This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 68-12,843
HASSAN, Riaz ul, 1937- THE BELIEF SYSTEMS AND JOB SATISFACTION OF RURAL MIGRANT AND NON-MIGRANT WORKERS IN AN URBAN AREA.
The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1968 Sociology, general
University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan THE BELIEF SYSTEMS AND JOB SATISFACTION OF RURAL MIGRANT
AND NON-MIGRANT WORKERS IN AN URBAN AREA
DISSERTATION
Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University
Riaz ul Hassan, B.A., M.A.
The Ohio State University 1968
Approved try
(/ Adviser D$^artment of Sociology ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Those who have gone through graduate training for Ph.D. perhaps can well understand the extent of appreciation and gratitude the candi date owes to those who could and did point the way to the candidate’s present locus in the groves of Academe. It is my hope that those who pointed the way to me were aware of my gratitude for the aid and advice heretofore given, and it is my intent to express my gratitude and appreciation once more within these pages.
To Professor Christen T. Jonassen, my adviser, I owe much more than I can express here, for first introducing me to sociology and then extending all the advice and help I needed druing the past four years. I have benefited a great deal from his scholarship and ideas as much as from his advice in writing this dissertation and I hope he knows the extent of my indebtedness to him.
To my friend and teacher Dr. Patrick T. Cleaver I am indebted for not only sharing with me his ideas on methodology but also guiding me through the difficult task of computer programming for analysis of data. He is responsible for the completion of this dissertation in more than one way.
Along with those others in the Department of Sociology at The Ohio State University who furthered my training in the field throughout ray graduate study, I especially wish to acknowledge the efforts of Dr. Leon Warshay, Dr. Brewton Berry and Dr. Simon Dinitz who read and evaluated this dissertation. To Professor Raymond F. Sletto and Professor Robert P. Bullock I am greatly indebted for their many con tributions to my graduate training. I also wish to thank Dr. Allvar H. Jacobson and Mrs. Linda Bennet for their assistance in the analysis of the data used in this study.
This study could only be made possible by the willing help and cooperation of the Board of Trustees and officers of the National Cash Register Company Independent Employees Union and the Utility Workers Union local 175» Dayton, Ohio, and the Director and staff of Dayton West Side Self-help Centre. To all these organizations and persons involved I am indebted for making this study possible. To Miss Nancy Unkefer, Miss Judith Lynn Hill and Miss Patricia Toadvine I fcish to offer my thanks for their secretarial work. I also wish to
ii offer my sincere thanks and gratitude to the United States Educational Foundation in Pakistan for the grant of a Fulbright scholarship that enabled me to pursue my graduate studies in the United States, and to the Director and staff of the International Student Office, The Ohio State University, and to my many friends who made my stay in the United States full of fond memories.
Finally, I wish to offer my thanks to my parents, Mr. and Mrs. Atta Mohammad and to my brothers and sisters for reasons sufficient unto themselves, not in need of elaboration here.
iii VITA
August 14, 1937 Born - Gurdaspur, Panjab
19^9-1953 Muslim High School, Lyallpur, W. Pakistan
1959 . . B.A. Government College Lyallpur, Pakistan
1961 . . M.A. College of Social Welfare and Research Centre, Dacca University, Dacca, Pakistan
1961-1963 Social Welfare Officer, City of Lyallpur, Pakistan
196^-1966 Teaching Assistant, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, The Ohio State University,
I966-I968 Instructor arri Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Wright State University, Dayton, Ohio
ACADEMIC HONOURS: Asia Foundation Scholarship, 1959-1961 Fulbright Scholarship . . , 1963-1965
FIELDS OF STUDY: Major field: Sociology Minor field: Social Work
AREAS OF SPECIALIZATION: Community and Urban Sociology, Professor Christen T. Jonassen Sociological Theory, Professors Leon Warshay and Roger Khrone Community Social Work, Professor Everett C. Shimp
iv TABUS OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... ii
VITA ...... iv
LIST OF TABLES ...... vi
Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION AND STATEMENT OF PROBLEM ...... 1
II. METHODOLOGY...... 27
III. FINDINGS-TESTS OF THE HYPOTHESES......
IV. ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION...... 62
APPENDIXES ...... 91
BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 122
v LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
1. The Final Protestant Ethic S c a l e ...... 31
2. The Obtained Critical Ratio for the Items of Final Protestant Ethic Scale. (N = *H0) * 35
3. Factor A (Religiosity)...... 39
Factor B (Worldly Asceticism)...... ^0
5. Factor E (Personal Responsibility)...... 4-1
6. Factor H (Rationalism)...... ^1
7. The Intercorrelations of the Protestant Ethic Scale and Sub-Scales...... ^-2
8. The Mean Job Satisfaction Scores for the Group of 100 Cases with Highest Protestant Ethic Scores and the Group of 100 Cases with Lowest Protestant Ethic Scores ...... ^9
9. Mean Protestant Ethic Scores for the Rural Migrant and Hon-Migrant Workers ...... 50
10. The Distribution of Economic Status in Traditionalistic and Rationalistic Orientation Groups...... 52
11. The Distribution of Economic Status in Traditionalistic and Rationalistic Groups ...... 53
12. Family Status Distribution in High and Low Job Satisfaction Groups...... 5^
13. The Distribution of Educational Levels in the High and Low Job Satisfaction Groups...... 55
vi Table Page
1*K Degree of Social Participation in the High and Low Job Satisfaction Groups ...... 56
15. Distribution of Favorable and Unfavorable Attitudes Towards Community of Residence in the High and Low Job Satisfaction Groups...... 57
16 . The Home Ownership and Rental Status of Respondents in High and Low Job Satisfaction Groups .... 58
17. The Means of Protestant Ethic Scores for the White and Negro Samples ...... 59
18. The Means of Job Satisfaction Scores for the White and Negro Samples...... 60
vii CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION AND STATEMENT OF PROBLEM
Introduction
The migration of population from the rural to the urban areas is one of the basic characteristics of the modern industrial and urban societies. It is one of the main factors of urban growth in most countries of the world.3- In the United States, between 19^0 and 1950 it was the second main component of urban growth.2 In re cent years there has been a noticeable increase in the migration of population from the rural areas of the Southern and Appalachian regions to the urban and industrial Northern and Midwestern regions of the United States. It has been estimated that during the ten years between 1950 and i960 more than one million persons migrated from Southern Appalachia, mainly to the North and the Midwest.3
-*-Paul K. Hatt and Albert J. Reiss, Cities and Societies, (Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1959). pp. 79-82. See also Nels Anderson, The Urban Community: A World Perspective, (New York: ‘Henry Holt, 1959).
^Donald J. Bogue, "Urbanism in the United States— 1950*" The American Journal of Sociology, LX (March, 1955)* PP. ^71-^86.
3james S. Brown and George A. Hillery, Jr., "The Great Migra tion 19^0-1960," The Southern Appalachian Region— A Survey, Thomas R. Ford, ed., (Lexington, Ky.: University of Kentucky Press, 1962).
1 2
Apart from the demographic consequences, the rural-to-urban migration of population has important social concomitants which have long been the subject of major interests to sociologists.
Important theories in the fields of human ecology, social change, social disorganization, and intergroup relations have been derived from the migration studies, such as. The Polish Peasant^- and Old
World Traits Transplanted.5
More recently, due to the rapid increase in the migration to cities from the rural South and Southern Appalachia, the problems pertaining to the social adjustment of rural migrants in the urban areas have attracted considerable attention. The numerous socio logical s t u d i e s ^ of migrant adjustment in cities carried out during the last three decades indicate the importance of the problem. These studies have provided sociological literature with significant
lhl. I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America (Boston: Richard G. Badger, 1920).
5Robert E. Park and Herbert A. Miller, Old World Traits Transplanted (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1921).
6see Lewis M. Killian, "The Adjustment of Southern White Migrants to Northern Norms," Social Forces, XXXII (Oct., 1953)* 66-69. Janet Abu-Lughod, "Migrant Adjustment to City Life: The Egyptian Case," The American Journal of Sociology, (July, 1961), 22-32. Arnold M. Rose and Leon Warshay, "The Adjustment of Migrants to Cities," Social Forces, XXXVI (Oct., 1957)* 72-76. Lewis G. Leybourne, "Urban Adjust ment of Migrants From the Southern Appalachian Plateaus," Social Forces, XVI (Dec., 1937)* 238-2^6. Morris G. Caldwell, "Adjustment of Mountain Families in an Urban Environment," Social Farces, XVI (March, 1938), 339-395* Howard Beers and Catherine Heflin, "The Urban Status of Rural Migrants," Social Forces, XXIII (Oct., 19^), 32-37. Urban Adjustment of Rural Migrants, Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station Bulletin, No. V 87 (June, 19^6). Roscoe Griffin, "Appalachian Newcomer in Cincinnati," The Southern Appalachian Region— A Survey, Thomas R. Ford, ed., op. cit. 3 insights into the process of attitude change and diffusion, the for mation of new norms, social interaction, and the ecological distri bution of the rural migrants in the cities.
The rural migrant is conceived generally as coming from a small, culturally homogeneous, "sacred," "Gemeinschaft"-like society. The focus of most of the studies of migrant adjustment is the analysis and identification of the processes and factors involved in the migrants1 physical, cultural, social, and economic adjustment and integration in the large, culturally and socially heterogeneous, "secular," and
"Gesellschaft"-like society.7 A number of factors and social processes involved have been identified and suggested by these studies.
For example, the study of Rose and Warshay® found that rural- urban background differences of the migrants were less important than the presence of relatives and friends in the new community.
Abu-Lughod's study9 of migrants in Cairo, Egypt, indicates that the presence of relatives and friends, normative affinity, and skills are important factors in migrant adjustment in Cairo. The importance of racial nonns in the adjustment of Southern migrants in the North has been pointed out by Killian.10 In their studies Beers and Heflin,11
?Louis Wirth, "Urbanism As a Way of Life," The American Journal of Sociology, XLIV (July, 1933). For discussion of "Gemeinschaft" and "Gesellschaft", see Ferdinand Tonnies, Community and Society, Trans, by Charles P. Loomis (East Lansing, Mich.: Michigan State University Press, 1957).
®Rose and Warshay, loc. cit. 9Abu-Lughod, loc. cit.
10Killian, loc. cit. UBeers and Heflin, loc. cit. and Leybourne^ found significant evidence that the migrants' education
was positively related to the degree of their social adjustment.
Caldwell's study-1-3 of mountain families living in an urban area demonstrates that the families which continue to subscribe to the
mountain Values were relatively maladjusted as compared with those
who did not.
In another study of factors associated with urban adjustment
of migrants from the southern United States, Omari^ concludes that
the process of a migrant's adjustment to conditions at his destination
consists of attaining a certain level of socio-economic status as well
as possessing a favorable attitude towards the community in which
he lives. Factors such as presence of relatives and friends in the
new community, length of the migrant's stay in the new community, and
certain pre-migration conditions such as the size of the migrant's
home community, prior expectations, age and level of education were
found also to contribute to migrant adjustment.
The preceding discussion illustrates the research focus of the
studies of rural migrant adjustment in the cities. It also indicates
the sociological significance as well as the complexity of the problem.
Its sociological significance lies in the fact that in order to function
productively and satisfactorily, rural migrants must attain a degree
of adjustment and integration in their new environment. If migrants do not attain a degree of successful adjustment, it could lead to
12 Leybourne, loc. cit. 13Caldwell, loc. cit.
l^Thomas P. Omari, "Factors Associated with Urban Adjustment of Rural Southern Migrants," Social Forces, (Oct. 1956), ^7-53* 5 personal and social disorganization, which will consequently affect the maintenance and equilibrium of the community system in which the migrants reside.
The complexity of the problem, however, lies in the fact that the process of social adjustment involves a complex Interaction of many factors, both personal and social. This makes it difficult to determine the most significant and determinative factors conducive to the adjustment. This is clearly evident from the conclusions and findings of the aforementioned studies.
In the most recent discussions, problems of social adjustment and rural-urban migration are considered as important components of the modernization process. Significant theoretical formulations have been advanced by sociologists and other social scientists to approach the problem from a broader perspective of societal moderni zation.^
Theoretical Approaches to Study of Migrant Adjustment
Various theoretical approaches have been employed ty sociologists to study migrant adjustment. Robert E. Park, W. I. Thomas, and
^5see Myron Weiner (ed) Modernization— The Dynamics of Growth. (New York: Basie Books, 1966). Arnold Feldman and C. Hurn, "The Experience of Modernization," Sociometry, XXIX (Dec., 1966), 378-395* W. Moore and A. Feldman (eds), Labor Committment and Social Change in Developing Areas (New York: Social Science Research Council, 19o0). Ralph Braibanti and J. Spongier (eds), Tradition. Values and Socio- Economic Developments (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1961). W. Moore and B. Hoselitz, Industrialization and Society, (New York: UNESCO Press). 0. Geertz, Pedlars and Princes: Social Change and Economic Development in Two Indnoselan Towns (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963). M. Nash, The Golden Gate to Modernity. (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1965), Hussain and Farouk, Social Integration of Industrial Workers in Khulna (Dacca: The University of Dacca Press, 1963). b. Lemer. The Passing of Traditional Society (Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 195857 6
F. Znanickl were the leading early sociologists who pioneered the studies of migrants and immigrants in American sociology. Park approached the problem from the perspective of the "formalistic theory".*-^ He employed three well-known social processes -- conflict, accomodation, and assimilation — to study the process of socialization and adjust ment. He stated: "The social control and the mutual subordination of individual members to the community have their origin in confliot, assume definite organized forms in the prooess of accomodation and are consolidated and fixed in assimilation."*•?
The Polish Peasant*-^ is generally regarded as a classic in the literature of sociology. It deals with adjustment of the Polish immigrants in the United States. The authors were mainly concerned with the problems of social control, order, and solidarity, and they approached the problem of adjustment primarily in terms of the inter play of "the four wishes": the desire for new experience, the desire for security, the desire for response and the desire for recognition.*-9
Others have used different theoretical perspectives in their studies. Rose and Warshay2® approached the problem from the symbolic interactionlst tradition.2*- And still others have used the theore-
l6see Martindale, The Nature and Types of Sociological Theory. (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, Co., i960) 223-266. ^Robert Park and E. W. Burgess, Introduction to the Science of Sociology, (Chieago: University of Chicago Press, 1921), 785.
l^Thamas and Znanlcki, loc. cit.
19Frank E. Jones, "A Sociological Perspective on Immigrant Adjustment," Social Forces, (Oct., 1956), 39-^7.
2Qloc. cit.
2*-Amold M. Rose, Theory and Method in Social Sciences, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 195*0» Chap. I. ? tical perspective of the reference group theory.22
A combined perspective of the social psychological theory of role and the anthropological theory of acculturation have also been used in the study of migrant adjustment. A prominent exponent of this approach is S. N. Eisenstadt.2^ He has theorized that immigrant role expectations and the social-cultural features of the receiving community are two important variables in determining the absorption of the immigrant in his new community. The level of absorption is a consequence of the interaction between the immigrant's aspirations, which are achievable in social roles, and the opportunities the social structure provides for the realization. However, one of the main limitations of Eisenstadt's formulation, as Jones2**' has pointed out, is that his major concepts "role aspirations" and "absorption" require rigorous conceptual analysis because of their multiple referents and, until these referents have been analyzed and their interrela tionships formulated, it is difficult to state relationships between the major concepts on anything but a crude level.
Another theoretical approach, which has been largely ignored in the empirical studies of migrant adjustment, but has been increasingly used in sociological studies of modernization and religion, is that each individual has a configuration of religious beliefs or, in
Parsonian terminology, non-empirical beliefs, which play an elemental
22See Killian, loc. d t .. Omari, loc. cit., also Douglas M. Moore, "Social Origins and Occupational Adjustment," Social Forces, XXXV (Oct., 1956), 16-19.
23S. N. Eisenstadt, The Absorption of Immigrants (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, Ltd., 195^).
2**loc. cit. 8 role in an individual's adaptation to his environment. The main exponent of this theory is Max Weber.25 Recently, Raymond Firth2® and Talcott Parsons,27 two of the notable social science theorists, have also put forth theoretical schemes which strongly support Weber's position.
Weber's theory is based on his study of comparative religion and particularly of the Protestant Ethic.2® In this study he demonstrates that different personal solutions of an integrative kind are found in different systems of religious beliefs. He maintains that oertain social-psychological "Impulses,11 which originate in religious beliefs and the practices of religion, give direction to the individual's everyday way of life.29
Form this theoretical perspective Weber formulated his influen tial thesis of "The Protestant Ethic," which clearly demonstrates the role of religious beliefs in human behavior. He maintained that religious beliefs embodied in the theological doctrines of ascetic
Protestantism gave rise to the economic rationality and accelerated the rise of capitalism in the West. Weber's theory of "The Protestant
Ethic" may be summarized as follows: the early Protestant hungered after salvation. His life became a vehicle for its attainment and
25Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and The Spirit of Capitalism, trans. by T. Parsons (New York: Charles Scribners Sons, 193O).
2®Raymond Firth, Essays on Social Organization aid Values (Longon: Athlone Press, 19$+).
2?Talcott Parsons, The Social System (Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1951)» Chap. VIII. Also, Parsons, "The Role of Ideas in Social Action,” Essays in Sociological Theory. (Revised Ed.) (Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 195*0.
2®Weber, loc. cit. 29lbid., pp. 91-97. 9 was fashioned around the precepts of individualism, asceticism, and, most important of all, continuous systematic labor. A man was in dividualistic, for he felt it encumbent upon himself to take personal
reponsibility for his actions, since he could not rely on periodic
absolution by officials in the ehuroh. A man was ascetic in his use
of time and money, for his life's actions were proof of his worth.
The waste of time was considered one of the deadliest of sins and
curtailed the consumption of luxuries and the spontaneous enjoyment
of possessions. He was to spend his time and money only to serve
the greater glory of God. Thus, the asoetio spirit forced him to
rely upon his own resources to insure his salvation and to feel the
necessity of labor as the highest calling and greatest safeguard against damnation. 30
The Protestant Ethic hypothesis has dominated much of the con
temporary discussions and analyses of societal modernization and
social change. In one form or another it has been the point of
departure for analysis of the conditions of modernization and economic
development of the societies which have launched their programs since
Weber wrote.31
Raymond Firth,32 in his influential work on values and social
organization, has put forth the theory of "Religious beliefs and
30Weber, loc. cit. For a brief and illuminating discussion of Weber's theory, see Reinhard Bendix, Max Weber— An Intellectual Portrait (Garden City: Doubleday and Co., 1962), Chap. III.
31see Milton Singer, "Religion and Social Change in India: The Max Weber Thesis, Phase Three," Economic Development and Cultural Change (July, 1967)* **97-505* and R. Bellah, "Reflections on the Protestant Ethio Analogy in Asia," Journal of Social Issues. XIX, No. 1, (1963). 32Firth, loo, cit. 10 personal adjustment."^ He defines a belief as "a set of ideas more or less integrated by reason but held with a conviction that they are true, that they are meaningful in relation to a reality."3^
Firth’s main thesis is that "... religious beliefs are related in content, form, and expression, to the attempts of individuals to secure coherence in their universe of relations, both physical and social . . . They are active weapons in the process of adjustment by the person who holds them. What I mean by personal adjustment is the continual process of striving for order by the individual in his relations on the one hand with his physical and social universe, and on the other with his own logical systems of categories of thought and his own set of impulses, desires and: emotions. I think it will be admitted that there is a continual and real need for such an adjustment or adaptation on the part of every individual."35
Talcott Parsons in his theoretical works36 also has emphasized the role of religious beliefs or non-empirical ideas. In The Social
System, he stated, "... man’s knowledge of the empirical world, and the expectations oriented to and by his knowledge, cannot alone constitute adequate mechanisms of adjustment. Any other adjustment pattern, however, must involve a cognitive component as well as evaluative, in that is is precisely the failures of the actual situation to conform with evaluative sentiments which constitute the focus of the adjustment problem."3? Parson's theoretical explanation of
33jbid., pp. 257-29^. 3*»jbid.. p. 259. 35jbid.
3^See Parsons, The Social System, loc. cit., also, Parsons and Shils, Toward a General Theory of Action (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1951)* and Parsons, "Role of Ideas...", loo, cit.
3?Parsons, og. cit., p. 371. Part VIII of The Social System contains a veiy insightful theoretical examination of "belief systems". 11 religious beliefs closely follows the theoretical position of Branlslaw
Malinowski^® — that religious ideas constitute an important element in man’s adaptation to his total environment.
From the above description of the theoretical formulations of
Weber, Firth, and Parsons, it seems evident that religious beliefs play an important role in human behaviour and in man’s orientation to his environment. This conclusion can be empirically validated by the findings and conclusions of a number of sociological studies which have examined the role of the religious beliefs in various spheres of human activities.
For instance, Robert E. K e n n e d y 3 9 in his study of Parsis has shown that religious and ethical beliefs of Parsis, which he found to be similar to the Protestant Ethic, have provided strong motivation for economic progress of Parsis, As a result they are "over-rep- resented11 in scientific, technical, commercial, and industrial pursuits in India.
Jonassen's study of "The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of
Capitalism in Norway,illustrates that the religious ideas of
Hans Nielson Hauge and his followers were Instrumental in the rise of capitalism and economic rationality in Norway.
Robert K. Merton in "Puritanism, Pietism, and Science"^-*- traces
3%ranislaw Malinowski, Magic, Science, and Religion (Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 19*4-8).
39Robert E. Kennedy, "The Protestant Ethic and the Parsis," The American Journal of Sociology, XXVTII (July, 1962), pp. 11-20.
T. Jonassen, "The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism in Norway," American Sociological Review, XII (Dec., 19^7), 676-686.
^iRobert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure (Glencoe, 111.: The Free Pres?, 19*4-97» 12 the relationship between the Protestant Ethic and the development of scientific thought and scienoe. He shows how the Puritan ethos exalted the rational thought and empiricism. Supporting his conclusions from writings of early Puritans, he also demonstrates that early scientists of the seventeenth century both in England and on the
Continent were predominantly Protestant. Neil J. Smelser^ and
Herman Israel^ in their studies of early industrialism in England found that ethioal systems of early Puritans were elemental in the Industrial
Revolution and the rise of the industrial society in seventeenth and eighteenth century England,
In a comparative study of literate and highly developed Protes tant Europe and primitive, non-literate Yurok, Hypa, and Korok tribes of California, Goldschmidt^ found not only remarkable similarities in the socio-economic structure of Protestant Europe and the California tribes, but also in their ethico-religious systems, such as: indi vidual moral responsibility, work as a moral act, asceticism in appetites, food and sex, concept of sin and guilt, and absence of a priestly intercessor between man and the supernatural.
Following the theoretical framework of Weber, the role of the religious beliefs, particularly of the Protestant Ethic, has been also
^Neil J. Smelser, Social Change in Industrial Revolution (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1959)*
^Herman Israfel, ’’Some Religious Factors in the Emergence of Industrial Society in England," American Sociological .ReView, XXXI:V (Oct., 1966), 539-599.
^Walter Goldschmidt, "Ethics and the Structure of Society: An Ethnological Contribution to the Sociology of Knowledge," American Anthropologist. LIII (Oct.-Dec., 1951), 506-524. 13 extensively researched in the studies dealing with the American social life and modernization of the underdeveloped societies, A notable example of the former is Gerhard Lenski's The Religious Factor.'**5
This study deals with the influence of the religious factor in the economic and social behaviour of various segments of Detroit's pop ulation. Lenski's findings indicate significant differences among the economic achievement and progress of major religious groups.
He found that Protestants are more likely to rise in the economist system than Catholics, that Protestants, unlike Catholics, tend to weaken and undermine the extended family, and that Protestants have a rationalistic orientation rather than the traditionalistic orienta tion of the Catholics, These are a few of the findings reported in the study. On the basis of these and other findings of his study,
Lenski concludes that "our study has provided striking support for
Weber's basic assumptions."^ Weber's influence is also clearly evident in a number of other sociological studies dealing with the role of religion in American society.^7
The role of "belief systems" in the process of modernization of societies has also attracted considerable attention among socio logists and other sooial scientists engaged in the field of economic
^Gerhard Lenski, The Religious Faotor (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday and Co., 1963).
*»6jbld.. p. 357*
^7For ex., Norval D. Glenn and Ruth Hyland, "Religious Preference and Worldly Success," American Sociological Review, XXXII (Feb., 1967). 73-85* R* W. Mack, R, J. Murphy, an! S. Yellin, "The Protestant Ethic, Level of Aspiration, and Social Mobility: An Empirical Test," American Sociological Review, XXI (June, 1956). Joseph Veroff, Sheila Feld, and Gerard Guinn, "Achievement Motivation and Religious Background," American Sociological Review, XXVII (April, 1962). Albert Mayer and 1*K and social development of the underdeveloped areas of the world.
This had led to a number of theoretical formulations which implicitly or explicitly conclude that the Protestant Ethic-like beliefs are conducive to the creation and maintenance of the conditions of modernization.
For instance, Elizer B. Ayal's study^ of pre-conditions of economic growth in Japan and Thailand points out that belief systems which contained elements such as asceticism, capital accumulation, dili gent and systematic work, cooperation in the pursuance of goals, and innovation are a necessary pre-condition of modernization. He has postulated that in order for economic development and general moder nization of society to come about, it is essential that belief systems fulfill two functions. First, they must provide goals that either are economic or can be achieved through economic activity and second, they must generate and sanction the propensities and activities re quired to achieve the goals. The degree of fruition of the propen sities in actual performance depends upon the environment, such as physical conditions, institutions, availability of knowledge, etc.
But without the appropriate belief system a favorable environment would not bring about development. He concludes that the appropriate
Harry Sharp, "Religious Preference and Worldly Success," American Sociological Review, XXVII (April, 1962). Andrew Greely, "Influence of the 'Religious Factor' on the Career Plans and Occupational Values of College Students," American Journal of Sociology, LXVTII (May, 1963). Herman Israel, "A Religious Basis of Solidarity in Industrial Society," Social Forces (Sept., I966).
E l i z e r B. Ayal, "Value Systems and Economic Development in Japan and Thailand," Journal of Social Issues, XIX, No. I, 1963. 15 belief system is a necesary condition, although not a sufficient condition, for economic development and social change. ^9
The conclusions of Robert N. Bellah*s study50 of the "Tokugawa
Religion” also supports the above thesis. On the basis of his analysis of some important religious movements in Japan, such as Jodo Buddhism,
Hotoku, and Shingaku, Bellah and concluded that the Protestant Ethic- like values held by the adherents of these religious groups had played an important part in the modernization of Japan. The studies of Singer,51 Hauser,52 Linton,53 and others^ also support the conclusions of Ayal and Bellah — that the Protestant Ethic as an ideological orientation is conducive to modernization.
^9ibid.
50Robert N. Bellah, Tokugawa Religion (Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1957)* Also see, "Reflections on the Protestant Ethic Analogy in Asia,” Journal of Social Issues. XIX, No. I, 1963, and Religion and Progress in Modern Asia (New York: The Free Press, 1965).
5lMilton Singer, "Cultural Values in India's Economic Develop ment,” Annals, CCCV (1956), 81-91.
52phillip Hauser, "Cultural and Personal Obstacles to Economic Development in the Less Developed Areas," Human Organization, XVIII, No. II (summer, 1959), 78-8*K
53r . Linton, "Cultural and Personality Factors Affecting Economic Growth," The Progress of Underdeveloped Areas, B. F. Hozelitz (ed) (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1952 ).
5^See Kennedy, loc. cit., Geertz, loc. cit., Smelser, loo, cit.; Parsons, "Christianity and Modem Industrial Society," E. A. Tiryakian (ed), Sociological Theory, Values and Cultural Change, Essays in Honor of Pitirim Sorokin, (Glencoe, 111.; The Free Press, 1953). F« Sig- mund (ed). The Ideologies of Developing Nations (New York: Frederick A. Pareger, Inc., 1963). Henry Derroche, "Religion et Development," in R. Aron and B. E. Hoselitz (ed), Social Development (Paris: UNESCO, 1965); Nakamura, The Ways of Thinking of Eastern People (Tokyo: UNESCO, 1959). 16
Jonassen55 recently has made a theoretical examination of the
ideational contents of the religious belief systems of the Puritans,
Calvinists, Haugians, Parsis, and the California tribes and has con
cluded that there is a striking relationship between the ideational
contents of these religions and economic activity which they encourage.
He has also identified the "crucial dimensions" of the Protestant
Ethic (a belief system oriented to rationalistic activities) which
he found present in all of the above religious belief systems. These
- are: rational and scientific attitude towards Nature and experience,
denial of impulse expression, method and discipline in life styles,
work as a calling and a rational pursuit of duty, stress on personal
responsiblity, worldly asceticism, and rational attitude towards God.
From the preceding discussion it is evident that Weber * s thesis
of the Protestant Ethic exercises an impressive influence on current
social researchlin the social sciences. It would also seem evident
that directly or indirectly it has influenced a number of theoretical
formulations, particularly in the fields of the sociology of religion
and modernization.
The role of religious beliefs in human affairs and particularly
Weber’s thesis of the Protestant Ethic has important implications for
social theory. One of the most important implications, one which has
generated considerable debate in the modern intellectual c i r c l e s , 57
55christen T. Jonassen, "Ethical System and Economic Development," Unpublished paper- presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Sept., 196^.
56jbid.
57a concise and illuminating summary of this debate is contained in Ephraim Fiscoff, "The Protestant Ethic and The Spirit of Capitalism — The History of a Controversy," Social Research, XI ( 1 9 ^ ) , 62-78. 17 is that it challenges the Marxist thesis that man’s consciousness is determined by his social being, and also the Marxist interpretation of history. If Weberian theory is valid, as it is generally taken to be in the United States, then it furnishes Western civilization with a new perspective to justify its existence and evolution, parti cularly after the devastating attack of Karl Marx.58
However, in spite of its dominant influence in current social research, the Weberian approach has been relatively ignored in the studies of rural-urban migration. In addition, it would seem evident from the preceding discussion that this approach might be very relevant to the studies of the social integration and adjustment of an individual in the social system, particularly when such adjustment if we follow
Weber, should be the function of rational behaviour and seem to be connected to the process of societal modernization. The main contention of the Weberian theory is that the higher commitment to the Protestant
Ethic is conducive to rationalistlc59 orientation, which is considered to be an important pre-condition of modernization. It seems therefore, fruitful to approach the problem of the rural migrants’ adjustment
58lCarl Marx, Selected Writings in Sociology and Social Philosophy. Trans, by T. B. Bottomore, (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1956).
59ihe concept ’’Rationalistic orientation" is used in the Weberian meaning of the term. Weber described "Rationalistic orientation" as the predispositions to hard work, frugal personal habits, systematic organization of business and personal lives, etc. These predispositions were characteristics of "heroic entrepreneurs" who could overcome the drawbacks of economic Traditionalism. For a concise summary of the meanings of "Rationalistic orientation" and "Traditionalistic orientation" see R. Bendix, Max Weber, Garden City, Doubleday and Co., i960. Chapter III deals with "Aspects of Economic Rationality in the West." Also see Weber, The Protestant Ethic, op. cit., pp. 13-26, 76-78 and 182-83. Also Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization, A, M. Henderson and T. Parsons (Trans.), Free Press of Glencoe, 19^7» p. 117. 18 from this perspective in order to investigate empirically whether or not the degree of commitment to the Protestant Ethic is of any important consequence in the adjustment of migrants in the urban areas* Such an investigation is primarily the objective of this study.
The Statement of the Problem
The problem of rural migrant adjustment in the cities has been investigated from a number of theoretical perspectives in the past.
These investigations have provided sociological literature with sig nificant insights. Nevertheless, the role of belief systems in the adjustment of rural migrants in the cities has been relatively ignored in the empirical studies.
The theoretical formulations of Weber,Firth,6l and others^ contend that the belief systems constitute an important factor in shaping man's orientation to his environment which subsequently affects his adaptation and adjustment in it. The conclusions of a number of sociological investigations, particularly in the field of the sociology of religion and modernization^ seems to substantiate these contentions.
These formulations seem to provide a useful theoretical per spective to approach the problem of adjustment of rural migrants in the cities. Most sociological studies investigating the role of belief systems in human affairs utilized directly or indirectly the theoretical
^OWeber, loc. cit. ^iFirth, loc. cit.
6^See Jonassen, loc. cit, Ayal, loc. cit., Parsons, loc. cit.
63See Lens Id., loc. cit., Mayer and Sharp, loc. cit., Greely, loc. cit., Ayal, loc. cit., Bellah, loc. cit. 19 perspective of the Weberian theory of the Protestant Ethic because of its relevance to modern industrialized and urbanized societies.
Following the same tradition this study will attempt to empirically investigate the role of belief systems in the adjustment of rural migrants in an urban area. Specifically this study will investigate whether or not the "rational belief orientation" and "traditional belief orientation" are significant factors in the adjustment of rural migrants. For analytical and comparative purposes the study will also include a sample of non-migrants (urban workers) who func tion in the same socio-economic milieu as the rural migrants, A rural migrant in this study will be a person who was born and raised throughout his childhood on a farm, A non-migrant.in this study will be a person who was born in the city and has lived his entire life in the oities.
The "rational belief orientation" and the "traditional belief orientation" will be measured by a scale based on Jonassen’s "Crucial
Dimensions"^ of the Protestant Ethic, This scale will be called the
"Protestant Ethic Scale", The high commitment of the individual to the Protestant Ethic as measured by the "Protestant Ethic Scale" will be called the "Rational belief orientation" and the lower commit ment to the Protestant Ethic as measured by this scale will be called a "Traditional belief orientation,"^5
^Jonassen, "Ethical Systems,,,", loc. cit.
65"Rational" and "traditional" orientations are based on Weber's original conceptualizations. See, Bendix, o£. cit., pp. ^9-79. 20
A number of different indicators ofmigrant adjustment in cities have been employed in the past studies.^ In this study the selection of the indicators of adjustment •will be guided by the theoretical perspective employed.
Following the general framework of F. Stuart Chapin,^7 Omari^® has suggested that "a migrant’s adjustment consists of his successful adaptation to the nexus of socio-economic activities at his desti nation as well as the nature of his satisfaction with his new community."^
He has suggested the following index to measure migrant socio-economic adaptation;
1. Occupational status
2. Monthly income
3. Type of housing
4. Area of residence
5. House ownership or rental status
6. Level of living
7. Formal social participation and his community satisfaction index consists of:
1. Attitude towards neighborhood
2. Attitude towards moving from the neighborhood
3. Residential mobility.
66See, Beers and Heflin, loc. cit., Killian, loc. cit., Leybourne, loc. cit., J. K. Folsom and C. Morgan, nThe Social Adjustment of 381 Recipients of Old Age Allowance," American Sociological Review, II (April, 1.1933). P. Munch, "Social Adjustment Among Wisconsin Norwegians," American Sociological Review, XIV (Dec., 19^9), 780-787. E. B. Strong, "Individual Adjustment in Industrial Society," American Sociological Review. XIV (June, 19^9). 335-3^6.
67f. Stuart Chapin, The Measurement of Social Status (Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 1953).
68omari, loc. cit. ^ i b i d . 21
The use of all of these indicators suggested try Omari will greatly increase the complexity and manageability of this study. It seems, therefore, desirable to select one main indicator of social adjustment which is the most significant in determining and influencing the other factors suggested by Omari. Guided by the theoretical perspective and the writer's understanding of the American society it seems that
one of the most significant indicators of an individual's adjustment will be his satisfaction with his location within the economic system, that is, the .job the individual holds in the economio system, because this will determine the economic rewards which play an important part in determining the individual's location and subsequent integration in the Social System.?® From this we may infer that the degree of an individual's satisfaction with his job (location in the economic system) will be an important indicator of his social adjustment.
And the degree of job satisfaction in this study will be measured by
R. P. Bullock's "Job satisfaction scale".71
Succinctly stated, the problem to be investigated in this study is the relationship between the orientation of the "belief system"
(as measured by the Protestant Ethic Scale in this study) and job satisfaction (as measured by- Bullock's Job Satisfaction Scale) of a group of rural-migrants and non-migrants (urban) workers in an
70The economic reward is generally considered a major variable in determining an individual's class position, which datemines the availability of other opportunities to him, by most stratification theorists. See, Kingsley Davis, Human Society, (New York: The Mac millan Co., 19^9), Chap. 1^. Bernard Barber, Social Stratification, (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and World, Inc., 1957)• R. Bendix and S. Lipset (ed), Class, Status and Power (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1953)*
TlRobert P. Bullock, A Technique for the Measurement of Job Satisfaction. Columbus, Bureau of Business Research Monograph, No. 70 (Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio). 22 urban area of the United States (Dayton, Ohio). It will also inves tigate the relationships of background factors of the individual respondents, such as race, marital status, education level, economic status, social participation, and attitudes towards the community of residence, with the individual's job satisfaction.
The following hypotheses will be tested through the empirical evidence obtained in this study:
Hypothesis I.
The orientations of the belief systems (as measured
by the Protestant Ethic Scale) is related to the job satis
faction scores (as measured by the Job Satisfaction Scale).
Hypothesis II.
Rural migrant workers will differ in their com™
mitment to the Protestant Ethic from the urban workers, in
that the rural migrant workers will have traditional be
lief orientations (low commitment to the Protestant Ethic)
and the urban workers will have rational belief orienta
tions (higher commitment to the Protestant Ethic).
Hypothesis III.
Since rational belief orientations, according to the
Weberian hypothesis, are more conducive to rational economic
behavior, persons with rational belief orientations will
have higher economic status than those who have traditional
belief orientations.
Hypothesis IV.
It has been postulated that an individual's location
in the economic system is an important factor in determining 23
his adjustment in the social system. Therefore, it is
hypothesized that a high degree of satisfaction with economic
location (job satisfaction) will be positively related to
an individual’s family adjustment, education level,
social participation, favorable attitude towards community
of residence^, and house ownership.
Hypothesis V .
Because of the different cultural, social, and economic
opportunities available to the Negroes and Whites in the
United States, it is hypothesized that Negro workers will differ
in their commitment to the Protestant Ethic and the degree
of job satisfaction from the White workers.
Significance of the Study
Perhaps one of the best criterion to determine the significance of any empirical study is the relationship and relevance of its main variables to a substantial body of theory, and the extent to which the findings of the study will verify or clarify the relevant theory or any of the implications that can be derived from the theory. It is from this point of view that the significance of this study is evaluated.
The main variables to be empirically examined in this study are the Belief Systems (The Protestant Ethic), Job Satisfaction (as an indicator of social adjustment), and indirectly, the process of rural- urban migration and its social concomitants. All of these variables or theoretical constructs are related to a substantial body of theoretical 24
knowledge in urban sociology, the Weberian theory of the Protestant
Ethic, and the role of belief systems in the modernization of society.
The significance of the study from the point of view of urban
sociology remains in the fact that it is directed to an examination
and analysis of one of the most evident factors of urbanization all
over the world, i.e., the rural-to-urban migration. So far as ur
banization is recognized as one of the basic societal processes,^
it is important that its various facets be examined and understood.
This study will examine the adjustment and integration of the rural
migrants in urban socio-economic systems. It will also examine whether
. or not the belief systems are in any way an important factor in their
adjustment. It has been generally maintained by social scientists
that rural migrants bring with them a certain belief orientation
which may put them in conflict with the secular, mass urban society
and its norms. Perhaps in the United States, because of the mass media,
mass transportation, and mass education, this is no longer very
noticeable, but the writer’s own observation of Pakistani rural
migrants seem to dictate that the assumption is not incorrect. This
study is limited to the United States for obvious reasons, but it is
hoped that by examining comparatively the belief orientations of the
rural migrants and urbanites and their relationship with their socio
economic integration, we might find insights which can be usefully
extended and studied in other countries such as Pakistan and India.
^^Ronald Warren, The Community in America, Chicago: Rand McNally and Company, 1963. 25
The empirical data obtained in this study will also shed consid erable light on Weber's Protestant Ethic Theory. The Weberian theory and the subsequent theoretical formulations73 inspired and influenced ty it, maintain that a rational belief orientation is conducive to
rationalistic economic behavior, and a traditionalistic belief orien
tation is not. It is rather curious to note that numerous tests of
Weber's theory have been based on historical, or what Milton Singer has called, the "hypothetical-deductive” method,7^ Few rigorous attemtps have been made to test empirically the theory. Even the
criticism of Weber's theory is not based on empirical evidence. For
example, Kurt Samuelsson,75 in his rigorous criticism of Weber, has
asserted that Puritan doctrine was basically opposed to deep involve ment in economic activity. He also claimed that features of Puritanism
that were conducive to industrialization could also be found in
Catholocism. R. H. Tawney,7^ another of Weber's prominent critics,
has asserted that although Puritanism per se was not opposed to
Capitalistic involvement but its basic Calvinistic roots were hostile
to Capitalism, and that Weber has concentrated on modified Puritanism
of too late a stage to have any fundamental influence. He has sug
gested that whatever affinities which may have existed between ascetic
73see Jonassen, loo, cit., Ayal, loc. cit., Bellah, loc. oit., Parsons, loo, oit.
7^Singer, "Religion and Social Change...", o£. cit., pp. 501-502.
75Kurt Samuelsson, Religion and Economic Action, New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1961.
7%. H. Tawney, Religion and The Rise of Capitalism, New York: New American Library, 19^7. 26
Protestantism and Capitalism stemmed from the influence of prior intervening variables. These criticisms are essentially based on the historical evidence and "hypothetical deductive" method.
It would, however, be beyond the claims of this study that it is exclusively an empirical test of the validity of the theory, but it is hoped that the data obtained in this suudy will shed some light on its empirical validity, at least in a specific region of the United
States of America in 1967. In spite of all the intervening variables, an examination of the relationship between the belief orientations and the economic behavior will add to our understanding of Weber's theory and its relevance for understanding the economic behavior of the people of one of the world's most Industrialized, urbanized, bureau cratized, and secularized societies.
The findings of this study might also be significant from a more practical point of view. It might enable us to develop a belief system scale to predict the rural migrant's adjustment to his occupation on the basis of his belief orientation. At least the study might provide some important leads towards the development of such a scale which would be of immense usefulness for various educational and retraining programs of industries employing large numbers of Appalachian and Southern migrants. CHAPTER II
METHODOLOGY
An Overview
The purpose of this study was, it will be recalled, to investi gate the relationship between the commitment to the Protestant Ethic and job satisfaction among the rural migrant workers and non-migrant
(urban) workers. This involved three major methodological procedures: development of a scale to measure the individual worker's commitment to the Protestant Ethic; selection of an index or scale to measure the degree of individual worker's job satisfaction; and finally, selection of a sample of rural migrant workers and urban workers who were working in similar conditions. To this sample the final schedule, which consisted of the Protestant Ethic scale, job satis faction scale and background information of the respondents, was ad ministered. The following description consists of the detailed ela boration of these methodological procedures.
Development of the Protestant Ethic Scale
It will be recalled that in this study we had selected seven dimensions of the Protestant Ethic suggested by Jonas sen.-*- There
^Christen T. Jonassen, "Ethical System and Economic Development," op. cit.
2 7 28 were: rational and scientific attitudes towards nature and experience, denial of impulse expression, method and discipline of life styles, work as a calling and the rational pursuit of duty, stress on personal responsibility, worldly asceticism, and a rational attitude towards
God, Hence, the scale to measure the degree of commitment to the Pro testant Ethic consisted of the statements purported to measure the individual's attitude towards each of the aforementioned dimensions of the Protestant Ethic,
In the fall of I965 the writer distributed a letter (appendix 1) among the facility and graduate students of the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, The Ohio State University, which included the above stated dimensions of the Protestant Ethic and requested them to suggest statements which in their estimation would measure an individual's attitude towards each dimension. About 20 persons responded to this request. After eliminating the repetitive statements and those which in the writer's opinion were not directly relevant to the subject matter, a total of 75 statements were selected. Another 60 items were selected from a survey of the various relevant scales which had been reported in the sociological and psychological journals and publications.2
^The scales and literature surveyed were: Charles Morris and Lyle V, Jones, "Value Scales and Dimensions," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 1955* No. 51* PP« 523-535. C. Morris, Variety of Human Values, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1956; Otto von Mering, A Grammar of Human Values. University of Pittsburg Press, 1961; David McClelland, Achieving Society. Princeton, N.J., D. Van Nostrand Co., Inc., 1961; Solomon P. Rosenthal, Changes of Socio economic Attitudes Under Radical Motion Pictures Propoganda, New York, Archives of Psychology no. 166, April, 193^; Milton Hall, Attitude and Unemployment— A Comparison of the Opinions and Attitudes of Employed and Unemployed Men. New York. Archives of Psychology no. 165. March. 193^; Christine M. Morgan, The Attitude and Adjustment of Recipients of 01d*age Assistance in Upstate and Metropolitan New York. New York, Archives of Psychology no. 214, 1937; "McLean Inventory of Social 29
In January and February, 1967, this 135~ltem preliminary Protestant
Ethic scale (appendix 2) was administered among 130 undergraduate students of the Wright State University, Dayton, Ohio, and 35 blue collar workers, members of the Utility Workers Union, Local 175»
Dayton, Ohio, for a pretest. A total of 130 usable returns were received, 107 from the students and 23 from the workers. A Likert-type weighting was used in scoring. For each of the 135 items of the preliminary scale, the respondents were required to check one of the five alternatives offered for each item. These alternatives ranged from one assumed to indicate complete agreement (’’strongly agreed”) with the statement through "agree” or "undecided” positions to '■
"disagreement" and complete disagreement ("strongly disagree") with the statement. The five alternative responses were assigned values of 1, 2, 3, and 5* with the highest value assigned to the response indicating the low commitment and the lowest value assigned to the response indicating the high commitment to the various dimensions of
the Protestant Ethic on which this scale is based. The degree of commitment to the Protestant Ethic could thus be derived by summing and Religious Concepts" (1957 edition— short form), Religious Studies Centre, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio; Walter C. Reckless, "The Way I Look at Things" (soale), Department of Sociology and Anthropology, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio; Russell Dynes, "A Study of Religious Beliefs of Protestants" (scale), Department of Sociology and Anthropology, the Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio; R. K. Goldsen, et. al., What College Students Think, Princeton, N.J., D. von Norstrand Co., 196b; D. Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society. Glencoe, The Free Press, 196^; Milton Rokech, The Open and Closed Mind, New York, Basic Books, Inc., i960; E. A. Rundquest and R. F. Sletto, "Minnesota Survey of Opinion," in Delbert C. Miller, Handbook of Research Design and Social Measurement, New York, David Meaky Co., Inc., 196^; G. W. Allport and P. E. Vernon, "A Test for Personal Values," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 26: 231-^8; Roy E. Carter, "An Experiment in Value Measurement," American Sociological Review, April, 1956, 21: 156-63 ; William A. Scott, "Empirical Assessment of Values and Ideologies," American Sociological Review. June, 1959, 2b: 299-310; L. L. Thurstone, The Measurement of Values, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1959« 30 individual values of responses checked. The low scores indicate the high commitment and the high scores indicate the lower commitment to the Protestant Ethic.
An item analysis was then carried out separately for the student sample as well as for the worker sample. Each sample was divided at the median into a "high-scoring” and "low-scoring" category on the basis of total scores for each respondent. The criterion of internal consistency described by Sletto^ was used to determine which statements were to be retained. The statements with Critical Ratio of 2 or higher were selected for the final scale. A few items were also selected because of their contents and relevance to the selected dimensions of the Protestant Ethic from among the scale items with Critical Ratio of less than 2 (appendix 3). This gave us a total of ^ 7 items for the final Protestant Ethic Scale. (Table l)
In the similar fashion we again carried out the item analysis of the final scale on the final sample. The item analysis revealed only ^ out of ^7 with a Critical Ratio of less than 2. The remaining items had Critical Ratios of 3 or higher (Table 2). A split-half test of reliability was computed for the final scale and a corrected correlation of . 7 5 (N = klO, see Table 2) was found.
In order to see whether or not the dimensions of the Protestant
Ethic were represented in the scale, a factor analysis was carried out on the final data. The centroid method of factor analysis was used
3 R a y m o n d F. Sletto, Construction of Personality-Scale by the Criterion of Internal Consistency, Minneapolis, Minn., The Sociological Press, 1 9 3 7 . 31
TABLE I
THE FINAL PROTESTANT ETHIC SCALE
Circle SA if you STRONGLY AGREE with the statement. Circle A if you AGREE with the statement Circle U if you are UNDECIDED about the statement. Circle D if you DISAGREE with the statement. Circle SD if you STRONGLY DISAGREE with the statement.
SA A u D SD* 1. Science is man's best tool for controlling nature, 1 2 3 5 SA A u D SD 2. The more scientists learn the less it makes sense 1 2 3 4 5 to believe in a personal God.
SA A u D SD 3. Although things may be pretty hard in this life, 5 ^ 3 2 1 they will get better in the next.
SA A u D SD 4. God sends earthquakes, hunger, floods, and war 5 b 3 2 1 to punish nations for wrong.actions.
SA A u D SD 5. Illness comes to people because they disobey 5 * 3 2 1 God's commandments. SA A u D SD 6. Science hasn't found anything that hasn't already 5 b 3 2 1 been revealed by Hod.
SA A u D SD 7. The Bible's account of the creation of the world 5 ^ 3 2 1 is the only true one.
SA A u D SD 8. A person's pay scale should depend partly on 1 2 3 4 5 his education.
SA A u D SD 9. Every man has a responsibility to do the best 1 2 3 4- 5 work that he can.
SA A u D SD 10. God has put us on earth so we can use science 5 <+ 3 2 1 to glorify him.
SA A u D SD 11. Science is just another way that God works his 5 *■ 3 2 1 will.
*The numbers below SA, A, U, D, and SD are values for scoring purposes. They did not appear on the scale given to respondents. 32
Table I - continued
SA A U D SD 12. Belief in a personal God becomes less and less 12 3^5 reasonable as science discovers more about nature.
SA A U D SD 13. It is great comfort to know that God never fails 54321 even when everything seems to go wrong.
SA A U D SD 1*K Belief in God is a sign that a man isn’t taking 1 2 3 4 5 responsibility for his own life.
SA A U D SD 15. I can't make sense out of the world except by 5 4 3 2 1 believing in God.
SA A U D SD 16. Man is responsible to God. 5 4 3 2 1
SA A U D SD 17. We were made for fellowship with God and our 5 4 3 2 1 hearts will be restless until they rest in Him.
SA A n D SD 18. I believe that men working and thinking together 1 2 3 4 5 can build a good society without calling for the help of God.
SA A D D SD 19. God knows our thoughts before we speak them. He 5 4 3 2 1 is acquainted with all our ways.
SA A U D SD 20, Without religion the world wouldn't be as civilized 5 4 3 2 1 as it is.
SA A U D SD 21, Success depends more on luck than-on ability. 5 4 3 2 1
SA A U D SD 22, There is not much sense in trying very hard to 5 4 3 2 1 get ahead.
SA A U D SD 23. Everyone should strive to be successful. 1 2 3 4 5
SA A U D SD 2h, Everyone should mind his own business. 1 2 3 4 5
SA A D D SD 25. I set high goals for myself and try to reach them. 1 2 3 4 5
SA A U D SD 26, Everyone should handle his own problems as he 1 2 3 4 5 and let everyone else handle their problems any way they want to.
SA A U D SD 27 A man ought to limit the size of his family so 1 2 3 4 5 he can provide the best that he can for his children. 33
Table I - continued
SA A U D SD 28, It is amazing how prayer influences the way things 5 4 3 2 1 turn out. SA A u D SD 29. There is no such thing as good luck; luck is what 1 2 3 4 5 a man makes for himself. SA A U D SD 30, Eat, drink, and make merry is a good way of life 5 4 3 2 1 for the present day. SA A u D SD 31. Good things are worth saving for. 1 2 3 4 5 SA A u D SD 32. If you sacrifice toddy, you will be rewarded 1 2 3 4 5 tomorrow. SA A u D SD 34, Life is short; so we should enjoy it while we can. 5 4 3 2 1 SA A U D SD 35, A hungry man has a right to steal. 5 4 3 2 1 SA A u D SD 36, The way the world is today wise man lives for 5 4 3 2 1 today and lets tommwrow take care of itself. SA A u D SD 37, In order to get anywhere you have to plan your 1 2 3 4 5 life. SA A u D SD 38, A man should have enough insurance to take care of 1 2 3 4 5 his family in case he dies. SA A u D SD 39, A man should save part of his pay check on payday. 1 2 3 4 5 SA A u D SD 40, Hard work, thrift, sobriety, and responsible 1 2 3 4 5 behavior are necessary for success. SA A u D SD 41, Planning only makes a person unhappy since plans 5 4 3 2 1 hardly ever work out anyway. SA A u D SD 42, A high school education is worth all the time and 1 2 3 4 5 effort it takes to get it. SA A u D SD 43 A person can plan his future so everything will 1 2 3 4 5 come out all right in the long run. SA A u D SD 44 In business you can only trust friends and relatives. 5 4 3 2 1 SA A u D SD 45 A man should not go into debt. 1 2 3 4 5 Table I - continued
SA A UD SD 46. Waste not, want not, 1 2 3 45 SA A D D SD 47. A man shouldspend more than he makes, 5 4 3 2 1 35
Table 2
THE OBTAINED CRITICAL RATIO FOR THE ITEMS OF FINAL PROTESTANT ETHIC SCALE. (N = 410)
SCALE ITEM NO. CRITICAL RATIO
1 4.00 2 3.66 3 3.53 4 5.76 5 4.33 6 6.15 7 5.90 8 1.91 9 .91 10 3.03 11 3.69 12 3.92 13 6.20 14 I.69 15 6.54 16 6.19 17 6.59 18 6.47 19 6.02 20 3.37 21 3.48 22 3.63 23 3.54 24 3.71 25 3.46 26 3.24 27 4.71 28 4.72 29 3.93 30 .31 31 3.64 32 3.29 33 1.12 34 .10 35 2.93 36 3.61 37 5.79 38 2.63 39 3.73 40 6.13 41 3.51 ' 42 4.27 43 3.93 36
Table 2 - continued
SCALE ITEM NO. CRITICAL RATIO
hh 3.h? ks 2.81 he 6.06 h?
Corrected Split-half Correlation ~ .75 37 and factors were rotated by Kaiser's variraax method of rotation.**
The complete list of final orthogonal factor loadings is found in appendix 4. Factor loadings of ,30 and above were considered in the interpretation. The following factors were extracted from the complete list of factor loadings:
Factor A— Religiosity. This factor has significant loadings on 13 of the 47 scale items. Most of the items in this factor dealt with individual’s faith in the traditional concept of God as well as individual's relationship to God, role of religion in the society and the influence of prayer. Contents of some items referred to the other-worldly orientation. One logical inconsistency in this factor was that three items (nos. 2 , 1 2 , and 18), which in general dealt with belief in.. a personal God in the modem world, logically should have negative loadings in order to be logically consistent with the rest of the factor items. Instead, all three had positive loadings. The scoring of the items in the total scale was found to be consistent with the desired directionality of the scale* There can be two ex planations of this inconsistency. Firstly, since the factor analysis was done by machine, it is very likely that the positive loadings were functions of intercorrelations and factor rotation. The other explanation and one which seems more logical is that in the modern technologically oriented and secularized American society people have
^Kaiser's varimax method of rotation was used for factor analysis. See H, F. Kaiser, "The Verimax Criterion for Analytical Rotation in Factor Analysis," Psychometrics, 23 (1958)» PP* 187-200. For procedures involved in centroid method of factor analysis see B. Fruchter, Introduction to Faotor Analysis, New York, Van Nostrand, 1954, Chap. 6 . 38 compartmentalized their beliefs, and they do not consider it consistent with their religious beliefs that belief in a personal god is not essentially negation of their religious faith. The items included in Factor A and factor loadings are shown in Table 3.
Factor B— Worldly Asceticism. This factor has significant loadings on 12 items. The items included in this factor are primarily concerned with postponement of immediate gratification, hard work, thrift, continuous striving for success, self-control, and planning. All items in this factor had significant factor loadings and there were no logical inconsistencies. The items included in Factor B and factor loadings are shown in Table
Factor E— Personal Responsibility. This factor has significant loadings on 8 items. The items included in this factor deal with personal responsibility, minding one’s own business, self-reliance, personal ability, and attainment of personal goals by self-discipline.
The items included in Factor E and factor loadings are shown in Table 5.
Factor E— Rationalism. This factor has significant loadings on
9 items. The items included in this factor were pertaining to the role of rational as opposed to irrational activities in human affairs.
This factor had the least number of items among all the four factors.
The items included in Factor H and factor loadings are shown in Table 6.
The above four factors essentially represented four of the seven dimensions of the Protestant Ethic on which we had based our Protestant
Ethic scale. The other three factor perhaps could not be extracted
because of the small number of items included in the final scale. 39
TABLE 3
FACTOR A (Religiosity)
ITEM FACTOR NO. DESCRIPTION OF ITEM LOADINGS
2. The more scientists learn, the less it makes .59 sense to believe in a personal God.
.13. .Although things may be pretty hard in this life, they will get better in the next. .^5 6. Science hasn’t found anything that hasn't already been revealed by God.
7. The Bible's account of the creation of the world is the only true one. ..50 12. Belief in a personal God becomes less and less reasonable as science discovers moreabout nature. .65
13. It is a great comfort to know that God never fails, even when everything seems to go wrong. .72
15. I can't make sense out of the world except by believing in God. .66
16. Man is responsible to God. .71
17. We were made for fellowship with God and our hearts will be restless until they rest in Him. .78. 18. I believe that men working and thinking together can build a good society without calling for the help of God. .73
19. God knows our thoughts before we speak them; He is acquainted with all our ways. .71
20. Without rel^ion, the world wouldn't be as civilized as it is. .55
28. It is amazing how prayer influences the way things turn out. .68 40
TABLE 4
FACTOR B (Worldly Asceticism)
ITEM FACTOR NO. DESCRIPTION OF ITEM LOADINGS
9. Every man has a responsibility to do the best work that he can. .37
22. "There is not much sense in trying very hard to get ahead. .42
23. Everyone should strive to be successful. .50
31. Good things are worth saving for. .77
32. A wise man controls himself. .65
33. If you sacrifice today, you will be rewarded tomorrow. .39
36. The way the world is today, a wise man lives for today and lets tomorrow take care of itself. -.35
37. In order to get anywhere, you have to plan your life. .55
39. A man should save part of his pay check on payday. .65
40. Hard work, thrift, sobriety, and responsible behavior are necessary for success. .52
41. Planning only makes a person unhappy since plans hardly ever work out anyway. .65
42. A high school education is worth all the time and effort it takes to get it. .38 41
TABLE 5
FACTOR E (Personal Responsibility)
ITEM FACTOR NO. DESCRIPTION OF ITEM LOADING
14. Belief in God is a sign that a man isn't taking responsibility for his own life. .64
24. Everyone should mind his own business. .64
34, Life is short; so we should enjoy it while we can. -.60 26. Everyone should handle his own problems as he pleases and should let everyone else handle their problems any way they want to. .51
27. A man ought to limit the size of his family so he can provide the best that he can for his children. .45
25. I set high goals for myself and try to reach them. .27
29. There is no such thing as good luck; luck is what a man makes for himself. .29
21. Success depends more upon luck than on ability. -.35
TABLE 6
FACTOR H (Rationalism)
ITEM FACTOR NO. DESCRIPTION OF ITEM LOADINGS 8. A person's pay scale should depend partly on his education. .39
21. Success depends more on luck than on ability. -.35
35. A hungry man has a right to steal. -.52
38. A man should have enough insurance to take care of his family in case he dies. -.35
47. A man should spend more than he makes. -.32
43. A person can plan his future so that everything will come out all right in the long run. .43 We tested each factor by the split-half method of reliability.
Factor "A” (Religiosity sub-scale) had a corrected correlation of
.89, and Factor "B" (Worldly Asceticism sub-scale) had a corrected
correlation of .81. The other two factors "E" and "H" had corrected
correlations of .05 and ,32, respectively. The lower correlation
in the case of the last two factors was perhaps the function of the
very small number of items included in the factors (Appendix 5)«
An intercorrelation analysis of the Protestant Ethic scale and
the four sub-scales (Factors) was also carried out. The correlation
of the Protestant Ethic scale with the sub-scale is shown in the
table below.
TABLE 7
THE INTERCORRELATIONS OF THE PROTESTANT ETHIC SCALE AND SUB-SCALES
Protestant Worldly Personal SCALES Ethic Religiosity Asceticism Res ponsibility Rationalism Scale Sub-scale Sub-scale Sub-scale Sub-scale
I 1.0000 0.5919 0.4330 0.3912 0.383
The relationships between the over-all Protestant Ethic scale
and religiosity and Asceticism were fairly high. The relationship
between the over-all Protestant Ethic and Personal Responsibility
and Rationalism sub-scales were not very high. Nevertheless, the
values of correlations between the over-all Protestant Ethic scale and
the four subscales do reflect a degree of relationship which is to be
expected if the sub-scales are part of the over-all Protestant Ethic
scale. 43
From the statistical analysis, it appears that the Protestant
Ethic scale has internal as well as face validity,5 and that it should be a valid instrument to measure the degree of group commitment to the Protestant Ethic,
The Job Satisfaction Scale. It would be recalled from our discussion from the first chapter that a degree of job satisfaction would be a good measure of the adjustment of individuals in the ur banized and industrialized world. The second scale required to carry out the study was, therefore, a job satisfaction scale. A survey of literature revealed a number of reliable and valid scales that had • been used in various sociological investigations of job satisfaction. 6
For the purpose of this study, Robert P. Bullock,s? scale of job satisfaction was selected because of the willing permission of the author and the appropriateness of the scale to the present study.
5one of the underlying assumptions of our scale was that in order to be a valid measuring instrument, it should differentiate between persons with a high commitment to the Protestant Ethic and persons with a low commitment. In other words, it would be recalled from our discussion from Chapter I that the scale should differentiate between "Traditionally” oriented and "Rationally" (modem) oriented persons. As an external test of validity of our scale, it may be mentioned that most of the statements included in the Protestant Ethic scale were also found to be included in another scale which purported to measure the "individual modernity." See David Horton Smith and Alex Inkels, "The OM Scale: A Comparative Socio-Psychological Measure of Individual Modernity," Sociometry, vol. 29, no. December, 1966.
^For example see "Short Forms of the Minnesota Survey of Opinion" in E.Z. Rundquest and R.F. Sletto, Personality in Depression, Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 1936; "Morse Indexes of Employee Satis faction," in Nancy C. Morse, Satisfaction in the White Collar Job, Ann Arbor, University of Michigan, 1953; "Guttman Scale of Military Base Morale" in D.C. Miller and N.Z. Medalia, Sociological Review, July, 1953, 3: 93-107; "Brayfield and Rothe's Index of Job Satisfaction," A. H. Brayfield and H.F. Rothe, "An Index of Job Satisfaction," Journal of Applied Psychology, October, 1951, 35• 307-11.
7Robert P. Bullock, Social Factors Related to Job Satisfaction— A Technique for the Measurement of Job Satisfaction, Bureau of Business Research, Research Monograph no. 70, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio, 1952. 1*4
Although this scale has been tested for reliability and v a l i d i t y , 8
its reliability was again tested on the final sample by the split-half method of reliability, and the corrected correlation was found to be
,9^ (N = 410), An item analysis of the scale item on the final sample
also revealed that the C.R, for all items was 13 and higher (Appendix 6).
Selection of the Sample and Administration of Schedule
The sample in this study consisted of 322 White workers and 88
Negro workers. In the White sample, 123 were rural migrants and 199
were urban workers. The Negro sample included 19 rural migrants and
69 urban workers. The following describes the procedures of selection
of the White and Negro samples and the administration of the schedule.
White Sample. In the winter of 19^7* the writer approached the
management of three large industrial organizations in Dayton and its
vicinity. These organizations were the National Cash Register Company,
Chrysler Corporation, Airtemp Division, Dayton, Ohio, and Armco Steel
Corporation, Middletown, Ohio. These industrial organizations were
selected because of the large numbers of employees, which included
a significant number of Appalachian migrants and Negro workers. The
managements of these organizations were requested for permission to
use a selected sample of their employees as respondents in this study.
But the managements of all the three firms expressed their inability
to participate in the study. The Chrysler Corporation and Armco did
not give any specific reasons for their decision. The management of
National Cash Register Company, however, stated the forthcoming labor
8ibid. ^5 labor contract negotiation with the employees as the reason for not
participating in the study.
The alternate method for the selection of the required sample was then adopted after consultation with the staff of the Labor Edu
cation Center of The Ohio State University. This method consisted
of the selection of three large labor unions in Dayton, which included
a fairly large number of Appalachian and other rural migrants among
their memberships. The three labor unions selected were National
Cash Register Independent Employees Union, the Utility Worker^’
Union of the U.S.A., Local 175t and the United Auto Workers, Local 696.
The Board of Directors of the National Cash Register Independent
Employees Union and the Utility Workers’ Union approved their members’
participation in the study. The U.A.W.’s Board of Directors did not
grant the permission and that union had to be dropped.
A total of 150 White members of the Utility Workers’ Union,
Local 175» between the ages of 18 and 55 years were selected. This
constituted about 10 per cent of the total membership of the local
union. The interview schedules to these members were administered
after the general meeting of the local held on May 12, 19&7, at the
Union’s meeting hall in Dayton, Ohio. A total of 123 usable schedules
were collected.
The interview schedules to the members of the National Cash
Register Independent Employees Union were administered through the
Union’s Executive Secretary and local captains in the day shifts of
the N.C.R. Plant at Dayton, Ohio. The procedure for the administra
tion of the schedules through the local captains was suggested by the h6
Union as the only way we could administer the schedules to the White workers without violating labor codes. A total of 300 interview schedules were administered to the White members between the ages >of
18 and 55 years working in the day shift. These 300 respondents, which constituted about 6 per cent of the total day shift technical labor force, were selected by local captains in consultation with the
Executive Secretary of the Union and the writer in May, 1967. A total of 22^ schedules were returned and out of these 199 schedules were found completed and usable. Thus a total of 322 usable schedules were obtained from the White workers.
Negro Sample. Both the N.C.R. and Utility Workers* Tnion were found to be predominantely White. It was, therefore, deemed proper to include a sample of Negro workers in the total sample in order to make it more representative of the general profile of the American working class labor force. Furthermore, the Negro migration from the rural South to the urban North and Midwest is an important trend in the internal migration in the United States, and it was considered relevant to see not only if the adjustment pattern of the Negro mi grants and non-migrant workers in the urban areas differed from the
White migrants and non-migrant workers, but also if their commitment to the Protestant Ethic is the same as the Whites1.
The state of Ohio Employment Bureau at Dayton was approached for advice in the selection of a Negro workers' sample. The emplpyemnt bureau did not maintain any record which could be publicly used, but it suggested the West Dayton Self-Help Center, Dayton, for possible assistance in the selection of a Negro Workers sample. The West Dayton 47
Self-Help Center is a semi-public agency in West Dayton, a predominantly
Negro area, primarily working for placements of Negro workers who have
been placed in various industries in the area through the Center in
the last year. The Center had a list of 250 such workers. Out of
this, 155 male workers, between the ages of 18 and 55 (same as the
White sample), were selected. The Center allowed two of its field
workers to administer the schedule to these people at their homes.
About thirty per cent of these persons asked for help in completion
of the schedule and were assisted fcy the two field workers. The
remaining participants completed it themselves and returned it to
the field workers the next day. A total of 128 schedules were returned
and out of these only 88 were found to be usable. The remaining were
found to be incomplete and could not be used.
Thus a total of 410 usable schedules were returned or collected
from both the White and the Negro workers which constituted the final
sample in this study. CHAPTER III
FINDINGS-TESTS OF THE HYPOTHESES
The present chapter is concerned with the findings of the study.
It will be recalled from our discussion in Chapter I that five hy potheses were formulated which were to be tested on the basis of data obtained in this study. The following discussion pertains to the tests of these hypotheses.
Hypothesis No. 1. It was hypothesized that the orientation of the belief systems (as measured by the Protestant Ethic scale) is related to the job satisfaction scores (as measured by the job satis faction scale).
The obtained correlations between the belief system orientations and job satisfaction scores for the combined sample was .09.
The correlations between the belief system orientations and job satisfaction scores were also computed for the White, Negro, rural migrant, and non-migrant (urban) samples separately.
The obtained correlation for the White sample was .08 and for the Negro sample it was .20.
The obtained correlation for the rural migrant sample was .03 and for the non-migrant urban workers it was .16.
To ascertain further the validity of the above findings of low correlation between the Protestant Ethic and job satisfaction the data was subjected to the Critical Ratio test of significance. In
l±8 ^9
order to do this the Protestant Ethic scores for all respondents were arranged from the highest to the lowest scores. Then upper
100 cases and the lowest 100 cases were taken and means of job satis
faction scores were computed for the two groups. The rationale being
that if the commitment to the Protestant Ethic is a crucial factor in
job satisfaction then the difference between the mean job satisfaction
scores for the two groups will be statistically significant. This
is shown in Table 8 below.
TABLE 8
THE MEAN JOB SATISFACTION SCORES FOR THE GROUP OF 100 CASES WITH HIGHEST PROTESTANT ETHIC SCORES AND THE GROUP OF 100 CASES WITH LOWEST PROTESTANT ETHIC SCORES
Groups according to the Group of 100 respondants Group of 100 Protestant Ethic Scores with highest Protestant respondants with Ethic Scores lowest Protestant Ethic Scores
Mean job satisfaction scores. 35.^9 36.37
Critical Ratio = .76 p .> .05
Thd result obtained from the above statistical analysis illus
trated that persons in the high Protestant Ethic Scores (Traditionalistic)
do not significantly differ from the person with lower Protestant
Ethic Scores (Rationalistic). This further supports the finding
obtained through correlational analysis of the two variabLes.
Since correlation values for the combined sample as well as for
the White, Negro, non-migrant and migrant samples were too low to 50 to be significant and further the difference between means of job satisfaction scores for the highest Protestant Ethic group and lowest
Protestant Ethic group were not significant at .05 level, the, hypothesis, therefore, was rejected.
Hypothesis No. 2. Our second hypothesis was that rural migrant workers will differ in their commitment to the Protestant Ethic from the urban workers in that the rural migrant workers will have tradi tional belief orientations (low commitment to the Protestant Ethic) and the urban workers will have a rational belief orientation (higher commitment to the Protestant Ethic). The rural migrant in this study was deflated as a person who had lived during all of his childhood on a farm or in the country. The urban worker was defined as a person who was born and had lived most of his life in a city or town with a population of 10,000 and above.
The mean Protestant Ethic scores for the rural migrant workers was 129.92 and for the non-migrant workers it was 128.58.
As hypothesized, the.mean Protestant Ethic score for the rural migrant workers was higher than the non-migrant workers; that is, the rural migrant workers were slightly more traditional in their orientations than urban workers. This is shown in Table 9«
TABLE 9
MEAN PROTESTANT ETHIC SCORES FOR THE RURAL MIGRANT AND NON-MIGRANT WORKERS
Workers Mean Protestant Ethic Scores N
Rural Migrant 129.92 IkZ
Non-migrant 128.58 268
Critical Ratio = 1.1? p > .05 51
But the difference between the two means was not significant at .05 level. The hypothesis was, therefore, rejected.
Hypothesis No. 3. The third hypothesis dealt with one of the basic assumptions of the Weberian Theory of the Protestant Ethic.
According to Weber's theory, the rationalistic belief orientations are more conducive to rational economic behavior. It was therefore hypothesized that parsons with rationalistic belief orientations will have higher economic status (as measured by their income) than those who have traditionalistic belief orientations.
The sample was divided into five income groups and the frequenty of distribution was computed in each income category for the ration alistic belief orientation group and traditionalistic belief orien tation group.
In order to determine Traditionalistic belief orientation group and Rationalistic belief orientation group the respondents were ar ranged from high to low Protestant Ethic scores. Then they were di vided into equal halves. The upper half (group with higher Protestant
Ethic scores) was designated as Traditionalistic and the lower half
(group with lower Protestant Ethic scores) was designated as Ration alistic. The distribution of five income groups in Traditionalistic and Rationalistic orientation groups is shown in Table 10.,
The Chi square value for differences in the frequency distribu tions was not significant at .05 level. The hypothesis was therefore rejected. 52
TABLE 10
THE DISTRIBUTION OF ECONOMIC STATUS IN TRADITIONALISTIC AND RATIONALISTIC ORIENTATION GROUPS.
______Economic Status (Income Levels)
Belief (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) N Orientations $3000 ani $3000 to $5000 to $7000 to $9000 and ______less per year $5000/yr $7000/yr $9000/yr above/yr._____
No. No. No. No. * « . No. $ Rationalistic 11 20 9-7 52 25.4 81 39.5 41 20.0 205 Traditionalistic 10 4.9 18 8.8 59 28.7 90 43.9 28 13.7 205
Chi square 3.51 d:f = 4 P > .05
However, as indicated in Table 10, it was noticed that frequency
of economic status distribution in categories of $7000 to $9000 and
in $9000 and above were different. In order to see if this difference
in frequency distribution in these categories was significant the
sample was divided in three income categories by combining the first
three categories which did not indicate any differential distribution
and keeping the last two. Then the distribution of these three in
come categories was computed in the Traditionalistic and Rationalistic
groups. This is shown in Table 11.
The Chi Square value for difference in the frequency distribu
tion was not significant at .05 level which further validated our
conclusion of rejection of the hypothesis.
Hypothesis No. 4. The fourth hypothesis tested was that an
individual^ economic location is an important factor in determining
his other mode of adjustments in the social system. Therefore, it 53
TABLE 11
THE DISTRIBUTION OF ECONOMIC STATUS IN TRADITIONALISTIC AND RATIONALISTIC GROUPS
Economic Status (Income Levels)
Belief 1-3 4 5 N Orientations $3000 and less $7000 to $9060 and to $7000/yr $9000/yr above/yr
No. % No. $ No...... i. Rationalistic 83 40.5 31 39.5 41 20.5 205
Traditi onalis tic 87 42.4 90 43.9 28 13.7 205
Chi Square =3.01 d:f = 2 p ;> .05
was hypothesized that a high degree of satisfaction with economic location (indicated fcy one’s job satisfaction) will be related to an individual’s family status, educational level, social parti cipation, favourable attitude towards community and house ownership.^
1-Number of studies in the field of urban sociology have indi cated that educational level, social participation and attitude towards community, family status and house ownership are important indices of Individual adjustment and integration in urban areas. For example see: Helena Zananicki Lopata, "Some Factors Affecting Participation in Voluntary Association" and R. Freedman, "Cityward Migration, Urban Ecology and Social Theory," in Urban Sociology, E, W. Burgess and Donald Bogue, eds.; the University of Chicago Press, 1964. Murray Hausknecht, The Joiners, New York, The Bedminster Press, 1962, Jose M. Mar, "The Barridas of Lima: An Example of Integration into Urban Life," in Phillip Hauser, ed, Urbanization in Latin America, UNESCO, Tension and Technology series No, 8 (1961). R. Giffin, "Appalachian New Comers in Cincinnati," in Ford, ed. The Southern Appalachian Region: A Survey, op. cit.; Abu Lughod, "Migrant Ad justment to City Life: ' The'Egyptian Case," o£. cit.; Zimmer, B,, Participation of Migrant in Urban Structures", American Sociological Review, 20, April, i955» PP« 218-24. G. Beiger, Rural Migrants In Urban Settings: An Analysis of the Literature on the Problem of Internal Migration from Rural to Urban Areas in 12 European Countries 19^5-61, The Hague. Martinus Njghoff. 1963. Gist and Fava, Urban Society, New York, Thomas Y. Crowell, 1964, Chapter 20. 5k
In order to determine high and low job satisfaction groups all respondents were arranged from the highest to the lowest on the basis of their job satisfaction soores. Then they were divided in equal halves. The upper half was designated as the high job satisfaction group and the lower half was designated as low job satisfaction group.
Tables 12, 13, 1^, 15 and 16 describe the family status, edu cational level, social participation, attitude towards community of residence and house ownership status of the high and low job satis faction groups.^
Family Status. The family status in this study was determined by individual’s existing marital status. Table 12 shows the dis tribution of Family Status in low and high job satisfaction groups.
TABLE 12
FAMILY STATUS DISTRIBUTION IN HIGH AND LOW JOB SATISFACTION GROUPS
Family Status
Job Single Married Separated Divorced Widowed N Satisfaction No. % No. % No. % No. No. % Low (lower half) .19 9.3 153 77.0 10 k.9 1? 7-3 3 1.5 205 High (upper half) 8 3.9 187 91.2 k 2.0 k 1.9 2 1.0 205
Chi Square = 16.05 d:f = k p..< .01
^The job satisfaction was found to be significantly related to the income level. When the total sample was divided into high and low job satisfaction groups the higher income levels were mostly in the high job satisfaction group and the low income levels were mostly in the low job satisfaction group. See Appendix 7. 55
As shown in Table 12, high job satisfaction group higher numbered married and fewer single, separated, divorced and widowed.
The difference in distribution of these family statuses was signifi cant at .05 level.
The Educational Level. The education levels of respondents were determined by respondent's educational attainment at the time of interview. The distribution of educational levels in high and low job satisfaction groups is shown in Table 13.
TABLE 13
THE DISTRIBUTION OF EDUCATIONAL LEVELS IN THE HIGH AND LOW JOB SATISFACTION GROUPS
Educational Level
Job 8th grade High Two yrs. College Others N Satisfaction and below Sohool College
No. $ No., % No. $ No. No. i
Low (lower half) 37 18.0 Ikk 70.3 .19 9.2 2 1.0 _ 3 1.5 205 High (upper half) 18 8.8 155 75.6 15 7.3 7 3.*P 10 9 205
Chi Square = 13.98 d:f = 4 p & .01
The high job satisfaction group was found to have higher edu cational attainment than the low job satisfaction group as hypothesized.
The difference was significant at .01 level.
Social Participation. The degree of social participation of a respondent was determined by the number of organizational memberships 56 of the respondents. The degree of social participation in the low and high job satisfaction groups is shown in Table 14-. As noted earlier the social participation is considered to be an important measure of social adjustment in urban structures. 3
TABLE 14
DEGREE OF SOCIAL PARTICIPATION IN THE HIGH AND LOW JOB SATISFACTION GROUPS
Membership in Social Organizations
Job None 1 2 3 4 and more N Satisfaction No. i No. £ No. 1o No. 1o No. * Low (lower half) 149 72.7 14 6.8 24 11.7 13 6.3 11 2.2 205
High (upper CM o wv half) 121 59.0 .. I?.. JS..9_„ 41 28.0 20 9.7 16 5 * Chi Square = 11.23 d:f = 4 p < .05
The high job satisfaction group had a higher degree of social participation in social organisations than the low job satisfaction group. The difference in distributions of various degrees of social participation in the two groups was significant at ,05 level.
The Attitude Towards Community of Residence. This was determined by respondent’s answer to the question whether or not he planned to stay at his present place of residence permanently. One who planned
3Lopata, loo, cit., Zimmer, loc. cit., Hausknecht, loc. cit. 57 to live permanently was designated as having a favorable attitude, the one who did not plan to stay pemanently was designated as having an unfavorable attitude, and the rest were classified in the "not sure" category. Table 15 describes the distribution>of these responses in the high and low job satisfaction groups.
TABLE 15
DISTRIBUTION OF FAVORABLE AND UNFAVORABLE ATTITUDES TOWARDS COMMUNITY OF RESIDENCE IN THE HIGH AND LOW JOB SATISFACTION GROUPS
Attitudes Towards Community of Residence
Job Plans to live Does not plan to Not sure N Satisfaction permanently live permanently
No. % No. $ No. t Low (lower half) 69 33.7 .. 81.39.5.. 55 26.8 205 High (upper half) 78 38.0 67 32.7 60 29.3 205
Chi Square = 2.09 d:f = 2 p > .10
The difference in distribution of favorable and unfavorable attitude towards community in the high and low job satisfaction
groups was not significant at .05 level. This was contrary to what had been hypothesized. However, it is very likely that in the con temporary American society, which is characterized by high residential and social mobilitythe favorable or unfavorable attitudes towards
^N. Gist and S. Fava, Urban Society, op. cit., pp. 152-150 and 310-31^. Also see Bendix, R. and Seymour Lipset, Social Mobility in Industrial Society.
i* 58 one’s community of residence may not be indicative of social adjust ment or mal-adjustment in the community, but a manifestation, if we follow the argument of Bendix and Lipset,-5 of individual’s aspiration for higher social status. This may require change in community of residence irrespective of individual’s attitudes towards present community of residence.
House Ownership Status. Table 16 describes the house ownership or rental status of respondents in the high and low job satisfaction groups.
TABLE 16
THE HOME OWNERSHIP AND RENTAL STATUS OF RESPONDENTS IN HIGH AND LOW JOB SATISFACTION GROUPS
Job Satisfaction Own house Rent house N
No. No. i
Low CM 0 (lower half) 13** 65.** 71 3^.6
High (upper half) 177 86.8 27 13.2 20!*
Chi Square =,25.69 d:f = 1 P < .001
The number of people with house ownership status were con siderably larger in the high job satisfaction group than;.the low
job satisfaction group as hypothesized. The difference in the dis tribution of home ownership and urban status in the two groups was significant at .001 level.
5loc. cit., Chapter 8. 59
With the exception of attitude towards community, it was found that persons with greater satisfaction with their jobs had higher degrees of family adjustment, higher educational levels, higher degree of social participation and home ownership than the people less satisfied with their jobs as hypothesized.
Hypothesis No, 5* Our final hypothesis was that because of the different cultural, social, and economic opportunities available to the Negroes and Whites in the contemporary American society, the
Negro workers will differ in their commitment to the Protestant Ethic and the degree of job satisfaction from the White workers.
The tables below show the means of job satisfaction scores and the Protestant Ethic scores for the White and Negro workers.
TABLE 1?
THE MEANS OF PROTESTANT ETHIC SCORES FOR THE WHITE AND NEGRO SAMPLES
Race Mean Protestant Standard Deviation N Ethic Scores
White 128.65 12.02 322
Negro 130.49 6.83 88
Critical Ratio = 1.86 not significant at ,05 level
The difference in the mean Protestant Ethic scores of White and
Negro workers was ndt significant at .05 level. It was contrary to what had been hypothesized bit seemingly consistent with the earlier findings that rural and urban workers did not differ significantly 6o in their commitment to the Protestant Ethic (Hypothesis No. 2). It seems evident that the Negro and White workers subscribe to the same normative structures in which they have been socialized. Race does not prevent Negroes from internalizing fully the same normative structures as the fellow White Americans.
TABLE 13
THE MEANS OF JOB SATISFACTION SCORES FOR THE WHITE AND NEGRO SAMPLES
Race Mean of job Standard Deviation N satisfaction scores
White 36.9^ 6.62 322
Negro 28 A 7 8.W 88
Critical Ratio = 8.70 p C .001
The difference between mean job satisfaction scores for the
Negro and White workers was significant at .001 level. The mean job satisfaction score for Negro workers was considerably lower than tneir White counterparts. This means that in spite of the similar commitment to the Protestant Ethic the Negro workers were not as satisfied as White urban5 workers. The lower job satisfaction of
Negro workers is evidently the function of the low status of the jobs which are opened to the Negro mainly in contemporary American societies because of his technical skills.
Summary of the Findings. The obtained correlation in this study indicates no significant relationship between the belief system orientations, and job satisfaction scores. It does not validate 61 our hypothesis that rural migrant workers are significantly different from the urban workers in their commitment to the Protestant Ethic.
It was hypothesized that workers with rational belief orientation will have higher economic status than those who have traditional belief orientations. The data indicated that the difference between economic statuses (income levels) of workers with rational and tradi tional belief orientations is not significant at .05 level. In short the hypotheses 1 , 2 , and 3 were not validated by the data.
The data obtained in the study indicated that the high degree
of satisfaction with economic location is significantly related to family adjustment, educational level, social participation and house ownership as hypothesized.
The difference between the mean Protestant Ethic scores of the
Negro and White samples was not significant at the .05 level. But
the difference between the job satisfaction scores of the Negro and
White samples was found to be significant at .001 level. CHAPTER IV
ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION
This chapter deals with the analysis and interpretation of the findings of the study. The main problem investigated in the present study was the "belief system orientation and job satisfaction of rural migrant workers and urban workers." It will be recalled from our previous discussion in Chapter I that job satisfaction was selected as an index of social adjustment in the modem urbanized and industrialized American society. A number of studies have indi cated that economic activity is an important factor in the social adjustment of individuals in the urban areas.
Following the general findings of these studies and also the theoretical framework of the contemporary social stratification theories of Weber,2 Davis,3 and othersthe economic position was selected as the major index of individual’s social adjustment. It was argued that since economic position is considered to be an important factor in an individual’s adjustment and integration in the urban and
3-Omari, "Factors Associated with ...»" op. cit., Leybourne, "Urban Adjustment of Migrants ...," og. cit., Beer and Heflin, og. cit., Caldwell, og. cit.
2From Max Weber, Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed., Hans Gerth and C. Wright Mills, New York: Oxford University Press, Chapter 7.
3Klngsley Davis, Human Society, op. cit.
^B. Barber, Social Stratification, op. cit., R. Bendix and S. Lipset, Class, Status and Power, op. cit.
62 63 integration in the urban and industrial social systems, as the aforementioned studies and contemporary stratification theorists maintain, therefore the satisfaction with economic position, which has been'measured in this study by the degree of job satisfaction, will be significantly related to other major modes of adjustments.
On the basis of this reasoning, it was hypothesized that a high degree of job satisfaction will be related to family adjustments, education level, social participation, favorable attitude towards community of residence and home ownership. All of these factors were included in Omari’s index of community adaptation and adjustment,5
The findings of the study indicated that workers with a greater degree of job satisfaction also had higher degree of family adjustment
(Table 12), higher education levels (Table 13), higher degree of social participation (Table 1^), and higher home ownership status (Table 16), than the workers with lower job satisfaction, as hypothesized,6
But the findings also indicated that workers with higher job satis faction were not significantly different (at .05 level) from workers with lower job satisfaction in their attitude (favorable or unfavorable) towards community of residence (Table 16). This finding was contrary to what had been hypothesized on the basis of Omari's index. In other words, the findings indicated that favorable or unfavorable attitudes
towards community of residence may not be Indicative of an Individual's
social adjustment or mal-adjustment in the community.
50mari, o£. cit.
^The difference in distribution of family status, educational level, social participation, and house ownership status in "high" and "low" job satisfaction: groups were significant at .05 level or above (see Chapter III). When we view these findings from the perspective of recent com munity and stratification theories, it will seem that our finding is not inconsistent with the current theoretical formulations* A number of recent studies have indicated that American society is characterized by social as well as physical mobility.7 The social and physical mobility in America is a sign of and a "measure of social metabolism indicating the change and expansion of the larger system."®
The urbanized and industrialized societies like the United States, by providing freedom of action and thought to the individual, by its emphasis on "achievement" rather than "ascription" and by pro viding an elaborate system of rewards to encourage achievement, furnish great motivation for upward social mobility.9 The prospects and aspirations of social mobility, which generally involve residential mobility, has far-reaching implications for social structure. It weakens constraint of the local community on its members and weakens their commitment to the local area as a home. And an individual’s
Investment is relatively small in the interactional network that constrains the locality group. These consequences of social mobility have resulted in creating what Greer had called, "The Community of
Limited Liability."10
?Bendix and Lipset, Social Mobility in Industrial Society, op. cit., Gist and Fava, Urban Society, op. cit., pp. 152-156, 310-31^» "Resi- dential Mobility, 19^9-1950* in the Ten Largest Standard Metropolitan Areas in the United States," Detroit Area Study, Survey Research Center, University of Michigan, Project ^83 no. 1211, May 1957* W. L. Warner and P. S. Hunt, The Social Life of a Modern Community, New Haven, Yale University Press, 19^1. Kurt B. Mayer. Class and Society, Random House, 19&7, Chapter 8.
®Seott Greer, The Emerging City, Glencoe, The Free Press, 1962, p. 108.
9Gist and Fava, loc. cit., pp. 310-12.
10Greer, og. cit., Chapter b. 65
Sine© our sample in this study primarily consisted of the working class members, it seems logical to infer that many of the respondents had aspirations for higher social status. Thus they may be living in "The Community of Limited Liability," as they were likely to move elsewhere as soon as an appropriate opportunity for improving their social and economic status became available.
On the basis of these three factors which we have discussed above, the working class sample on which this study is based, the aspiration for social mobility which is characteristic of the American working class and the emerging community of limited liability in the metropolitan America, it seems that the favorable or unfavorable attitude towards one’s community of residence may not be indicative of one's adjustment or raal-adjustment in the community. It is there fore suggested that this factor (attitude towards community) should be used with utmost care and that the researcher must take into consi deration all structural variables before arriving at definite conclusions.
On the basis of our interpretation of "attitude towards community" factor and from the findings of the study about the other four factors, we may conclude that the degree of job satisfaction is a satisfactory measure of an individual’s social adjustment. Our findings from the
study validate our decision to use job satisfaction as the key variable
to determine the individual’s social adjustment.
So far we have examined only one of the main assumptions of this
study, that job satisfaction is an important index of the individual’s
social adjustment. The discussion that follows deals with the major
findings of this study. 66
The main objective of this study, as we had indicated in our discussion in Chapter I, was to examine the relationship between the degree of commitment to the Protestant Ethic and job satisfaction of rural migrant workers and non-migrant (urban) workers in an urban area. The primary and formal theoretical framework 6f this study was based on Weber’s theory of the Protestant Ethic and the spirit of capitalism.^1 The main thesis of Weber's theory is that religious beliefs summarized under the caption "ascetic Protestantism" are con ducive to rational economic activity.
These were the main hypotheses formulated from the perspective of Weberian Theory: that the degree of commitment to the Protestant
Ethic is related to job satisfaction (hypothesis 1), and because the higher commitment to the Protestant Ethic (rationalistic orientation) is more conducive to economic advancement than the lower commitment to the Protestant Ethic (traditionalistic orientation), therefore persons with higher commitment to the Protestant Ethic will have higher economic status than the one with lower commitment to the
Protestant Ethic (hypothesis 3). Finally, the rural migrant workers and urban workers will differ in their degrees-of commitment to the
Protestant Ethic (hypothesis 2).
These hypotheses were tested on the basis of empirical data collected in this study. This was reported in Chapter III. The data in this study did not validate any of the above hypotheses. The relation ship between the belief system orientation and the job satisfaction was too low to be significant. The difference in distribution of
!!Weber, op. cit. 67 various income levels (income statuses) in the “Rationalistic orienta tion" and "Traditionalistic orientation" groups were not statistically significant (at .05 level). Finally our data indicated that the rural migrant workers and urban workers did not differ significantly
(at .05 level) in their commitment to the Protestant Ethic. The con clusion that can be drawn from these findings is that the commitment to the Protestant Ethic is not related to the individual's occupational activities and further it is not a crucial factor in the social adjustment of rural migrant workers and urban workers in the urban society. Since our hypotheses were formulated on the basis of theo retical assumptions of Weberian theory of the Protestant Ethic, the question that we raise here is "Does this mean that the core assumptions of Weber's Theory are no longer valid?" Unfortunately, this question cannot be answered because of the obviously limited nature of the data and the study. Therefore, no attempt will be made to challenge
Weber's Theory; however, whatever the limitations of the present study may be in the opinion of the writer, the findings are unexpected and somewhat extraordinary.
In order to understand and interpret the findings of this study, it is the opinion of the writer that we must understand the nature of society and its structures in which the research was carried out.
After this examination, we would attempt to Interpret the findings.
The contention of this writer is that the society and its structures and the value orientation which underlie Weber's Theory — or to use a Marxist phrase, the "historical epoch" whose structure and processes Weber had analyzed and used as referents in the formulation 68 of his theory — was basically different in structure, processes and ideological orientation of its members from the American society of
1967 in which the present study was carried^out. As Marx had pointed out, the theoretical laws or propositions pertaining to one historical epoch may become obsolete or inapplicable when applied to another and different historical e p o c h . 12 in other words, from the perspec tive of sociology of knowledge,13 Weber’s Theory could be relevant for a certain historical epoch or in certain combinations of social, cultural, economic and ideological conditions, and may not be relevant or applicable to another historical epoch embodying different social, economic, and ideological circumstances.
Weber himself seems to have been cognizant of this. In a very perceptive statement!ihe has stated that the very success of value systems (the Protestant Ethic) breeds conditions for their own:
. . . by the beginning of the twentieth century, when the capitalistic system was already highly developed, it no longer needed impetus of ascetic Protestantism. Capitalism had, by virtue of its conquest of much of Western society, solidly established an institutional base and secular value systems of its own — 'economic -t.. rationality.' These secular economic values no longer needed the ultimate justification required in the newer, unsteadier days of economic revolution.
A number of sociologists have pointed out the rise of "mass
12Karl Marx, Poverty of Philosophy, New York, International Publishers, pp. 157-58 and 102-107.
13For a concise statement of sociology of knowledge, see Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, Glencoe, The Free Press, 1957, Chapter XII.
l^Max Weber, quotation from Neil Smelser, "Towards a Theory of Modernization," in AurLtai Etzioni and Eva Etzioni, eds, Social Change, New York, The Basic Books, 196^, pp. 26^-65. 69 society11 in America. Don Martindale in the following statement summarizes the general sociological argument:
The dramatic event in twentieth-century America, overshadowing all else, even two world wars and a major depression, is the emergence of the United States as a mass society. There are few students of American society who do not agree with this . . . Nor is there reason to doubt that mass society is carrying out a vast liquidation of traditional values. 15
1 zT A similar argument has been presented in the works of Shils,XD Selznick,!? Olson,1® and a number of other leading sociologists.19
Dynes and his associates have argued that contemporary American
society is a consequence of a number of "revolutions” that have <
taken place in recent American history. These "revolutions,” according
to Dynes and. his associates, are "Mobility revolution," "Behavioral
revolution," "Communication revolution," "Scientific revolution," and "Organizational revolution.Whether these so-called revolutions are consequences or causes of modern industrial society is not in
15Don Martindale, American Society, Princeton, N. J., van Nostrand, I960, p. vii. Chapters 1-4 of this book deal with the American Mass Society.
l^Edward Shils, "The Theory of Mass Society" in Phillip Olson, ed., America as a Mass Society, Glencoe, The Free Press, 1963.
17Phillip Selznick, "Institutional Vulnerability in Mass Society," The American Journal of Sociology, vol. LBI (1951), PP* 320-331.
ISPhillip Olson, ed., America as a Mass Society, Free Press of Glencoe, 1963.
■^For example see John F. Cuber, Sociology. New York, Appleton- Century-Crofts, 1963, Chapter **; B. Rosenberg and D. M. White, Mass Culture, New York, MacMillan, 1957; Van Den Haag, "Reflections on Mass Culture," American Scholar. 29 (Spring i960), pp. 227-23**; Daniel Bell, "The Theory of Mass Society," Commentary, vol. 22, no. 1, (July 1956); Peter F. Drucker, The New Society — The Anatomy of the Industrial Order, New York, Harper and Row, 19**9«
20Russell,R. Dynes et. al., Social Problems, New York, Oxford University Press, 196**, Chapter 2. 70 debate here. What we are concerned with here is that contemporary
American society is structurally very different from any of its pre decessors anywhere in the world. The new emerging structures have brought about basic changes in the institutions and values of American society. The Protestant Ethic values such as thrift, savings, frugality, postponement of immediate gratification, hard work, and asceticism, so beneficial in the beginning of the capitalistic era in Europe and
America, are no longer as relevant in the new institutional context.
In the following discussion we will examine some of the main components of the Protestant Ethic, such as frugality, thrift and savings, postponement of immediate gratification and work as a calling, and try toiillustrate how these values might be no longer as relevant in: the contemporary American society as these were in the early days
of the development of capitalism.
One of the basic components of the Protestant Ethic, according
to Weber, was personal austerity and thrift. This predisposition on
the part of early Protestants led to savings and these savings were
reinvested in business and this resulted in economic expansion and led to a cycle of economic growth which eventually made capitalism the dominant form of economic activity. The "accumulation of capital
through ascetic compulsion to save11 was what Weber called the spirit
of capitalism.21 Now let us see to what extent this "spirit" of early
capitalism is the "spirit" of modern capitalism.
In his provocative new book, The New Industrial State,22 Galbraith
21Weber, Protestant Ethic..., op. cit., p. 4-7•
22john K. Galbraith, The New Industrial State, Boston, Houghton Mifflin Co., 1967. 71 describes the nature of modern capitalism in the following words:
The approved folk myths of economics have the individual or the household measuring the urgencies or enjoyments of immediate consumption against the foreseen and unforeseable need of the future. Allied with this is the calculation that if con sumption is differed and proceeds are invested with ptudence and possibly with courage, the reward will be interest, dividends, and capital gain. From this highly rational and individualistic choioe comes the decision to save and therewith the supply of capital and:growth of the economy. Were it so, the supply of capital would be very small and growth very slight. In 1965» personal savings by individuals were $25 billion, savings by business firms, primarily corporations, were $83 billion, or more than three times as great. Compared with the early fifties, personal savings had increased by fifty per cent, business savings had nearly tripled. And most of the personal savings were by the affluent and rich. In 1950* households in the lower two-thirds of income range, as measured by after tax incomes, did no savings at all. On the contrary, they consumed substantially in excess of their income. More than half of all savings were supplied by those in the upper five per cent of the income bracket ... . The small volume of savings by the average man and its absence among the lower income masses, reflect faithfully the role ofiindividuals in the industrial system and accepted view of his function. The indi vidual serves the modern industrial system not by supplying it with savings and the resulting capital, but he serves it by consuming its products. On no other matter, religious, political or moral, is he so elaborately and skillfully and expensively instructed . .- . In a society which so emphasizes consumption and so much needs capital the decision to save should obviously be removed from the consumer and exercised by other authority.23
Similar observations about the nature of modern capitalism, role of the corporation and individual in modern capitalism permeates
23loc. clt., pp. 37-38. 72 the works of a number of modern economists and sociologists.^
From the foregoing discussion it is evident that the traditional
Weberian contention of "accumulation of capital through ascetic com pulsion to save" is no longer applicable in the contest of modern capitalism. The anti-Protestant Ethic spirit of modern capitalism is evident in the apt description of Galbraith. And this anti-Pro- testant Ethic spirit of modern capitalism is continuously promoted by new and better techniques of modern commercial advertisement.
A recent book on advertising describes the objectives of modern advertisement as follows:
. .,. advertising objective is to enable people to imagine themselves as having a more fortunate lot in life, to realize the desireabillty of things they do not have . . . the fulcrum that lifts the economy steadily upward . . . is increased con sumption. 25
The contemporary industrial society has not only brought about the fundamental changes in the institution of modem capitalism, but the emergent structures of the new society has also brought about important changes in the social character of individuals.
2^For example see, Irwin Friend and Stanley Schor, "Who Saves," The Review of Economics and Statistics, vol. XLI (May 1959)» Andrew Hacker, "The "Social and;,Econoraic Power of Corporations" in Dennis Wrong and H. L. Gracey, eds., Readings in Sociology, MacMillan Co., pp. 523-530; Edward S. Mason, ed.. The Corporation in Modern Society, Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1959; James D. Duesenberry, Income, Savings, and Theory of Consumer Behavior, Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 19^9; Wilbert E. Moore, The Conduct of Corporation. New York, Random House, 1962; Maurice Doble, Studies in the Develop ment of Capitalism, New York, International Publishers, 1963.
25john S. Wright and Daniel S. Warner, Advertising, New York, McGraw Hill, 1966, p. lii. 73
David Riesman in his study, The Lonely Crowd,h a s clearly illustrated the change in the character structure of modern man.
One of the many insights described and elaborated in Riesman's study is that behavior based on self-direction, on internalized sets of values referred to as the Protestant Ethic, is being replaced by be havior largely directed from the outside by the social environment.
This change, Riesman argues, is a function of the changes that have taken place in the contemporary society.
In another provocative study, Whyte^7 has presented further evidence that the emergence of a new structure, the modern corporation, has brought about basic changes in individual value orientation. He maintains that the modern social organization exemplifies a broad shift in American values from the frugality, hard work and individu alism of the Protestant Ethic to the "fun morality," "belongingness," and "togetherness" of social ethics. A similar point of view is presented by Wheelis in his work. The Quest for Identity.
So far we have discussed the nature of modern capitalism and emerging normative orientation of individuals in contemporary American society. We have argued that in the contemporary society modern capi talism no longer requires the traditional "spirit" of capitalism in fact it discourages it and further that the emerging normative
^David Riesman, Nathan Glazer, Revel Denny, The Lonely Crowd, Yale University Press, 1950. Also see Riesman, from "Inner-directed" to "Other-directed" in Etzioni and Etzioni, eds. Social Change, op. cit.
27William H. Whyte, Jr., The Organization Man, Garden City, Doubleday and Co., 1957. Part I contains the ideology of the orga nization man.
^®Allen Wheelis, The Quest for Identity, W. W. Norton Co., 1958. 7b
orientation of individuals, as suggested by Riesman and Whyte, is markedly different from the Protestant Ethic orientation. In the
following discussion we will examine briefly the nature of another important component of the Protestant Ethic, the work, in the con
temporary American society.
In his study of the Protestant Ethic Weber argued that the
power of religious asceticism provided, "conscientious and unusually industrious workman, who clung to their work as to a life purpose willed by God."^9 He maintained that this was one of the fundamental elements
of the spirit of capitalism.30 Weber's book, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, is profusely illustrative of the im
portance of work in the doctrines of early ascetic Protestantism.
Weber's scholarship is explicit on this matter and in view of historical
evidence and arguments presented in his work it is unlikely that any
one can challenge the validity of Weber's analysis. However, the
point here is not to challenge Weber's argument, but to illustrate
that in contemporary industrial society the nature of work, particularly
in the world of blue collar work, has undergone a great transformation
and consequently, the early Protestant Ethic injunction of work as a calling is not as relevant in the present context as it was in the
early days of capitalism.
Weber himself pointed this out in a very perceptive statement:
29Weber, o£. cit., p. 179.
30loc. cit., p. 180. 75
The Puritan wanted to work: in a calling, we are forced to do so . . . Since asceticism undertook to remodel the world and to work out its ideals in the world, material goods have gained an increasingly and finally an inexorable power over the lives of men as at no previous period in history. Today, the spirit of religious asceticism — whether finally, who knows? — has escaped from the cage. But victorious capitalism, since it rests on me chanical foundations, need its support no longer . . , and the idea of duty in one's calling prowls about in our lives like the ghost of a dead reli gious belief. Where fulfillment of calling cannot directly be related to the highest spiritual and cultural values, or when, on the other had, it need not be felt simply as economic compulsion, the individual generally abandons the attempt to justify at all. In the fields of its highest development, in the United States, the pursuit of wealth, stripped of its religious and ethical meaning, tends to become associated with purely mundane passions which often actually give it the character of sport,31
From the above statement it is evident that Weber himself was fully aware of the nature of calling in the industrial, mature capi talistic society. An equally perceptive analysis of work in the in dustrial society is embellished in the work of Karl Marx, In his work on Capital,32 Marx observed that industrial capitalism "muti lates the labour into a fragment of man, degrades him to the level of an appendage of a machine, destroys every remnant of charm in his work and turns it into a hated toil; they estrange from him intellectual potentialities of the labour process in the same proportion as science is incorporated in it as an independent power,"33 From his analysis of the capitalist society, like the proceeding, Marx formulated his
31weber, Protestant Ethic, pp. 181-82,
32Karl Marx, Capital, New York, New Library,
33ioc. cit., p. 708. 76 theory of "capitalism and human aberration," one of the most valuable contributions of Marx to sociological theory.3^
The changing nature of work, particularly the blue collar work, in modern industrial society has produced a "psychological crisis" of considerable magnitude for the worker. The changing nature of work has brought about a different motivation and orientation towards work. This is nowhere more evident than in the United States. Erich
Fromm, in his book The Sane Society,35 describes the changed orientation of worker toward work in the following words:
The religious attitude toward work as a duty, which was still so prevalent in the nineteenth century, has been changing considerablyiln the last decades. Modern man does not know what to do with himself, how to spend his lifetime meaningfully, and he is driven to work in order to avoid an unbearable boredom. But work has ceased to be a moral and religious obli gation in the sense of middle class attitudes of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Something new has emerged. Even increasing production, the drive to make bigger and better things, have be come drives in themselves, new ideals. Work has become alientaed from person . . .36
Similar observations have also been made by Peter Druoker.
In his study of the worker in modern industrial corporations, he states:
. . . for a greater majority of automobile workers, the only meaning of the job is in the pay check, not in anything connected with the work or the product. Work appears as something un natural; a disagreeable, meaningless and stulti fying condition of getting the pay check, devoid
3^For a concise statement of Marx?s Theory of Alienation, see Karl Marx, trans. T. B. Bottomore, McGraw Hill, 1964 9 pp. 167-178. Also see "Karl Marx*s Theory of Alienation," by Erich Fromm, in Wrong and Gracey, editory, Readings in Sociology, op. cit., pp. 219-228.
35Erich Fromm, The Sane Society, New York, Fawcett World Library, 1967.
36ioc. cit., pp. 160-161, 77
of dignity as well as of importance. No wonder that this puts a premium on slovenly work, on slowing down, and on other tricks to get the same pay check with less work. No wonder that this results in an unhappy and discontented worker — because the pay check is not enough to base one's self-respect on.37
Similar arguments have been presented in a number of other important work which deal with the workers and the work in the modern
society.38 in a recent series of empirical studies, Wilensky has
reported that the most alienated groups in the American labour force are blue collar workers(all above average family income) and engineers
(many of them have very high salaries). He concludes that "the general impression from these and other data is that the typical American man;is lightly committed to his work,"39
The most important theme that we see linking the writings of
Calvin, Luther, Baxter (which has been discussed by Weber in the
Protestant Ethic), Marx, Weber, Freud, Fromm, Drucker and a number of
other contemporary as well as past religious and social thinkers, is that work is the most valuable human activity through which man achieves
37Peter F. Drucker, Concept of the Corporation, New York, John Day, 194-6.
38For examples see: Daniel Bell, Work and its Discontents, Boston, Beacon Press, 195&; George Friedman, The Anatomy of Work: Labour, Leisure and the Implication of Automation, New York: Free Press, 1962; C. Wright Mills, White Collar, New York: Oxford University Press, 1964-, Part II; Paul Goodman, Growing Up Absurd, Random House, I960; Adrian Tilgher, Work: What it has Meant to Men Through the Ages, London; George G. Harrap and Co., 1931; Fritz Pappenheim, The Alienation of Modern Man, New York, Monthly Review Press, Chapter 2; Robert Blauner, Alienation and Freedom, Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 1964-. The main argument of Professor Blauner is that alienation is smaller in traditional crafts like industries; it increases considerable during during the process of industrialization but again decreases in the factories where work is completely automated,
39Harold L. Wilensky, "Varieties of Work Experience," in Henry Borow, Man in a World at Work, Boston, Houghton Mifflin, 1964-, p. 14-9. 78
or realizes spiritual, social, material and intellectual ideals.
For Calvin, Luther, Baxter and other Protestant thinkers, through work man achieves salvation and a state of grace; for Weber and Marx, through work man realizes his most innate intellectual and spiritual
potentialities embedded in human nature; and for Freud, Fromm, and
other psychoanalysts, work is the chief means of binding man to reality. It is this most important human possession whose emasculation in the modern industrial society has aroused strong ideological pro
testations from modern socialist, humanist, and existentialist thinkers.
The argument that we have tried to present and elaborate is that
in the contemporary industrial society that America is, the tradi
tional concept of work (particularly in working classes and blue
collar work) as a calling is no longer as applicable as before. The
new society has a new ethos which man must incorporate in his outlook and orientation in order to work and exist in the society which has devoided work of its meaningfulness and reduced it to a mechanical
and robot-like activity. And, the point is that perhaps this is not
the end. So far, the industrial machine has separated work from the worker, but, as Daniel Bell has asked, in the age of approaching
automation, what will happen when not only the worker but the work
itself is displaced by machines?^®
In the proceeding discussion we have attempted to examine the
nature of contemporary American society. We have pointed out a number
of important changes that have taken place in the nature of capitalism
^Daniel Bell, The End of Ideology, New York, The Free Press, i960. Particularly see Chapter "The Future of Work in Industrial Society." 79 and the factors related to it, in the concept and nature of work, particularly in the world of blue collar work, and in the normative orientation of people in a secular mass society. All of these changes have been brought about by the maturity of capitalism and industrialism in the United States,
Now, in the following discussion we will again examine, in view of our discussion of the contemporary American society, the main findings of this study.
Our first main finding was that commitment to the Protestant
Ethic is not related to the job satisfaction. It seems that this finding, when interpreted in the context of modern American society, is not so extraordinary or unusual. It is seemingly consistent with the general conclusion of Riesman^l and Whyte^2 that in American society the Protestant Ethic, as a dominant belief orientation, is in the pro cess of being replaced by a secular social ethic of the other-directed man, or the organization man. It is therefore very likely that in modern American society, the belief system that may be related to job satisfaction and social adjustment of workers is more a secular type of social ethic rather than Protestant Ethic of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. This observation may only be considered as tentative. The validity of it can only be determined when the relevant empirical evidence is available in the future. Tentatively, however, we may conclude that if, as Riesman and Whyte have shown in their works, in the American society a shift has taken place in the normative orientation
^Riesman, o£. cit.
^Whyte, op. cit. 80 from the Protestant Ethic to a secular social ethic, then it is likely that instead of commitment to the Protestant Ethic a commitment to the secular social ethic may be an important factor in workers’ job satisfaction and social adjustment.
The second main finding was that workers with higher commitment to the Protestant Ethic did not have higher economic status than the workers with lower commitment. This seems to be an important finding because from the perspective of Weberian Theory, persons with higher commitment to the Protestant Ethic would be likely to have higher economic status than persons with lower commitment.
This finding again, when examined in the context of contemporary
American society, seems to be consistent with the proceeding discussion of our findings. It seems that in the modern industrial organizations, where most of our sampled workers were employed, the commitment to the organizational ethic or social ethic instead of the Protestant
Ethic may be an important factor in determining a worker’s opportunities for moving to a higher economic status. Again, we may point out that this conclusion be considered as only tentative in the absence of empirical evidence to test its validity.
Our third main finding was that the rural migrant workers did not differ significantly from the urban workers in their commitment to the Protestant Ethic. We had hypothesized that urban workers will have "Rationalistic orientation" (higher commitment to the Protestant
Ethic) and that rural migrant workers will have "Traditionalistlc orientation" (lower commitment to the Protestant Ethic). This hy pothesis was based on the assumption that in the United States the ruralites and urbanites differ in their value orientations. 81
The normative affinity between the rural migrant workers and urban workers which has been revealed by the data in our study seems to be a function of the extension of urban and industrial way of life to the rural areas and small towns through the mass media and mass transportation. A recent study by Vidich and Bensman of A Small Town in Mass Society clearly revealed the presence of mass society in the small town.^3
The extension and penetration of modern urban society into the rural areas with all its attending consequences has been summarized by Gist and Fava in the following words:
In highly industrialized countries, mass commurd- cationvand transportation technologies have multi plied and intensified the contacts between urban and rural people, even when they are considerably removed from each other in>space. Urban mass culture has penetrated even the most isolated communities in these countries, whether communities in the mountain vastness of America or Western Europe, fishing villages in coastal parts or rustic settlements in other remote regions.^
This replacement of village society by the urban society and its mass culture is breaking down the traditional differences in the normative structures and orientations as well as other modes of life between the rural and urban a r e a s . ^"5 A recent study of religious
^Arthur J, Vidich and Joseph Bensman, Small Town in Mass Society. Garden City, Doubleday and Co., i960.
^Gist and Fava, Urban Society, op. cit., p. 275»
^5For discussion of this point see: Dynes, et. al. Social Prob lems, op. cit.. Chapter 3; Duncan, 0. D., "Gradient of Urban Infulence on the Rural Population," Midwest Sociologist, 18 (Winter 1956), pp. 27-30; Whitney, V., "Urban Impact on a Rural Township," in Marvin B. Sussman, ed., Community Structure and Analysis, New York, Thomas Y. Crowell,Co., 1958» Vidich and Bensman, o£. cit.; Gist and Fava, op. cit., Chapter 12. 82 beliefs of the Appalachian region has indicated that the remnant of
Paritan Ethic was eroding away in that region as the region has become more industrialized and u r b a n i z e d . ^6
Thus in view of increasing dependence and interaction,of rural and urban societies, and the resulting homogeniety between the two, it is likely that the residents of rural communities in the United
States are no longer as traditionalistic in their orientation as they use to be in the past century or so. Even if there were still some differences in the normative structures of rural and urban communities, the affinity between the rural and urban workers as indicated; by the data in our study can further be explained by pointing out yet another factor.
It has been repeatedly observed in studies of rural urban migrations that migration from rural areas is selective in terms of some degree of social and economic advantage.^7 In a recent study.
Brown and Hillery found that hillbillies who migrate to cities of
the Midwest and other regions of the country did not come from the lowest strata of their home communities, as measured by their rela
tive education and degree of skill.*1'® A number of other studies in
rural urban migration have illustrated that intelligence is also an important factor in rural to urban migration, in that the rural mi
grants generally come from groups of higher intelligence in their
^Thomas Ford, "Religious Thought and Beliefs in Southern Appalachia as Revealed by an Attitude Survey,” Review of Religious Research, vol. 3» (1961), pp. 2-21.
^Gist and Fava, o£. cit., p. ^83.
Brown and George Hillery, "The Great Migration: 191*0-60," in Thomas Ford, ed., The Southern Appalachian Region, op. cit. 83 home communities,49 Although no empirical studies are available about the nature of belief orientations of rural migrants to urban areas,
one may tentatively surmize ,on the basis of evidence available on levels of skills, education, economic status, social class position and intelligence of rural migrants, that city-bound migrants may also be selective on the basis of their belief orientations.
It seems that our findings about the affinity in belief orien
tation of rural migrant workers and urban workers can be interpreted
as a result and evidence of the changing character of rural communi
ties and the countryside under the impact of urban society and its
mass culture, and also that there are selective factors involved in
the rural to urban migration. In these selective factors, perhaps
there may be one of belief orientations. The rural migrants who
come to urban life had belief orientations similar to the urbanites,
which perhaps may be one of the motivating factors in the migrants’
movement to the urban areas. As we do not have data to validate this
observation, it should be considered strictly tentative.
To summarize our discussion and interpretation of the main findings,
the data in this study indicates that there is no significant rela
tionship between the Protestant Ethic orientation and job satisfaction
scores, and further that the workers with higher commitment to the
Protestant Ethic do not differ significantly in their economic status
**9For example see: Otto KLinaberg, "The Intelligence of Migrants," American Sociological Review, 3 (April 1938), pp. 213-14; Neal PI Gist and Carroll D, Clark, "Intellignece as a Selective Factor in Rural-Urban Migration," American Journal of Sociology, 44 (July 1938); E, S. Lee, "Negro Intelligence and Selective Migration: A Philadelphia Test of the Klineberg Hypothesis," American Sociological Review, 16 (April 1951)* PP* 227-33; Gist and Fava, op. cit, pp. 4&3-86. (as measured by their job incomes) from the workers with lower commit ment to the Protestant Ethic. We have interpreted these findings as indicative of the emerging character of modern American society and its economic and industrial institutions. In the context of these new economic and industrial institutions and structures, we have argued that it is likely the commitment to the Protestant Ethic may no longer be as salient a factor in the worker's adjustment as it had been in the early days of economic development in Europe and the United States.
We have suggested that perhaps commitment to a new secular social ethic of modern industrial society may be a salient factor in ex plaining workers' adjustment patterns. The nature of these ethics may be what Whyte has called "The social ethic." However, it has been suggested that until we have empirical evidence to test the validity of our conclusion, it may be considered strictly tentative.
Another finding, which we have discussed in the proceeding pages, is that the data in our study indicate no significant differences in degrees of commitment to the Protestant Ethic between the rural migrant workers and the urban workers. We have interpreted this finding as suggestive of the diminishing differences between the rural and urban areas in the United States under the impact of mass media, mass markets and mass communications, which has transformed American society into a considerably homogenized mass society. It has also been suggested that a number of studies have indicated there are a number of selective factors operating in the process of rural to urban migration, and it is likely that there may be a selective factor with regard to belief orientations involved in rural-urban migration. The persons who migrate 8 5
from rural to urban areas may have normative affinities with urbanites
which may have been also a motivation factor in their migration.
The last and final hypothesis in the present study dealt with
^ comparative commitments to the Protestant Ethic of the Negro and
White workers included in our study and their job satisfaction. We
had hypothesized, it will be recalled, that because of the differential
economic, cultural, and social opportunities available to the Negroes
and Whites, the Negro workers will differ from the White workers in
their commitment to the Protestant Ethic and degree of job satisfaction.
The data in this study indicated that the difference in the mean
Protestant Ethic scores of White and Negro workers was not signifi
cant at .05 level. But the differences in,the means of job satisfac
tion scores of White and Negro workers was significant at .01 level.
The mean job satisfaction score for the Negro workers is significantly
lower than the White worker’s, indicating the Negro workers were less
satisfied with their jobs than were the White workers.
The finding that the Negro and White workers did not differ
significantly in their commitment to the Protestant Ethic was seemingly
consistent with our earlier finding that rural migrant and urban workers
were similar in their commitment to the Protestant Ethic. We may
interpret this finding that in the consensus oriented mass s o c i e t y 5 0
both Negro and White workers subscribe to the similar belief orientation.
Since Negroes in America belong predominately to the Protestant deno
mination, it is likely that they are exposed to the Protestant Ethic
5®Shils, ’’The Theory of Mass Society,11 op. cit. 86 to the same extent as the Whites. The related factors which are likely to contribute to the homogeneity in belief orientations is the moder nization of the South and the increasing urbanization of the American
Negroes,51 and exposure to the same mass media and other institutions of the mass society. In other words, in spite of some popular beliefs held by Whites about the Negroes and their value orientations, the data in our study indicate that the White workers and Negro workers included in the present study do not differ significantly in their commitment to the Protestant Ethic.
The affinity in belief orientations between White and Negro workers revealed by the data in our study may be considered to be related to our other finding that Negro and White workers are signi ficantly different in their degrees of job satisfaction. Negro workers were found to be significantly less satisfied than their White counter parts. It is likely that the Negro workers’ dissatisfaction with their jobs arises from, the fact that because of the long history of segregation and discrimination, the American Negro occupies the lowest strata in the American status system, arri is constantly exposed to lower status and lower income j o b s . 52 These lower income and lower status jobs are likely to generate dissatisfaction in their holders, particularly in a society dominated by the ideology of social mobility.
In one of the recent studies about job satisfaction, Katzell found that the difference in job satisfaction among people having similar
51Phillip M. Hauser, "Demographic Factors in the Integration of the Negro," in Talcott Parsons and Kenneth B. Clark, eds., The Negro America, Boston, Houghton Mifflin, p. 75.
52Rashi Fein, "An Economic and Social Profile of the Negro America," in Parsons and Clark, The Negro America, op. cit. 87 values was associated with differences in their jobs and/or occupations.53
Katzell's finding is supported try the data in this study. The data in our study shows that Negro and White workers differ significantly in their skill status. The Negro workers in our study were found to be predominantely unskilled and semi-skilled while the White workers were found to be predominately skilled and semi-skilled. This dis tribution is shown in the table below.
TABLE 19
DISTRIBUTION OF UNSKILLED, SEMI-SKILLED AND SKILLED STATUSES IN THE WHITE AND NEGRO WORKERS,
Skill Status
Race Unskilled Semi-skilled Skilled N No. $ No. % No. $ White 32 10.0 14-6 4-5.5 14-3 44.6 321 Workers
Negro 4-0 ^5.5 37 4-2.0 11 12.5 88 Workers
Chi Square = 68.4-2 p .001
Because of their predominately unskilled and semi-skilled occu
pations, it seems that Negro workers are less satisfied. It is also
likely that higher dissatisfaction among the Negro workers is also a
function of the fact that since in their belief orientation they are
similar to the White workers, this belief orientation motivates them
53Raymond A. Katzell, "Personal Values, Job Satisfaction and Job Behavior," in Borow, Manlln a World at Work, op. cit., p. 351* 88 to expect jobs and rewards similar to the White workers, but due to the unfavorable conditions and lack of technical skills and other standards, they cannot seek good jobs. This results in frustration and dissatisfaction with their existing occupations. It would seem that Negro workers* satisfaction with their jobs will increase as the avenue of occupational mobility opens up for them. It is not surprising that in his hierarchy of demands the first priority is assigned to equal economic opportunities by the American Negroes.5^
In summary, it seems that factors such as modernization of the
South, the increasing urbanization of Negro Americans, the rise of mass society and mass culture in America, are conducive to creating affinities in the value orientation of Negro and White workers. The higher job dissatisfaction of Negro workers is a function of the pre dominately unskilled and semi-skilled and lower status jobs which
Negro workers hold in spite of their value orientation, which is similar to that of White workers. The job satisfaction and resulting social adjustment of Negro workers, it seems, will increase as the avenues for better and higher status jobs open up for them in the American society.
It should be mentioned, in order to qualify the proceeding discussion, that the findings in the study were based on analysis of our sample data. The sample in this study, it will be recalled, was drawn from skilled, semi-skilled and unskilled blue collar workers.
The discussion of our findings may not, therefore, be applicable to
^Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma, New York, Harper and Row, 1962, pp. 60-67. Also see Brewton Berry, Race and Ethnic Relations, Boston, Houghton Mifflin Co., 1953* 89 all segments of the American labour force. Some recent studies have indicated that within the American labour force the degree of commit ment to the Protestant Ethic or similar vlaue orientation may be im portant for person’s motivation for economic improvement and adjust ment, particularly in some professional groups.55
Furthermore, the findings of this study have been interpreted and analyzed strictly in the context of modern American society.
The writer is of the opinion that our findings and their interpretation should not be used to generalize .about other social systems such as the Asian societies. In Asian societies, religion is still one of the most important cultural and ideological forces in determining the mode of social organizations. These have not yet become indus trialized mass societies because of their relative underdevelopment.
There are still marked differences, in Asia, between the world of cities and the world of villages. It is therefore likely, and perhaps most likely, that religious belief like the Protestant Ethic, as has been suggested ty Jonassen,56 Ayal,57 and others58 may be an important factor in motivation for economic advancement and social adjustment.
55For example see: Robert H. Havinghurst, "Youth in Exploration and Man Emergent," in Borrow, ed., Man in a World at Work, op. cit. Havinghurst’s arguments are based on observations of case studies. Another study indicates that job alienation differs in different occupational groups in the United States. See, Wilensky, "Varieties of Work Experience," ojj. cit.
56.Jonassen, "Ethical System and Economic Development," o£. cit.
57Ayal, "Value Systems and Economic Development in Japan and Thailand," o£. cit.
58For examples see: Bellah, Tokugawa Religion, op. cit.; Singer, MChiltural Values in India's Economic Development," op. cit.; Hauser, "Cultural and Personal Obstacles to Economic Development in Less Developed Areas," op. cit. 90
It would seem veiy fruitful if this study could be replicated in Asia in order to determine validity of our last observation. It is, there fore, again suggested, that the findings of this study should not be interpreted as to mean that assumptions underlying Weber's Protestant
Ethic Theory are no longer valid. The role of the Protestant Ethic or Protestant Ethic-like belief system may be very crucial in the development of underdeveloped and traditional societies in Asia and elsewhere. APPENDIXES 92
Appendix 1
Dear Sir:
I am in the process of conducting my dissertational research. The research is primarily concerned with the relationship between individual belief systems and occupational adjustment.
In order to conduct this research I am developing an instrument (scale) to measure the belief orientations of individuals. The dimen sions of "individual belief system" which are to be used in the study are:
1. Rational and scientific attitude towards nature and experience.
2. Denial of impulse expression.
3. Method and discipline in life styles.
4. Stress on personal responsibility.
5. Worldly ascetisicm.
6. Attitude towards God.
7. Work as a calling and rational pirsuit of duty,
I would greatly appreciate your assistance if you would suggest some statements, which in your opinion might be useful in measuring an'individual’s orientation with regard to each of the aforementioned "dimensions". For example, the following statements are found to be useful in measuring the individual orientation toward No. 7. (Work as a calling and rational pursuit of duty).
1. Even if I were financially able I would not stop working.
2. I have had to work for everything that I have gotten.
3. The worst part about being sick is that work does not get done, etc.
The above statements are just an example of the types of state ments required to measure the individual belief orientations. I would appreciate it if you would suggest similar statements with regard to eaoh of the above mentioned dimensions. 93
Please write your statements on a separate sheet of paper and return it to my mailbox in the Sociology office or leave It in my office in 217F Hagerty Hall.
Your help is gratefully acknowledged.
Thank you,
Riaz Hassan 9^
Appendix 2
The following pages contain a number of statements about which there is no general agreement. People differ widely in the way they feel about each item. There are no right answers. The purpose of the survey is to see how different groups feel about each item. We should like your honest opinion on each of these items.
Please read each item carefully and circle the answer which best expresses your feeling about the statement.
Circle SA if you STRONGLY AGREE with the statement. Circle A if you AGREE with the statement. Circle TJ if you are UNDECIDED about the statement. Circle D if you DISAGREE with the statement. Circle SD if you STRONGLY DISAGREE with the statement.
SA A UD SD 1. Science has greatly changed the American way of life,
SA A UD SD 2. Science is man's best tool for controlling nature.
SA A U D SD 3. I can make sense out of the world without having to believe in a mind higher than man's.
SA A UD SD k. Many of the problems in the world today are caused by science.
SA A U D SD 5. The more scientists learn the less it makes sense to believe in a personal God.
SA A UD SD 6. Although things may be pretty hard in this life they will get better in the next.
SA A U D SD 7* Everyone should be able to get birth control infor mation if they want it.
SA A U D SD 8. In order to get along today all children should be trained in science and mathematics.
SA A U D SD 9. Science can solve all our problems.
SA A U D SD 10. God sends earthquakes, hunger, floods, and war to punish nations for wrong aetions. 95
SA A U D SD 11, Illness comes to people because they disobey God's commandments,
SAAUD SD 12, Science hasn't found anything that hasn't already been revealed by God.
SA A DD SD 13. The Bible's account of the creation of the world is the only true one.
SA A UD SD 1^, God wills that some people will be richer, more successful and smarter than other people.
SA A UD SD 15. Workers shouldn't be promoted to management jobs even if they are able to handle these jobs because if they were, this would destroy the workers respect for management.
SA A UD SD 16. A persons pay scale should depend partly on his education.
SA A UD SD 17. There 4s no such thing as good luck; luck is what a man makes for himself.
SA A U D SD 18. If I have to go to a doctor or lawyer I prefer some one who is a close personal friend of mine.
SA A U D SD 19. The thing which really makes a firm successful is a reputation for making a good product.
SA A U D SD 20. Seniority should be more important than merit for making promotions.
SA A U D SD 21. The only way to get ahead in business and industry is to have pull.
SA A U D SD 22. Without religion the world wouldn't be as civilized as it is.
SA A U D SD 23. Success depends more on luck than on ability.
SA A IT D SD ZU-. Every man has a responsibility to do the best work that he can.
SA A UD SD 25. Only science can save us.
SA A U D SD 26. Our salvation.comes only from God.
SA A UD SD 27. There doesn't necessarily have to be any contradi ction between science and the Bible. 96
SA A U D SD 28. God has put us on earth so we can use science to glorify him.
SA A U D SD 29. Science is just another way that God works his will.
SA A U D SD 30. Belief in a personal God becomes less and less reasonable as science discovers more about nature.
SA A U D SD 31. It is a great comfort to know that God never fails even when everything seems to go wrong.
SA A U D SD 32. If I were broke and hungry, religion would not be much of a comfort.
SA A U D SD y±. The idea of God is no longer helpful in finding the good life.
SA A U D SD 35. Belief in God is a sign that a man isn't taking responsibility for his own life.
SA A U D SD 36. I can't make sense out of the world except by be lieving in God.
SA A U D SD 37. Man is responsible to God.
SA A U D SD 38. We were made for fellowship with God and our hearts will be resltess until they rest in him.
SA A U D SD 39. God is only another name or a symbol for man's ideals.
SA A U D SD 4-0. I believe that men working and thinking together can build a good society without calling for the help of God.
SA A U D SD ^l. God knows our thoughts before we speak them. He is acquainted with all our ways.
SA A D D SD 42. Without religion the world wouldn't be as civilized as it is.
SA A U D SD ^3. Even if I didn't need the money, I wouldn't stop working.
SA A U D SD *44. I have had to work hard for everything I have gotten.
SA A U D SD 4-5. The worst part about being sick is that work doesn't get done.
SA A U D SD 46, The purpose of life is to work. 97
SA A U D SD 47. Most people find it hard to be happy unless they are working.
SA A UD SD 48. Hard work is the only key to success in life.
SA A U D SD 49. Hard work still counts for more in a successful business than all of the new ideas you read in the newspapers.
SA A U D SD 50. I dread the thought of ever retiring from work.
SA A UD SD 51. I work as hard as I can at anything until I am satisfied that it is done right.
SA A U D SD 52. Most people don’t seem to like the work they are doing.
SA A U D SD 53. Any man that has ability and wants to work hard has a good chance to get ahead.
SA A U D SD 54. Success depends more on luck than on ability.
SA A U D SD 55. There is not much sense in trying very hard to get ahead.
SA A U D SD 56, Every man has a responsibility to do the best work that he can.
SA A U D SD 57. Everyone should strive to be successful.
SA A U D SD 58* I would rather work on a job I like even if it was a long way from where I lived and people I worked with were a lot different from me.
SA A U D SD 59• People ought to take care of their own problems.
SA A U D SD 60. Everyone should mind his own business.
SA A II DSD 6l. God helps those who help themselves.
SA A U D SD 62. When people get in trouble with the law it is usually their own fault.
SA A IJ DSD 63. A man should have enough insurance to take care of his family in case he dies.
SA A U D SD 64. I am in favor of a strong government in Washington.
SA A U D SD 65. I try to do hard things for myself without asking for help.
SA A U D SD 66. It is better to go without something than to ask for a favor. 98
SA A U D SD 6?. I sot high goals for myself and try to roach thorn.
SA A U D SD 68. I often do something just to prove to myself that I can do it.
SA A U D SD 69. The price you pay for joining an organization is personal freedom and I am not willing to pay that price.
SA A U D SD 70. Everyone should handle his own problems as he pleases and let everyone else handle their problems any way they want to.
SA A U D SD 71. Most people mind their own business.
SA A U D SD 72. A man ought to limit the size of his family so he can provide the best he can for his children.
SA A U D SD 73. Success depends more on luck than on real ability.
SA A U D SD 7^. It is amazing how prayer influences the way things turn out.
SA A U D SD 75* There is no such thing as good luck; luck is what a man makes for himself.
SA A U D SD 76. Every man has a responsibility to do the best work that he can.
SA A U D SD 77. Any man that has ability and wants to work hard has a good chance to get ahead.
SA A U D SD 78. There is not much sense in trying very hard to get ahead.
SA A U D SD 79. Each of us can make real progress only when the group as a whole makes progress.
SA A U D SD 80. City government has the main responsibility for keeping the community clean.
SA A U D SD 31. Eat, drink, and make merry is a good way of life for the present day.
SA A U D SD 82. Good things are worth saving for.
SA A U D SD 83. A wise man controls himself.
SA A IJ D SD 8^. If you sacrifice today you will be rewarded tomorrow. 99
SA A UD SD 85. You can do anything you want today and still get ahead.
SA A UD SD 86. Life is short so we should enjoy it while we can.
SA A U D SD 87. When you are talking to other people you shouldn't say the first things that came into your head.
SA A UD SD 88. It would make me mad to have a clock or watch that was off by several minutes.
SA A U D SD 89. If you get bad news it's better to hide what you feel and act like you didn't care.
SA A U D SD 90. The world is a mess and there's no sense living in it.
SA A U D SD 91» It is easy to ignore criticism.
SA A U D SD 92. A man can usually keep cool in important situations.
SA A U D SD 93. A hungry man has a right to steal.
SA A U D SD 9^. People are usually critical of others.
SA A UD SD 95. The way the world is today a wise man lives for today and lets tomorrow take care of itself.
SA A U D SD 96., It is all right if a man fools around with a woman if he loves her, even if he is married to someone else.
SA A UD SD 97. There is no point in living.
SA A U D SD 98. I hardly ever get excited or thrilled.
SA A U D SD 99. I often act on the spur of the moment without thinking.
SA A U D SD 100. In order to get anywhere you have to plan your life.
SA A U D SD 101. A man should have enough insurance to take care of his family in case he dies.
SA A UD SD 102. Life is short so we should enjoy it while we can.
SA A UD SD 103. A man should save part of his pay check on payday.
SA A UD SD lCk. A responsible man will not take any kind of public assistance. 100
5A A U D SD 105. Hard work, thrift, sobriety and responsible behavior are necessary for success,
SA A UD SD 106. A man ought to limit the size of his family so he can provide the best that he can for his children.
SA A UD SD 107. The way the world is today a wise man lives for today and lets tomorrow take care of itself.
SA A UD SD 108. Planning only makes a person unhappy since plans hardly ever work out anyway.
SA A U D SD 109. A high school education is worth all the time and effort it takes to get it.
SA A UD SD 110. A hungry man has a right to steal.
SA A UD SD 111. A person can plan his future so everything will come out all right in the long run.
SA A U D SD 112. Any man who has ability and wants to work hard can get ahead.
SA A UD SD 113, Hard luck should just cause a man to work harder.
SA A ijD SD llA. Every man has a responsibility to do the best work that he can.
SA A 0 D SD 115. Incentive pay should not be used because it will cause men to overwork and ruin their health or destroy jobs for others.
SA A U D SD 116. In business you can only trust friends and relatives.
SA A U D SD 117. I feel that I waste time and spend it uselessly.
SA A U D SD 118. I think that its all right for married women to work.
SA A UD SD 119. A good son should try to live near his parents even if it means giving up a good job in another part of the country.
SA A U D SD 120. It is amazing how prayer influences the way things turn out.
SA A U D SD 121. A corporation does things for only one reason - profit.
SA A U D SD 122. Something for sale is worth what people will pay for it. 101
SA A U D SD 123. I prefer to risk a little to make a lot; that way if you are right one time in five you are doing all right.
SA A U D SD 12^. I would rather work on a job I liked even if it was a long way from where I lived and if the people I worked with were a lot different from me.
SA A U D SD 125. There is hardly such a thing as good luck; luck is something people have to make for themselves.
SA A U D SD 126. Nowadays you have to spend a lot of money to be accepted.
SA A U D SD 127. Women who spend a lot of money on makeup are spend thrifts .
SA A U D SD 128. A man should be allowed to keep as large an income as he can get.
SA A U D SD 129. Although things may be pretty hard in this life, they will get better in the next.
SA A U D SD 130. A man should not go into debt.
SA A UD SD 131. A man should take good care of his things and use them until they are worn out.
SA A U D SD 132. Waste not, want not.
SA A U D SD 133• Most Americans are terribly wasteful.
SA A UD SD 13^. A man should spend more than he makes.
SA A UD SD 135* A man should not buy something \xnless he can pay cash for it. 102
Appendix 3
ITEM C.R. ITEM C.R. ITEM C.R.
1 1.73 46 .54 91 .55 2 2.04 47 .73 92 .70 3 3.13 48 1.93 93 2.08 4 .72 49 1.36 94 1.95 5 3.48 50 .21 95 3.05 6 3.18 51 .95 96 .71 7 2.13 52 .10 97 1.37 8 .51 53 1.49 98 .09 9 1.53 54 2.44 99 .73 10 3.68 55 2.05 100 3.46 11 2.99 56 3.93 101 2.22 12 4.27 57 2.10 102 2.00 13- 2.58 58 2.27 103 2 .1? 14 1.38 59 1.70 104 1.08 15 .23 6o 4.05 105 1.60 16 2.72 6l 1.36 106 4.14 17 3.72 62 .65 107 3.90 18 1.41 63 2.31 108 3.02 19 .00 64 .60 109 2.11 20 .25 65 1.65 110 1.82 21 .30 66 .34 111 1.94 22 1.98 67 1.99 112 1.07 23 1.47 68 1.12 113 .64 24 2.96 69 1.06 114 2.71 25 1.98 70 2.18 115 1.90 26 3.69 71 .09 116 3.39 27 1.97 72 2.97 117 • 50 28 2.51 73 2.77 118 • 56 29 2.73 74 3.38 119 1.43 30 2.56 75 4.26 120 2.52 31 3.92 76 3.24 121 .47 32 1.83 77 1.95 122 1.46 33 1.26 78 .89 123 1.35 34 2.77 79 .10 124 1.65 35 3.27 80 .82 125 3.72 36 3.70 81 1.80 126 .48 37 3.25 82 1.93 127 1.20 38 2.86 83 1.96 128 .98 39 1.49 84 .78 129 2.76 40 4.15 85 .74 130 2.40 41 3.89 86 1.47 131 .74 42 1.93 87 .47 132 .50 43 1.11 88 .39 133 .67 44 .94 89 .74 134 2.64 45 .58 90 .80 135 1.17 Split-half Corrected r = .880 103
Appendix 3
ITEM C.R. ITEM C.R. ITEM C.R.
1 1.39 46 .70 91 .00 2 .33 47 1.12 92 .23 3 .17 48 .36 93 2.09 4 1.9** 49 .19 94 .48 5 .00 50 1.51 95 .52 6 3.10 51 .00 96 ,44 7 .42 52 2.34 97 .29 8 .56 53 1.88 98 .28 9 .19 54 2.67 99 1.89 10 2.09 55 3.57 100 .21 11 1.34 56 .48 101 1.39 12 2.93 57 1.24 102 .28 13 3.10 58 .88 103 .40 14 1.4-0 59 .22 104 .40 15 2.15 60 .66 105 .52 16 .58 61 2.64 106 1.74 17 1.12 62 3.70 107 1.15 18 1.81 63 .43 108 .45 19 .66 64 .23 109 1.76 20 3.57 65 3.52 110 2.51 21 2.66 66 .80 111 .57 22 1.98 67 1.97 112 1.19 23 2.09 68 4.63 113 1.07 2k .63 69 1.45 114 .27 25 .18 70 .97 115 1.71 26 1.09 71 .19 116 .42 27 1.03 72 3.03 117 1.04 28 3.64- 73 2.83 118 1.80 29 1.25 74 2.96 119 .23 30 .58 75 1.60 120 2.43 31 2.58 76 1.02 121 .61 32 .36 77 1.79 122 2.45 33 1.93 78 2.14 123 1.10 3k 1.68 79 .23 124 .54 35 2.05 80 .71 125 1.08 36 1.98 81 .93 126 .38 37 .82 82 1.61 127 .66 38 1.56 83 .91 128 .26 39 1.69 84 .89 129 1.47 40 2.59 85 .91 130 .75 kl .00 86 .51 131 .00 kz 1.21 87 1.29 132 .24 k3 1.92 88 .61 133 1.68 kk .56 89 2.65 134 .00 45 .44 90 1.92 135 .73
Split-half Corrected r = .775 10k
Appendix k
Rotated Orthogonal Factor Loadings
ITEM DESCRIPTION FACTORS NO. OF ITEM ______=______ABCDEFGH
1. Science is man's best tool : for controlling nature. 09 11 -07 -17 02 5^ -00 -92
2. More scientists learn, less it makes sense to believe in a personal God. 59 -07 -02 2? 19 03 -05 -17
3. Although things may be hard in this world, they will get better in the next. k$ 07 03 -02 -12. -17 08 2 5
4. God sends earthquakes, hunger, flotids, and war to punish nations for wrong actions. 18 08 07 -?k 08 05 01 -05
5. Illness conies to people because they disobey God's commandments. 07 10 08 -77 03 08 -06 -0^
6. Science has not found any thing that has not already been revealed by God. kk 10 03 -26 -02 28 02 ^
7. The Bible's account of the creation of the world is the only true one. 50 -03 -13 -26 -13 kO 02 13
8. A person's payscale should depend partly on his education. -0k -16 -17 11 12 28 -11 -39
9. Every man has the respon sibility to do the best work that he can. -10 37 -26 -00 11 -00 -22 -05
10. God has put us on earth so that we can use science to glorify Him. 10 05 7k -13 09 -11 03 -01
Decimals omitted 105
ITEM DESCRIPTION FACTORS NO. OF ITEM A B C D E F G H
11. Science is just another way that God works His will. 17 -18 6*4- -01 07 02 12 -08
12 Belief in a personal God be— i comes less and less reasonable as science discovers more about Nature. 65 -01 -09 31 H 06 -06 01
13. It is a great comfort to know that God never fails even when everything goes wrong. 72 -lA 13 -06 —04- 03 -00 08
1^. Belief in God is a sign that a man is not taking re sponsibility for his own life. -0^ -11 38 3^ 64 50 27 00
15. I cannot make sense out of the world except by believing in God. 66 05 02 -12 07 -01 22 (A
16. Man is responsible to God. 71 -13 11 -03 07 -02 -01 -05
17. We were made for fellowship with God, and our hearts will be resltess until they rest in him. ?B -10 (* -12 (A- 00 02 03
18. I believe that men working and thinking together can build a good society without calling for the help of God. 73 01 01 -05 10 04- 00 15 19. God knows our thoughts before we speak them; He is acquainted with all our ways. 71 -18 -02 -1^ 06 05 -01 -13
20. Without religion, the world would not be as civilized. 55 -19 -05 10 -00 -08 10 -00
21. Success depends more on luck than on ability. -09 29 11 -11 -35 29 -18 -35
Decimals omitted 106
ITEM DESCRIPTION FACTORS NO. OF ITEM B C D E F G H
22. There is not much sense in trying very hard to get ahead. -04 42 01 -08 -18 05 -29 -34
23. Everyone should try to be successful. -16 50 06 -14 00 07 00 -05
24. Everyone should mind his own business. 03 06 09 09 64 -06 08 -06
25. I set high goals for myself and try to achieve them. -06 27 -12 07 27 19 19 -22
26. Everyone should handle his own problems as he pleases and let everyone else handle their problems ary way they want to. 09 07 12 12 51 -01 18
27. A man ought to limit the size of his family so that he can provide the best he can for his children. 13 25 -10 -05 43 -18 -06 -14
28. It is amazing the way prayer influences the way things turn out. 68 -20 10 -13 -11 05 -00 09
29. There is no such thing as good luck; luck is what a man makes for himself. 08 20 13 23 -29 10 07 -25
30. Eat, drink, and make merry is a good way of life for the present day. -36 31 02 -02 -27 -28 -00 -14
31. Good things are worth saving for. -11 77 08 05 06 -04 -05 08
32. A wise man controls him self. -08 65 07 -01 03 -06 -05 11
33. If you sacrifice today, you will be rewarded tomorrow. -32 39 -19 -07 11 12 12 -10
Decimals omitted 107
ITEM DESCRIPTION FACTORS NO. OF ITEM A B C D E F G H
34. Life is short, so we should enjoy it while we can. -14 -04 -04 13 -60 -16 11 -03
35. A hungry man has a right to steal. -09 11 24 04 -03 -19 15 -52
36. The way the world is to day, a wise man lives for today, and lets tomorrow take care of itself. -05 -35 00 -24 -31 -37 16 -08
37. In order to get anywhere, you have to plan your life. 04 55 -21 -09 09 04 18 -20
38. A man should have enough insurance to take care of his family in case he dies -06 18 -12 -10 32 -03 08 -35
39. A man should bank part of his check on payday. -09 65 -08 06 15 01 03 -10
40. Hard work, thrift, sobriety and responsible behavior are necessary for success -18 52 -10 16 -00 04 19 -25
41. Planning only makes a person unhappy, since the plans hardly ever work out anyway. -00 45 02 -29 -07 -21 00 -17
42. A high school education is worth all the time and effort it takes to get it. -07 38 -06 -17 00 00 -21 -45
43. A person can plan his future so that every thing will come out all right in the long run. 09 19 -35 -00 07 08 49 -12
44-. In business you can only trust friends and re latives . -11 34 30 -18 -11 21 -11 08
Decimals omitted 108
ITEM DESCRIPTION FACTORS NO. OF ITEM A B C D E F G H
45. A man should not go into debt. -00 -18 19 07 -05 10 63 -10 46. Waste not, want not. -11 .13 01 -02 -05 -08 63 06
47. A man should spend more than he makes. -08 20 25 -13 01 00 -00 -32
Decimals omitted Appendix 5
THE OBTAINED CRITICAL RATIOS AND SPLIT-HALF CORRELATIONS OF SUBSCALES (FACTORS)
1, Factor A — Religiosity
Item No. C.R.
2 10.1*8 3 8.25 6 9.61 7 9.90 12 12.38 13 li*.05 15 13.19 16 12.13 17 15.88 18 M-.09 19 12.86 20 10.1*0 23 12.99
Corrected Split-half r = .89
2. Factor B — Worldly Asceticism
L No. C .R.
9 8.03 22 9.19 23 9.86 31 10.20 32 8.1*8 33 9.^3 36 6.1*9 37 9.73 39 9.27 1*0 10.00 1*1 8.75 1*2 9.56 1*1* 6.00
Corrected Split-half r = .81 3. Factor 5 — Personal Responsibility
i No.
14 6.07 21 7.08 2h 6.52 25 *+.81 26 7.81 27 5.58 29 7.83 30 5.79 34 3.00
Corrected Split-half r = .05
hi Factor H — Rationalism
Item No. C.R.
8 8.33 21 9.^1 35 9.56 38 6.03 43 8.75 47 7.83
Corrected Split-half r = .33 Appendix 6
THE OBTAINED CRITICAL RATIOS FOR THE ITEMS OF JOB SATISFACTION SCALE
Item No. C .R.
1 15.97 2 20.81 3 21.30 k 1^.07 5 1^.43 6 15.59 7 13.59 8 15.75 9 17.16 10 20.78
Corrected Split-half r = .9^5 112
Appendix 7
THE DISTRIBUTION OF VARIOUS INCOME LEVELS IN THE HIGH AND LOW JOB SATISFACTION GROUPS
Income Level
Job $3000 and $3000- $5000- $7000 - $9000 and N Satisfaction less/yr. $5000/yr. $7000/yr. $9000/yr. above/yr.
No. $ No. $ No. $ No. $ No. $
Low (lower half) 20 9.8 38 16.0 59 28.8 71 3^.7 22 10.7 205
High (upper half) 1 0.5 5 2 A 52 25.^ 100 ^8.8 A7 22,9 205
Chi Square = 52.23 dsf = U p .001 113
Appendix 8
The following pages contain a number of statements about which there is no general agreement. People differ widely in the way they feel about each item. There are no right answers. The purpose of the survey is to see how different groups feel about each item. We should like your honest opinion on each of these items.
Please read each item carefully and circle the answer which best expresses your feeling about the statement
Circle SA if you STRONGLY AGREE with the statement. Circle A if you AGREE with the statement. Circle U if you are UNDECIDED about the statement Circle D if you DISAGREE with the statement. Circle SD if you STRONGLY DISAGREE with the statement.
SA A U D SD 1. Science is man's best tool for controlling nature.
SA A U D SD 2. The more scientists learn the less it makes sense to believe in a personal god.
SA A U D SD 3. Although things may be pretty hard in this life, they will get better in the next.
SA .A U D SD 4, God sends earthquakes, hunger, floods, and war to punish nations for wrong actions.
SA A U D SD 5. Illness comes to people because they disobey God's commandments.
SA A U D SD 6. Science hasn^t found anything that hasn't already been revealed by God.
SA A U D SD 7. The Bible’s account of the creation of the world is the only true onec,
SA A U D SD 8. A person's pay scale should depend partly on his education.
SA A U D SD 9. Every man has a responsibility to do the best work that he can.
SA A U D SD 10. God has put us on earth so we can use science to glorify him. 114
SA A U D SD 11. Science is just another way that God works .his will.
SA A U D SD 12. Belief in a personal god becomes less and less reasonable as science discovers more about nature.
SA A U D SD 13. It is great comfort to know that God never fails even when everything seems to go wrong.
SA A U D SD 14. Belief in God is a sign that a man isn't taking responsibility for his own life.
SA A U D SD 15. I can't make sense out of the world except by believing in God.
SA A U D SD 16. Man is responsible to God.
SA A U D SD 17. We were made for fellowship with God and our hearts will be restless until they rest in him.
SA A u D SD 18. I believe that men working and thinking together can build a good society without calling for the help of God.
SA A u D SD 19. God knows our thoughts before we speak them.
SA A u D SD 20. Without religion the world wouldn't be as civilized as it is.
SA A TJ D SD 21. Success depends more on .luck than on ability.
SA A U D SD 22. There is not much sense in trying very hard to get ahead.
SA A U D SD 23. Everyone should strive to be successful.
SA A U D SD 24. Everyone should mind his own business.
SA A U D SD 25. I set high goals for myself and try to reach them.
SA A U D SD 26. Everyone should handle his own problems as he pleases and let everyone else handle their problems any way they want to.
SA A TJ D SD 27. A man ought to limit the size of his family so he can provide the best that he can for his children.
SA A U D SD 28. It is amazing how prayer influences the way things turn out. 115
SA A J D SD 29. There is no such thing as good luck; luck is what a man makes for himself.
SA A J D ..SD 30. Eat, drink, and make merry is a good way of life for the present day.
SA A J D SD 31. Good things are worth saving for.
SA A J D SD 32. A wise man controls himself.
SA A J D SD 33. If you sacrifice today, you will be rewarded tomorrow.
SA A J D SD 34. Life is short; so we should enjoy it while we can.
SA A J D SD 35. A hungry man has a right to steal.
SA A J D SD 36. The way the world is today wise man lives for today and lets tomorrow take care of itself.
SA A J D SD 37. In order to get anywhere you have to ';plan your life.
SA A I D SD 38. A man should have enough insurance to take care of his family in case he dies.
SA A J D SD 39. A man should save part of his pay check on payday.
SA A J D SD 40. Hard work, thrift, sobriety, and responsible behavior are necessary for success.
SA A J D SD 4l. Planning only makes a person unhappy since plans hardly ever work out anyway.
SA A J D SD 42. A high school education is worth all the time and effort it takes to get it.
SA A J D SD 43. A person can plan his future so everything will come out all right in the long run.
SA A J D SD 44. In business you can only trust friends and relatives.
SA A J D SD 45. A man should not go into debt.
SA A J D SD 46. Waste not, want not.
SA A J D SD 47. A man should spend more than he makes. 116
Th6 following statements will help you describe how you feel about your job. Think about your experience while working on this job and check those statements which most accurately and honestly tell how you feel about it.
1. Place a check mark in front of the statement which best tells how good a job you have.
A. The job is an excellent one, very much above the average. B. The job is a fairly good one. C. The job is only average. D. The job is not as good as average in this kind of work. E. The job is a very poor one, verymuch below theaverage.
2. Place a check mark in front of the statement which best describes your feelings about your job.
A. I am very satisfied and happy on this job. B. I am fairly well satisfied on this job, C. I am neither satisfied nor dissatisfied — it is just average. D. I am a little dissatisfiedon this job. E. I am very dissatisfied and unhappy on this job.
3. Check one of the following statements to show how much of the time you are satisfied with your job.
A. Most of the time. B. A good deal of the time. C. About half of the time. D. Occasionally. E . Seldom.
4. Place a check mark in front of the statement which best tells what kind of an organization it is to work for.
A. It is an excellent organization to work for — one of the best organizations I know of. B. It is a good organization to work for, but not one of the best. C. It is only an average organizationto work for. Many others are just as good. D. It is below average as an organization to woyk for. Many others are better. E. It is probably one of the poorest organizations to work for that I know of. 117
5. Place a check mark in front of the statement which best tells how your feelings compare with those of other people you know.
A. I dislike my job much more than most people dislike theirs. B. I dislike ray job more than most people dislike theirs, C. I like my job about as well as most people like theirs. D. I like my job better than most people like theirs. E. I like my job much better than most people like theirs.
6. Place a check mark in front of the statementwhich best tells how you feel about the work you do on your job.
A. The work that I do is very unpleasant. I dislike it. B. The work I do is not pleasant. C. The work I do is just about average. I don't have any feeling about whether it is pleasant or not. D. The work is pleasant and enjoyable. E. The work is very enjoyable. I very much like to do the work called for on this job.
7. Check one of the following which best describes apy general condi tions which affect your work or comfort on this job.
A General working conditions are very bad. B. General working conditions are poor - not so good as the average for this kind of job. C. General working conditions are about average, neither good nor bad. D. In general, working conditions are good, better than average. E. General working conditions are very good, much better than average for this kind of job.
8. Check one of the following statements which best tells how you feel about changing your job.
A. I would quit this job at once if I had anything else to do. B. I would take almost any other job in which I could earn as much as I am earning here. C. This job is as good as the average and I would just as soon have it as any other job, but would do so if I could make more money. D, I am not eager to change jobs, but would do so if I could make more money. E. I do not want to change jobs even for more money because this is a 118
9. Suppose you had a very goal friend who is looking for a job in your line of work and you know of a vacancy in this organization which your friend is well qualified to fill. Would you:
A. Recommend this job as a good one to apply for? B. Recommend this job, but caution your friend about its shortcomings? C. Tell your friend about the vacancy, but not anything else; then let him decide whether to apply or not? D. Tell your friend about the vacancy, but suggest that he or she look for other vacancies elsewhere before applying? E. Try to discourage your friend from applyting by telling the bad things about the job?
10. On the line below, place a check mark to show how well satisfied you are with your job. You may place your mark anywhere on the line either above one of the statements or between them.
Completely More dissat- About half More satis-Completely dissatis- isfied than and half fied than satisfied fied satisfied dissatis fied 119
Personal Background Information
The following information is necessary for purpose and analysis of data obtained in this interview. It will not be used in any other way. Please answer or check the items as accurately as you possibly can.
1. What is your occupation, please indicate by giving your job title?
2. How will you describe the work you do at your job? Please check one. A. unskilled B. semi-skilled C. skilled
3. Check one of the following to indicate how long, you have been employed on your present job? A. less than a year______D. 5 to 6 years B. one to two years______E. 7 to 8 years C. three to four years______F. 9 years and more b. Before you got this job how many full time jobs had you held? (Don’t count those you held less than three months). A. None ___ C. Three ____E. Five or more B. One ___ D. Four
5. Which one of the following indicates your marital status at present? A. Single ___D. Divorced B. Married E . Widowed C. Separated
6. How many children do you have? A. None D. Three B. One E. Four or more C. Two
7. Check one of the following to indicate your age. A. 20 years or less D. 4-1 to 50 years B. 21 to 30 years E. 51 years and over C. 31 to ^0 years
8. Check the highest level of education which you have completed. A. Eighth grade or less D. College with A.B. degree B. High School E. Other. Please specify __ C. Two years of College.
9. Have you ever attended any technical school? A. Yes B. No 120
If yes, please check how long you attended? A. Less than a year ___ C. Three years B. Two years D. Four years or more
10. What was or is your father’s occupation? ______
11. In what state were you born? ______
12. Where did you live during most of your childhood? A. In the country B. In a small city or town C. In a city of 10,000 population or less D. In a city of 10,000 to 100,000 population E. In a city of over 100,000 population
13. What is your religion? A. None ___D. Jewish B, Catholic ___E. Other than any of the above C. Protestant
14. About how many times a month do you usually attend church? _A. Not at all ___D. Three times B. Once ___E. Four times or more C. Twice
1 5 . Do you belong to any clubs or social organizations? A. yes ___ B. n o _
If so please list them below. A. ______B. ______C.
16. Do you rent or own the home you live in? A. Own the home __ B. Rent the home
17. Do you plan to live at your present place of residence permanently? A. yes B. no C. not sure
18. Do you think a big city is a good place to live? A. yes B. no C. not sure 121
19. Please check one of the following and indicate your approximate annual income? A, less than $3,000 a year B. $3,000 to $5,000 a year C. $5,000 to $7,000 a year D. $7,000 to $9,000 a year _E. $9,000 and above a year
Thank you for your cooperation. BIBLIOGRAPHY 123
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