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HOW WE GET FREE politics remain historically vibrant and relevant to the struggles of today. As Demita Frazier says, the point of talking about Com­ bahee is not to be nostalgic; rather, we talk about it because Black women are still not free. THE COMBAHEE RIVER COLLECTIVE STATEMENT

We are a collective of Black feminists who have been meeting together since 1974. During that time we have been involved in the process of defining and clarifying our politics, while at the same time doing political work within our own group and in coa­ lition with other progressive organizations and movements. The most general statement of our politics at the present time would be that we are actively committed to struggling against racial, sexual, heterosexual, and class , and see as our particular task the development of integrated analysis and practice based upon the factthat the major systems of oppression are interlocking. The syn­ thesis of these creates the conditions of our lives. As Black women we see Black as the logical political move­ ment to combat the manifoldand simultaneous oppressions that all women of color face. We will discuss fourmajor topics in the paper that follows: (1) the genesis of contemporary Black feminism; (2) what we believe, i.e., the specific province of our politics; (3) the problems in orga­ nizing Black feminists, including a brief herstory of our collective; and (4) Black feminist issues and practice.

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19 l8 HOW WE GET FREE The Combahee River Collective Statement

e n e on is embodied i n th our lives and inevitably end our oppression. Our development must This focusing upon our ow oppr ssi an e el e that the most profoun d also be tied to the contemporary economic and political position of concept of . W b iev � o n en o t o e directly out of our w id ­ . The post-World War II generation of Black youth was potentially most radical p li ics c m re on n n o en o ebody.els e's opp ssi . I the first to be able to minimally partake of certain educational and tity, as opposed to worki g t d s m n an er en articularly repug ant, d g ­ employmento ptions, previously closed completely to Black people. the case o f Black wom this is a p u e re e olutionar y concept beca s it is Although our economic position is still at the very bottom of the ous, threatening, and the for rev a e re a t e o movements th t hav p ­ American capitalistice conomy, a handfulo f us hav� been able to gain obvious from looking at ll h p litical our e e ore o of liberation than s lv s. certain tools as a result of tokenism in education and employment ceded us that anyone is m w rthy a e o uee o a walking ten p c s behind. T which potentially enable us to more effectively fighto ur oppression. We reject pedestals, q nh od, nd e e n, is enough. A combined antiracist and antisexist position drew us togeth­ be recognized as human, l v lly huma a er u o undet is s p va- er initially, and as we developed politically we addressed ourselves We believe t hat sex al p litics an ra e e l re e politics of class d c . W ·to and economic oppression under . sive in Black women's ives as a th o e o t o e r race from class fr m s x p­ also o ften find it difficul t s pa ate o e e er enced si­ e n our l they are most ft n· xp i 2. What We Believe pression becaus i ives _ . a e u a e such a .thmg as raci l-s x al multaneously. We know th t ther is a Above all else, our politics initially sprang from the shared belief er o e ra al nor solely sexu l, e.g., �e oppression which is neith s l ly ci on o o that Black women are inherently valuable, that our liberation is a o men as a weap f p ht- history of rape of Black w men by white necessity not as an adjunct to somebody else's but because of our ical repression. nee u an e on for au ono a ee o o ou e we feel solidarity with d as h m p rs s t my. This m y s m s bvi s Although we are feminists and l sbians, e e a onalization as to sound simplistic, but it is apparent that no other ostensibly a n do not advocat th fr cti progressiv· e Bl ck me and . r . u on progressive movement has ever considered our specifico ppression o r e ara demand. Ou sit ati as that white women wh a e s p tists n e of as a priority or worked seriously for the ending of that oppres­ e a a e solidarity arou d th fact Black people necessitat s th t we h v a e e sion. Merely naming the pejorative stereotypes attributed to Black n o ou o not need to h v with whit race, which white wome f c rse d al o re o women (e.g., mammy, matriarch, Sapphire, whore, bulldagger), r n a o arity as raci pp ss rs. We men, unless it is thei eg tive s lid e e a o et a one a a o u e o e erou r a en e la e a ainst , whil w ls l l c t l g ing th cruel, ft n murd s, t e �m t w struggle together with B ck m n g re ate o e a ue a een e u o our ceive, indic s h w littl v l h s b plac d p n lives struggle with Black men about . e ne e . ur n fo en u e o o a e n e e e r o o l oppressed peopl s c ssi- d i g ur c t ri s f b nd g i th West rn H misphere. We We realize that the· libe ati n f a l o a ital realize that the only people who care enough about us to work e o al-economic systems f c p ­ tates the destruction o f th p litic e au e on ent ou era re ur o e o e o a a r ar We are socialists b c s c sist ly for r lib tion a us. O p litics v lv fr m ism and imperialism as well s p�t i chy. ne ea lo e for our e e our e an our o u o n for the collective be �t h lthy v s lv s, sist rs d c mm nity which we believe that work must be rga ized n no for e allows us to continue our struggle and work. or an ea e the products, a d t th of those who do the w k d cr t 20 HOW WE GET FREE The Comhakee River Collective Statement 21

r e e e e r e e e e e e e ere e e e p ofit of th boss s. Mat rial r sou c s must b qually distribut d b caus w w "smart," had also be n consider d "ugly," i. ., e h e e e e e e e re e r he h h among thos w o cr at th s r sourc s. W a not convinc d, "smart-ugly." "Sma t-ugly" crystallized t way in w ic most of h e e h e h h ee r e e e r e e re ow v r, t at a socialist r volution t at is not also a feminist and us ad b n fo c d to d v lop ou int ll cts at g at cost to our e r ee r er e e e e e e e an­tiracist r volution will gua ant ou lib ation. W hav "social" liv s. Th sanctions in th Black and whit communiti s rr e e e e e e er e e e e h h her a iv d at th n c ssity for d v loping an und standing of class against Black wom n think rs [ar ] comparativ ly muc ig e h h e he e h r h e e r e he e e e r lations ips t at tak s into account t sp cific class position of t an fo w it wom n, pa ticularly on s fromt ducat d middl e h e e e he r r e e Black wom n w o ar g n rally marginal in t labo fo c , whil er e e e e e r e e and upp class s . r ular tim som of us ar t mpo arily vi w d as doubly e h e e e e e e he e e e ate this pae tic As w av alr ady stat d, w r j ct t stanc of l sbian s p- e h e r r e e e ee r e e e r r e r d sirabl tok ns at w it -colla and p ofessional l v ls. W n d a atism b caus it is not a viabl political analysis o st at gy fo r e e r e r to a ticulate us. It l av s out far too much and fa too m�ny peopl , pa ticularly e e re e h e re e r he e e h e re r e e e Black m n, wom n, and child n. W av a g at d al of c iticism t r al class situation of p rsons w o ar not me ly ac l ss, s x­ h r h e e ee e e h e r er e re re and loat ing fo w at m n hav b n socializ d to b in t is soci­ l ss wo k s, but for whom racial and s xual opp ssion a signif­ e h he h he h e re e e he e e h e ty: w at t y support, ow t y act, and ow th y opp ss. But icant d t rminants in t ir working/ conomic liv s. Althoug w e h e e e h he e e er re e e ree e h e r e e w do not av th misguid d notion t at it is t ir mal n ss, p a in ss ntial ag m nt wit M�rx's th o y as it appli d to th e e he r e h e he h e er e e re he e e h h s -i. ., t i biological mal ness-t at mak s t m w at th y v y sp cific conomic lationships analyz d, w know t at is re e e e e e e e e e e er e a . As Black wom n w findany typ of biological d t rminism a analysis must b xt nd d furth r in ord for us to und rstand er re e e e particularly dang ous and actionary basis upon which to build our sp cific conomic situation as Black wom n. e e e her e e r e e re e a politic. W must also,qu stion wh t l sbian s paratism is an A political cont ibution which we fe l w have al ady mad e e r re e e e e r he e he r e h he er ad quat and p og ssiv political ana�ysis and strat gy, v n fo is t xpansion of t feminist p incipl t at t p sonal is po­ e h e e e e e e he r e r e e e e h e thos w o practic it, sinc it so compl t ly d ni s any but t litical. In ou consciousn ss- aising s ssions, for xampl , w av e r e e e e e e e e e e e e e e s xual sou c s of wom n's oppr ssion, n gating th facts of class in many ways gon b yond whit wom n's r v lations b caus w r e re e h he e e e and ac . a d aling wit t implications of rac and class as w ll as s x. e e e 3. Problems in Organizing Black Fe inists Ev n our Black wom n's style of talking/t stifying in Black lan­ � e h e h e e e e e re e h guag about w at w av xp ri nc d has a · sonanc t at is e e e re e e both cultural and political. W hav sp nt a g at deal of n rgy r r e he e e e h e e e e e e e r e Du ing ou y ars toget r �s a Black feminist coll ctiv w av d lving into th cultural and xp ri ntial natur of ou oppr ssion e er e e e e r r e e e e e he e er h e er ee xp i nc d succ ss and d feat, joy and pain, victo y and failu e. out of n c ssity b caus non of t s matt s as v b n e h e e r e e e re e re e er e e e W av found that it is v ry difficult to o ganiz around Black look d at b fo . No on befo has v xamin d th e e e e e er e ere e e e e e e h f minist issu s, difficult v n to announc in c tain cont xts that multilay d t x­tur of Black wom n's liv s. An xampl of t is e re e e e e e re e e e ee e w a Black feminists. W hav tri d to think about th r asons kind of v la­tion/conc ptualization occurr d at a m ting as w r r e r e e e e e e e h h r e r e e ere h fo ou difficulti s, pa ticularly sinc th whit wom n's mov - discuss d th ways in w ic ou a ly int ll ctual int sts ad ee e ee r e e b n attack d by our p rs, particula ly Black mal s. W e e discov r d that all of us,