and the honour thereof, and to them that be about him." The Battle of Poitiers 1356 Oftentimes the adventure of amours and of war are more fortunate and marvellous than any man can think or wish. Truly this battle, the which was near to Poitiers in the fields of Beauvoir and Maupertuis, was right great and perilous, and many deeds of arms there was done the which all came not to knowledge. The fighters on both sides endured much pain: king John with his own hands did that day marvels in arms: he had an axe in his hands wherewith he defended himself and fought in the breaking of the press. Near to the king there was taken the earl of Tancarville, sir Jaques of Bourbon car] of Ponthieu, and the lord John of Artois earl of Eu, and a little above that under the banner of the captal of Buch was taken sir Charles of Artois and divers other knights and squires. The chase endured to the gates of Poitiers: there were many slain and beaten down, horse and man, for they of Poitiers closed their gates and would suffer none to enter; wherefore in the street before the gate was horrible murder, men hurt and beaten down.... Then there was a great press to take the king, and such as knew him cried, "Sir, yield you, or else ye are but dead." There was a knight of Saint-Omer's, retained in wages with the king of England, called sir Denis Morbeke, who had served the Englishmen five year before, because in his youth he had forfeited the realm of France for a murder that he did at Saint-Omer's. It happened so well for him, that he was next to the king when they were about to take him: he stept forth into the press, and by strength of his body and arms he came to the French king and said in good French, "Sir, yield you." The king beheld the knight and said: "To whom shall I yield me? Where is my cousin the prince of Wales? If I might see him, I would speak with him." Denis answered and said: "Sir, he is not here; but yield you to me and I shall bring you to him." "Who be you?" quoth the king. "Sir," he, "I am Denis of Morbeke, a knight of Artois; but I serve the king of England because I am banished the realm of France and I have forfeited all that I had there. " Then the king gave him his right gauntlet, saying "There I yield me to you." was a great press about the king, for every man enforced him to say "I have taken him," so that the king could not go forward with his young son the lord Philip with him because of the press . *** [The Black Prince sent two lords to search for the French king.] These two lords took their horses and departed from the prince rode up a hill to look about them: then they perceived a flock of men of arms coming together right wearily: there was the French king afoot in great peril, for Englishmen and Gascons were his masters; they had taken him from sir Denis Morbeke perforce, and such as were most of force said, "I have taken him"; "Nay," quoth another, "I have taken him"; so they strave which should have him. Then the French king, to eschew that peril, said: "Sirs, strive not: lead men courteously, and my son, to my cousin the prince, and strive not for my taking, for I am so great a lord to make you all rich." The king's words somewhat appeased them; howbeit ever as they went they made riot and brawled for the taking of the king. When the two foresaid lords saw and heard that noise and strife among them they came to them and said: "Sirs, what is the matter that ye strive for?" "Sirs," said one of them, "it is for the French king, who is here taken prisoner, and there be more than ten knights and squires that challengeth the taking of him and of his son. "Then the two lords entered into the press and caused every man to draw aback, and commanded them in the prince's name on pain of their heads to make no more noise nor to approach the king no nearer, without they were commanded. Then every man gave room to the lords, and they alighted and did their reverence to the king, and so brought him and his son in peace and rest to the prince of W ales. *** The same day of the battle at night the prince made a supper in his lodging to the French king and to the most part of the great lords that were prisoners. The prince made the king and his son, the lord James of Bourbon, the lord John d'Artois, the earl of Tancarville the earl of Estampes, the earl of Dammartin, the earl of Joinville the lord of Partenay to sit all at one board, and other lords, knights and squires at other tables; and always the prince served before the king as humbly as he could, and would not sit at the king's board for any desire that the king could make, but he said he was not sufficient to sit at the table with so great a prince as the king was. But then he said to the king, "Sir, for God's sake make none evil nor heavy cheer, though God this day did not consent to follow your will; for, sir, surely the king my father shall bear you as much honour and amity as he may do, and shall accord with you so reasonably that ye shall ever be friends together after. And, sir, methink ve ought to rejoice, though the journey be not as ye would have had it, for this day ye have won the high renown of prowess and have passed this day in valiantness all other of your party. Sir, I say not this to mock you, for all that be on our party, that saw every man's deeds, are plainly accorded by true sentence to give you the prize and chaplet." Therewith the Frenchmen began to murmur and said among themselves how the prince had spoken nobly, and that by all estimation he should prove a noble man, if God send him life and to persevere in such good fortune.

From G. C. Macauly, ed., The Chronicles of Froissart, Lord Berners, trans. (London: Macmillan and Co., 1904), pp. 104-105, - battle of Crecy, pp. 128-131. - the batttle of Poitiers, p. 201 – ravages, Internet Medieval Sourcebook, Fordham University, https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/source/froissart1.asp. Samuel B. Harding: “French vs. English” From The Story of the Middle Ages (AD 1901) Ten years after the battle of Crecy (in 1356) the war broke out anew. The Black Prince, at the head of an army, set out from Aquitaine and marched northward into the heart of France. Soon, however, he found his retreat cut off near the city of Poitiers by the French King John (who had succeeded his father Philip), with an army six or seven times the size of the English force. The situation of the English was so bad that the Prince offered to give up all the prisoners, castles, and towns which they had taken during this expedition, and to promise not to fight against France again for seven years, if the French King would grant them a free retreat. But King John felt so sure of victory that he refused these terms. Then the battle began. Just as at Crecy, the English were placed on a little hill; and again they depended chiefly on their archers. From behind a thick hedge they shot their arrows in clouds as the French advanced. Soon all was uproar and confusion. Many of the French lay wounded or slain; and many of their horses, feeling the sting of the arrow-heads, reared wildly, flung their riders, and dashed to the rear. When once dismounted, a knight could not mount to the saddle again without [199] assistance, so heavy was the armor which was then worn. In a short time this division of the French was overthrown. Then a second, and finally a third division met the same fate. To the war-cries, "Mountjoy! Saint Denis!" the English replied with shouts of "St. George! Guyenne!" The ringing of spear-heads upon shields, the noise of breaking lances, the clash of hostile swords and battle-axes, were soon added to the rattle of English arrows upon French breastplates and helmets. At last the French were all overthrown, or turned in flight, except in one quarter of the field. There King John, with a few of his bravest knights, fought valiantly on foot. As he swung his heavy battle-ax, now at this foe and now at that, his son Philip,—a brave boy of thirteen years,—cried unceasingly: "Father, guard right! Father, guard left!" At last even the King was obliged to surrender; and he and his son Philip were taken prisoners to the tent of the English Prince. There they were courteously entertained, the Prince waiting upon them at table with his own hands. But for several years they remained captives, awaiting the ransom which the English demanded. The battle of Poitiers was a sad blow indeed to France. Many hundreds of her noblest knights were [200] there slain; and all sorts of disorders arose during the captivity of her King. The peasants rose in rebellion against their masters, and civil war broke out. And when, after four years of comfortable captivity, King John was set free, he was obliged to pay a heavy ransom and sign a peace in which he surrendered to the English, in full right, all of Aquitaine. Soon after this "Good King John," as he was called, died, leaving his kingdom in great disorder He was a good knight and brave man; but he was a poor general and a weak king. His eldest son, Charles, who was styled Charles V., or Charles the Wise, now became King. He was very different from his father; and though he was not nearly so knightly a warrior, he proved a much better king. He improved the government and the army; and when the war with the English began again, he at once began to be successful. The Black Prince was now broken in health, and died in the year 1376; the old English King, Edward III., died the next year; and then Richard II., the twelve-year-old son of the Black Prince, became King of England. Troubles, too, broke out in England, so the English were not able to carry on the war as vigorously as they had done before. At the same time the French King found a general named [201] Du Guesclin, who proved to be the best general that the Middle Ages ever saw. One trouble with the French had been that they scorned the "base-born" foot- soldiers, and thought that war should be the business of the heavy-armed knights alone; and another was that the knights thought it disgraceful to retreat, even when they knew they could not win. With Du Geusclin, all this was different. He was willing to use peasants and townsmen if their way of fighting was better than that of the nobles; and he did not think it beneath him to retreat if he saw he could not win. So, by caution and good sense, and the support of wise King Charles, he won victory after victory; and though no great battles were fought, almost all of the English possessions in France came into the hands of the French once more. Then the French successes stopped for a time. Du Guesclin died, and after him King Charles V.; and now it was the French who had a boy king. When this King, Charles VI., grew to be a man, he became insane; and his uncles quarreled with one another and with the King's brother for the government. Soon the quarrel led to murder, and the murder to civil war; and again France was thrown into all the misery and disorder from which it had been rescued by Charles the Wise. In England, about this time, King Henry V., came to the throne. He was a young and warlike prince; and he wished, through a renewal of the war, to win glory for himself. Besides, he remembered the old claim of Edward III., to the French crown; and he thought that now, when the French nobles were fight- [202] ing among themselves, was a fine opportunity to make that claim good. So, in the year 1415, King Henry landed with an army in France, and began again the old, old struggle. And again, after a few months, the English found their retreat cut off near a little village called Agincourt, by a much larger army of the French. But King Henry remembered the victories of Crecy and Poitiers, and did not despair. When one of his knights wished that the thousands of warriors then lying idle in England were only there, King Henry exclaimed: "I would not have a single man more. If God gives us the victory, it will be plain that we owe it to His grace. If not, the fewer we are, the less loss to England." At Agincourt there was no sheltering hedge to protect the English archers. To make up for this, King Henry ordered each man to provide himself with tall stakes, sharpened at each end; these they planted slantwise in the ground as a protection against French horsemen. Most of the English force was again made up of archers with the long- bow, while most of the French were knights in full armor. The French, indeed, seemed to have forgotten all that Du Guesclin and Charles V., had taught them. To make matters worse, their knights dismounted and sought to march upon the English position on foot. As the field through which they had to pass was newly plowed and wet with rain, the heavy-armed knights sank knee deep in mud at every step. For the third time the English victory was complete. Eleven thousand Frenchmen were left dead upon the field, and among [203] the number were more than a hundred great lords and princes. In after years Englishmen sang of the wonderful victory in these words: "Agincourt, Agincourt! Know ye not Agincourt? When English slew and hurt All their French foemen? With our pikes and bills brown How the French were beat down, Shot by our bowmen.

"Agincourt, Agincourt! Know ye not Agincourt? English of every sort, High men and low men, Fought that day wondrous well, as All our old stories tell us, Thanks to our bowmen.

"Agincourt, Agincourt! Know ye not Agincourt? When our fifth Harry taught Frenchmen to know men, And when the day was done Thousands then fell to one Good English bowman." Even so great a defeat as this could not make the French princes cease their quarrels. Again the leader of one party was murdered by the follower of another; and the followers of the dead prince became so bitterly hostile that they were willing to join the English against the other party. In this way the Burgundians, as the one party was called, entered into a treaty with Henry of England against the Armagnacs, as the other party was called; and it was agreed that Henry should marry Katherine, the daughter of the [204] insane King, and Henry should become King of France when the old King died. No one seemed to care for the rights of the Dauphin (the French King's son) except the Armagnacs; they, of course, were opposed to all that the Burgundians did. Both Henry V. of England and poor old Charles VI. of France died within two years after this treaty was signed. Henry had married Katharine as agreed; and though their son (Henry VI.) was a mere baby, only nine months old, he now became King of both England and France. In neither country, however, was his reign to be a happy or a peaceful one. In England the little King's relatives fell to quarreling about the government, just as had happened in France; and when he grew up, like his French grandfather he became insane. At the same time the English found their hold upon France relaxing and the land slipping from their grasp. Only the Armagnacs at first recognized the Dauphin as King; and for seven years after the death [205] of his father he had great difficulty in keeping any part of France from the hands of the English. In the year 1429, however, a great change took place. A young peasant girl, named Joan of Arc, appeared at the King's court in that year, and under her inspiration and guidance the French cause began to gain, and the English and Burgundian to lose ground.

Rev. Alban Butler: “Joan of Arc” From The Lives or the Fathers, Martyrs and Other Principal Saints," (AD 1954 Edition)

Transparently simple as were the whole life and actions of the spotless Maid of Orleans, her biography is nevertheless one that presents a considerable initial difficulty. It is a theme that requires a sort of historical disquisition by way of introduction. The reason of this is, of course, that her personal narrative is so interwoven not merely with the complicated history of France and England during the period of her short and glorious career, but that considerable reference has to be made to events immediately preceding the stirring years that witnessed Joan's meteoric rise, triumphant progress, and tragic death. When Edward III took active steps to enforce his shadowy claim to the Throne of France, and so began the hideous welter of blood and ruin known as the Hundred Years War, he bequeathed that legacy of hatred which from age to age has divided the two nations more effectually than the Channel that physically separates them. The renewal of that claim by Henry V in 1415, however, has no such measure of guilt. For Henry, according to Professor York Powell, seems to have been really impressed by the sporadic, but none the less formidable Lollard movement, with its scheme of a sort of federal republic by captains over each shire, and Lord Cobham (Sir John Oldcastle) as head or president over all. This and the deadly, though for the time being slumbering, feud between the descendants of Edward III, and also the knowledge of the inferior claim of his own branch of the family to the Crown, made Henry very desirous of securing a place of independent retreat in case of drastic political changes. At the time of his death, 1422, all fear of a possible revolution had passed away. His own commanding abilities, the stupendous victory of Agincourt and other brilliant successes in France, had made him one of the first monarchs in Europe, and, to say the truth, this "England's Darling" thoroughly deserved his good fortune, for after becoming master of the north of France, Henry had introduced order and good government into a country not only harassed by war, but long notoriously oppressed by its own despotic seigneurs and the other "incidents" of a feudalism easily the most galling in Europe. On the French side not only was the King, Charles VI, mad, and the Dauphin a minor, but the members of the royal family of France were at open feud with each other, each faction being quite prepared to aid the invader for its own private ends. Ever since 1407, there had been a more or less continuous civil war in the distracted country between the Armagnacs and the House of Burgundy, arising out of the murder of the Duke of Orleans, the King's brother, by John, Duke of Burgundy. Four years later, Burgundy openly requested and received help from England in the form of money, knights and archers. Even the death of Henry V did not alter much the situation of affairs in France. His able brother, John, Duke of Bedford, continued his wise rule over the spheres of English influence. He enforced strict justice and good order, put down the brigands who often, in the uniforms of English soldiers, oppressed the wretched peasantry, fostered trade and lightened the taxes, so that many Frenchmen, especially of the merchant class, welcomed, rather than opposed, so just and firm a rule. Paris was not only under the English, but was curiously enough strongly pro-English, so that it seemed not unlikely that the little Henry VI, who when ten years old was actually crowned King of France at Notre Dame, would eventually rule without opposition over the two nations. But, meanwhile, Charles VI had died and with the accession of his son there also arose a new and strong feeling of patriotism and of "France for the French." Charles VII, though emphatically not "every inch a King," was at least a rallying point for the party of la Patrie, which now concentrated all its efforts on saving the City of Orleans then closely invested by Thomas de Montacute, Earl of Salisbury. After his death—from a splinter of a cannon-shot—the siege was continued by the Earl of Suffolk, and great were the sufferings of the miserable inhabitants. The Scots had long been in France fighting side by side with their natural allies, the French, the hereditary foe of both nations, but the combined effort of Sir John Stewart and the Count de Clermont to prevent food from being brought up to the besiegers, ended in the severe defeat of Rouvray, humorously known as the "Battle of the Herrings."1 The deadly shafts of the English Archers again proved too much for French lance and Scottish broads word, and so desperate grew the situation of the city, that not only was a surrender proposed, but the Dauphin, ever fainthearted, thought of abandoning France, at least for a time. It was at this point of the national crisis, that effectual help came, and from the most unlooked for quarter. On 6th January, 1412, there was born at the obscure village of Domremy, on the banks of the Meuse, and near the fair and typically French province of Lorraine, Jeannette, or Jeanne, or Joan D'Arc, daughter of pious parents of the peasant class. The family-name seems to have been originally spelt Darc. Her father, James, and mother, Isobel Darc were not only devout and laborious, as became a son and daughter of Catholic and rural France, but they are described as having been people well endowed with that strong self-reliance, shrewd common sense, and sturdy independence, which modern "civilization" with its constant bureaucratic interference, and widespread, free, uniform "education," has rendered almost as extinct as the classical case of the Dodo! Jeanne, their daughter, certainly, and no doubt the other children as well, inherited these splendid and irreplaceable qualities in a very marked degree. Up to about the age of sixteen, Jeanne or Joan, to call her by her most generally known name, led the ordinary life of a peasant girl of her class, doing her part in ploughing, sowing and harvesting, tending the parental flocks, and at home spinning hemp and wool, and attending to other feminine domestic duties. She was a singularly pious girl, even among a simple and devout people, hearing Mass daily, making frequent visits to the Blessed Sacrament, and often undertaking journeys of devotion to places of religious repute. Messire Guillaume Fronte, the worthy Cure of Domremy, later left a record that Joan was "a simple and good girl; pious, well brought up and God-fearing, and without her like in the whole village." To her other acts of personal piety, she added great charity to the poor, even to the extent of giving up occasionally her own bed to some necessitous wanderer, and sleeping herself on the floor by the hearth. The terrible foreign war which had so long devasted France, was painfully brought home to the retired village-folk of Domremy by the actual experience of invasion itself. The poor people of Domremy had more than once to flee before the bands of marauders who warred on the unhappy natives in the name of one or other of the contending parties, and on one occasion the humble home of the Darcs was plundered and burnt to the ground! This dreadful experience and also some old prophecies to the effect that the "fair realm of France" was to be delivered from the terrible English by a woman, made a great impression on little Joan, and the theme and all that it stood for, soon became her constant meditation and the subject of most fervent prayer. On the 17th of August, 1424, the French and Scots under the Earl of Douglas (Due de Tourraine), met with an overwhelming defeat at Verneuil, at the hands of the Duke of Bedford. So many Scots and Frenchmen fell beneath the "cloth yard" hail of the English Archers, that the field resembled a shambles rather than a place of battler The news 'of this appalling catastrophe, which for the time stunned every French Nationalist, set Joan praying the more. The following summer (1425) Joan was one midday in her father's garden, when, as she said: "I heard a voice from God for my help and guidance. The first time I heard this voice, I was very much frightened. I heard this voice to my right towards the Church. Rarely do I hear it without its being accompanied by a light.... I believe it was sent to me from God. When I heard it for the third time, I recognized that it was the voice of an Angel." She always asserted that she was as sure that the voice came from God, as she was as sure of the Christian Faith! But the "Voices" did not come alone. They were presently accompanied by visions of the holy Angels, accompanied by St. Michael the Archangel, and at other times by Angels with apparitions of St. Catharine and St. Margaret (Queen of Scotland, d. 1093). These Saints as described by her were adorned with "beautiful and precious" crowns, and the voices were sweet and subdued, yet unmistakable in their commands. At first, the messages were personal and general. Joan was bidden to continue to be a good girl, to go often to Church and put her trust in God. Then at last came the crowning order. She must leave Domremy and go and deliver Orleans. Joan, needless to say, was dumbfounded! She, a poor, unlettered peasant girl, knowing nothing of the science of war or of the world, ordered to go forth and tell this mysterious occurrence and command to great lords and captains, and persons in authority generally I The idea might well seem too absurd even for the wildest dreamer, but the visions continued, and the Voices became more imperious than before! Joan's whole conduct throughout this extraordinary episode, shows that she was no visionary, no dreamer nor schemer, eager to be led, but a girl of remarkable common sense and most rare prudence. She consulted her uncle, Durant Laxart (or Durand Lassois), a sensible, matter-of-fact man, who at first did not put any credence in what she told him, but finding by time and experience how insistent his niece was, and how free her narrative was from any taint of personal conceit or self-seeking, the shrewd yeoman finally agreed to do as she requested. This was to go with her to Vaucouleurs to see the King's Commander, Robert de Baudricourt, there, and tell him of her mission and of the heavenly commands which dictated it. Joan succeeded so far in getting more than one interview with de Baudricourt, though, of course, it was not until after many difficulties had been surmounted-harsh rebuffs, ridicule, wearisome delays all of which had to go towards the testing and perfecting of the wondrous maid. Military leaders in all campaigns are accustomed to be harassed by cranks and selfstyled geniuses eager to show them how "to win the war," so we cannot perhaps wonder at de Baudricourt's extreme reluctance to listen to, much less to be impressed by, this apparently impossible story. But listen, at length, the rough but honest soldier did. In brief, her communication was that she was to go to the "gentle Dauphin," obtain an army from him to raise the siege of Orleans-"take him to be annointed at Rheims, win back Paris and drive the English from the realm." Armed with a letter from de Baudricourt and accompanied by Jean de Novelonpont, her two brothers, and a suitable escort, Joan, after a perilous journey through the territory of the Burgundiansthe Allies of the English -reached Chinon on 6th March. She recognized the Dauphin in spite of his well-prepared disguise, and delivered her message in open court. She conjured him by St. Louis and St. Charlemagne to believe her. Prelates, courtiers, lawyers, and the worldly-wise generally, had to be won over, but in the end, Joan, clad in bright armour and mounted on a coal-black steed, was allowed to have her way and proceed with the army detailed to raise the siege of Orleans. She carried a sacred sword found, according to her prophecy, under the altar of the Church of St. Catharine de Fierbois, and bore a white banner adorned with lilies, and the holy names: "Jesus, Maria," separated by a cross. The English had raised a quantity of very strong earthworks and bastions about the city, and it is not quite clear how Joan and the relieving force with her came to pass, as they did, into the beleaguered place. For though the besiegers swore to burn "La Pucelle" as a witch, if they caught her, "they did not try to stop the army that was with her from coming into the town."2 In the series of desperate sorties that now ensued, the English, though hitherto seemingly invincible, so that two hundred of them used easily to rout four times that number of Frenchmen (Dunois), were everywhere worsted, and their chain of works one by one destroyed. Amidst all this heavy fighting, the glorious Maid was the life and soul of her countrymen, even though when wounded severely, as she was, by an arrow during one of the assaults. In the attack on the great "bastille" known as "Les Tourelles," she said to her soldiers: "Wait till my banner touches the fort, then go in and all is yours." They did so, and very soon the place was in their hands.. The siege of Orleans was raised, 9th May, 1429. In the next campaign, victory everywhere followed the wondrous "Pucelle "-at Jargeau Troyes, Beaugency, and Chalons. But Joan did not rely on courage and enthusiasm alone. She insisted on the army of the deliverance purging itself from the sins and scandals which had filled the encampments and garrison towns with disorders and immoralities, and, indeed, the mere presence of the stainless Maid was almost of itself enough to repress all that was morally wrong. As a leader, this girl of eighteen showed herself not only valiant to an extraordinary degree, but she displayed military qualities that can only be described as Napoleonic. In all the battles up to her appearance in the field, the mighty red yew bows of the English Archers, and their cloth-yard shafts tipped with keenest steel, calculated to pierce the finest mail and plate, had ever proved irresistible. To the deadly arrow-volleys of the foe, Joan now opposed the concentrated fire of fieldpieces, with the result that the old archer formations were broken up and their discharges rendered far less effective. On 17th July, 1429, the Dauphin was solemnly crowned at Rheims, and duly anointed from the sacred Ampoule, traditionally believed to have been used at the baptism of Clovis.3 Joan, who, during the imposing and triumphant ceremony had stood by the King amidst the Peers of France with the Oriflamme in her hand, now declared her mission accomplished and begged leave to be allowed to return to her home. Her earnest request was refused. She and her family, however, were ennobled, though Joan never sought any worldly distinction being more than satisfied that her heaven-appointed task to deliver France from the foe and hand her country over to its rightful King, had at last been achieved. As usual, Joan spoke but the simple truth when she declared her life-work finished. In the sortie from Compiegne on 24th May, 1430, the Maid was taken prisoner by the Burgundians, and after four months' imprisonment in the Castle of Beaulieu was sold to the Duke of Bedford by John of Luxembourg for 10,000 livres. What Burke wrote about "the age of Chivalry" in 1794, applies with even greater force to the disgraceful epoch of 1430-31. For all its mailed knights and belted counts and earls, its portcullised castles and streaming pennons, "the age of Chivalry" by the mid-fifteenth century was indeed "gone." We gladly refrain from detailing the barbarous and cowardly insults and outrages that were now heaped upon the defenceless "Pucelle" by her infamous captors. The subject, bad as it is, is, however, less odious than that of the shameful abandonment of the Maid by the poltroon Charles VII and his contemptible Court. Vile as the conduct of the English was, these brutal soldiers and officials were after all, Joan's sworn enemies-the men from whose grasp she had snatched at the eleventh hour the glittering prize of victory. But the cur of a King and his infamous minions owed everything to Joan's prowess, and they abandoned the incomparable Maid without even apparently considering further her cruel fate! The marvellous successes of the "Pucelle" had been widely attributed by her enemies to sorcery, and Bedford, in fact, had openly denounced the amazing heroine in the full tide of her victories as a "Lyme of the Feende!" As a prisoner of war, Joan could not legally be punished, but as a reputed witch, matters were very different, and it was resolved to prostitute justice and pervert the canon law to encompass her destruction. The abetters and tools of this horrible crime were the vile Pierre Cauchon, Bishop of Beauvais and a "Court" of some fifty ecclesiastics and lawyers of a like kidney, and all, of course, Bedford's men. The trial of the Maid began at Rouen on Wednesday, 21st February, 1431, and with a few adjournments the horrid travesty of justice lasted till 23rd May. Without help of any kind, the Maid heroically faced her judges, or murderers rather, consistently maintaining that her Voices and her Mission were alike from God. A garbled account of her case was submitted to the Sorbonne, which, being entirely in the English interest, returned a condemnation—though a qualified one—of the accused. By a base trick—well worthy the abandoned wretches whose "hour" it was—Joan was led to retract, though when Cauchon and some of his assessors saw her in prison on 28th May, she withdrew her so-called "recantation" and reaffirmed her belief in the divine nature of her cause. This was enough. As a relapsed heretic, Joan was burned to death in the Market Place at Rouen, 30th May, 1431—and the world has ever since shuddered at the crime! "My voices were from God," declared the dying heroine of France, who in death as in life, was true to her sacred cause. Twenty-four years after this unspeakable crime, Pope Calixtus III, at the representation of Joan's family and faithful friends, caused the whole process to be reinvestigated, with the result that the "trial" was declared to be "full of iniquity," and "manifest errors in fact as in law." The verdict in consequence was proclaimed "null, non-existent, and without value or effect." Solemnly published in the Archbishop's Palace at Rouen, and immediately throughout France, the reversal of the infamous sentence was received everywhere as "the triumph of truth and justice." The place of Joan's fiery death was marked by a splendid cross, and the day of her passing from the injustice of the world to the joys of Paradise, kept, especially at Orleans, as a solemn feast.

Ecclesiastical Court of Beauvais: “Excerpts from Transcript of Joan's Trial” (AD 1431)

And in the first instance we did require her, in the appointed form, her hand on the Holy Gospels, to swear to speak truth on the questions to be addressed to her.

To which she did reply:

"I know not upon what you wish to question me; perhaps you may ask me of things which I ought not to tell you."

"Swear," We did then say to her, "to speak truth on the things which shall be asked you concerning the Faith, and of which you know."

"Of my father and my mother and of what I did after taking the road to France, willingly will I swear; but of the revelations which have come to me from God, to no one will I speak or reveal them, save only to Charles my King; and to you I will not reveal them, even if it cost me my head; because I have received them in visions and by secret counsel, and am forbidden to reveal them. Before eight days are gone, I shall know if I may reveal them to you."

Again did We several times warn and require her to be willing, on whatsoever should touch on the Faith, to swear to speak truly. And the said Jeanne, on her knees, her two hands resting on the Missal, did swear to speak truth on that which should be asked her and which she knew in the matter of the Faith, keeping silence under the condition above stated, that is to say, neither to tell nor to communicate to any one the revelations made to her.

After this oath, Jeanne was interrogated by Us as to her name, and surname, her place of birth, the names of her father and mother, the place of her baptism, her godfathers and godmothers, the Priest who baptized her, etc.

"In my own country they call me Jeannette; since I came into France I have been called Jeanne. Of my surname I know nothing. I was born (2)....(On January 6th, 1412. "In nocte Epiphiniarum Domini." (Letter from Boulainvilliers to the Duke of Milan. Quicherat, vol. V., 116.) in the village of Domremy, which is really one with the village of Greux. The principal Church is at Greux. My father is called Jacques d'Arc ; my mother, Ysabelle. I was baptized in the village of Domremy. (3)....(The Font and Holy water stoup in the old Church at Domremy are said to be of the 15th century, and to have been used at Jeanne's baptism.) One of my godmothers (4)....(Jeanne appears to have had a great many godparents. In the inquiry made at Domremy in 1455, eight are mentioned, viz. : Jean Morel, Jean Barrey, Jean de Laxart, and Jean Raiguesson, as godfathers; and Jeannette Thévenin, Jeannette Thiesselin, Beatrix Estellin, and Edith Barrey, as godmothers.) is called Agnes, another Jeanne, a third Sibyl. One of my godfathers is called Jean Lingué another Jean Barrey. I had many other godmothers, or so I have heard from my mother. I was, I believe, baptized by Messier Jean Minet; he still lives, so far as I know. I am, I should say, about nineteen years of age. From my mother I learned my Pater, my Ave Maria, and my Credo. I believe I learned all this from my mother."

"Say your Pater."

"Hear me in confession, and I will say it willingly."

To this same question, which was many times put to her, she always answered: "No, I will not say my Pater to you, unless you will hear me in confession."

"Willingly," We said to her, "We will give you two well-known men, of the French language, and before them you shall say your Pater."

"I will not say it to them, unless it be in confession."

And then did We forbid Jeanne, without Our permission, to leave the prison which had been assigned to her in the Castle, under pain of the crime of heresy.

"I do not accept such a prohibition," she answered; "if ever I do escape, no one shall reproach me with having broken or violated my faith, not having given my word to any one, whosoever it may be."

And as she complained that she had been fastened with chains and fetters of iron, We said to her:

"You have before, and many times, sought, We are told, to get out of the prison, where you are detained; and it is to keep you, more surely that it has been ordered to put you in irons."

"It is true I wished to escape; and so I wish still; is not this lawful for all prisoners?"

[The next day we inquired of her,] "How old were you when you left your father's house?"

"On the subject of my age I cannot vouch."

"In your youth, did you learn any trade ?"

"Yes, I learnt to spin and to sew; in sewing and spinning I fear no woman in Rouen. For dread of the Burgundians, I left my father's house and went to the town of Neufchateau in Lorraine, to the house of a woman named La Rousse, where I sojourned about fifteen days. When I was at home with my father, I employed myself with the ordinary cares of the house. I did not go to the fields with the sheep and the other animals. ... I was thirteen when I had a Voice from God for my help and guidance. The first time that I heard this Voice, I was very much frightened; it was mid-day, in the summer, in my father's garden. I had not fasted the day before. I heard this Voice to my right, towards the Church; rarely do I hear it without its being accompanied also by a light. This light comes from the same side as the Voice. Generally it is a great light. Since I came into France I have often heard this Voice."

"But how could you see this light that you speak of, when the light was at the side?"

To this question she answered nothing, but went on to something else. " If I were in a wood, I could easily hear the Voice which came to me. It seemed to me to come from lips I should reverence. I believe it was sent me from God. When I heard it for the third time, I recognized that it was the Voice of an Angel. This Voice has always guarded me well, and I have always understood it; it instructed me to be good and to go often to Church; it told me it was necessary for me to come into France. You ask me under what form this Voice appeared to me? You will hear no more of it from me this time. It said to me two or three times a week: 'You must go into France.' My father knew nothing of my going. The Voice said to me: 'Go into France !' I could stay no longer. It said to me: 'Go, raise the siege which is being made before the City of Orleans. Go !' it added, 'to Robert de Baudricourt, Captain of Vaucouleurs: he will furnish you with an escort to accompany you.' And I replied that I was but a poor girl, who knew nothing of riding or fighting. I went to my uncle and said that I wished to stay near him for a time. I remained there eight days. I said to him, 'I must go to Vaucouleurs.' (3).... He took me there. When I arrived, I recognized Robert de Baudricourt, although I had never seen him. I knew him, thanks to my Voice, which made me recognize him. I said to Robert, 'I must go into France!' Twice Robert refused to hear me, and repulsed me. The third time, he received me, and furnished me with men; the Voice had told me it would be thus. The Duke of Lorraine gave orders that I should be taken to him. I went there. I told him that I wished to go into France. The Duke asked me questions about his health; but I said of that I knew nothing. I spoke to him little of my journey. I told him he was to send his son with me, together with some people to conduct me to France, and that I would pray to God for his health. I had gone to him with a safe-conduct: from thence I returned to Vaucouleurs. From Vaucouleurs I departed, dressed as a man, armed with a sword given me by Robert de Baudricourt, but without other arms. I had with me a Knight, a Squire, and four servants, with whom I reached the town of Saint Urbain, where I slept in an Abbey. On the way, I passed through Auxerre, where I heard Mass in the principal Church. Thenceforward I often heard my Voices."

"Who counseled you to take a man's dress?" To this question she several times refused to answer. "In the end, she said: "With that I charge no one." Many times she varied in her answers to this question.

Then she said: "Robert de Baudricourt made those who went with me swear to conduct me well and safely. 'Go,' said Robert de Baudricourt to me, 'Go! and let come what may!' I know well that God loves the Duke d'Orleans; I have had more revelations about the Duke d'Orleans than about any man alive, except my King. It was necessary for me to change my woman's garments for a man's dress. My counsel thereon said well. "I sent a letter to the English before Orleans, to make them leave, as may be seen in a copy of my letter which has been read to me in this City of Rouen ; there are, nevertheless, two or three words in this copy which were not in my letter. Thus, 'Surrender to the Maid,' should be replaced by 'Surrender to the King.' The words, 'body for body' and ' chieftain in war' were not in my letter at all. "I went without hindrance to the King. Having arrived at the village of Saint Catherine de Fierbois, I sent for the first time to the Castle of Chinon,where the King was. I got there towards mid-day, and lodged first at an inn. After dinner, I went to the King, who was at the Castle. When I entered the room where he was I recognized him among many others by the counsel of my Voice, which revealed him to me. I told him that I wished to go and make war on the English."

"When the Voice showed you the King, was there any light?"

"Pass on." "Did you see an Angel over the King?"

"Spare me. Pass on. Before the King set me to work, he had many apparitions and beautiful revelations."

"What revelations and apparitions had the King?"

"I will not tell you ; it is not yet time to answer you about them; but send to the King, and he will tell you. The Voice had promised me that, as soon I came to the King, he would receive me. Those of my party knew well that the Voice had been sent me from God; they have seen and known this Voice, I am sure of it. My King and many others have also heard and seen the Voices which came to me: there were there Charles de Bourbonand two or three others. There is not a day when I do not hear this Voice; and I have much need of it. But never have I asked of it any recompense but the salvation of my soul. The Voice told me to remain at Saint-Denis, in France; I wished to do so, but, against my will, the Lords made me leave. If I had not been wounded, I should never have left. After having quitted Saint-Denis, I was wounded in the trenches before Paris ;but I was cured in five days. It is true that I caused an assault to be made before Paris."

"Was it a Festival that day?"

"I think it was certainly a Festival."

"Is it a good thing to make an assault on a Festival ?"

" Pass on." And as it appeared that enough had been done for today, We have postponed the affair to Saturday next, at 8 o'clock in the morning....

"Would you like to have a woman's dress?"

"Give me one, and I will take it and begone; otherwise, no. I am content with what I have, since it pleases God that I wear it."....

"Have your Voices said that before three months you will be delivered from prison?"

"That is not in your Case. Nevertheless I do not know when I shall be delivered. But those who wish to send me out of the world may well go before me."

"Has not your counsel told you that you will be delivered from your actual prison?"

"Speak to me in three months, and I will answer. Moreover, ask of those present, upon oath, if this touches on the Trial."

We, the said Bishop, did then take the opinion of those present: and all considered that this did touch on the Trial.

"I have already told you, you shall not know all. One day I must be delivered. But I wish to have leave to tell you the day: it is for this I ask delay."

"Have your Voices forbidden you to speak the truth?"

"Do you want me to tell you what concerns the King of France? There are a number of things that do not touch on the Case. I know well that my King will regain the Kingdom of France. I know it as well as I know that you are before me, seated in judgment. I should die if this revelation did not comfort me every day."....

"Why did you throw yourself from the top of the Tower at Beaurevoir?"

"I had heard that the people of Compiegne, all, to the age of seven years, were to be put to fire and sword; and I would rather have died than live after such a destruction of good people. That was one of the reasons. The other was that I knew I was sold to the English ; and I had rather die than be in the hands of my enemies, the English."

"Did your Saints counsel you about it?"

"Saint Catherine told me almost every day not to leap, that God would help me, and also those at Compiegne. I said to Saint Catherine: 'Since God will help those at Compiegne, I wish to be there.' Saint Catherine said to me, 'Be resigned, and do not falter: you will not be delivered before seeing the King of England.' I answered her: 'Truly I do not wish to see him; I would rather die than fall into the hands of the English.'"

"Is it true that you said to Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret: 'Will God leave these good people of Compiegne to die so horribly'?"

"I did not say 'so horribly,' but, 'How can God leave these good people of Compiegne, who have been, and are, so loyal to their lord, to die ?' After having fallen, I was two or three days without eating. By the leap I was so injured that I could neither eat nor drink; and all the time I was consoled by Saint Catherine, who told me to confess, and to beg pardon of God; and, without fail, those at Compiegne would have help before Martin's Day in the winter. Then I began to recover and to eat, and was soon cured."

"When you made this leap, did you think you would kill yourself?"

"No; but, in leaping, I commended myself to God. I hoped by means of this leap to escape, and to avoid being delivered up to the English."

"When speech returned to you, did you not blaspheme and curse God and His Saints? This is proved by allegation."

"I have no memory of having ever blasphemed and cursed God and His Saints, in that place or elsewhere." "Will you refer this to the inquire made or to be made?" "I refer me to God and not to any other, and to a good confession."

[The Fourth Crusade is in some ways the greatest tragedy of its era, in that, in flagrant disobedience of the Church, a small crusading army attacked Christian cities rather than taking up a defensive fight in the Holy Land. However, it is frequently misudnerstood, mostly in that people try to use it as evidence that the Crusades were not primarily spiritually or defensively motivated, but rather motivated by greed for land. An examination of the record shows that the real explanation was more complex. In the Summer of 1198, Innocent III proclaimed a new Crusade for the defense of the Christian Kingdom of Jerusalem, beset as it was. France determined to take up the Cross under the leadership of the Barons. They deterined the best way was by sea rather than land, and so they approached the doge of Venice begging craft for an army of 30,000.]

Various Sources: “The Fourth Crusade”

1. The compact with the Venetians. Villehardouin: Conquête de Constantinople , ch. iv, v, vi, Nos. 18, 24, 30 Old French.

18. " Sire, we have come to you in behalf of the noble barons of France who have taken the cross in order to avenge the shame of Jesus Christ and to reconquer Jerusalem, if God will permit. And because they know no people who are as able to assist them as you and your people, they pray you, for God's sake, to pity the land of Outi-e-miterand the shame of Jesus Christ, and to endeavor to furnish them transports and ships of war."

19. " Under what conditions?" asked the doge. " Under any conditions that you may propose or advise, if they are able to fulfill them," replied the messengers. " Certainly," replied the doge, [to his associates] " it is a great undertaking that they have asked of us and they seem to be considering an important matter;" [to the messengers] " we will give you an answer in a week, and do not wonder if the time seems long, for such a great undertaking deserves much thought."

20. At the time fixed by the doge, they returned to the palace. I can not tell you all that was said, but the conclusion of the conference was as follows: " My lords," said the doge, " we will tell you what we have decided, if we can get the Grand Council and the people of the country to agree to it; and you shall decide whether you can fulfill your part.

21. " We will furnish huissiers [vessels having a door - huis - in the stern, which could take in horses] for carrying 4,500 horses and 9,000 esquires, and vessels for 4,500 knights and 20,000 footsoldiers. The agreement shall be to furnish food for nine months for all these horses and men. That is the least that we will do, on condition that we are paid four marks per horse and two marks per man. 22. "And we will observe all these conditions which we explain to you, for one year, beginning the day we leave the harbor of Venice to fight in the service of God and of Christianity, wherever we may go. The sum of these payments indicated above amounts to 85,000 marks.

23. "And we will do still more: we will add fifty armed galleys, for the love of God; on the condition that as long as our alliance shall last, of every conquest of land or money that we make, by sea or land, we shall have one-half and you the other. Now deliberate whether you can fulfill these conditions."

24. The messengers went away, saying that they would talk it over and reply the next day. They consulted and discussed that night and then resolved to agree to it. The next day they went to the doge and said: " Sire, we are ready to make this agreement." The doge said that he would speak to his people and tell them the result. ----

30 It was explained in council that they would go to Babylon, [i.e. Cairo] be-cause at Babylon they could do more injury to the Turks than anywhere else. And in public it was announced that they would go across the sea. It was then Lent [March, 1201], and on St. John's day the following year, the 1202nd year after the Incarnation of Jesus Christ, the barons and pilgrims were to be at Venice and the vessels were to be ready on their arrival.

2. Compact of the Venetians with the Sultan of Babylon. L'Estoire de Eracles Empereur, xxviii, 2, in Recueil des historiens des Croisades, hist. OCC., 11, 251-252. Old French. [A. D. 1199?]

After this he [the sultan of Babylon] summoned messengers and servants and sent them to Venice, loaded with great wealth and great riches. He sent them to the doge and gave beautiful presents to the Venetians, and commanded the latter, if they could do so, not to go to the land of Egypt; he would give them great treasures and many privileges in the port of Alexandria. The messengers went to Venice, did as they were commanded, and returned as quickly as possible. 3. The crusaders unable to pay the Venetians. Robert de Clari: La Prise de Constantinople, xi and xii, in Hopf: Chroniques Gréco-Romanes, pp. 7-9. Old French. XI. … While the pilgrims were staying on the island of St. Nicholas the doge of Venice and the Venetians went to speak to them and demanded the pay for the navy which had been prepared. And the doge said to them that they had acted wrongly in commanding through their messengers that vessels should be prepared for 4,000 knights and their equipment, and for 1000,000 foot- soldiers. Of these 4,000 knights, there were not more than 1,000 present, for the others had gone to other ports. And of these 100,000 foot-soldiers there were not more than 50,000 or 60,000. "Nevertheless," said the doge, "we want you to pay us the sum which you promised." When the crusaders heard this, they debated and arranged that each knight should pay four marks and four marks for each horse, and each esquire two marks; and those who paid less, should pay one mark. When they collected this money, they paid it to the Venetians. But 50,000 marks still remained due.

When the doge and the Venetians saw that the pilgrims bad not paid more, they were all so incensed that the doge said to the pilgrims: "My lords, you have imposed upon us shamefully. For, as soon as your messengers had made the agreement with me and my people, I issued orders throughout my whole land that no merchant should undertake a voyage, but all were to aid in preparing this fleet. They have been waiting ever since and have gained nothing for the last year and a half; and, accordingly, they have lost much. Therefore my men and I want you to pay us the money which you owe us. if you do not pay us, you shall not leave this island before we get our money; and no one shall bring you anything to eat or drink." The doge, however, was a very excellent man and did not prevent the people from bringing enough food and drink. XII. When the count and the crusaders heard what the doge said they were much troubled and grieved. They made another collection and borrowed all the money they could from those who were thought to have any. They paid it all to the Venetians, but after this payment 36,000 marks still remained due. They said to the Venetians that they had been imposed upon; that the army was greatly impoverished by this last collection; that they could not pay any more money at all, for they had hardly enough to support the army.

When the doge perceived that they could not pay all the money and that they were in sore straits, he said to his people: " Sirs, if we let these people go back to their own country, we shall always be considered base and tricky. Let us go to them and say that, if they are willing to pay us the 36,000 marks which they owe us out of their part of the first conquests which we make, we will carry them across the sea." The Venetians were well pleased with the doge's proposition. Accordingly, they went to the camp of the pilgrims. When they came thither, the doge said to the crusaders: " Sires, we have agreed, I and my people, that if you are willing to guarantee faithfully to pay us the 36,000 marks, which you owe us, out of your share of the first conquests, we will carry you across the sea."

When the crusaders heard what the doge proposed they were very glad and fell at his feet for joy. They bound themselves very willingly to do faithfully what the doge had proposed. They were so joyous that night that there was no one so poor that he did not make a great illumination, and each one carried great torches made of candles on the end of his lance, both outside of the camp and inside, so that the whole army seemed intoxicated. II. THE DIVERSION TO ZARA According to Robert de Clari there were two separate propositions made by the doge; the one, given above, which was received so joyfully, and a second, given below, which was kept secret. Villehardouin would have us understand that there was but one proposition, namely, to capture Zara. In fact, the official account given by Villehardouin differs in many respects from the non- official versions of Robert, Gunther and others. Gunther, ch. vi, describes how unwilling many were to go to Zara. The Pope, Who had learned something of the plan, protested vigorously against an attack on a Christian city. We see clearly from Villehardouin's own account, given in the second extract, that there were many in the army opposed to the plan.

3 . The new agreement with the Venetians Robert de Clari, xiii, in Hopf: Chroniques, p. 9. Old French.

Afterwards the doge came to the army and said: " Sirs, it is now winter, we cannot cross the sea, nor does this depend upon me. For I would have had you cross already, if it had not depended upon you. But let us do the best we can. There is a city near here, named Zara. The people of this city have done us much evil, and I and my men want to punish them, if we can. If you will take my advice, we will go there this winter and stay until Easter. Then we will make ready our navy and go to Outremer at Ladyday. The city of Zara is very rich and well supplied with all kinds of provisions." The barons and the nobles among the crusaders agreed to what the doge proposed. But no one in the army knew this plan, except the leaders.

2. The capture of Zara. Villehardouin, ch. xvii-xviii, Nos. 8o-84, 86. Old French.

80. The day after the feast of St. Martin, [Nov 12, 1202] some people from Zara came to speak to the doge of Venice, who was in his tent. They said to him that they would surrender the city and all their property to his mercy, if their lives were spared. The doge said that he would not accept these or any other conditions without the advice of the counts and barons, and that he would go and discuss the matter with them.

81. While he went to talk to the counts and barons, that party, of which I have already spoken, who wanted to break up the army, said to the messengers: " Why do you want to surrender your city? The pilgrims will not attack you and you have nothing to fear from them. If you 6n defend yourselves against the Venetians, you need have no anxiety." And they sent one of them, Robert de Boves, who went to the walls of the city and announced the same thing. So the messengers returned to the city and the plan of surrender was given up.

82. The doge of Venice, when he came to the counts and barons, said to them : " Sirs, the people yonder want to surrender the city to My mercy, on condition that their lives be spared. But I will not make this agreement or any other without your advice." The barons replied: " Sire, we advise you to make this agreement and we pray you to do so." He said he would, and they all went back together to the doge's tent to make this agreement. They found that the messengers had gone away, following the advice of those who wanted to break up the army.

83. Then the abbot of Vaux of the order of Citeaux rose and said to them : " Sirs, I forbid you, in the name of the Pope at Rome, to attack this city ; for the inhabitants are Christians and you are pilgrims." When the doge heard this he was much irritated and troubled. He said to the counts and barons: " Sirs, this city was practically in my power, and your people have taken it from me; you had promised that you would aid me in conquering it; now I require you to do so."

84. Then the counts and barons and those who belonged to their party held a conference and said. " Those who have prevented this agreement have committed a very great outrage, and it was not right for them to try to break up the army. Now we shall be disgraced, if we do not aid in capturing the city. They went to the doge and said to him : " Sire, we will aid you in capturing the city, in spite of those who wish to prevent it." ----

86. Accordingly the city was surrendered to the mercy of the doge of Venice, on condition that the lives of the inhabitants should be spared. Then the doge went to the counts and barons and said to them : " Sirs, we have conquered this city, by the grace of God and through your aid. It is now wintei and we can not leave here until Easter. For we should find no provisions elsewhere; and this city is very rich and very well supplied with everything needful. Let us divide it accordingly into two parts; we will take one-half of it and you the other half." …

1. The summons to Alexis. Robert de Clari, xvi-xvii, in Hopf: Chroniques, pp. 11-12. Old French. XVI.

In the meantime the crusaders and the Venetians remained at Zara during the winter. They considered how great the expense had been and said to one another that they could not go to Babylon or Alexandria or Syria; for they had neither provisions nor money for the journey. They had already used up everything they had, either during the sojourn that they had made or in the great price that they had paid for the vessels. They said that they could not go and, even if they should go, they would accomplish nothing; they had neither provisions nor money sufficient to support them. XVII. The doge of Venice saw clearly that the pilgrims were ill at 't ease. He addressed them, saying: " Sirs, Greece is a very rich land , and bountifully supplied with everything. If we can find a sufficient excuse for going there and taking food and other things, so as to recuperate ourselves, it would seem to me advisable, and then we could easily go across the sea." Then the marquis [Boniface of Montserat, the leader of the crusades] h rose and said: " Sir, I was in Germany at the emperor's [Philip of Swabia] court last Christmas. There I saw a young man who was the emperor's brother in law. [Alexis IV, brother of Queen Irene] This young man was the son of the emperor Kyrsac [i.e. Kyr (Lord) Isaac II Angelos] of Constantinople from whom his brother had taken the empire of Constantinople by treason. Whoever could get this young man," said the marquis, " could certainly go to the land of Constantinople and take provisions and other things; for this young man is the rightful heir."

2. The proposition made by King Philip. Villehardouin, ch. xix-xx, Nos, 91-.99. Old French.

91. ... " My lords, king Philip sends us to you and sends also the son of the emperor of Constantinople, who is his wife's brother.

92. "My lords, says the king, I shall send you my wife's brother; I place him in the hands of God (may He preserve him from death!), and in your bands. Since you are fighting for God, for the right and for justice, you ought, if it lies in your power, to restore to their inheritance those who have been wrongfully dispossessed. He [Alexis] will make with you the best agreement which has ever been made by a1Ay one, and he will give you the most powerful aid in conquering the land of Outremer.

93- " In the first place, if God permits you to restore him to his inheritance, he will put all the empire of Romania under the obedience of Rome, from which it has been separated for a long time. In the second place, he knows that you have spent your property and that you are poor; he will give you 200,000 2oo,ooo marks of silver and provisions for all the members of the army, humble and noble. He will himself go with you to the land of Babylon or will send thither with you (if you think it better) 10,000 men at his expense. This service he will perform for you during one year. And so long as he lives, he will maintain at his own expense 500 knights in the land of Outremer,to guard the land.'

94 ." My lords, we have full power," said the messengers, " to make this agreement, if you wish to do so. And be sure that such a fine offer was never made to any One, and he who refuses this can have no great desire to conquer." The leaders said that they would discuss the matter, and an assembly was appointed for the next day. When, the host had assembled this offer was presented to them.

95. There it was hotly discussed, "pro and con." The abbot of Vaux of the order of Citeaux and the party that wanted to break up the army said that they would not agree to it -, it was fighting against Christians; they had not set out for this purpose, but they wanted to go to Syria.

96. The other party replied: "Good sirs, in Syria you can do nothing, you can see that clearly from those who have left us and gone to other ports. You know that it is through the land of Babylon or through Greece that the land of Outremer - will be reconquered, if it is ever recovered. If we refuse this offer, we shall always be ashamed."

97. The army was in discord just as you have heard. And do not wonder that the laymen could not agree; for the white monks of the order of Citeaux in the army were also in discord. The abbot of Loos, who was a very holy and excellent man, and the other abbots who agreed with him, preached to the people and cried out to them to have mercy, saying that, for God's sake, they ought to keep the army together and to make this agreement; " for it is the best means of recovering the land of Outremer." And the abbot of Vaux in his, turn, and those who agreed with him, preached very frequently and said that that was all wrong; that they ought to go to the land of Syria and do what they could.

98. Then the marquis Boniface of Montferrat, Baldwin, count of Flanders and Hainault, count Louis and count Hugh of St. Pol and those who belonged to their party went and said that they would make this agreement; for they would be ashamed to refuse it. So, they went to the doge's lodging and the messengers were summoned.. They concluded the agreement, just as you have heard it above, by their oaths and by sealed compacts.

99. And in regard to this matter, the book tells you that there were only twelve of the French who made their oaths; and they could not get any more. Of these, the first was the marquis of Montferiat, count. Baldwin of Flanders, count Louis of Blois and Chartres, the count of, St. Pol, and eight others who agreed with them. So the compact was. made, the securities given, and the time fixed when the heir of Constantinople should come; it was to be a fortnight after Easter.

The discussion after the arrival of A1exis Robert de Clari, xxxiii, in Hopf: Chroniques, p. 24. Old French.

Then all the barons of the army and the Venetians were summoned. When they had all assembled, the doge of Venice rose and said t them: " My lords, we have now a sufficient excuse for going t Constantinople, if you think it wise, for we have the lawful heir." Now some who did not want to go to Constantinople, spoke thus: " Bah! what are we going to do at Constantinople? We have our pilgrimage to make and intend to go to Babylon or Alexandria. Our ships are rented for only one year and the year is already half over."

The others said in reply: " What are we going to do at Babylon or Alexandria, since we have neither provisions nor money enough to go? It is better to go where we have a sufficient excuse for obtaining money and provisions by conquest, than to go where we shall die of hunger. Then we can do it, and he offers to go with us and to pay for our ships and our navy another year at his own expense." An the marquis of Montferrat did all in his power to urge our going to Constantinople, because he wished to take vengeance for a wrong which the emperor of Constantinople had done him.

IV. THE DIFFICULTIES WITH ALEXIS It had been very easy for Alexis in exile to make great promises. When his father was replaced on the throne and he himself was crowned co-emperor, they found it absolutely impossible to fulfill the conditions which Alexis had offered, and to which Isaac had been obliged to agree.

The first payment. Robert de Clari, Ivi, in Hopf: Chroniques, pp. 46-47- Old French.

Afterwards all the barons assembled one day at the palace of the emperor [Alexis - the crusaders rarely speak of Isaac as emperor] and demanded of him their pay. He replied that he would pay them, but he wished first to be crowned. Accordingly they made preparations and set a day for the coronation. On that day he was crowned emperor with due ceremony, with the consent of his father, who willingly granted it. After he had been crowned the barons demanded their pay. He said he would very willingly pay what he could and at that time he paid 100,000 marks. Of this sum the Venetians -received onehalf; for they were to receive one-half of the conquests. Of the 50,000 which remained, 36,000, which the Franks still owed for the vessels, were paid to the Venetians. And all those who had advanced money to pay for the passage were paid out of the 14,000 marks which the pilgrims had left.

The public defiance Villehardouin, ch. xlvi, Nos. 212-215- Old French.

212. They dismounted from their horses at the gate, entered the palace and found the emperor Alexis and the emperor Isaac, his father, seated upon two thrones, side by side. Near them was seated the empress, who was the father's wife, the son's step-mother, and the sister of the king of Hungary; a beautiful and good lady. A great 'lumber of nobles were with them; and it certainly seemed the court of a rich prince.

213. According to the agreement with the other messengers,[Villehardouin was one of the messengers] Conon of Bethune, who was very rich and very eloquent, spoke: " Sire, we have been sent to you by the barons of the army and by the doge of Venice. Know that they reproach you because of the great service which they have done you, which everybody knows and which is apparent to you. You have sworn to them, you and your father, to keep the agreement that you have made with them; and they have your written compact. You have not kept your agreement with them as you ought.

214. " They have summoned you many times, and we summon yon in their name, before all your barons, to keep the agreement which you have made with them. If you do so, all will be well; if you do not keep it, know that in the future they will consider you neither as lord nor as friend ; but they will try to get their rights in any way they can. They announce to you that they would injure neither you, nor any one else, before the defiance; for they have never acted treasonably, and in their country it is not the custom to do so. You have heard what we have said to you and you can do as you please."

215- The Greeks marveled much at this defiance and great insult. They said that no one had ever been so bold before as to defy the emperor of Constantinople in his own halls. The emperor Alexis looked savagely at the messengers, and so did all the Greeks, though they had on many occasions in the past looked very friendly.

The Doge's threat Robert de Clari, lix, in Hopf: Chroniques, pp. 48-49. Old French.

At these words the barons left the palace and returned to their camp. After returning they deliberated upon the course to follow. Meanwhile they sent two knights to the emperor and demanded again that he should pay them. He replied to the messengers that he would pay nothing, he had already paid too much, and that he was not afraid of any one. He also commanded them to go away and leave his land; they were to understand that if they did not depart, he would injure them. Then the messengers went back and told the barons the emperor's reply. When the barons heard this, they deliberated as to what they should do. The doge said that he wanted to speak to the emperor.

He sent a messenger to demand that the emperor should come to the harbor to speak to him. The emperor went on horseback. The doge prepared four armed galleys; he went in one and took the other three for protection. When he was near the shore he saw the emperor who had come on horseback. He addressed the latter as follows: "Alexis, what do you think you are going to do? Remember we have raised you from a very humble estate. We have made you lord and you not keep your agreement with us and crowned you emperor. Wiill you not keep you agreement with us and will you not do more?" " No," replied the emperor, " I will not do anything more." " No?" said the doge, " wretched boy, we have raised you from the mire,' and we will throw you into the mire again and be sure that I will do you all the injury that I can, from this time on."

Internet Medieval Sourcebook, “The Fourth Crusade, 1204, Collected Sources”, Paul Halsall, 1997, https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/Halsall/source/4cde.asp.

Pope Innocent III: Reprimand of the Papal Legate (AD 1204)

To Peter, Cardinal Priest of the Title of St. Marcellus, Legate of the Apostolic See.

We were not a little astonished and disturbed to bear that you and our beloved son the Cardinal Priest of the Title of St. Praxida and Legate of the Apostolic See, in fear of the looming perils of the Holy Land, have left the province of Jerusalem (which, at this point is in such great need) and that you have gone by ship to Constantinople. And now we see that what we dreaded has occurred and what we feared has come to pass.... For you, who ought to have looked for help for the Holy Land, you who should have stirred up others, both by word and by example, to assist the Holy Land on your own initiative you sailed to Greece, bringing in your footsteps riot only the pilgrims, but even the natives of the Holy Land who came to Constantinople, following our venerable brother, the Archbishop of Tyre. When you had deserted it, the Holy Land remained destitute of men, void of strength. Because of you, its last state was worse than the first, for all its friends deserted with you; nor was there any admirer to console it....

We ourselves were not a little agitated and, with reason, we acted against you, since you had fallen in with this counsel and because you had deserted the Land which the Lord consecrated by his presence, the land in which our King marvelously performed the mystery of our redemption....

It was your duty to attend to the business of your legation and to give careful consideration, not to the capture of the Empire of Constantinople, but rather to the defense of what is left of the Holy Land and, with the Lord's leave, the restoration of what has been lost. We made you our representative and we sent you to gain, not temporal, but rather eternal riches. And for this purpose, our brethren provided adequately for your needs.

We have just beard and discovered from your letters that you have absolved from their pilgrimage vows and their crusading obligations all the Crusaders who have remained to defend Constantinople from last March to the present. It is impossible not to be moved against you, for you neither should nor could give any such absolution.

Whoever suggested such a thing to you and how did they ever lead your mind astray?. . . How, indeed, is the Greek church to be brought back into ecclesiastical union and to a devotion for the Apostolic See when she has been beset with so many afflictions and persecutions that she sees in the Latins only an example of perdition and the works of darkness, so that she now, and with reason, detests the Latins more than dogs? As for those who were supposed to be seeking the ends of Jesus Christ, not their own ends, whose swords, which they were supposed to use against the pagans, are now dripping with Christian blood they have spared neither age nor sex.... Not satisfied with breaking open the imperial treasury and plundering the goods of princes and lesser men, they also laid their hands on the treasures of the churches and, what is more serious, on their very possessions. They have even ripped silver plates from the altars and have hacked them to pieces among themselves. They violated the holy places and have carried off crosses and relics. .

Furthermore, under what guise can we call upon the other Western peoples for aid to the Holy Land and assistance to the Empire of Constantinople? When the Crusaders, having given up the proposed pilgrimage, return absolved to their homes; when those who plundered the aforesaid Empire turn back and come home with their spoils, free of guilt; will not people then suspect that these things have happened, not because of the crime involved, but because of your deed? Let the Lord's word not be stifled in your mouth. Be not like a dumb dog, unable to bark. Rather, let them speak these things publicly, let them protest before everyone, so that the more they rebuke you before God and on God's account, the more they will find you simply negligent. As for the absolution of the Venetian people being falsely accepted, against ecclesiastical rules, we will not at present argue with you....

Given July 12