Stable Isotopic Insights Into the Subsistence Patterns of Prehistoric Dogs (Canis Familiaris) and Their Human Counterparts in Northeastern North America

STABLE ISOTOPIC INSIGHTS INTO THE SUBSISTENCE PATTERNS OF PREHISTORIC DOGS (CANIS FAMILIARIS) AND THEIR HUMAN COUNTERPARTS IN NORTHEASTERN NORTH AMERICA

A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board

in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

by Sharon Allitt May 2011

Examining Committee Members: R. Michael Stewart, Advisory Chair, Temple University Anthony Ranere, Temple University Charles Weitz, Temple University Mark Schurr, Notre Dame University M. Anne Katzenberg, External Member, University of Calgary

Sharon Allitt

! ii ABSTRACT

Title: STABLE ISOTOPIC INSIGHTS INTO THE SUBSISTENCE PATTERNS OF PREHISTORIC DOGS (CANIS FAMILIARIS) AND THEIR HUMAN COUNTERPARTS IN NORTHEASTERN NORTH AMERICA

Candidate's Name: Sharon Allitt

Degree: Doctor of Philosophy

Temple University, 2011

Doctoral Advisory Committee Chair: R. Michael Stewart, Phd

There are four goals to this study. The first is to investigate the diet of prehistoric dogs (Canis familiaris) in the Northeast region of North America using stable isotope analysis. The second goal of this study is to generate independent data concerning the presence or absence of C4 resources, such as maize, in the diets of dogs.

Third, this study investigates the use of dog bone as a proxy for human bone in studies assessing the presence of C4 resources at archaeological sites. The fourth goal of this study is to provide a check on existing interpretations of the material, macro- and microbotanical records as it concerns the presence or absence of C4 resources at the sites involved in this study.

Stable isotope analysis is a science that allows the measuring of the abundance ratio of two stable isotopes of a particular element. Stable isotope analysis can differentiate C4 and C3 plants, as well as terrestrial and marine resources in material such as bone where the chemistry of diet becomes recorded. Given the importance of C4 plants

iii to many prehistoric populations, in the absence of direct evidence identifying their presence at archaeological sites, an alternate method for identification is needed. Maize played an important role in changing human behaviors during prehistory including: decisions to increase sedentism, abuse of power structures, and stratification of gender roles within human populations. Additionally, an overall decrease in health is seen in prehistoric populations who focused their subsistence practices on maize.

Dogs were chosen as the focus of this study because related research suggests that their diet tends to mimic human diet. Prehistoric dogs were scavengers, but they were also intentionally fed companions. The suggestion that dog diet in some way mimics human diet means that stable isotope ratios from their bone will reflect the type of resources available for consumption by their human counterparts. As such, this investigation may also indirectly inform on the diets of the American Indian inhabitants of the settlements in which these dog remains originate.

Thirty samples of dog bone, dating from the Early Ceramic Period, ca. 3000 B.P. to the Late Woodland and Early Historic Period, were obtained from museum and personal collections, and from ongoing archaeological excavations throughout the

Northeast region of North America. Stable isotope analysis was conducted at Notre

Dame’s Center for Environmental Science and Technology. The results of this analysis indicates that these prehistoric dogs consumed the types of resources represented in the archaeological record with one important exception: consumption of C4 resources, possibly maize, was occurring at several sites where no other evidence of C4 exploitation exists. Of the dogs sampled ten were from pre-agricultural sites in Maine and their stable isotope ratios indicated a diet of marine and terrestrial resources. Nineteen dogs were

iv excavated from components dating to the Late Woodland or Historic Period. During the

Late Woodland and Historic Period the C4 plant maize was exploited by many human groups in the study region. Interpretation based on stable isotopes from bone collagen indicates that six of these dogs had isotopic signatures within the range of significant C4 resource consumption. Stable isotope ratios from the remaining dogs indicate a smaller

13 contribution of C4 resources to diet. According to δ C ratios from carbonate three dogs, two from New Jersey (DB2, DB8) and one from Maryland (DB11), had a significant C4 plant component to their diet. The remaining Late Woodland and Historic period dogs most likely consumed minor amounts of C4 resources. In addition to identifying C4 resources in the diet of dogs, the value of assessing isotope data from both collagen and carbonate is investigated.

The sample size for this study was small in comparison to the size of the region assessed. Despite the small sample size, this analysis contributes to our knowledge of past dog and human subsistence patterns. Our understanding of the utility of stable isotope studies of human companion species has also expanded. In addition to investigating the presence of C4 resources in the diet of prehistoric dogs, this research provides an alternate line of inquiry to re-assess current interpretations, especially in areas where direct evidence of isotopically identifiable C4 plants, such as maize are currently lacking. The results of this study are applicable first and foremost to the consumption patterns of the individual animals sampled. However, that these dogs were consuming particular resources provides at least a clue of what was under consideration by their human counterparts.

v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

A great number of individuals supported this research. I begin here by imparting sincere gratitude to my dissertation committee. Their guidance and support have been crucial, consistent and deeply appreciated.

I am incredibly thankful to Dr. Michael Stewart, my graduate advisor. His contributions are countless. As my mentor and advisor he has always been energized and excited to talk about the content of this study and its contribution to our understanding of the past. He has provided continual guidance, knowledgeable commentary, and has been extremely patient and generous in sharing his wealth of knowledge.

Dr. Anthony Ranere has supported this study from its earliest mentioning during

Spring 2007 Grant Writing class. He has provided continual encouragement, guidance and support.

Dr. Charles Weitz has made available his support in a number of ways including the provision of meaningful commentary and guidance during the development of this study.

A great many thanks are extended to Dr. Mark Schurr of Notre Dame. Dr. Schurr not only provided access to the necessary equipment to conduct this analysis, but he also provided valuable guidance and encouragement as I navigated the complex science of stable isotopes and mass spectrometry. He consistently and thoughtfully mentored my laboratory research at Notre Dame’s Center for Environmental Science and Technology.

vi His support, and willingness to share his knowledge and wealth of experience were and are sincerely appreciated.

I am extremely grateful to Dr. M. Anne Katzenberg for providing external readership. Dr. Katzenberg’s work in skeletal biology and stable isotope science is distinguished and her contribution, providing insights into the content, quality and value of this research is deeply appreciated.

Abundant gratitude is also sent to the following individuals, organizations and establishments who have contributed in diverse ways to this study. If I have mistakenly omitted any names from this list please know that I am grateful for all the assistance afforded me by the many people I interacted with during this process.

Sincere thanks are expressed to Dennis Birdsell, Director of the Center for

Environmental Science and Technology at Notre Dame University. Dennis was indispensable in his guidance concerning the operation of the necessary equipment as well as his assistance in decoding pages upon pages of analytical data.

Thanks and appreciation are given to Dr. Tim Messner (independent researcher) for his editorial comments, enthusiasm and support. Sincere gratitude is also extended to

Dr. Christy Rockwell and Muriel Kirkpatrick of Temple University Department of

Anthropology, Greg Lattanzi and the New Jersey State Museum, Julia Clark and the

Abbe Museum, Nicholas Bellantoni, State Archaeologist, University of Connecticut and the Connecticut Archaeology Center, John Wright and Lori Rohrer of the National Park

Service, the National Park Service, Dr. Richard Dent of American University, Dr.

Elizabeth Moore and the Virginia Museum of Natural History, Dr. Rebecca Morehouse and Sara Rivers Cofield of the Maryland Archaeological Conservation Laboratory, Don

vii Creveling and Michael Lucas of the Maryland-National Capital Park & Planning

Commission, Dr. Lucianne Lavin and The Institute for American Indian Studies, Tonya

Largy and the Massachusetts Archaeological Society, Jim Lee and Hunter Research, Dr.

Michael Barber, Dr. Martin Gallivan and Josh Duncan of the College of William and

Mary University. Special thanks go to Joan Brenner Coltrain of the University of Utah for her support and willingness to vet the assets of this study and provide her insights.

Temple University’s generosity was pivotal in the completion of this dissertation.

Having recognized the contribution this research would make to the field of Archaeology and Subsistence Studies, the Graduate School awarded a Dissertation Completion Grant during Spring 2011.

Thank you to Notre Dame University and the Center for Environmental Science and Technology for donating the use of the mass spectrometer equipment necessary to accomplish this study.

My deepest respect, gratitude and much love goes to my husband, Ed. His laughter and love, his belief in my ability, and his endless patience, are truly what supported me throughout my PhD studies. For his support and understanding and for his ability to gently coerce me when necessary I am now and always deeply grateful.

viii DEDICATION

For my husband, Ed.

For my family.

For my canine companions: Chloe, Laddoo, Marika, Maxwell & Piper.

The earth trembled and a great rift appeared, separating the first man and woman from

the rest of the animal kingdom. As the chasm grew deeper and wider, all the other

creatures, afraid for their lives, returned to the forest - except for the dog, who, after much consideration leapt the perilous rift to stay with the humans on the other side. His

love for humanity was greater than his bond to other creatures, he explained, and he

willingly forfeited his place in paradise to prove it.

An Ojibway Tale

ix TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

ABSTRACT...... iii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... vi

DEDICATION...... ix

LIST OF TABLES ...... xiii

LIST OF FIGURES...... xv

CHAPTER

1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

2. PREHISTORIC SUBSISTENCE PATTERNS...... 8

Preservation and Bias...... 9 Archaic Period Subsistence in NENA...... 11 Archaic Period Subsistence in Maine ...... 14 Archaic Period Subsistence in Southern New England ...... 16 Archaic Period Subsistence in the Middle Atlantic Region ...... 18 Archaic Period Cultivation of Cucurbit ...... 21 Woodland Period Subsistence in NENA...... 23 Woodland Period Subsistence in Maine...... 24 Woodland Period Subsistence in New England ...... 27 Woodland Period Subsistence in the Middle Atlantic Region ...... 28 Woodland Period Domesticates...... 33 Early Evidence of Maize ...... 33 Summary and Expectations ...... 39

x 3. THE ROLE OF DOGS DURING PREHISTORY...... 41

Domestication ...... 41 In the Company of Humans...... 44 Shape, Size and Significance of Canis familiaris in Prehistoric North America ...... 46 Dogs as a Food Resource in the NENA ...... 51 Ritual Death and Intentional Burial ...... 52 Archaeological Evidence of Dogs in the Northeast...... 56 Summary...... 58 4. STABLE ISOTOPE ANALYSIS...... 61

The Science of Stable Isotopes ...... 62

Stable Isotope Analysis: Dog Bone and Human Diet ...... 68

Potential Issues in Dietary Studies Utilizing Stable Isotope Analysis...... 70

Stable Isotopic Evidence of C4 Resources in the NENA ...... 73

5. SITES, SAMPLES AND METHODOLOGY...... 81

Connecticut...... 83 Grannis Island Site (93-05) ...... 83 Tubbs Site of Smith Cove (45-07)...... 88 Maine...... 88 Jones Cove Site (44.13)...... 89 Ruth Moore Site (31.17)...... 90 Taft’s Point Site (44.06)...... 93 Tranquility Farm Site (44.12)...... 94 Waterside Site (44.7)...... 95 Maryland...... 95 Mount Calvert Site (18PR6)...... 96 Reeves Site (18WC15)...... 96 Winslow Site (18MO9) ...... 97 New Jersey...... 99

xi Abbott Farm Site...... 99 Bell Browning Site...... 103 Bell Browning Blair Site ...... 104 Bell Philhower Site ...... 105 I80 Weight Station Site (28WA2290)...... 107 Minisink Site...... 108 Methodology...... 109 6. RESULTS...... 122

Viability of Samples...... 122 Collagen Analysis ...... 123 ANOVA Statistical Analyses on δ13C and δ15N from Collagen...... 128 Bone Carbonate Analysis ...... 135 7. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION...... 144

Discussion...... 144 The Diet of Prehistoric Dogs in Northeast North America...... 144 Identifying C4 Resources Using Stable Isotope Analysis on Dog Bone ...... 147 Can We Infer Human Diet from Dog Bone?...... 149 Providing a Check on Pre-existing Interpretations ...... 153 Future Research ...... 164 Conclusion...... 166 REFERENCES CITED ...... 168

xii LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

3.1 Oldest Domesticated Canid Remains ...... 48

3.2 Oldest Domesticated Canid Remains from North America...... 48

5.1. State, Site, Species and Specimens...... 82

5.2 Site, Occupation Date and Subsistence Evidence ...... 85

5.2 Site, Occupation Date and Subsistence Evidence (cont.) ...... 86

5.3 Temporal Scheme for Connecticut, Maryland and New Jersey...... 91

5.4 Temporal Scheme for Maine...... 91

5.5 Winslow Site Faunal List...... 101

5.6 Samples: Portion, Side and Unclean Weight ...... 116

5.7 Sample, State and Provenience Data ...... 117

5.8 Collagen Analysis: Sample Weights Clean ...... 118

5.9 Collagen Analysis: Collagen Samples and Vial Weights...... 119

5.10 Collagen Weights: Cleaned versus Freeze-dried ...... 120

5.11 Carbonate Analysis: Sample Weights ...... 121

6.1 Stable Isotope Data: δ13C and δ15N from Ancient Dog Bone Collagen ...... 124

6.1 Stable Isotope Data: δ13C and δ15N from Ancient Dog Bone Collagen (cont.) .....125

6.2 Mean δ13C and δ15N Ratios for State Regions and Standard Deviations ...... 129

6.3 δ13C Ratios from Bone Collagen and Carbonate from Ancient Dog Bone...... 138

6.3 δ13C Ratios from Bone Collagen and Carbonate from Ancient Dog Bone (cont.) ...... 139

xiii 7.1 Stable Isotope Studies on Human and Dog Bone Collagen...... 154

7.2 Stable Isotopes of Carbon and Nitrogen from Bones and Teeth of New England Dogs as Reported by Chilton (2001) ...... 155

xiv

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1.1 Map of Study Region, Northeast North America (NENA)...... 4

3.1 Cut Marks on Dog Bone from Mount Calvert Site, Maryland...... 54

3.2 Malformed Vertebra of Canis familiaris from Mt. Calvert Site, Maryland ...... 60

5.1 Site Locations...... 87

5.2 Winslow Site (18MO9) Dog Burial ...... 102

5.3 Canis familiaris Proximal Humerus...... 106

5.4 Canis familiaris Left and Right Radius ...... 106

5.5 Minisink Island Dog Burial...... 110

5.6 Minisink Island Dog Burial Potential Stomach Contents...... 111

6.1 δ13C and δ15N Stable Isotope Data from Ancient Dog (Canis familiaris) Bone Collagen from Archaeological Sites in NENA with Mean State Region Values (±1 Standard Deviation Error Bars)...... 130

6.2 δ13C and δ15N Stable Isotope Data from Ancient Dog (Canis familiaris) Bone Collagen from Maine...... 131

6.3 δ13C and δ15N Stable Isotope Data from Ancient Dog (Canis familiaris) Bone Collagen from Connecticut ...... 131

6.4 δ13C and δ15N Stable Isotope Data from Ancient Dog (Canis familiaris) Bone Collagen from Maryland...... 132

6.5 δ13C and δ15N Stable Isotope Data from Ancient Dog (Canis familiaris) Bone Collagen from New Jersey...... 132

6.6 Variation in δ13C from Collagen of Ancient Dog Bone from Maine, Connecticut, New Jersey and Maryland ...... 133

6.7 Variation in δ15N of Ancient Dog Bone from Maine, Connecticut, New Jersey and Maryland...... 134

xv 6.8 δ13C (Collagen) and δ13C (Carbonate) Stable Isotope Data from Ancient Dog (Canis familiaris) and Fox (Vulpes vulpes) Bone ...... 140

6.9 δ13C (Collagen) and δ13C (Carbonate) Stable Isotope Data from Ancient Dog (Canis familiaris) Bone from Maine ...... 141

6.10 δ13C (Collagen) and δ13C (Carbonate) Stable Isotope Data from Ancient Dog (Canis familiaris) Bone from Connecticut...... 141

6.11 δ13C (Collagen) and δ13C (Carbonate) Stable Isotope Data from Ancient Dog (Canis familiaris) Bone from Maryland ...... 142

6.12 δ13C (Collagen) and δ13C (Carbonate) Stable Isotope Data from Ancient Dog (Canis familiaris) and Fox (Vulpes vulpes) Bone from New Jersey ...... 142

6.13 δ13C (Carbonate) and δ15N Stable Isotope Data from Ancient Dog Bone (Canis familiaris) and Fox (Vulpes vulpes) Plotted to C4 Range with Consideration of δ13C (Collagen) Ratios ...... 143

7.1 δ13C and δ15N Stable Isotope Data from Ancient Dog (Canis familiaris) and Fox (Vulpes vulpes) Bone Collagen with Schoeninger et al. (1990) Subsistence Strategy ...... 162

xvi

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

Understanding the relationship between subsistence economy and human behavior allows archaeologists to decipher complex issues about the past. The development of power structures, population growth, sedentism, health, prehistoric trade networks, shifts in social policy, and gender roles can each be assessed in the light of subsistence practices, the need for land and water to grow crops and the ability to produce surplus resources. C4 plants, such as maize, play a particularly complex role in regional cultural prehistory. The adoption of maize as a dietary staple and as an agricultural product significantly altered the ecological, cultural and political landscapes of the past.

Distinguishing the presence and prominence of maize (Zea mays), whether cultivated or traded, among prehistoric human groups in Northeast North America poses special problems to archaeologists. Subsistence research questions are most directly addressed through analysis of macroscopic and microscopic plant remains or by isotopic testing of human bone. However, plant remains are generally not well preserved in the region and researchers find themselves in a troublesome position when attempting to access ancient human remains for past diet, especially using destructive analyses. Such obstacles to research make it necessary to find alternate methods for acquiring useful

1 data. Stable isotope analysis on preserved bone from species cohabitating with humans is one such method.

Researchers have already shown the utility of stable isotope analysis of human and mammalian bone in reconstructing past environment and diet (e.g. Ambrose and

Katzenberg 2000, Chisholm et al. 1982, DeNiro and Epstein 1977, van der Merwe and

Vogel 1978, Vogel and van der Merwe 1977). In this study I test the hypothesis that dog bone is a useful surrogate for human bone when using stable isotope analysis to assess the presence or absence of maize during prehistory. Dogs were chosen as the focus of this study because related research suggests that their diet tends to mimic human diet. This is likely true from the earliest association of the two species (White et al. 2001). While dogs filled several roles during prehistory including the role of scavenger, as well as intentionally fed companion, the suggestion that dog diet has in some way mimicked human diet means that stable isotope ratios from their bone will reflect the type of resources available for consumption by their human counterparts.

This study (1) investigates the diet of prehistoric dogs in the Northeast region of

North America using stable isotope analysis; (2) generates independent data concerning the presence or absence of C4 foods such as maize in the diets of dogs; (3) informs on the diets of the American Indian inhabitants of the settlements in which these dog remains originate, testing the hypothesis that dog bone can be used as a proxy for human bone in studies assessing the presence of C4 foods at archaeological sites; and (4) provides a check on existing interpretations of the material, macro- and micro-botanical records as it concerns the presence or absence of C4 foods at the archaeological sites involved in this study.

2 The study region for this research includes a large portion of Northeast North

America, hereinafter referred to as NENA (Figure 1.1). Samples were drawn from prehistoric sites in the modern state regions of Maine, Connecticut, New Jersey and

Maryland. The sample size is relatively small, twenty-eight dogs (Canis familiaris) and one fox (Vulpes vulpes). Samples are associated with sites that date from the Ceramic

Period (3000 B.P. - 500 B.P.) through the time of Indian contact and interactions with

European explorers and colonists. Dates are provided in B.P. format and are uncalibrated except where noted. Data on the relative age of samples, the sites where they were acquired and faunal interpretations were taken from existing records and reports on file with various organizations, institutions and the individuals who donated samples for this study.

Our understanding of prehistoric subsistence strategies is complicated and incomplete. An overview of several of the prehistoric subsistence practices recognized for cultural groups throughout NENA are provided in Chapter 2, Prehistoric Subsistence

Patterns. Early research suggested that prehistoric humans consumed a generally monotonous diet focused on locally available resources. Current research, including a broader more inclusive paleoethnobotanical record, together with stable isotope and trace element analysis, suggests a greater degree of variation existed in exploitation practices than originally thought. However, the level of variation researchers observe depends greatly on the research question being asked and the samples selected to answer that question. Using dog bone as a marker for the presence of maize will contribute yet another line of evidence, substantiating, elaborating or refuting previous interpretations.

3 Figure 1.1 Map of Study Region, Northeast North America (NENA)

Chapter 3, The Role of Dogs in Prehistory, provides an overview of our understanding of the evolution of Canis familiaris. Additionally, this chapter addresses the cultural significance of the species. A discussion of historic descriptions concerning the physical appearance and the cultural place of the dog, with particular attention to the study region is provided although data from other regions are also included in the chapter.

4 The presence of dogs in human communities influenced human cultural and spiritual beliefs and practices through time. As the first known domesticated animals in the world (Clutton-Brock 1995) their diverse role in human societies may have been what prompted humans to begin to tame and then domesticate other species as well (Vilá

2005). For these reason, Canis familiaris is an optimal informant concerning behaviors, including subsistence practices, of prehistoric humans.

Chapter 4, Stable Isotope Analysis provides a discussion of the basic science of stable isotope analysis and its application on bone. The efficacy of using stable isotope science as a tool for acquiring information about past human and animal behavior is explored through a discussion of the earliest discoveries and more recent applications to subsistence reconstruction.

Sites, Samples and Methodology is presented in Chapter 5. General site locations, a summary of field notes and a description of artifacts associated with the sampled remains are given. Additionally, the condition of the remains, including any identified pathologies, is discussed. A review of available literature as to each site, including the faunal record and associated interpretations are provided when available. The stable isotope analysis took place at Notre Dame’s Center for Environmental Science and

Technology (CEST). Chapter 5 provides the details of that analysis.

Collagen and carbonate results for this study are presented in Chapter 6, Results.

The study was conducted in two phases. The first phase focused on bone collagen and the second on bone carbonate. Of the thirty specimens (no. dog = 29, no. fox = 1) sampled, ten were excavated from Ceramic Period sites in Maine. These sites pre-date agricultural pursuits in the region. Collagen ratios from this study suggest that the Maine dogs had a

5 diet focused on marine and terrestrial protein with no contribution from C4 resources.

Nineteen dogs were excavated from components dating to the Late Woodland or Historic

Period. One sample was excluded due to poor preservation. Stable isotope ratios from collagen indicate that six of these dogs consumed a significant amount of C4 resources.

C4 resources made a smaller contribution of to diet of the remaining dogs. As for the second phase of the study, which focused on bone carbonate, δ13C values support the findings in Maine. As for the remaining samples, according to bone carbonate ratios only three dogs, two from New Jersey (DB2, DB8) and one from Maryland (DB11), had a significant contribution of C4 resource to their diet. C4 resources made a minor contribution to the diet of the remaining dogs.

Chapter 7, titled Discussion & Conclusion, addresses the subsistence insights gained from this study. The reliability of faunal assemblages in assessments of past subsistence practices is called into question. This study indicates canine consumption patterns were similar to what the archaeological record suggests with one important exception: stable isotope analysis implies potential consumption of C4 resources at sites where no other evidence of that exploitation exists. To date the C4 resource most commonly recognized as contributing to prehistoric human diet in the Northeast region is maize. Whether the contributor to diet was maize or another C4 resource requires further investigation. Nitrogen ratios from the samples in this study help to clarify resource contribution.

The sample size for this study is small in comparison to the size of the region assessed. Despite the small sample size, this analysis contributes to our knowledge of past foodways and to our understanding of the utility of stable isotope studies of human

6 companion species in assessing availability of resources. Our understanding of the role of cultigens in the past is limited in part due to poor preservation of ancient plant remains and residues. Utilization of excavation methods not geared to the recovery of paleoethnobotanical remains and the inaccessibility of human remains for destructive isotopic testing are additional issues, which archaeologists face.

The results of this study are applicable first and foremost to the consumption patterns of the individual animals sampled. However, that these dogs were consuming particular resources provides at least a clue of what was available for consumption by their immediate human counterparts. Suggestions on how future research can enhance our understanding of the past are also included in the final chapter.

CHAPTER 2

PREHISTORIC SUBSISTENCE PATTERNS

The subject of prehistoric subsistence encompasses one of the largest bodies of inquiry in archaeology. People in the past interacted with their environments in numerous ways including the exploitation of wild and domesticated plant materials for medicinal, ritual, dietary and functional purposes. Studying the subsistence strategies of fishing, hunting and gathering, and agricultural populations has provided the basis for a continually growing body of literature concerning social and political issues, such as health, economy, gender, age, sedentism, domestication, trade, power distribution and people-plant relationships (e.g. Bourque 1995, Chapman and Watson 1993, Cross 1956,

Custer 1996, 1994, 1989, 1984, Dent 1995, Gardner 1975, 1986, 1989, Goggin 1949,

Grossman-Bailey 2001, Potter 1982, 1994, Ritchie 1932, 1947, 1965, 1969, 1980, Ritchie and Funk 1973, Smith 1986, 1989, 1992, Snow 1980, Stewart and Cavallo 1991, Tuck

1978, Volk 1911, Wall et al. 1996, Waselkov 1982).

Early research suggested that prehistoric humans consumed a generally monotonous diet in Northeast North America particular to the local ecology of each group. Current research, including the paleoethnobotanical record, together with stable isotope and trace element analysis, suggest a greater degree of variation existed in exploitation practices than originally suggested. However, the level of variation

8 recognized in the archaeological record depends greatly on the research question being asked and the samples available and selected to answer that question.

Preservation and Bias.

Preservation is a large issue when it comes to availability of samples. Realistically we will likely only ever acquire a partial picture of prehistoric human plant exploitation patterns. Plants remains are easily destroyed. Preservation and the current state of technology constrain recovery and identification of plant remains. Unfortunately, environmental influences such as acidic soils, bioturbation and natural phenomenon, e.g. flood and fire, further negate the survival and propagate the dispersal of fragile plant matter (e.g. Smith 1992). Food-processing technologies of the past biased which parts of a plant would eventually become part of an archaeobotanical assemblage. Preservation is influenced by a plant’s potential for carbonization (Keepax 1977, Minnis 1981, Smith

1992). However, carbonization depends on the morphological characteristics of a species as well as “temperature, length of exposure, moisture content, and the portions of the plant involved” (Wright 2003:577). Softer foods, such as fruits and leaves are less likely to become carbonized (Lopincot 1992, Miksicek 1987). Carbonized remains from sites are most commonly wood. Nutshell is also abundant, probably the result of their morphological durability and their use as fuel (Asch and Asch 1985, Asch Sidell 2008,

Fritz 1994, Regensberg 1970, Scarry 1986). There is also evidence, by way of charred remains, of maize cobs having been used as a fuel source in the region (Hart 1999).

Inconsistent or unsophisticated collection techniques have hindered recovery of fragile plant remains both in the past and present (Willey 1966). Prior to the 1960s

9 research was “characterized by nonsystematic recovery of plant remains” (Chapman and

Watson 1993:27). As such, early analyses were heavily skewed toward large mammals and hunting (Bourque 2002, Boutton et al. 1984, Chapman and Watson 1993). Larger bones and fragments of large bones have a greater tendency to survive under preservation conditions where plant food (and smaller mammal remains) diminish or are re-situated across the landscape as a result of taphonomic factors including wind, water and the activity of burrowing mammals and insects (Bocek 1986, Chomko and Gilbert 1991,

Stein 1983, Wood and Johnson 1978).

It was not until systematic sampling procedures were introduced, beginning in the

1960s (e.g. French 1971, Schock 1971, Struever 1968) that smaller seeds and other remains were recognized and retrieved. Flotation technology was accompanied by an emphasis on systematic recovery and analysis (Chapman and Watson 1993). Experiments suggest that recovery rates of up to 82% to 100% of floating seeds and 15% of sinking seeds are possible depending on the flotation modality used (Struever 1968, Wagner

1982).

In addition to flotation, systematic recovery and analysis, researchers have more recently demonstrated the utility of phytolith and starch grain analysis in identifying archaeological botanical remains. Phytoliths are identifiable bodies of silica that become deposited in soil as a plant dies and which become microfossils (Bozarth 1987; Hart et al. 2007; Piperno 1984, 1993a, b, Piperno et al. 2000). Starch grain analysis looks at microscopic plant based residues that have been recovered from ceramics to determine the taxonomic identity of the contents (Piperno et al. 2000, Messner 2008). Both methods have provided valuable insights into past subsistence patterns for humans in the region (e.g. Hart et al. 2007) and will likely continue to expand the evidence of plant use in the Eastern

10 Woodlands.

While flotation, systematic recovery and analysis, and phytolith and starch grain analysis have increased the amount of plant remains recovered and identified, according to many researchers the archaeobotanical record is still inherently biased (e.g. Messner

2008). Additionally, the presence or absence of a food type in the archaeological record does not define its relative importance to a society or to an individual (Bendremer and

Dewar 1993, Chilton 2008, Stewart 1994, Wright 2005). The identification of seeds, maize kernels, Cucurbit rinds, and other foodstuff only allow researchers to begin to describe what past humans were potentially eating and the significance a particular food may have held.

Archaic Period Subsistence in NENA.

Smith (1986, 1989, 1992) characterized Eastern Woodlands Archaic Period populations as hunter-gather-foragers who likely maintained small populations, practiced residential mobility, revisited locations with abundant resources on a seasonal basis, and had a strong subsistence focus on deer and a variety of nuts, supplemented by other foods. Groups would likely converge in the summer when resources were plentiful and become diffuse again during the winter months. Custer (1989) described Archaic Period populations as “mobile small-band organizations with simple social structuring”

(1989:122) (also see Custer 1984, Ritchie 1969, Wall et al. 1996, Willey and Phillips

1958). Kelly (1995) and Winterhalder and Goland (1993, 1997) have termed similar groups broad foragers. Archaic people have also been called “sophisticated and complex” by Chapman and Watson (1993).

11 According to Smith (1986, 1992) and others beginning around 6500 B.P. weedy plants came to cohabitate with people in NENA in anthropogenic areas that had been cleared for settlement, areas which were conducive to opportunistic growth. Humans tolerated the useful plants and eventually, over time, diminished the presence of nuisance plants, potentially unconsciously creating the first tended pre-horticultural environments

(Smith 2007b).

The timing of the Archaic Period is not uniformly defined across the NENA

(Chapman and Watson 1993) but is generally defined as Early (10000 to 8500 B.P.),

Middle (8500 to 5000 B.P.) and Late (5000 to 3200 B.P.) (Carr and Adovasio 2002,

Custer 1996, Stewart 2003a, 2003b, Wall et al. 1996). During the Archaic Period an environment emerged that supported diverse resources including deer, fish, rabbit, squirrel, and other mammals, as well as fleshy fruits (e.g. berries) and tubers. (Asch

Sidell 1999, Carbone 1976, Custer 1989, Dent 1979, Stewart 1990a, Wall et al. 1996).

Acorn and other nuts became plentiful (Dent 1979, Sirkin 1977). Nuts are high in fat and calories. The oil from nuts may have been an important contribution to prehistoric diets especially in “late winter and early spring” when individuals “may have experienced significant fat shortages… because of the leanness of game” (Gardner 1997:162).

Scarry suggests that nuts were the “most important wild plant food for most

Native American peoples of the Eastern Woodlands” (Scarry 2003:57). Nuts mature in the fall and drop to the ground for easy harvesting and they store well. However, trees do not uniformly produce mast, some species maturing in one year, while others mature in two; and annual harvest rates are highly variable. Colder temperatures inhibit harvest as well (Goodrum et al. 1971). Other drawbacks to the exploitation of nut resources include

12 the amount of time and labor required to process some species. Red oaks require intensive processing to remove tannic acid, while white oaks have lower levels of tannic acid (Goldschmidt 1974, Messner 2008). Other nuts, such as walnut, could be eaten directly out of the shell (Gardner 1997, Messner 2008). The nut species that were typically exploited include hickory, acorn, walnut, beech, and birch (Asch and Asch

1985, Beverly 1722, Gardner 1997, Hummer 1991, Messner 2008, Regensburg 1970,

Scarry 1986, Wall et al. 1996).

While the remains of nuts are a common find on archaeological sites they are not always present in assemblages. Additionally, when they are present, they were not always the most abundant resource. Nuts probably were very significant to subsistence, but a variety of plants were exploited and variably so throughout the region, particularly as they became seasonally available. With regard to contribution measurements, Pearsall

(1989) states, in a critique of MacNeish’s 1967 calculations of the dietary contribution of plants and animals from Tehuacan Valley rock shelter sites, that attempts to determine absolute degrees to which plants contributed to the diet of humans creates “unrealistic goals” (1989:447).

“The basic set of resources is much the same from area to area” (Scarry 2003:56) during the Archaic Period. However, how people exploited those resources depended upon several factors including the ease with which some plants could be exploited, their proximity to habitation areas, and the presence, absence or abundance of preferred resources (Smith 1992).

13 Archaic Period Subsistence in Maine.

During the Late Archaic Period there were numerous cultural traditions. “Whole cultural traditions” (Goggin 1949) recognized for Archaic Maine include (but aren’t limited to) the Lake Forest tradition, which focused strongly on fish; the Narrow Point tradition, which focused strongly on terrestrial protein, particularly white tail deer and mast; the Maritime Archaic, which focused on marine mammals; and the Susquehanna tradition, whose focus included deer, bear and moose (Tuck 1978), as well as waterfowl, sturgeon and shellfish (Bourque 1995). These traditions are not exclusive to Maine and extend into the surrounding Northeast region. Snow (1980) suggested that Narrow Point tradition should be renamed Mast Forest to better “reflect their adaptations, as much as geographic and physiographic correlates” (1980:188).

A significant site for the study of Archaic Period subsistence practices in Maine is the Turner Farm Site (Bourque 1995). The Turner Farm site is a shell midden situated on a terrace with “probably the longest and most complex cultural sequence on the Gulf of

Maine coast” (1995:13) but little by way of plant remains. Occupation began at the site as early as 6,000 years ago. Four occupational sequences span the Archaic to the Ceramic

Periods (Bourque 1995, Spiess and Lewis 1995). Research at Turner Farm focused on an extensive faunal analysis of approximately 15,000 specimens (Morse 1975). Spiess and

Lewis (2001) note several similarities in subsistence strategies between occupations.

Faunal analysis suggests that deer were hunted seasonally during all occupations.

Hunting was generally non-selective. Other exploited species include seal, bear, mink, beaver, bird, whale, cod, swordfish - and other fish species, and clams. The intensity of exploitation of these species varied through time (Spiess and Lewis 2001).

14 One of the intriguing and important differences in faunal exploitation patterns is seen in a comparison of Occupation 2 (Moorehead phase), which dates between 4500

B.P. and 4000 B.P. and Occupation 3 (Susquehanna Tradition), which dates between

3800 B.P. and 3600 B.P. The two occupations, which were very closely situated in time, were “clearly exploiting different economic niches” (Spiess and Lewis 2001:162).

Ecological (Sanger 1975) and cultural (Bourque 1995) reasons for the differences have been suggested but as Spiess and Lewis point out these explanations “depend heavily on the unresolved issue of partial contemporaneity or cultural succession” (2001:162).

While plant species are not well preserved in the region, a variety of nuts including beechnut, butternut, hazelnut, oak, chestnut and hickory, have been recovered.

Nuts may be significantly overrepresented in the archaeological record, as is often the case with hickory, which is found abundantly throughout NENA due to “its density and its use as fuel” (Fritz 1994). Root, tuber and rhizome remains are generally scarce but that does not mean they were not exploited. Root, tuber and rhizome are soft and starchy and easily destroyed (Asch Sidell 1999, Messner et al. 2008). Additionally, seeds of blueberry, raspberry, blackberry and strawberry, grape and cherry have also been recovered as well as seeds of weeds, and goosefoot. It is possible that sunflower was also recovered but the identification has not been confirmed (Asch Sidell 1999).

Crawford and Smith (2003) state that “Archaic subsistence patterns in Ontario

[are]… one of strictly food foraging conducted according to a schedule of seasonal movement and resource exploitation” (2003:193) and argue for greater specialization over time including a broader array of plants and animals, particularly fish, deer, elk, and moose, however, plant remains are fairly scarce in the region. An exception, the McIntyre

15 site on Rice Lake (Yarnell 1984) in Ontario, a Late Archaic site, produced 7,500 seeds, which were analyzed by Johnston (1984). Acorn, butternut, chenopod, and fleshy fruits were most commonly identified. Of these, chenopod had the greatest representation. The study indicates foraging activity was focused in groves, thickets and at forest borders, habitats that were likely anthropogenic (Yarnell 1984:106).

Archaic Period Subsistence in Southern New England.

Ritchie (1932) defined the peoples of the Southern New England region

(Connecticut, Massachusetts & New York,) Archaic period as hunter-gatherers. “With the bow, javelin, spear, net, and hook and line, large meat and fish supplies were obtained and smoked over great fires. Acorn, were certainly used as were doubtless nuts, berries, and various roots” (1932:132). The Archaic cultural traditions for the region included

Laurentian, Narrow-Stemmed and Susquehanna (McBride 1984). Snow (1980) argued that the human adaptations in New England during the Middle Archaic involved an increased degree of planning in exploitation, seasonally and in general, and in settlement strategies. During the Archaic Period the broader Northeast region tended to include three site types referred to commonly as macro- base camps and micro- base camps, which were habitation areas, and procurement camps, where activities including processing of resources occurred (Custer 1989, Gardner 1989, MacNeish 1970, 1971, Wall et al. 1996).

The region experienced, as did their northerly neighbors (Maine and Ontario), climate change with warming trends, expansion of temperate forest zones and an increase in the fauna and flora conducive to the altered environment (Bernabo and Webb 1977,

Funk 1991, McWeeney 1999). During the Archaic Period, settlement and subsistence

16 focused on diverse ecosystems including the coastal, inland and upland regions.

Unfortunately, due to rising sea levels the extent of coastal habitation and subsistence practices of coastally situated groups will likely never be completely understood (Kerber

1997a, b). Fortunately, some coastal sites escaped rising tidal waters due to their location at higher elevations. One example would be a series of Early Archaic sites with dense deposits of oyster shell along the Hudson River (1997). Shell middens have been used to illustrate shifts in exploitation. For example, a shift from exploitation of mussels, oysters and quahogs to scallops and soft shell clams is often seen in regional deposits (Braun

1974, Kerber 1997a, b, Ritchie 1969, Snow 1972). Explanations for such a shift include earlier levels representing easily exploited species while later deposits represent increasing levels of complexity in exploitation (Ritchie 1969, Snow 1972). Braun’s

(1974) ecological model explains such phenomenon on the basis of availability of species. Newman and Salwen’s (1977) “Kosher Indian Hypothesis” discusses cultural restrictions on food. Additional explanations include personal taste, overexploitation, and natural occurrences such as red tide (Kerber 1997a, b).

Large mammals including caribou, bear, elk, moose, and white tailed deer were also present and exploited throughout the region (Baker et al. 1994, Diamond 2004,

Keene 1981, Tankersley and Isaac 1990). Nuts and seeds, such as acorn, and sunflower seeds, were collected (Baker et al. 1994). Sunflower seeds in New England, which are not native to the region, would have required cultivation. Many also required processing before they were edible (Diamond 2004) while other resources such as grape, could be consumed immediately (Baker et al. 1994, Keene 1981). Remains of tubers, rhizomes and roots are generally scarce in the region, however Funk (1998) identified one

17 complete specimen as Sagattaria sp. from New York.

Archaic Period Subsistence in the Middle Atlantic Region.

People of the Archaic Period in the Middle Atlantic Region (South Eastern New

York, Eastern Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Delaware and Maryland, Northern Virginia and

Eastern West Virginia) are described as small mobile groups who practiced a subsistence pattern of fishing, hunting and gathering (Mounier 2002). Pottery appears in the region during the latter portions of the Late Archaic period (Stewart 1998, 2010). Many researchers suggest cultural diversity emerged during the Late Archaic Period and continued into the Early Woodland Period. Custer (1996) termed the Middle Archaic

“The Lost Years” 8500 to 5000 B.P. suggesting instead that artifacts, specifically stemmed point projectiles, were misdated creating the “illusion” (Fiedel 2004 p. 011) that little diversity existed prior to the Late Archaic. The following discussion will focus on the Late Archaic Period and the cultural shifts many researchers believe to have occurred during that time.

During the Late Archaic Period, the Middle Atlantic Region experienced growth in population numbers, increased sedentism, and an intensification of resource exploitation, specialization including food storage (Hay and Graetzer 1985, Raber et al.

1998, Stewart 1992). In the Piedmont region of Pennsylvania, later Archaic Period sites are focused in the upland areas. Sites types include base camp and procurement camps and the presence of storage features indicate longer-term habitation (Stewart and Cavallo

1991). A shift toward larger settlements in riverine environments is seen in the

Appalachian Region (Stewart and Kratzer 1989) and a shift to terrace sites is seen in the

18 Ridge and Valley Region (Custer 1996). Additionally, relatively small, mobile groups seasonally exploited resources of the Inner and Outer Coastal Plains (Cross 1941:4, Kraft and Mounier 1982:52). At Late Archaic Period sites the presence of stone bowls, ceramics, ground stone tools, storage features, large rock hearths, and an increased focus on riverine resources indicates a shift in subsistence toward broader exploitation and new cooking methods (Cavallo 1983, 1987, Raber et al. 1998, Schindler 2006, 2008, Stewart and Kratzer 1989, Witthoft 1953). Settlement shift and population increase are also indicated (Grossman-Bailey 2001, Witthoft 1949) (Custer 1996, Gardner 1975,

McLearen 1991). When taken together, artifacts, settlement patterns and subsistence patterns suggest that a good degree of diversity existed among cultural groups inhabiting the region during the Archaic Period (e.g. Custer 1989,1994, Stewart 2004).

The Abbott Farm Site (Cross 1956, Stewart and Cavallo 1991, Volk 1911) in

Trenton, New Jersey, is situated on Watson’s Creek. The site, part of the Delaware River

Valley (DRV), extends back to the Late Archaic Period and provides one of the earliest glimpses of hunter-gatherer-fisher activity in the area (Wall et al. 1996). Data compiled from Abbott Farm suggest that the early populations seasonally exploited upland and wetland resources and that meat, oil and roe of anadromous fish species were an important component of diet (Wall et al. 1996).

While plant remains dating to the Terminal Archaic Period are scarce in the

Middle Atlantic Region, particularly in New Jersey, remains of nuts, including hickory, acorn, and walnut, as well as charred seeds of goosefoot, pokeweed and wild grape have been recovered. Small to medium sized mammal remains have also been excavated from some sites (Pagoulatos 2003, Stewart 1993, Wall et al. 1996). The prominence of nuts at

19 some sites indicates the potential importance of mast in the subsistence of prehistoric inhabitants, preservation and use as fuel bias notwithstanding.

In the Chesapeake Region the Archaic Period was initially defined by Holland

(1949a, 1949b, 1953). Groups were pre-ceramic following a hunter-gatherer way of life.

There are several important shifts in human behavior during the Late Archaic Period in the Chesapeake. First is the appearance of larger habitation sites, which seem to have been reoccupied over time and smaller sites probably acting as procurement camps (Dent

1995). Aggregations of shell of several mollusck species and fish appear along the

Potomac (Dent 1995, Potter 1982, 1994 Waselkov 1982). Faunal assemblages are more numerous and well preserved for the Late Archaic Period and variably indicate exploitation of anadromous fish (Mouer 1991) and several terrestrial species including deer, beaver, raccoon, opossum, turtle, dog, squirrel and rabbit (Potter 1982). Plant exploitation is broad as well and includes blueberries, cherries, legumes (Ebright 1992), and seeds of wild mustard, and knotweed (McLearen 1991).

During the Late Archaic in NENA many exploited plants came under some degree of cultivation. Delcourt and Delcourt (2004) explain this process as “incipient horticulture of native weedy plants in garden plots” (2004:30). Cultigens acted as “low- density resources” used “as supplements to a widely diversified diet” (Delcourt and

Delcourt 2004). “Mutualistic” interactions (Crites 1987, Rindos 1984, Winterhalder and

Goland 1997) between humans and plants likely propagated the cultivation and eventual domestication of “early successional weedy herbs favored by regular, annual disturbance regimes” (Delcourt and Delcourt 2004:38). Mutualism, as described by Crites (1987), can be viewed as an evolutionary behavioral response resulting from the stress of increasing

20 human complexity brought about by early trade networks and ceremonialism (Delcourt and Delcourt 2004) as well as increasing differential access to resources based on increasing social stratification (Hayden 1992). Such social characteristics are more prominently recognized in the NENA during the Woodland Period. However, trade networks, which emerged in various areas of the Northeast beginning in the Archaic

Period (Calogero 1991), over 4500 years ago (Stewart 2004: 337, 1994) were also a likely influence in cultivation and domestication practices since exotic plant matter was probably included in exchange between groups (Gremillion 1993, Hastorf and

Johannessen 1994, Stewart 2004, Yarnell 1976, 1977). The earliest dates for the domestication of all plants used in NENA are found elsewhere.

Archaic Period Cultivation of Cucurbit.

There are, at a minimum, three subspecies of Cucurbit that have been exploited during prehistory starting in the Archaic Period. Cucurbit pepo ssp. ovifera are the summer squashes and ornamental gourds. The species originated in eastern North

America (Decker-Walters 1988, Decker-Walters et al. 2002, Delcourt and Delcourt 2004,

Hart 2008, Smith 2006). Cultivation of gourds was probably related to their functionality as vessels and not to their flavor (Asch and Asch 1994, Delcourt and Delcourt 2004, Fritz

1999, Hart 2004, 2008, Hart et al. 2002, Hart et al. 2007). This is supported by the fact that their flesh and seeds are extremely bitter (Asch 1994, Hart 2008).

The oldest specimens of Cucurbit pepo ssp. ovifera are from Florida were seed fragment has been directly dated to ca. 12700 B.P. These specimens are not associated with human behavior. Earlier seed fragments dating to about 31000 B.P. have also been

21 recovered from other sites in Florida and are associated with mammal remains (e.g.

Mihlbachler et al. 2002). Our current understanding, based on genetic studies, is that

“squashes present in eastern North America prior to the European incursion had evolved in the East from Cucurbita pepo ssp. ovifera gourds native to the lower Mississippi drainage” (Hart 2008:88, also see Decker-Walters et al. 1993, 2002, Paris et al. 2003,

Sanjur et al. 2002).

The earliest Cucurbit associated with humans was recovered from the Koster Site in Illinois and has been directly dated to ca. 7100 B.P. Rinds of Cucurbit gourd have been recovered from the Sharrow site in Maine (Asch and Asch 1994, Peterson and Asch

Sidell 1996) and have been directly dated to 5695+/-100 B.P. The Maine specimens are significant to our understanding of the cultivation and domestication of Cucurbit and to human interaction between groups of the time period. Maine is north of the region where the plant naturally occurs. Therefore its presence in Maine strongly suggests humans introduced it to the region (Asch Sidell 1999, Fritz 1999). Other early gourd fragments have been recovered from Kentucky (Cowan 1997), Missouri (Kay 1980), Pennsylvania

(Hart and Asch Sidell 1997), and Tennessee and Illinois (Asch and Asch 1985, Crites

1991, Smith 1992).

Cucurbit gourd rinds from sites generally located in the study region include the

Memorial Park site in the Susquehanna Valley dating to ca. 5404 B.P. (Hart and Asch

Sidell 1997) and fragmented Cucurbit seeds (according to Hart 2008 likely squash due to its late date) from Meadowcroft Rockshelter dating to ca. 4820 B.P. (Adovasio et al.

1982, Adovasio et al. 2003) “may signal the arrival of non-native cultigens” (2003: 72).

Researchers are not always able to determine whether the intention behind cultivating

22 Cucurbit was consumption or functionality (Fritz 1994, Pearsall 1989). For example, early gourds could have been used as net floaters (Fritz 1999, Hart et al. 2004) or the seeds may have been processed and included in the diet (Cowan and Smith 1993) or both

(Hart 2008).

Cucurbit pepo ssp. pepo, a Mesoamerican domesticate (Smith 2007a), includes edible types of august squash and pumpkin, (Delcourt and Delcourt 2004, Hart 2008) came to be distributed throughout North America through human behavior. Rind and seed fragments have been recovered from Pennsylvania (Hart and Asch Sidell 1997) and

Kentucky (Cowan 1997) and residue analysis has been conducted on Cucurbit phytoliths from artifacts in New York where it was in use as early as ca. 2945 B.P. (Hart et al. 2003,

2007). According to available evidence, Cucurbit pepo ssp. pepo began as a wild, inedible gourd but through selection (domestication), people favoring those varieties with edible flesh, a squash similar to the modern day acorn variety evolved.

A third variety of the species is Cucurbit pepo ssp. texana, which originated in the region of and surrounding Texas. Cucurbit pepo ssp. texana was part of an archaeobotanical complex called the Cucurbita texana Complex (Fritz 1999). This

Complex included free-living Cucurbit pepo gourds that were present in the Southeast and mid continental regions. Genetic similarities indicate that this species may be the progenitor of the Northeastern varieties (Delcourt and Delcourt 2004).

Woodland Period Subsistence in NENA.

The Woodland Period (ca. 3200 B.P. to 400 B.P.) is subdivided into the following intervals: Early (3200/3000 B.P. - 2600/2500 B.P.), Middle (2600/2500 B.P. – 1200/1100

23 B.P.), and Late (1200/1100 B.P. – 500 B.P. - European Contact). For many researchers the segmented intervals of the Woodland Period are characterized by shifts in human behavior including increased sedentism as compared to the Late or Terminal Archaic

Period. In addition there is an increased presence of ceramic containers and shifts are indicated in settlement patterns. Intensified exploitation of particular resources (e.g. fish) accompanied by settlement patterns conducive and increased exploitation of resources, trade networks, and burial ceremonialism are also hallmarks of Woodland cultures. Reuse of sites is noted (Stewart 2003a, 2003b). Perhaps the main characteristic of the Woodland

Period is the fact that many groups were engaging in some level of cultivation/agriculture

(Adovasio and Johnson 1981, Stewart 2003a). The shifts in human behavior that characterize these intervals are not uniform throughout the region. For example, some populations adopted an agricultural way of life while others maintained a hunter-gatherer approach. Still others practiced some combination of both.

Woodland Period Subsistence in Maine.

In Maine and the surrounding Maritime Region, the Late Woodland is referred to as the Ceramic Period because it lacks the horticultural and mortuary components of the

Woodland Period (Bourque 1995, Petersen and Sanger 1991, Sanger 1987), a formula constructed by McKern (1939). As mentioned previously the Turner Farm site is one of the most extensive assessments of prehistoric subsistence for the far Northeast region.

Data from Occupation 4 (2275 +/- 130 B.P. to 3185 B.P. +/- 65), which represents the

Ceramic Period, indicates a general broadening of the subsistence base to include inshore fish (e.g. striped bass, sturgeon) and terrestrial protein resources but with a continued

24 focus on marine resources (Spiess and Lewis 2001). The broadening of the subsistence base may have been a response to population pressure (Bourque 1995, Spiess and Lewis

2001) or it could have been a shift in ecology due to environmental changes brought about by tidal shift (Spiess and Lewis 2001).

In addition to a broader marine based subsistence strategy, the region experienced an increase in the presence of pottery (Bourque 1995, Peterson and Sanger 1991, Snow

1980, Tuck 1978). While Cucurbit was introduced into the region quite early, maize appears in the archaeological record quite late. Ceramic Period populations in many parts of Maine maintained hunter-fisher-gatherer lifestyle, seasonally exploiting resources until the period of Contact. By ca. A.D 1300 economies in Southwestern Maine became involved in agriculture and some groups adopted the agricultural triad of corn, beans and squash (Asch Sidell 1999, Bourque 1995).

Research by Asch Sidell (1999) provides insights into resource exploitation during the Ceramic Period in Maine. Bristly sarsaparilla, goosefoot, bunchberry, sedge, strawberry, huckleberry, maize, bean, grass, and cherry have been recovered from sites and exploitation of these species appears to increase over time, as do acorn, beechnut and hazelnut.

Maize was cultivated during the Ceramic Period in Maine, but has not been found

North of the Kennebec River (Asch Sidell 2008, Bennett 1955, Bourque et al.2004). This is likely due to a shortage of growing days, shorter days and colder temperatures in that region (Cleland 1976). Historic accounts suggest that there were large fields of maize being grown in the southern portion of the region near the shore (Bourque 1995). Will et al. (1996) recovered one of the earliest remnants of maize in the region at the Little

25 Ossipee Site, which directly date to ca. 570 B.P. but were recovered from a context dating to 850 B.P. The discrepancy in dates is thought to result from intrusive charcoal.

Maize fragments have also been recovered from the Early Fall Site in the Saco River

Valley and indirectly date to 570 B.P. (Asch Sidell 1999, Cowie and Peterson 2002).

Archaeologists suggest that maize, together with Cucurbit, were grown in fields at or near the Early Fall site, in light of the high number of plant remains retrieved from the site.

Asch Sidell (1999) states that the percentage of cultigens found at Early Fall is

“comparable to Mississippian sites in the Midwest where maize is thought to have been an important part of the diet” (1994:213).

In the Ontario and Lower Great Lakes region the transition from hunter-gather to a mixed subsistence economy inclusive of horticulture emerged within the Princess Point

Tradition (Crawford and Smith 1996, Crawford et al. 1997, Trigger 1985) while other regional cultures are believed to have maintained a hunter-gatherer-fishing strategy (Pihl et al. 2006). There was at least minimal cultivation occurring during the Early Woodland

Period in the region. The Grand Banks site produced remains of maize, in addition to acorn, butternut, hickory, strawberry, ground cherry, bramble, nightshade, chenopod, grasses, and arrowhead tubers (Crawford and Smith 2003).

Maize has been recovered from other Woodland context Princess Point sites in the region. The earliest maize in the region comes from the Grand Banks Site in Ontario. The site is associated with the Princess Point culture. Maize cupules were dated to 1740 B.P. calibrated (Crawford et al. 1997) and 1460 +/- 90 B.P. calibrated (Smith et al. 2007). At the Lone Pine site maize was directly dated to ca. 1040 B.P. and ca. 800 B.P. (Crawford and Smith 2003) and the Holmedale site, where a maize kernel was dated to ca. 1010 B.P.

26 (Pihl et al. 2006). While there were relatively few plant species represented at the Lone

Pine site, the Holmedale site produced a variety of plant remains including tobacco, walnut, hickory, strawberry, bramble, chenopod, black nightshade, cherry, and hawthorn.

The absence of Cucurbit and bean may be the result of preservation issues and not because they were not exploited (Monckton 1992). Chapdelaine (1993) and Crawford et al. (1997) suggest neither contributed significantly to subsistence patterns until just prior to contact. Data suggests that bramble was an important contributor to diet, conferring up to half of the daily caloric intake at many sites. Walnut appears to make a more significant contribution at some Woodland Period sites (Pihl et al. 2006). Assessments of dietary contribution are inescapably bias especially considering preservation factors that may lead to the recovered specimens being far from representative of what was actually consumed at the site (Asch Sidell 1999, Bourque 1995, Crawford and Smith 2003, Pihl et al. 2006).

Woodland Period Subsistence in New England

The role of maize in Middle and Late Woodland subsistence strategies in New

England is a subject that has been addressed by numerous researchers (e.g. Ceci 1979,

Chilton 2006, 2008, Funk 1976, Ritchie and Funk 1973). The physical portion of maize remains uncovered can indicate site use. For example, Asch Sidell (2008) states that “the paucity of cob fragments (cupules, glumes) may mean the maize was not grown and processed near the site…travel food for a temporary camp…would likely be in the form of parched kernels, whole dried kernels, or corn meal.” (2008:34).

In many coastal areas it has been suggested that maize held little to no

27 significance in the diet of prehistoric populations. For example, Bernstein (1993) who excavated Greenwich Cove in Rhode Island stated that the “complete absence of domesticates” likely meant “that the intensification of agricultural production may have been a post contact development.” (1993:120). However, stable isotope analysis can provide data about the presence and inclusion of maize in human diet despite the absence of macro remains (Allitt 2007, Allitt et al. 2008). Microbotanical evidence has currently added several insightful pieces to the dietary puzzle. Phytolith analysis, the testing of dietary residue recovered from cooking and other vessels (Hart et al. 2003, Thompson et al. 2004), has produced the earliest dates for maize in the Northeast. The Vinette site returned a calibrated date of between 39 B.C. - A.D. 119 and the Westheimer site returned a calibrated date of between A.D. 393 - 544 (Hart et al. 2007). These are just two examples of the application of new technology resulting in a significant reassessment of our understanding.

It is possible that increased populations during the Woodland Period in New

England influenced the decision of some groups regarding adoption of agriculture.

Mulholland (1984, 1988) suggests a rise in the number of occupations by 13.3% during the Woodland Period in Southern New England that corresponds to an apparent increase in the importance of cultivation.

Woodland Period Subsistence in the Middle Atlantic Region.

Subsistence patterns in the Upper Delaware Valley included fishing, hunting and a focus on wild plants. In the Late Woodland Period (ca. 1200/1100 B.P.) subsistence focus shifted and many groups, although not all, became involved in maize based

28 agriculture (Kraft 2001, Messner 2008, 2011, Messner et al. 2008, Snow 1996, Stewart

1999, Williams and Thomas 1982). In some areas, such as Delaware, researchers suggest

(i.e. Custer 1996) that maize-based horticulture did not become a significant subsistence strategy until after European contact. The Smithfield Beach site (Fischler and French

1991) produced one of the regions earliest dates for cultigens. Charcoal associated with

Cucurbit has been dated to ca. 3000 B.P. and maize to ca. 1050 B.P. Additionally, maize residue from the Shoemaker’s Ferry site in Warren County, located north of the Delaware

Water Gap, has now been directly dated to ca. 800 - 1100 B.P. (Messner et al. 2008).

Due to the sparseness of sites dating to the Early and Middle Woodland Periods in some parts of Pennsylvania, subsistence and settlement patterns for the region are not easily defined. This is especially the case in the northeastern, central and southern areas

(Stewart 2003a) and in New Jersey (Custer 1984, Dent 1995, Funk 1976, Pagoulatos

2003). Available data indicates that subsistence patterns of the Early Woodland Period

(3200/3000 B.P. - 2600/2500 B.P.) differed little compared to the Archaic Period with the focus narrowing somewhat to include “highly productive resources, e.g., anadromous fish, nuts, shellfish, large mammals, seed and tuber producing plants” (Stewart 2003a:7).

Additionally, a stable isotope study on bone from a single human burial from coastal southern New Jersey has produced δ13C/12C ratio of -13.5‰ (Bierbauer 2002). The value is well within the range of maize consumption. However, nitrogen values were not assessed and so at this point there is no indication if marine protein is responsible for the elevated carbon signature (personal communication Sandra Bierbauer 2009).

Rhizomes and macro botanicals are sparse in the archaeological record in the

Middle Atlantic Region as well but this is not a likely reflection of their dietary

29 importance. Rhizomes, leaves and petals of lilies are all highly edible, high in fat and starch and are not likely to preserve well. Historic documents and archaeological reports include reference to several species of aquatic and semi-emergent geophytes including

American lotus (Aller 1954, Crabtree and Langendorfer 1981, Harvard 1895, Messner

2008), American white lily (Smith 1932, 1933, Speck 1917, Vestal and Schultes 1939), and yellow pond lily (Harris 1891, Speck 1917). They had various purposes among prehistoric groups including use as a food (Aller 1954, Harris 1891, Harvard 1895,

Messner 2008, Vestal and Schultes 193) and as a medicinal resource (Messner 2008,

Smith 1932, 1933, Speck 1917).

During the Woodland Period a material-culture group named Monongahela emerged. Monongahela sites were generally agricultural villages whose influence extended throughout to Ohio, Maryland and Pennsylvania. Monongahela sites shared several characteristics including a ceramic style and an intense focus on maize agriculture

(Hart 1993). Many Monongahela agricultural villages were situated in the uplands, while other cultures manifested agricultural settlements on floodplains. Mayer-Oakes (1955),

George (1974) and others suggest inhabiting the uplands was a strategic response to hostile neighboring cultures competing for arable land with an expanding Monongahela population. Monongahela influence is also recognized at Great Valley sites including

Williamsport and Martin’s Meadow. Martin’s Meadow is one of the few sites in the region to produce cultigens. Four maize cob fragments have been recovered (Curry and

Kavanaugh 1991).

Another far-reaching material-culture of the Woodland Period was Clemson

Island, whose sites and influence were found in regions of New York and Pennsylvania

30 (Hart 1999, Snow 1996, Stewart 1990b) as well as the Great Valley Region and Maryland

(Curry and Kavanaugh 1991). Clemson Island was associated with a style of pottery that appeared ca. 1300 B.P. Snow (1996) suggests a relationship between Clemson Island and the later Iroquois based on similarities in pottery style, burial practice and bone technology (1996:19). Primary settlements for Clemson Island were villages or farming hamlets. Sites are found in areas with good agricultural soils (Turnbaugh 1977:228, Hay et al. 1987) and many are associated with small amounts of maize (Bressler et al.

1983:21, Hatch 1980, Hay and Hamilton 1984, Stewart 1988) as well as Cucurbit (Hay and Hamilton 1984). Clemson Island has produced the earliest maize remains for the region dating to 1370 B.P. – 615 B.P. (Messner 2008, Stewart 1990b, 1994).

In the Chesapeake Region the “fairly typical” (Dent 1995:251) faunal and archaeobotanical assemblage includes most abundantly deer, followed by elk, bear, turkey, squirrel, duck, rabbit, and turtle, as well as fish and shellfish, most abundantly oyster (Dent 1995, Stephenson and Ferguson 1963). Populations in Virginia reduced the variation in shellfish they exploited during the Middle Woodland Period (Stewart 2003a).

In the Late Woodland there appears to be an intensification of focus on oysters. Nuts, starchy and oily seeds, and tubers are also represented. Many sites in the region that lack botanicals were excavated prior to flotation (Dent 1995). However, a shift in settlement to floodplains along the Western Shore indicates a possible agricultural focus (Gardner

1986).

During the Middle Woodland in Virginia, inhabitants exploited a number of different plant and faunal resources including most abundantly deer, birds, fish, marine mammals, crabs and shellfish, most abundantly oysters (Barber 1982, Stewart 1992,

31 1998). Stewart (1992) notes that while the particulars may vary, the Middle Woodland assemblages in Virginia are “basically the same inventory of species that could be compiled for contemporaneous cultures throughout the Middle Atlantic seaboard”

(1992:13). Agriculture, particularly maize, becomes important in the region during the

Late Woodland but more so at inland sites where remains of maize are abundant, as compared to coastal areas where very little is recovered (Mouer 1989, Stewart 1998).

Where maize is recovered along Maryland’s eastern shore, Potter (1994) links its presence to the development of chiefdoms and social stratification. It is not clear what effect maize may have had on Middle and Upper Potomac Valley populations.

During the Woodland Period there is increasing evidence of interactions between populations. This may be due to an increased size of populations, which is suggested by apparent increases in number and size of settlements in the region. Increasing contact between groups may have been emphasized through trade networks as is suggested by

Stewart (2004) for parts of the region. Similarities in ceramics and settlement structure have linked cultures, such as between Friendsville in Western Maryland with Gnagey, a

Monongahela site in Pennsylvania (Curry and Kavanaugh 1991). At Monongahela sites remains indicating a dietary focus on the agricultural triad of maize, beans and squash are a common recovery. Gnagey dates to ca. 1080 B.P. (George 1983).

Some Chesapeake sites also show an affinity toward other influences including

Clemson Island. Clemson Island material cultural influence spans a great portion of the

East Coast south of New York and west to the Great Valley.

32 Woodland Period Domesticates.

The timing and adoption of domesticates as major dietary contributors in the

Northeast, whether through trade or agricultural pursuits, was in no way a uniform phenomenon and there appear to be several influencing factors.

It was previously suggested that maize, beans and squash, the ‘three sisters’, were introduced simultaneously into the region with squash being domesticated in Mexico and then transported into North America alongside maize and beans (Watson 1989, Whitaker and Cutler 1965, 1986) which effectively made the Northeast a recipient of domesticated plants originating in the mid-continent and in Mexico (Cowan and Watson 1992). Radio carbon dating (Bourque et al. 2004, Hart 2008) and current research indicates that beans actually entered the region in the late 13th century, much later than maize (Hart et al.

2002). Additionally, recent research by Boyd et al. (2008), Hart (2004, 2007), Hart et al.

(2003), Hart et al. (2007), and Thompson et al. (2004) significantly extends the history of maize and other domesticated species in NENA.

Early Evidence of Maize.

The earliest macro botanical evidence of maize in Eastern North America is from the Holding site in Illinois and dates to ca. 2077 B.P. (Riley et al. 1994). A maize kernel from the Icehouse Bottom site in Tennessee produced the second oldest date ca. 1775

B.P. (Chapman and Crites 1987, Smith 1992, Yarnell 1993). At Ice House Bottom maize was part of a broader subsistence base that included the “well-established suite of native cultigens” (Chapman and Crites 1987:353) e.g., Chenopod, canarygrass, knotweed, marsh elder, sunflower. Maize remains from the Crane site in Illinois produced a date of

33 ca. 1450 B.P. (Conard et al. 1984:445) and the Edwin Harness Mound (Ford 1987) produced dates of ca. 2220 B.P. (Smith 1992).

In Maine archaeological maize is generally found in the regions west and south of the Kennebec River (Asch Sidell 2008, Bennett 1955, Bourque et al.2004). Prehistoric climate and day length in the more northerly region of Maine would have stifled agricultural pursuits (Asch Sidell 1999, Nicholas 1988). The further south one moved the more agriculture, particularly maize, “rose on a gradient from nothing to a substantial fraction” (Asch Sidell 1999:2002).

The overall spread of Cucurbit through out the region seems to have been quite slow with adoption of edible squashes lagging far behind the utilitarian gourd species.

Additionally, the low occurrence of maize, between 1% and 2% of archaeobotanical assemblages, with many assemblages producing far less to none, indicates that the importance of maize advanced slowly over a period of about 800 years (Chapman and

Crites 1987, Crites 1978). Rossen (2008) suggests that the 800 years transition represented a “ritualization process” in that the lower status of beans in comparison to maize could be recognized in part because they were introduced at a later point and became more rapidly incorporated into the diet. Other researchers might argue that rapid adoption would be an indication of high status.

With regard to maize, some groups committed rapidly including Clemson Island and the Monongahela from areas further south and who experienced population increase purportedly as a boon of their successful agricultural pursuits. Others experienced a lag of several hundred years before their focus on maize intensified. While maize entered

Southern Ontario and New York regions relatively early, it may have taken up to one

34 thousand years to reach Northern New England and Maine (Asch Sidell 2008).

Cultivation was under way in Southwestern Maine by ca. 1000 B.P. and all three sisters

(maize, beans and squash) were archaeologically present by ca. 500 B.P. (Bourque et al.

2004). Several sites throughout the region provide macro botanical evidence that exploitation of wild plant species continued even after the inception of agriculture

(Messner 2008, Moeller 1982). Stable isotope analysis at the Pickering site, an Iroquois settlement north of Lake Erie, eloquently illustrates the process of maize adoption and intensification. Carbon isotope ratios suggest that maize was present by 1350 B.P. and increased in importance through 750 B.P. Nitrogen isotope ratios suggest that meat decreased in importance ca. 800 B.P. (Myers 2006). Nitrogen ratios may alternately indicate a significant increase in exploitation of legumes (Myers 2006).

Still others appear to have avoided the adoption of maize and other cultigens altogether. This interpretation is based largely on the lack of macro botanical remains and is currently being reassessed based on new technologies, including stable isotope analysis

(e.g. Allitt et al. 2008). There is little evidence in many coastal regions of Maine of agricultural pursuits or of trade for agricultural products. This is argued by some to be the result of a plentiful bounty in marine and other local resources and populations in

Northern Maine did not take part in agriculture due to their environment (Cleland 1976).

For those groups who did partake, it is likely that they experienced an increase in population, which necessitated a continued commitment (Diamond 2002). Additionally, as hypothesized for the more southern Monongahela, it is possible that competition over fertile land caused hostility between groups.

Terrell (2008) suggests that there is great variation in the exploitation methods of

35 humans. There is more than one method to accomplish domestication and any species that humans know how to exploit can be considered domesticated (Terrell et al. 2003).

Many researchers have explored how humans adapted their landscape to their needs versus adapting themselves to the landscape (e.g. McGuire and Hatoff 1991, Terrell

2008, Stewart 1992).

Wagner (1992) hypothesized that the economy of maize made it an extremely attractive crop for some groups and not others. Baden & Beekman (2001) re-iterated the four factors influencing the decision to engage in agriculture: climate, soil environment, variety of indigenous species, and human behavior (also see Beadle 1980, Galinat 1985,

Riley et al. 1990, Smith 1992). Bronson (1975) suggested that agriculture is a ‘question of commitment’. Crawford et al. (1998), Ritchie and Funk (1973) and Stewart (1994) each examine the “regional window of opportunity provided by floodplain stability”

(Crawford et al. 1998: 134).

The above hypotheses each share the same assumption that human behavior is rational (i.e. that alternatives are weighed with reference to specified goals) and that this is reflected by patterned regularities in the archaeological record (Bettinger et al.1997).

During the Archaic and Woodland Periods NENA was home to a variety of different ecological niches and cultures. Prehistoric populations focused on local resources, such as deer or shellfish and included a diverse array of other plant and animal resources as dietary components. For the most part exploitation was based in one’s environmental surroundings during the Late Archaic Period. One important exception is cultivated Cucurbit, which was carried to different parts of the region, including Maine, where it was cultivated outside its natural zone. As the Woodland Period progressed and

36 populations increased the demand for resources changed and some groups adopted agriculture as a way to meet those needs. Others maintained a hunter-gather lifestyle, and still others practiced a combination of both. Influences in the decision to grow food included population size, trade and external influence, as well as availability of arable land. Resource exploitation tended to differ significantly between coastal and inland sites with coastal populations seemingly avoiding domesticates to great degree. But preservation bias may have a role to play in that interpretation and may impede our ability to fully illustrate the complexities of past subsistence practices.

Adovasio and Johnson (1981), Custer (1996) and Stewart (1993) suggest that the general introduction of agriculture is one of the footprints of the Late Woodland Period

(1000 B.P. – 400 B.P.) in the Middle Atlantic Region. Arguments by Funk (1993) and

Kraft (2001) suggest the presence of maize agriculture by the early Late Woodland period. However, Kraft further suggests that maize was probably not an important dietary staple in the region until sometime after 700 B.P..

In the more northern areas including New York, research by Thompson et al.

(2004) suggests that maize was present prior to 1900 B.P. There is evidence of maize in

Brantford Ontario as early as circa 1760 B.P., although the δ13C value does not fall within the range typically attributed to C4 plants (Pihl 2006). Maize likely complemented the diet of some groups in the region but did not become a major dietary staple until some time after its introduction. Stable carbon isotope data from Ontario suggests a shift toward reliance on C4 plants “took place over a period of 600 years, starting at about

A.D. 650” (Katzenberg et al. 1995).

37 While some groups in New York (Hart 1999, 2000, 2007, Hart and Scarry 1999,

Hart, Hart, Thompson and Brumbach 2003, Hart et al. 2007) and Ontario (Katzenberg et al. 1995) as well as the Ohio Valley region and western Pennsylvania (Stewart 1994) eventually depended on maize agriculture, it has been argued that prehistoric coastal populations in New Jersey did not adopt maize farming practices and tended not to include the C4 plant in their diet. The economic benefits of readily available marine resources outweighed the obligation of time and labor necessary for a successful cultivation system (Mournier 1991, Stewart 1987). However, coastally situated sites in

Delaware (Omwake 1954, Weslager 1944) and stable isotope study of New Jersey coastal prehistoric dog bone (Allitt et al. 2008) have produced evidence of the presence of maize.

Whether maize was introduced through farming, trade and exchange or migration is yet to be discovered. Again, as mentioned previously, the earliest maize remains in the

Middle Atlantic Region come from Clemson Island sites (Messner 2008, Stewart 1994).

Despite the excellent body of research that exists, there is room for further study, especially in the development of new approaches to better and more intensely assess the presence of maize in NENA. This is particularly true in light of the fact that large regions of New Jersey, Maryland, Delaware and Virginia are not thoroughly sampled in the previously mentioned studies and in fact these areas have not been the focus of intensive studies. The Outer Coastal Plain of New Jersey remains perhaps the least studied area in the region in this regard.

38 Summary and Expectations

The review presented above serves as a basis for generating expectations for what the analysis of dog bone could reveal about prehistoric diets in the study area. Expectations are summarized below, and take into consideration the sites from which dog bone was collected for analysis (see Chapter 5).

1. The sampled sites in Maine are coastally situated and pre-date the presence of

maize in the broader Northeast region. Faunal assemblages from these sites

include a rich mix of marine and terrestrial resources with marine resources

being the dominant resource. If this analysis substantiates the archaeological

evidence recovered from these sites, as well as current subsistence

interpretations for the region, this analysis will indicate that dogs from these

sites ate a diet rich in marine resources with significant supplementation

coming from terrestrial proteins. Four of the five Maine sites are known to

pre-date the presence of maize in the greater Northeastern Region. These sites

act as a control for this Early Ceramic Period dogs from Maine primarily

consumed coastal resources, with supplementation from terrestrial resources.

13 15 In the absence of C4 resources the δ C and δ N values for these dogs will

appear much different than the δ13C and δ15N values of the Woodland and

Historic Period dogs from other areas of the study region where the

contribution of C4 plants to the diet is likely to appear.

2. Samples from Connecticut were also recovered from sites close to the

coastline. Of the two sites sampled, maize has been recovered at one, the

39 Tubbs site. Both sites produced faunal remains including terrestrial and

marine species. Canis familiaris samples are dated to the Late Woodland and

the expected diet of these animals includes marine and terrestrial resources.

The common assumption that maize played little or no part in the subsistence

strategies of coastal populations in the Middle Atlantic Region implies that

even at a site where some evidence of agriculture does exist, at best only

minimal amounts of C4 resources should have contributed to diet.

3. Of the samples collected in New Jersey, those from the Abbott Farm Site and

the Minisink Island Site are expected to have an isotopic signature consistent

with significant C4 resource consumption. The Bell Browning, Bell Browning

Blair and Bell Philhower sites are all located along the shore of the Delaware

River and no maize remains have been recovered. The δ13C and δ15N values

for these dogs are expected to indicate a diet of fish and terrestrial protein.

4. Of the three sites sampled from Maryland only one, the Winslow Site, has

produced evidence of agricultural behavior by humans. All three sites are

located near marine resources. If the diet of dogs mimicked the diet of humans

at these sites then δ13C and δ15N values should indicate a diet focused strongly

on marine and terrestrial resources with the sample from the Winslow Site

also being within a range indicative of C4 plant consumption.

CHAPTER 3

THE ROLE OF DOGS DURING PREHISTORY

This chapter will consider the contributions of archaeology to our understanding of the domestication and cultural significance of the dog (Canis familiaris). Particular attention is given to prehistoric Northeastern North America.

Domestication.

Dogs are the first known domesticated animals in the world (Clutton-Brock

1995). Their domestication may have been what prompted humans to begin to tame and then domesticate other species as well (Vilá 2005). As for their origin, in 1859 Darwin suggested that dogs are likely the result of the intermingling of multiple species, including the wolf and several species of jackal. The more commonly espoused view today is that dogs originated from the species Canis lupus, the common gray wolf (Morey

1994, Vilá et al. 1997). However, not all researchers agree (Coppinger and Schneider

1995, Lorenz 1954) and the details of exactly how domestication progressed remain unclear (Crockford 2004, Diamond 1999, Gould 1994, Reed 1984, Vilá et al. 1997).

Both morphological analysis and molecular research have provided insights on the divergence of dog from their ancestral species. Canis species also share many morphological characteristics. Indeed, there are great similarities between, for example,

41 the dog (Canis familiaris) wolf (Canis lupus), and coyote (Canis latrans). Dog, however, can still be recognized through osteometric analysis and comparative morphological studies conducted by faunal analysts (e.g. Allen 1920, Crockford 2000, Handley 2000,

Olsen 1985). Analyses of morphological differences not only allows the researcher to distinguish one species from the others, but can provide information about level of physical diversity within the Canis species currently, as well as through time.

More recently DNA studies have been used to measure the molecular distance between species. DNA studies have also illustrated that phenotypically dogs are the most diverse mammalian species on the earth. While “phenotypic diversity reflects a diverse ancestral gene pool” (Wayne et al. 2006:279), some DNA studies indicate that dogs are most closely related to the gray wolf (e.g. von Holt et al. 2010, Wayne et al. 1989). DNA data collected by Leonard et al. (2002) suggests a Southwest Asian origin for dogs (also see Savolainen et al. 2002). The issues surrounding domestication of Canis familiaris are complex and numerous. I will discuss two of these issues in the following paragraphs.

First, there are significant differences in the domestication timeline derived from bone studies versus DNA studies. Second, the earliest changes in the domestication process would have been behavioral they may not be detectable in the archaeological record.

There are two methods for studying the domestication process, bone morphology and DNA. Each method works with a limited number of samples and each method tells a bit of a different story. DNA studies are inconclusive in many opinions (Garcia-Moreno et al. 1996, Roy et al. 1994). DNA of the ancestral species likely mutated prior to true domestication and would only represent an accurate divergence point “if the change in environment and selection that is marked by the appearance of new morphologic traits is

42 coincident with the first reproductive isolation of dogs and wild canids” (Wayne et al.

2006:281). Yet, researchers understand that recognition of conspecific mates and infertility between breeds are non-issues (Adams et al.2003, Vilá et al. 1999).

Additionally, hybridization within the genus is not unheard of. As a result, studies based on DNA would likely produce earlier than accurate dates for domestication (Vilá 2005).

Using DNA studies, Okumura et al. (1996) found several dog breeds from Asia shared a common ancestor between 76,000 and 121,000 years ago. Vilá et al. (1997) conducted a broad survey of specimens from Asia, Europe and North America. Their results suggest a genetic divergence between wolf and dog occurred approximately 135,000 years ago.

This will not likely be the word on this subject.

It is likely that the very first changes indicating domestication would have been behavioral. The second issue mentioned above has to do the inability to recognize subtle behavioral changes in animals in the archaeological record. Behavioral changes would not leave behind the type of evidence that scientists know to look for. It is more likely that morphological changes, which are likely related to the stress of living with humans and which are more easily recognized, emerged in the species some time after the domestication event (Okumura et al. 1996). As a result “the dates of domestication based on archaeological data will tend to be more recent than the split between dogs and wolves” (Vilá 2005:1).

There are several morphological traits that help researchers discern the remains of

Canis familiaris from those of Canis lupus. Morey (1992) and Olsen (1985) stated that the defining feature of the early transitional species of dog was a shortened snout.

Measuring the medial palatal width and length is one diagnostic tool to determining facial

43 shortening (Calaway 2001). Other researchers added that the length of the mandibular carnassials, or upper fourth premolar, (Davis 1987), a broader cranium (Dayan 1994), and retention of the juvenile characteristics of their ancestors at maturity, paedomorphism

(Case 2005, Morey 1992) are also evidence of the early stages of domestication.

In Eurasia, morphological evidence of domestication dates back perhaps 14,000 years (Clutton Brock 1995, Davis and Valla 1978, Grayson 1988, Morey and Wiant

1992, Musil 2000, Novikov 2001, Ovodov 1998, Sablin and Khlopachev 2002, Shigehara

1994, Shigehara and Hongo 2000, Turner 2002). In the Near East and Central Europe we see distinctions about 15,000 years ago, and in Russia between 13,000 and 17,000 years ago (Dayan 1994, Olsen 1985, Reitz and Wing 1999, Sablin and Khlopachev 2002).

Based on these finds it appears that domestication occurred at separate times in distinct areas of the world. Genetic studies corroborate multiple domestication events and researchers have identified at least four (Leonard et al. 2002), and perhaps five

(Savolainen et al. 2002) distinct clades indicating, at a minimum, the same number of domestication events. Interesting, the fifth clade (Savolainen 2002) may actually represent a reintroduction of wolf genes into a domesticated species.

In the Company of Humans.

The bond between Canid and human began developing prior to the earliest appearance of the dog. It is probable that select members of the species Canis lupus

(wolf) had a genetically based tendency for tolerance which allowed them to follow groups of humans more closely than less tolerant members of the species. The ability to scavenge the remains of human meals benefited these individuals more so than avoidance

44 (Coppinger and Coppinger 2001, Coppinger and Schneider 1995, Crockford 2004,

McKinney 1998, Morey 1994, Tchernov and Horwitz 1991). One of the earliest suggested co-incidents of Canis lupus and human is from Zhoukoudian in China where closely situated remains date to between 200,000 and 500,000 years ago (Olsen 1985).

Olsen (1985) argued that close proximity to humans over time increased tolerance, which eventually led to a transitional species between wolf and dog, Canis lupus familiaris, the “tamed wolf” (Olsen 1985). Recent DNA research (Koop et al.

2000, Leonard et al. 2002, Morell 1997, Savolainen et al. 2002, Vilá et al. 1997) and the fact that some of the oldest archaeological remains of dog come from Western Asia

(Table 3.1) supported his theory. However, the commonly accepted explanation today calls for multiple episodes of domestication in different locations around the world.

Researchers suggest that it is unlikely dogs traversed the globe quickly enough following domestication at a single site to populate the regions where they have been found and then to also acquire the level of phenotypic diversity seen in early dog remains (Dayan

1994, Sablin and Khlopachev 2002). The rapid spread of recently domesticated Canids throughout several regions of the world would not allow adequate time for the requisite learning curve associated with experimentation in domestication. Time would also be necessary to engrain preferred traits. For example, the difference in some characteristics, such as the largeness of Russian dogs in comparison to their smaller Eurasian contemporaries would remain unexplained. Research by Olsen (1985) and Vilá (2005) provides an in depth discussion of morphological differences in early Canids between regions.

45 As for North America, the assistance of dogs may have contributed greatly to the success of human survival in new regions (Newby 1997). Hunting, herding and hauling are likely the earliest uses of dogs. However, dogs probably had supplementary roles in human communities including protection, consuming debris, being a food resource themselves, warmth, and companionship. Many of these roles were likely unintended consequences based on the pack behavior of the species. Over time the significance of dogs increased as their value to humans was realized.

DNA studies by Leonard et al. (2002) suggest “five founding dog lineages… entered North America with humans…” (2002:1615). They also state that the arrival of dogs in North America alongside humans implies “extensive intercultural exchange during the Paleolithic” elsewhere (Leonard 2002:1616 citing Gamble 1999, also see

Derev’anko 1998).

According to Lawrence and Bossert (1967), Olsen (1985), and Olsen and Olsen

(1977) Canis lupus chanco of China is an ideal candidate for an ancestral species to early prehistoric North American dogs since the typical Indian dog found at Paleoindian and

Archaic sites in North American is much smaller than the wolf species of the region. The oldest known dog remains in the world, dating back between 13,000 and 17,000 years, from Russia (Sablin and Khlopachev 2002) “do not show a reduction in body size when compared to the local populations of gray wolves” (2002:281).

Shape, Size and Significance of Canis familiaris in Prehistoric North America.

The oldest dog remains found in North America are listed in Table 3.2. Skeletal material informs us that the ancient dogs of North American were sometimes “about the

46 size of a modern Dalmatian” (Crockford 2005). At the Jaguar Cave site in Idaho a smaller size dog was recovered (Lawrence 1968) and Archaic Period remains from the Koster site in Illinois and the Bluegrass site in Indiana produced dogs that were about the size of a terrier (Crockford 2005, Stafford 1997).

Most historical accounts recognize only one or two types of dog for populations in the Northeast. Some groups preferred a ‘wolf-like’ breed (Butler and Hadlock 1949,

Roiser 1906, Wolley 1860). Sir John Richardson, quoted in Butler and Hadlock (1949) noted, "the resemblance between the North American wolves and the domestic dog of the

Indians is so great that the size and strength of the wolf seems to be the only difference. I have more than once mistaken a band of wolves for the dogs of a party of Indians." Lewis and Clark (from Butler and Hadlock: 27) described native dogs in the following manner,

“black, white, brown and brindle are the most usual colours. The head is long and nose pointed eyes small, ears erect and pointed like those of the wolf, hair short and smooth except on the tail” (Lewis and Clark). Butler and Hadlock (1949) similarly described native dogs as having “narrow heads with long noses and large teeth” and of the colors

“black, white, red or brown” (1949:4).

According to Allen (1920) there were actually three types of dog in prehistoric

North America, a large wolf-like Eskimo dog, which would have been found in colder regions; a medium to small size dog with erect ears and a drooping tail; and a small terrier like dog with a stocky body. Rosier (1906) also described a small spaniel sized breed. Olsen (1985) suggests only medium and small sized dogs lived in the Northeast, south of modern day Canada.

47 Table 3.1 Oldest Domesticated Canid Remains

Location/Site Date Reference

Israel/ Ein Mallaha ca.12,000 B.P. Davis and Valla 1978 Israel/Hayonim ca. 12,500 B.P . Tchernox and Valla 1997 Russia/Eliseevichi I 13,900 ± 55 B.P. Sablin and Khlopachev 2002, 2003 Russia/Razboinichiya Cave 14,850 ± 70 B.P. Ovodov 1998, Turner 2002

Table 3.2 Oldest Domesticated Canid Remains from North America

Location/Site Date Reference

Utah/Danger Cave ca. 9,000-10,000 B.P. Grayson 1988 Illinois/Koster 8,130 ± 90, 8,480 ± 110 B.P. Morey and Wiant 1992 Hinds Cave/Texas ca. 9,400 B.P. University of Maine 2011

When early archaeologists wrote about prehistoric sites their tendency was to either confirm the presence of remains, usually with minimal non-descriptive discussion, or they ignored remains entirely since at that time analysis of animal remains were not considered informative. If remains were mentioned in the early literature it was often only with regard to what size dog was found. Few attempted were made to discuss the significance of prehistoric dogs to their human counterparts. A common interpretation was that dogs were often used as a food source especially in times of hardship (Speck

1925).

During the 19th and 20th centuries, most researchers conducted osteometric analyses discerning size of animal (Roiser 1906, Wooley 1860). During this time some researchers also began conducting functionalist analyses to determine how dogs were

48 used by prehistoric people and cut marks came under examination. In the earliest functionalist interpretation, Wyman (1868) identified dogs from shell middens in Maine as a source of food based on the presence of cut marks. In Maine, Loomis and Young

(1912) conducted a large scale osteometric analysis and described three distinct dog types based on their study of over sixty dogs recovered from multiple coastal sites. Fifteen dogs were classified as Major Indian Dog, a type similar to Allen’s medium dog. Thirty specimens were classified as Minor Indian Dog, a small breed. The third type was called

Common Indian Dog. Unfortunately, important details of their analysis, including which elements were measured and the osteometric measurements they acquired were never published (Crockford 1997, Handley 2000).

One of the earliest publications dedicated to discussing the cultural significance of prehistoric dogs was written by Butler and Hadlock (1949). In their publication they cite the 1908 assessment by Deny, a French explorer, who discussed in his papers the disposition of indigenous populations toward their dogs. He stated that wealth was measured in dogs and that the gift of an esteemed dog was “a mark of friendship”

(1949:5). Similar sentiments were conveyed by LeJuene (1949) about the relationship the

Huron had with their dogs. However according to other accounts the Huron and the

Iroquois regularly consumed their dogs in association with warfare, marriage, dances, entertainment, mysticism, and to cure illness (Beisaw 2006, Schwartz 1997). With regard to warfare Giles (1869) wrote, “When the Indians determined on war… they kill a number of their dogs…and made a fine feast of it” (1869:43).

Interpretations concerning the cultural significance of dogs suggest they had varied status among their human counterparts. Some were eaten or killed in the ways

49 described above others were treated and fed as if they were human. When researchers define the way an animal was treated they often relate it to human preference for one type over another, or to tradition.

Using faunal analysis to study age at death (e.g. Gilbert 1993, Klein and Cruz-

Uribe 1984), and sex (e.g. Handley 2000, Shigehara et al. 1997) we can learn about potential cultural preference toward puppies or young dogs over adults, toward one sex over another, or toward one size over another. It is difficult to determine the sex of dogs archaeologically. The presence of a baculum is the most accurate way to determine male dogs. However, among archaeological remains this bone is often not recovered. This is due in some part to poor preservation, method of excavation, and also, because among some groups removal of the baculum was a ritualistic means of transferring the power and virility from the living animal to which it once belonged to the deceased animal now crossing over.

In discussions with an Elder of the Narragansett tribe of Rhode Island I was informed that dogs are considered spiritual Beings by many groups. Whether a dog was eaten, or ate off the same plate as his human counterpart, was sacrificed, or died naturally, did not alter the significance of that being. Additionally, he noted that the concept of an “intentional” burial was a Western ideal. Whereas we see burials with elaboration of any sort a reflection of intention, leaving a deceased dog in the midst of natural processes with no embellishment can also be seen as intentional and may be reflexive of respect for what must be returned to Nature. Whether a dog was buried with ritual goods, was dismembered and disposed of in a shell midden, or simply left where it

50 lay down does not alter the significance of that Being (personal communication with

John).

Dogs as a Food Resource in the NENA.

It is suggested that dogs made a valuable contribution to successful human migration into new areas. In addition to aiding humans with hunting and hauling they likely became a food resource themselves during times of hardship (Newby 1997). The use of dog as a food resource can be recognized archaeologically. Studying the non- natural markings on the skeletal remains of the animal allow us begin to understand the experience it had during life and amidst humans (Kerber 1997a, b, Snyder 1991, Wapnish and Hesse 1993, Warren 2000, Wing 1991). Often the remains of dogs recovered from shell middens are fragmented and disarticulated with cut marks (Figure 3.1) indicating they were eaten or skinned for their fur (Bellantoni 1987, Luedtke 1980) or skinned to make quivers for carrying arrows (Sagard-Theodat 1968). Cut mark evidence is present at sites throughout the region including Harry’s Farm Site (Kraft 1975) and Minisink (Kraft

1978) in Pennsylvania, Engelbert in New York (Beisaw 2006), the Lambert Farm in

Rhode Island (Kerber et al. 1989), and from shell middens in Maine and Massachusetts

(Wyman 1868). Additionally, the study of fecal remains may provide valuable data as to consumption of dogs by ancient populations. A significant find was recently made in

Hinds Cave in Texas where Canis familiaris bone was discovered in human fecal matter dating to ca. 9,400 B.P (University of Maine 2011). DNA studies at the Molecular

Anthropology Ancient DNA Laboratory at the University of Oklahoma confirmed

51 identification. DNA also showed that the remains were closely related to a Peruvian dog species. (Personal communication with Samuel Belknap, January 2011).

Dietary preference, ritual behavior and response to resource shortage are common explanations for prehistoric consumption of dog. Henry Hudson described feasting on dogs by the Delaware, although members of the tribe, “sometimes claimed they did not eat dogs” (Schwartz 1997:83). Fenton (1978) discussed the indigenous belief of some groups that the eating of dogs was the same as eating the flesh of one’s enemies. There are relatively few early references to the eating of dog. Some regional research suggests an increase in the prevalence of cut marks during the Woodland Period, (Leudkte 1980), which could indicate increased consumption of dog. If dogs were consumed more regularly during the Woodland Period it may be the result of increased ritual significance or decreased social importance as many groups began to adopt agricultural behaviors and hunting became somewhat less important.

Ritual Death and Intentional Burial.

Consumption of dog was at times connected to ritual sacrifice (Strong 1985), which was practiced for many reasons including ensuring successful warring, as practiced by the Mohawk (Waugh 1916) or to mark the calendar as the Huron did with a sacrificed

White Dog (Beauchamp 1922). Ritualistic behavior can be difficult to recognize in the archaeological record. Differentiating ritual death (and consumption) from non-ritual consumption will often rely on contextual data, including burial and association to human remains, and the availability of additional evidence including grave goods. In North

America the oldest intentional burial of Canis familiaris comes from the Koster site and

52 dates to a radiocarbon date of about 8,400 B.P. (Morey and Wiant 1992). Early Archaic people buried remains of four dogs at Koster more than eight thousand years ago. The dogs were buried in an area where researchers believe the remains of adults and children were also buried (Streuver and Holton 1979).

In the study region some of the oldest remains come from intentional internments in Maine, which also date to the Late Archaic Period (Bourque 1995). Figure 5.5 is a photograph of the Winslow site dog burial from Maryland showing a typical internment pattern for dogs of that region. Typically dogs are placed into a burial plot on their side, either solitary in their own grave or at the feet or head of a human.

Deliberate burial, whether of the dog alone or the inclusion of its parts

(particularly the skull) with human burials, is a good indication that the dog held special significance to an owner or community (Casselman 2008, Morey 2006). Archaeological sites around the world have produced intentional single burials as well as communal burials that included dogs with humans. We see them in Natufian tombs and Paleolithic sites in Germany as early as 12000 B.P and 14000 B.P. respectively (Clutton-Brock

1995). Several cultures have stories of dog spirits as being helpers of the dead (Dean

1984:67), or escorting human spirits safely into the next world, providing guidance and protection or of blocking their way if they are undeserving of passage (e.g. Schwartz

1997).

At the Frontenac Island site in New York, dogs were commonly buried with male humans. One burial contained the cremated remains of both a dog and a child (Ritchie

1945). In Long Island several burials included a child’s skeleton and the remains of dog

(Harrington 1982). At Iroquoian sites, a portion of a dog’s jaw or prepared dog skins

53 Figure 3.1 Cut Marks on Dog Bone from Mount Calvert Site, Maryland

have been found, again most commonly with human males (Hamell 1998, Wray et al.

1987). Some groups believe dogs could absorb human illness. The Delaware Indians often used their dogs as protectors (Handley 2000) and puppies were given to babies and children to protect them from illness and evil. Other groups killed dogs when a human died that they could accompany their human counterpart into the afterlife (Kerber et al.

1989, Strong 1985). Strong (1985) suggests that charred remains indicate a cremation event, which may be evidence of such a practice (Strong 1985).

Several Lamoka culture sites throughout the region, extending back to the Archaic

Period, indicate that dogs held ritual status based on the level of burial ceremonialism

54 they received (Ritchie 1980). Additionally, the use of smoking pipes with effigies of dogs or wolves indicate their significance in reinforcing relationships with the spiritual realm

(Englebrecht 2003).

The role of prehistoric dogs in hunting is probably not possible to assess faunally or taphonomically. Equifinality would preempt any suggestions that might be made. For example, canine tooth marks on bones of prey are more likely the result of being fed leftovers (although analysis of location of cut marks and the skeletal element involved may indicate an alternate conclusion). At the Turner Farm site in Maine and sites in New

Hampshire, seal and moose bones, respectively, appear to have canine tooth marks indicating gnawing by dogs (Bellantoni, personal communication, Bourque 1995).

Remnants of skeletal injuries associated with hunting, such as fractures, which could have been inflicted by the animal being chased (i.e. a deer kicking) could also have been the result of mistreatment by humans. In this instance, faunal analysis and taphonomy are more valuable in assessing how the prey were treated, dismembered and distributed after death. That being said, ethnohistorically and ethnographically dogs have been described as aids to their human counterparts in discovering prey and the lairs of their prey and in pursuit of prey (Butler and Hadlock 1949, Sagard 1939, Schwartz 1997). When dogs accompanied their human counterparts on it is likely that they were packed for a journey.

One way of potentially recognizing hunting in the archaeological record may be through osteometric analysis of the spinal column of ancient dogs. Osteoarthrosis, periostitis and arthritis, particularly of the lumbar vertebrate, may indicate use of dogs in hauling.

Although it can also infer malnutrition (also examination of teeth), or mistreatment

(Warren 2000). Figure 3.2 illustrates the type of malformed vertebrae present in some of

55 the dogs included in this study. Of interesting note are the Iroquois, who were known to feed the remains of human captives to dogs, yet the dogs would not be permitted to feed on the flesh or bones of hunted animals so as not to insult the sacrifice of the prey animal and to ensure further success hunting (Scheele 1950, Thwaites 1896).

Archaeological Evidence of Dogs in the Northeast.

While archaeological evidence of dogs is not abundant in the Northeast, in part due to preservation and in part due to past collection techniques, there are sites with significant remains. As mentioned previously, the dogs from the Koster site in Illinois are currently the oldest dog burials in North America. Koster has three intentional burials that date to the Early Archaic period (8500 B.P.) a time when such burials appear to increase in frequency (Kerber 1997b:86). Another dog was found mixed in the faunal assemblage.

Because some bone was slightly burned and due to a lack of cut marks on the skeletal remains, Pferd (1987:48) suggested that the dog had been treated in a ritual manner, given similar burial ceremonialism as perhaps a human counterpart. Kerber disagrees and suggests the dog died naturally and was simply placed there by its human companion

(1997b:88).

Many sites in the Northeast have small size dog remains. Richie (1945) excavated the remains of thirteen large dogs from Frontenac Island in New York. Many of these dogs were buried with male humans and many had hunting tools associated with their burial indicating they were good hunting dogs according to Ritchie (1980:112).

In Long Island cremated remains of an Archaic Period dog were found commingled with a humans cremated remains (Ritchie 1959). Several other dog remains

56 have been found in that area. The Lambert Farm Site located in Warwick, Long Island about one mile west of Greenwich Bay, Rhode Island had at least two Late Woodland occupational phases dating to between 790 B.P. – 730 B.P. and 1280 B.P. – 900 B.P. In

1997 Kerber wrote about the remains of disarticulated dogs and/or wolves are included in the faunal assemblage from the site. He stated that their condition indicated their use as food. Additionally, three articulated dog burials have been excavated at the site and found in association with elaborate grave goods including food. The burials were excavated in

1988 and 1989. The first was an articulated puppy laid beneath a stone slab. The bone was crushed likely by the weight of the stone, which was beneath a 3-foot thick layer of shell. A second young dog was found, also in an articulated but crushed state, buried above another stone slab within the same shell midden. The third dog, an adult, uncrushed, was excavated from the bottom of a shell midden. Kerber suggested that these dogs “played a utilitarian role in life and a ritualistic one in death” (1997:104).

In Connecticut and New York there are commingled burials, human and dog, at the Ridge Camp Site in Milford (Rogers 1943) and College Point, respectively (Lopex and Wisniewski 1958).

In Virginia, the Hatch site housed over one hundred Late Woodland dog burials, some associated with human remains (Blick 1988). Blick suggested that the dogs were placed with the humans to escort them into the afterlife.

At other sites in the region, dogs have been disarticulated and dispersed among faunal remains (Chilton et al. 2001) indicating their use as food, buried as bundles accompanying humans (Kaeser 1970) indicating perhaps their value as a guardian or pet, buried with children (Harrington 1982, Strong 1985), killed violently (Kaeser 1970), and

57 in group burials (Fowler 1956). For example, at the Sweet Meadowbrook site in Long

Island the remains of a three member family were found interred with a dog (Fowler

1956).

Summary.

To date researchers understand that certain tolerant wolves (Canis lupus) transitioned into dogs through multiple domestication events, which occurred independently around the world. The details of how domestication progressed are not clear, but it is likely that trailing humans in order to feed on scraps of food was an influence in the process. The earliest recognized dogs, ca.12000 – 14000 B.P., are from the regions now named Israel and Russia. There was a time when most archaeologists agreed that ancient Native American dogs represented a separate domestication event from the dogs of other regions and a local variety of gray wolf was likely the ancestral species. However this is no longer the case. Most researchers nowadays adhere to the theory that dogs, which became domestic elsewhere, arrived in North America alongside their human counterparts sometime prior to 11000 B.P. A recent find of domestic dog bone in human fecal matter dating to 9400 B.P. from Hinds Cave in Texas (University of

Maine 2011) supports this theory.

The earliest dogs were most likely used as labor animals, and for hunting and herding. Skeletal pathologies in the spinal vertebra of many specimens support this conclusion. Deformities, primarily in the thoracic spine, can indicate hauling of heavy objects, such as packs or travois. The assistance of dogs may have contributed to the success of human survival in new regions. Over time the significance of dogs likely

58 increased as their value to humans was realized. For many Native American groups the dog came to represent an important spiritual Being (Hogue 2003). The level of importance of Canis familiaris to the human community can be recognized by the fact that dogs came to receive similar mortuary ritual as that of humans.

As environments changed and as domestication of plants began to take hold in many regions of North America the archaeological record implies a decrease in the social status of dogs as they become less prevalent at some site or are less adorned at death.

Early ethnographic evidence suggests a complex relationship existed between Native

Americans and dogs at the time of European contact. Some groups held dogs in high esteem, while others saw them as nuisances. Some groups held dogs to separate statuses depending on the type of dog.

This study will shed light on the status of dogs in the specific communities sampled. The presence or absence of pathologies, such as healed fractures, arthritic conditions, spinal deformations may indicate a shift in use of these animals. It will be difficult to translate the resources they ate into a discussion of status, unless multiple dogs from the same site are fed quite differently. In that case, this study may be able to show that some dogs held higher status than others. The details of that status however will remain unresolved.

59 Figure 3.2 Malformed Vertebra of Canis familiaris from Mt. Calvert Site, Maryland

CHAPTER 4

STABLE ISOTOPE ANALYSIS

Until the 1960s researchers relied heavily on macro-botanical remains of plants to make determinations about past subsistence practices. Artifacts, including pottery and grinding stones also provided insights, although processing of plant remains was not the only use for such tools. Archaeological studies in the Northeast region had a strong focus on understanding the impact of C4 cultigens. As mentioned previously, the adoption of C4 cultigens, primarily maize, impacted human behavior and health during prehistory including weaning behavior (Bentley et al. 2001; Katzenberg et al. 1993; Schurr 1998,

Schurr and Powell 2005) and changes in settlement patterns (e.g. Hart 2001, Custer 1984,

Dent 1995, Funk 1976, Pagoulatos 2003, Stewart 2003a, 2003b). Looking at how and when maize came to be adopted, as a part of human subsistence practices, is a necessary component in studies dealing with past human behavior.

Scientific advances in the 1960s and 1970s allowed archaeologists to expand research methods to include new techniques including micro botanical analysis, such as phytolith analysis. Phytolith analysis involves the testing of dietary residue recovered from cooking and other vessels (Hart et al. 2003) Flotation and systematic analysis (Streuver

1968) also emerged during that time and proved to be valuable new methods for acquiring data about prehistoric dietary practices (Asch and Asch 1983, 1985a, b, 1994;

61 Asch Sidell 1999; Crawford and Smith 2003; Crawford et al. 1997; Fritz 1993, 1997; Gremillion 1993b, c, d; Smith 1992a, 1995, 2006; Smith and Cowan 1987; Yarnell 1971,

1972, 1977, 1993, 1994).

In the 1970s and 1980s, the application of stable isotope analyses to human bone was shown to provide direct evidence of an individuals diet (Bender et al. 1981, Boutton et al. 1984, Krueger 1965, 1991, Krueger and Sullivan 1984, Lee-Thorp and van der

Merwe 1991, Lynott et al. 1986, Richards and Hedges 1999, Richards et al. 2006,

Schwarcz et al. 1985, Sullivan and Krueger 1981, van der Merwe 1982, van der Merwe and Vogel 1978, Vogel and van der Merwe 1977). Eventually researchers began to investigate the data provided by stable isotope analyses of non-human mammal bone.

Similar to humans, animal diet is reflected in stable isotope concentrations in bone collagen and carbonate (Ambrose 1993, Ambrose and Norr 1993, Tieszen and Fagre

1993a, b).

The Science of Stable Isotopes.

The science of isotope analysis and its applicability to dietary studies is explained in great depth in several publications (e.g. Ambrose and Katzenberg 2000, Chisholm et al. 1982, DeNiro and Epstein 1977, Hoefs 1987, O’Leary 1981, Sandford 1993, van der

Merwe 1982). I will briefly review the science here.

Stable isotope science allows us to measure the abundance ratio of two stable isotopes of a particular element, for example carbon, which is a vital element for living organisms. Carbon has three naturally occurring isotopes. The isotope 14C is unstable, radioactive and breaks down over time. Both 13C and 12C are stable. Measurable shifts in

62 these isotopes occur beginning in the process of photosynthesis (e.g. Benner et al. 1987,

Degens 1968, McCutchan et al. 2003, Tieszen et al. 1983a, Wedin et al. 1995).

Photosynthesis is carried out by plants, algae and by bacteria. These organisms convert sunlight energy into chemical energy. As part of this process, CO2 (carbon dioxide) is reduced to carbohydrates, which are used by biological organisms. Plants follow one of three photosynthetic pathways: C3, C4 or CAM (crassulacean acid metabolism). About 85% of all plants follow a C3 pathway. Plants that follow a C3 pathway create a 3-carbon compound following initial fixation of CO2. According to

West-Eberhard et al. (2011) plants that follow a C4 pathway, less than 15% of all plants, or a CAM pathway, approximately 1% of all plants, do so as a result of the possible

reorganization of “existing metabolic processes already present in C3 plants” (2011:311).

This reorganization was likely a response to environmental stressors (West-Eberhard et al.

2011). C4 plants initially create a 4-carbon compound. In plants that follow C3 and C4, fixation of CO2 occurs during the day. CAM plants, similar to C4 plants, also have 4- carbon compound but fixation occurs at night. Simply put, the reason C4 plants are

13 isotopically differentiable from C3 plants is due to the fact that they absorb more C than

12 13 C and they do so faster than C3 plants, which absorb C more slowly (e.g. Farquhar

1989). In addition to photosynthetic pathway, digestibility of food parts, for example, leaf, stem or fruit, and differential rates of incorporation of carbon foodstuff by consumer tissues, such as bone or muscle, influence the ratio of 13C/12C.

All cultigens exploited by prehistoric populations in the Northeast, with the exception of maize (e.g. Hart et al. 2007:805, Tykot 2004:435) and perhaps some chenopod species (but see Schwarcz et al. 1985), follow a C3 pathway (e.g. Katzenberg et

63 al. 1995). This is particularly relevant to studies of the introduction and adoption of maize agriculture. As previously stated, maize is a C4 plant of special interest to archaeologists and anthropologists because of its impact on past human behavior. C3 plants that interest archaeologists include wheat, rice, rye, and yams. CAM plants include desert succulents.

Once a food source is consumed, the isotopic signature is incorporated into the tissue of the animal that consumed it. Bone is the tissue this study focuses on. Bone has an organic and an inorganic, or mineral, component. The organic component is collagen.

Collagen is fibrous protein found in bone, as well as cartilage, tendon, and other connective tissue. Isotopically, collagen reflects the protein portion of the diet (Ambrose and Norr 1993, Tieszen and Fagre 1993). As such, stable isotope values from collagen can be skewed in favor of high protein foods like fish (Harrison and Katzenberg 2003).

Bone carbonate “is deposited from dissolved bicarbonate in the circulation, which is drawn from all dietary components” (Garvie-Lok et al. 2004:763). Therefore the isotopic signature derived from the mineral portion of bone represents an animal’s general diet (Ambrose and Norr 1993, Garvie-Lok et al. 2004, Tieszen and Fagre 1993).

Carbohydrate contribution to the diet, from low protein food like maize, is more likely to show up in the carbonate, rather than the collagen portion of bone. Because stable isotope ratios from collagen and carbonate of bone reflect different aspects of diet, it is beneficial to get readings from both. This also means that to truly understand the importance of maize or any other C4 resource in a diet, carbon and nitrogen isotope values need to be considered in tandem because nitrogen, which also has two stable isotopes, 14N and 15N, helps to decipher if carbon originated from high protein marine foods or low protein 64 foods like maize.

Differences accumulate in the isotopic ratio of elements, which are “small but predictable.” (Boutton et al. 1984:192). Ratios are measured against an international standard. Samples are prepared and placed in a mass spectrometer, which converts molecules into ions and then separates them based on mass. Results are presented as parts per thousand (‰), which equals a tenth of a percent (Ehleringer and Rundel 1989,

Katzenberg 1992, Kelly 2000). The measurement of the ratio of the two stable isotopes of carbon is shown as 13C:12C. The process that results in that ratio is called “isotopic fractionation” (Bumsted 1983, Schoeninger and Moore 1992).

13 Plants that follow a C3 photosynthetic pathway will express a δ C value averaging -27.1‰ (O’Leary 1981) with a range of -22‰ to -38‰ (Tieszen 1991). C4 plants, such as maize express a δ13C value averaging - 13.1‰ (O'Leary 1981). A diet focused on C3 resources is expected to produce stable isotope ratios with a more negative value (ex. -18.1‰). More positive values (ex. - 12‰) may be indicative of the inclusion

12 of C4 resources. C4 resources are enriched in C. Carbon-fixing enzymes in biological

13 12 systems prefer C over C, yet C4 resources are less deficient in the heavier isotope than

C3 resources are, which is why stable isotope ratios for C4 resources, and diets dependent on them, are more positive.

The stable isotopes used in analyses of diet are carbon and nitrogen (Abelson and

Hoering 1961, Sponheimer 1999). These stable isotopes allow for the measurement of particular components of an individual’s diet, which are incorporated into the skeletal and soft tissue of the body following consumption. Based on stable isotope ratios researchers can estimate the type of diet an individual consumed, plant protein (C3, C4 or CAM

65 pathways) versus terrestrial protein versus marine protein. (Ambrose 1987, Ambrose and

DeNiro 1986, Ambrose and Krigbaum 2003, Ambrose and Norr 1992, Bender 1968, Jim,

Ambrose and Evershed 2004, Hedges and Reynard 2007, Katzenberg 1992, Keegan

1989, Krueger and Sullivan 1984, Lajtha and Marshall 1994, Price et al. 1985, Richards et al. 2006, Schoeninger 1985, Schoeninger and DeNiro 1984, Schoeninger and Moore

1992, Schoeninger et al. 1983, Schwarcz 1991, Schwarcz and Schoeninger 1991, Vogel and van der Merwe 1977). Discerning proportion of resource contribution is not always

13 13 straightforward. For example, δ C values for marine protein overlap δ C values of C4 plants. However, δ15N values for marine protein are more elevated than δ15N values of other resources and therefore having δ15N values is a benefit to analysis (Hedges and

Reynard 2007).

Neir and Gulbransen (1939) are credited with the earliest investigations of stable isotopes and Harold Krueger (1965, 1991) applied the science to bone for dating purposes. Other researchers were prompted to investigate the connection between diet and stable isotope ratios in bone collagen, bone carbonate, tooth enamel, nails, hair and soft tissues.

Early studies were conducted on bone collagen from animals with a life-long laboratory controlled diet. Using stable isotope analysis, researchers were able to infer information about diet and local ecology (Ambrose and Krigbaum 2003). Sullivan and

Krueger (1981) suggested the use of apatite carbonate. Studies indicate that carbonate is reflective of whole diet (Ambrose and Norr 1992; Tieszen and Fagre 1993), while collagen is now understood to reflect the protein portion of diet (Hedges 2003). Despite the fact that collagen reflects dietary protein, C4 plants, such as carbohydrate rich maize, 66 are visible in δ13C values of bone collagen when the plant becomes a significant and regular contributor to overall diet (e.g. Broida 1983, Bumsted 1984, Burleigh and

Brothwell 1978, Bender et al. 1981, DeNiro and Epstein 1977, Lynott et al. 1986,

Schwartz et al.1985, van der Merwe and Vogel 1978, van der Merwe et al. 1981 ).

Carbon is recorded in tooth enamel at the time of enamel formation, which occur during childhood. Once the tooth is formed it no longer incorporates dietary carbon into its matrix. Bone, on the other hand, incorporates carbon from the diet for the life of the individual. The turnover rate of cortical bone is slower and so is expected to record diet over a longer period of time. Trabecular bone turns over faster than cortical bone. As such, its isotopic ratio reflects diet later in life (Cox and Sealy 1997; Sealy et al. 1995).

The δ13C values from collagen represent between 10 and 30 years of cumulative dietary behavior (Chisholm 1989). Bell et al. (2001) suggest that a record of 15 years is more accurate. According to Finucane (2007) the annual rate of bone turnover is between 2 and

10%. Influences in the rate of turnover “include age, sex and physiological status of an individual” (Finucane 2007:2116, also see Hedges et al. 2007, Stenhouse and Baxter 1977;

Manolagas and Jilka 1995; Shin et al. 2004). Interestingly, with regard to dogs, collagen turnover is faster than it is in humans. Additionally, the turnover rate in young adult dogs is between six months and three years (Fischer et al. 2007, Martin et al. 1998).

Sampling human bone is the ideal when investigating human diet. In regions where access to human bone is not possible, archaeologists have recognized the utility of testing animal remains for indications of past human diet. Studies have been conducted on dog bone (e.g. Allitt et al. 2008, Chilton et al. 2001, Day 1996), dog hair (e.g.

Burleigh and Brothwell 1978), deer (e.g. Allitt 2007, Emery et al. 2000, Land et al. 1980) 67 and other species represented in the archaeological record (e.g. Katzenberg 1989, Loken et al. 1992, Richards et al. 2006). Stable isotopy on mammal bone or hair may serve as a proxy for detecting maize in areas where there is “otherwise only indirect evidence of its cultivation” (Burleigh and Brothwell 1978).

Stable Isotope Analysis: Dog Bone and Human Diet.

The literature associated with isotopic analysis is extremely vast and covers a diverse range of research topics including soil composition, ecological reconstruction, environmental exploitation, and human and animal diet. To date studies have been done on both human and animal bone and tooth material and all have shown great utility in the reconstruction of prehistoric diet. The following is a brief synopsis of available data suggesting that the use of isotope analyses on mammal bone can be helpful in interpreting past human diet.

The earliest isotopic analysis of bone was conducted by Harold Krueger (1965,

1991) and since that time, studies by other researchers sought to use those techniques to measure diet. Stable isotope analyses were conducted using controlled feeding experiments to determine the validity of using animal bone to infer diet and past local ecology (Bender et al. 1981, DeNiro and Epstein 1978, Tieszen et al. 1983, van der

Merwe and Vogel 1978). In 1978, Burleigh and Brothwell published research wherein they determined that stable carbon isotope ratios derived from ancient Peruvian and

Ecuadorian dog hair indicated maize as a significant portion of the specimens’ diet.

However, they acknowledged that bone would likely be more representative of cumulative dietary behavior.

68 Since that time, the value of using dog bone as a surrogate for human bone in chemical analyses has a positive track record. Many early studies used dog bone as a control and noted their similar stable isotope ratios to that seen in human bone (Gerry and

Krueger 1997, Hogue 2003, Reed 1994, Tykot et al. 1996, White and Schwarcz 1989,

White et al. 1993). In 1989, Katzenberg conducted research in the Southern Ontario region, which indicated that stable carbon and stable nitrogen isotope ratios in dog bone reflected a diet rich with maize, which reflected in some part the diet of their human contemporaries. In 1999, Cannon, Schwarcz and Knyf tested “the feasibility of using dog bone as a surrogate for human bone” (1999:402). Using specimens from Namu, British

Columbia, they confirmed that dog bones can be used as a measurement of temporal variability in human diets focused on marine resources. White et al. (2001) studied dog bone collected from the Preclassic Mayan site of Colha in Belize. Stable isotope ratios strongly illustrated that dogs at the site were “being fed or scavenging the same foods as humans” (2001:91). In 2005, research on dog and pig bone by Pechenkina et al. indicated that in Neolithic northern China millet, a C4 plant, was utilized by humans “in two ways: as a staple for direct human consumption and to support their domesticated animals” (2005:1187). Despite the fact that research has consistently shown the utility of using dog bone as a proxy for human bone in studies of human subsistence patterns the methodology remains underutilized in many regions, including NENA.

Potential Issues in Dietary Studies Utilizing Stable Isotope Analysis.

Stable isotope analysis can provide a powerful tool in the investigation of past

69 diet if several factors are taken into consideration including: the science of isotopes; sampling technique; laboratory protocols; local biota (i.e. their isotope ratios and their potential for exploitation); and alternate lines of subsistence evidence. There are also several issues that may arise when undertaking a stable isotope study. In the following paragraphs I briefly address some common issues.

During collection, researchers should avoid duplication of samples. This becomes an issue when dealing with assemblages housing multiple numbers of the same species and where those specimens are co-mingled. Selection of samples from same side/portion of bone elements easily addresses this issue. A related issue is the proper identification of species. For example, wolf, coyote and fox are often misidentified as dog. Understanding diagnostic morphological features of the species being studied should safeguard against misidentification.

Another issue is the potential impact of age, sex and metabolism on ratios of carbon and nitrogen (Bumsted 1985). Lovell et al. (1986) suggest this is actually a non- issue. However, there is research that supports the argument for differential δ13C and

δ15N values in young children, likely due to weaning and breastfeeding (Bentley et al.

2005; Herring et al. 1998; Katzenberg and Pfeiffer 1995; Katzenberg et al. 1993;

Saunders et al. 1995). Katzenberg (1993) illustrated that high δ15N values in very young children may be a trophic level effect that occurs in breast-feeding infants. Infants who were breastfed are 2-4‰ higher than the adult population (Katzenberg and Pfeiffer

1995:222; also see Fogel et al. 1989; Herring et al. 1998; Katzenberg et al. 1993). In the same study, δ13C values were also elevated, which may have resulted from the feeding of corn water to weaning children whose mother had passed away, a cultural practice known 70 from ethnohistoric literature. Research has also shown that different portions of the same bone and different bones from the same individual do not return significantly different values (Chisholm 1989, DeNiro and Schoeninger 1983).

Preservation is an important issue. Diagenesis is the breakdown of bone, both chemically and physically (Ambrose 1990, DeNiro 1985, Masters 1987, Nelson et al.

1986, Schoeninger et al. 1989). Selection of appropriate bone samples is critical. The mere appearance of a bone does not indicate good chemical preservation and therefore all samples should have a C:N ratio, which is a measure of the purity of collagen based on amino acid composition, of between 2.9 – 3.6. (DeNiro 1985). Values outside this range indicate potential “contamination by lipids, carbonates, humic acids or other carbon-rich substances” (Ambrose 1993:75 from Kennedy 1988). The collagen yield from each bone sample also informs as to the integrity of samples. Collagen yields of < 1% indicate poor preservation and the likelihood that the sample may not be an accurate reflection of diet.

(Tykot 2002).

The longevity of collagen may be problematic. Collagen remains stable for up to

380 million years (Abelson 1956) and as a result may be susceptible to increased fractionation (Ambrose 1993), especially on specimens older than 5,000 years (Bell et al.

2001). Carbon atoms may be supplemented or replaced by contaminating sources

(Chisholm 1989). Collagen fibrils may hypothetically cross between extremely closely buried bones given sufficient activity of ground water to promote breakdown and transportation of fibrils (Ortner et al. 1972). Humic and fulvic acids also pose a contamination concern. However, proper pretreatment can reduce or reverse contamination (Chisholm 1989). Therefore another area of concern is the failure to

71 properly pre-treat samples, which is what commonly leads to discrepancies in ratios.

We have made strides in understanding diet-tissue isotope relationships. For example, we now understand the effect of nitrogen rich manure on δ15N values in plants

(Bogaard et al. 2007, Bol et al. 2005, Choi et al. 2002, Finucane 2007, Mitzutani et al.

1991) and the animals that consume them, including humans (Bogaard et al. 2007).

Controlled experiments have shown that whereas plants grown without manure produce nitrogen values of 0.6 – 4 ‰, plants grown in soil treated with manure ranged from 5.8 –

8.6‰ (Bogaard et al. 2007). Further research is needed to more accurately understand how this shift is manifested in complex diets. Other areas of up and coming research include how human conditions including pregnancy, lactation, short and long term starvation, as well as differential decomposition of collagen following death of an organism become manifest in isotopic studies (Finucane 2007).

There is still much to learn about how exactly climate influences δ13C and δ15N values. For example, δ15N values are greatly enriched in herbivores from regions with extreme aridity such as South Africa. Herbivore δ15N values in such regions overlap marine resources (Heaton 1987, Heaton et al. 1986, Sealy 1997). Additionally, a

13 significant overlap is noted in the collagen δ C value of C4 consumers and high marine protein consumers (Corr et al. 2005). Corr et al. (2005) have shown the utility of using

13 the amino acid stable isotopes, particularly Glycine and Phenylalanine (Δ CGlycine-

Phenylalanine) as a way to differentiate the C4 consumer from the high marine protein consumer. Work still needs to be done in the desert regions of the world to accomplish a more thorough understanding of similar issues.

In addition to understanding the complex science, avoiding duplicate or 72 contaminated samples, understanding local biota, locating appropriate proxies for human bone and understanding their isotopic processes, as well as knowing what forms of alternate available evidence currently exist particular to your study, access to human remains can impose great barriers to analysis. The Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) has made notification of the existence of human remains, funerary and other sacred objects, to descendent tribes a requirement under law affording them the opportunity to reclaim the remains. Because Native American populations have strong spiritual beliefs about the dead they are less likely to permit destructive analysis on human (or dog, which they considered sacred) bone. Some tribes have permitted these analyses, but generally speaking many feel that their cultural history is not afforded accuracy when told by non-Native American archaeologists.

Stable Isotopic Evidence of C4 Resources in the NENA.

The Eastern Woodlands extend from the Atlantic Coast west to the Great Plains and from Southeastern Canada to the Gulf Coast (Fenneman 1938, Gremillion 2003,

Joyce 1988, Stewart 1994). The Northeast Region includes New England and the

Canadian territory just north of Lake Erie including Southwest and Southern Ontario. The

Middle Atlantic Region encompasses Southeastern New York, Central and Eastern

Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Maryland, Delaware, and portions of Virginia and West

Virginia (e.g. Stewart 2004).

During the Woodland Period agricultural practices spread throughout the Eastern

Woodlands region. Some groups adopted an intense focus on domesticated crops fairly quickly while others not at all. The choice to pursue agriculture was likely influenced by

73 the particular social and ecological conditions surrounding each group. Literature discussing the introduction, spread and intensification of agriculture is vast (e.g. Curry and Kavanaugh 1991, Custer, 1984, 1989, Raber and Cowin 2003, Scarry 1993). Even when discussing a single region, such as the Mid-Atlantic, the role of agriculture can be unclear and quite complicated. Over the past 30+ years the science of stable isotope analysis has made clear and important contributions to our understanding.

The first major stable isotope study in eastern North America focused on 4 sites in

New York (Vogel and van der Merwe 1977), two pre-agricultural sites and two post- agricultural sites. Recent phytolith analysis (Hart et al. 2007) has pushed back the earliest dates for maize in the region. As a result, one of the sites, Vine Valley, an Early

Woodland Period site dated to ca. 2100 B.P. is now considered a potential contemporary to groups who were using maize. Other sites in the study included Frontenac Island, an

Archaic Period site; Snell, a Late Woodland site; and Engelbert, a historic

Susquehannock site. Vine, Frontenac and Snell were originally excavated by Ritchie

(1965), and Engelbert by Lipe and Elliott (1970). Isotope ratios from bone collagen from the Snell (-14‰ and -16.6‰) and Engelbert (-13.6‰ and -13.5‰) sites expressed values indicating a significant focus on C4 plants, likely maize. Nitrogen isotope ratios were not obtained at this early date. C4 and marine based diet values overlap it would be interesting to see what, if any, role marine resources played in diets of these individuals.

The ratio for the Frontenac site (-21.3‰) indicated a focus on C3 plants. The Vine Valley

(-18.9‰ and -19.8‰) was at the margin of the C3 range and it is possible that the individual with a δ13C value of -18.9‰ could have consumed small quantities of maize.

74 A second early study conducted by van der Merwe and Vogel (1978) focused on thirty-one hunter-gatherer skeletons from Ohio, Illinois and West Virginia. Carbon from collagen returned δ13C values of approximately -21.4‰. Even though research had suggested that chenopod and amaranth, C4 plants, might have contributed to the diet of these individuals, the plants were not consumed in quantities large enough to produce a chemical signature. The values returned for this group were firmly within the hunter- gatherer range and their diets were likely inclusive of terrestrial and freshwater protein

15 and C3 plants. At the time this study was conducted it was not understood that δ N values could potentially differentiate between terrestrial, freshwater and marine proteins.

Freshwater carnivorous fish have been shown to exhibit higher δ14N values, a trophic level effect, and δ13C values are somewhat elevated as well (Katzenberg 1989). This is particularly important as many sites lack faunal evidence of fish exploitation due to the delicacy of many fish bones and the acidic soils of the region.

The work of van der Merwe and Vogel (1978) and Vogel and van der Merwe

(1977) suggested that maize did not make a significant contribution to the diet of people in the region until the Late Woodland Period, potentially becoming an important aspect of diet ca. 1100 B.P. Many subsequent studies supported this finding for the region (e.g.

Bender et al. 1981, Boutton et al. 1984, Broida 1984, Bumsted 1984). Studies including

Harrison and Katzenberg (2003), Katzenberg (1984, 2006), Katzenberg and Schwartz

(1986) Morton and Schwartz (2004) have continued to contribute to the growing database of stable isotope values for the Ontario region. Katzenberg (1989) also assessed nitrogen values for a diet focused on freshwater fish.

75 In 1985, Schwartz et al., conducted the third major study for the region, which included specimens from fourteen populations spanning approximately 1600 B.P. to 350

B.P. in the Southern Ontario region. Schwartz and colleagues analyzed δ15N as well as

δ13C values. The introduction of maize into the region was estimated at ca. 1300 B.P.

(Stothers 1977). Schwartz et al. (1985) illustrated the gradual progression over time in consumption of maize “to a maximum of 50% of the diet by AD 1400” (1985:187).

Katzenberg and colleague’s 1995 regional study suggested that “if we assume that a collagen δ13C value of -21‰ corresponds to a diet lacking in maize, then the transition to maximum utilization of maize (with collagen δ13C around - 10‰) took place over a period of 600 years, starting at about A.D. 650” (1995:341).

Additional research in Brantford, Ontario extended the presence of maize back to ca. 1760 B.P. (Pihl et al. 2006). Stable nitrogen isotope ratios from the study indicate that the shift toward significant reliance on maize occurred ca. 650 B.P. While maize may have complimented the diet of some groups early on its presence did not initially decrease the importance of animal proteins (Katzenberg et al. 1995).

In perhaps one of the largest regional assessments done to date, Buikstra (1992) plotted pre-existing and newly obtained δ13C values obtained from human skeletal material throughout the Northeast. Her study indicated that maize became significant in diets in the western portion of the Northeast, including Ontario earlier than in other areas.

δ13C and δ15N values support a gradual transition with some areas “proceeding rapidly to marked dependency within a few generations.” (Buikstra 1992:98). For example, the

Ohio valley and Nashville basin were quicker to adopt maize compared with Ontario and the central Mississippi Valley. 76 The New England region has been the focus of limited isotopic studies but provided a sort of proving ground for differentiating between maize and marine protein in the diet using stable isotopes (Bourque and Krueger 1994, Little and Schoeninger 1995,

Medaglia et al. 1990). Katzenberg et al. (1993) suggest that due to cost and time constraints the earliest studies were focused on only a few specimens per population.

Researchers applied stable isotope studies to regional or multi site comparisons, sampling from a few to several hundred skeletons. While it was obviously understood that stable isotopes could potentially recognize the presence of maize in the absence of macro botanical or other evidence, few articles were published concerning single sites (but see

Schwarcz et al. 1985 and Stothers and Bechtel 1987). In more recent years we see researchers analyzing larger numbers of samples. Perhaps the increase in sampling human remains had to do with the then pending legislation NAGPRA, which was passed in 1990 (Chilton 2006, Greenlee 2006). Katzenberg (2000, 2008) states it was the broader availability of mass spectrometry technology combined with reduced cost, time and sample size, which allowed larger numbers of samples to be analyzed.

The benefit of assessing the stable isotope ratios of so many individuals is that it also provides insight into individual differences in diet within as well as between populations (e.g. Emery et al. 2000, Farrow 1986) Farrow (1986) sampled four

Monongahela sites in Ohio and West Virginia where artifact and archaeo-botanical analysis has indicated a significant reliance upon maize. Farrow’s study assessed variability between individuals. The patterns were different between groups. At one site the individual with the most abundant grave goods had the highest δ13C value, and at another site it was the opposite, the individual with the lowest δ13C value had the most

77 abundant grave goods. While Farrow’s study suggested C4 dependence of up to 70% in the upland sites and 80% at the lowland sites, nowadays researchers are reluctant to suggest what percentage of the diet was maize versus another resource.

A great deal of attention has been paid to stable isotopes analysis in regions where large chiefdoms or early complex societies or groups such as the early farming

Monongahela emerged. Studies have focused on the Maya (e.g. Emery et al. 2000, Reed

1994, White and Schwartz 1989, White et al. 2001) the Southwest (e.g. Coltrain et al.

2006) and on Mississippian and Ft. Ancient populations (e.g. Broida 1983, 1984,

Greenlee 2006, Reber 2006, Schurr 1992, Yerkes 2005,). At Mississippian and Ft.

Ancient sites, were maize is archaeologically abundant, stable isotope δ13C values support the archaeological evidence and indicate significant dependence (Schoeninger and Schurr 1994). At sites without evidence of dependence on maize or other cultigens, isotopic analyses provide a way to check the representative nature of the archaeological record.

In central, eastern Pennsylvania, Delaware and New Jersey few stable isotope studies have been conducted. Allitt (2007) studied the stable isotopes signatures of three humans and three deer from the Mohr site (Gruber 1971) in Bainbridge, Pennsylvania to investigate the role of maize at this Shenks Ferry occupation and to investigate the potential of using stable isotope analyses on deer bone as a way to detect the presence of

C4 plants. The Shenks Ferry were farmers focused on maize agriculture and hunting.

They likely gathered as well to supplement their diet. δ13C values (-12‰ to -13.7‰) from this study indicated that these individuals were heavily reliant upon maize, but that the deer (-21.7‰ to -22.5‰) were not consuming maize in even small quantities.

78 In New Jersey only one stable isotope study has been conducted on prehistoric human bone. The results have not been published, but were presented at conference. The specimen is from a Late Woodland site from coastal Cape May, New Jersey (personal communication Bierbauer 2009, Bierbauer et al. 2002). The δ13C value was -13.5‰.

15 While the value is within the range of values indicating consumption of C4 plants, δ N was not assessed. The consumption of marine protein, which is reasonable to expect due to this samples location at the coast, enriches δ13C value. A nitrogen value on the remains would help differentiate if this person was eating more maize or marine resources.

Allitt et al. (2008) identified and tested bone from three dogs in search of a proxy for human bone. One bone sample was from the Mohr site, a prehistoric Shenks Ferry site. Again, the Shenks Ferry culture was associated with farming and a strong dependence on maize. Two bone samples were from the coastal region of New Jersey where maize has been argued to be largely absent from the diet. The Mohr site dog returned carbon and nitrogen ratios indicative of a diet inclusive of maize. The carbon and nitrogen ratios of the New Jersey coastal dogs indicate that maize could have contributed to their diet and “calls into question the common portrayal of southern OCP populations as groups who had little to do with maize, whether as farmers or traders”

(2008).

Stable isotope analysis has enhanced our understanding of when and how rapidly maize moved across the landscape of North America. In the past 30+ years that archaeologists have been conducting analyses most studies have focused on large populations, which has its benefits as well as its pitfalls. An increasingly large database is being accumulated in particular regions (e.g. Ontario) and with regard to particular

79 cultures (e.g. Mississippian). While such a wealth of knowledge provides a unique opportunity to look deeply into individual variation within and between cultures regarding diet and related issues, often only explanations of δ13C and δ15N values and the science of interpretation with brief discussions of associated artifacts and site histories are published. Large portions of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, Maryland, Delaware and Virginia are not even included in the previously mentioned studies because little to no analysis has been conducted there.

With the above in mind, access to human skeletal samples remains an issue. Add to that the cost of stable isotope analysis and the science becomes sometimes prohibitive if funding is not available. On a more positive note there has been an increase in communication between the disciplines of archaeology, ecology and biology. There are advancements being made in related trace element analysis (strontium, etc.) that may help to clarify stable isotope ratios and provide a more succinct picture of what an individual was eating. There is always more work to do. We need to understand more about the climate and its effect on δ15N values, especially in dry desert regions; the impact of stress

(e.g. starvation) on amino acid metabolism; and we need to seek alternatives to destructive analysis, or at the very least minimize the damage.

CHAPTER 5

SITES, SAMPLES AND METHODOLOGY

Thirty samples were collected, twenty-nine of those, identified as Canis familiaris and one specimen identified as Vulpes vulpes (Table 5.1), were included in the study.

Sites with Canid bone occurring either in intentional burials or within faunal assemblages were identified in Connecticut, Maine, Maryland, and New Jersey. Samples for this study were taken from museum and private collections as well as from ongoing excavations.

The following is a brief summary of the sites included in this study (Figure 5.1)

Subsistence impressions from faunal assemblages, site dates and evidence of agriculture are provided where that information is available (Table 5.2). Many of these sites were dug prior to an understanding of the value of faunal materials and as such for some sites information is scarce. For the earliest excavations by amateurs the paper trail is almost nonexistent and the author had to rely on conversations with museum personnel and collectors for facts concerning the assemblages.

Temporally, the sites in this study span the Archaic (beginning ca. 8,000 years ago), through Contact Periods. The oldest dog bone sample in this study comes from the

Ruth Moore site in Maine with a calibrated date of 2815 +/- 185 B.P. (Cox and Lawless

1994).

Table 5.1 State, Site, Species and Specimens

State Site Name Species # Specimens Donor

CT Grannis Island Canis familiaris 5 Dave Thompson CT Smith Cove/Tubb Canis familiaris 2 Nick Bellantoni Site MD Reeves Canis familiaris 2 Maryland Archaeology Conservancy MD Mount Calvert Canis familiaris 1 Maryland Archaeology Conservancy MD Winslow Canis familiaris 1 Joe Dent/Maryland Historical Comm ME /Ruth Moore Canis familiaris 4 Abbe Museum ME Waterside Canis familiaris 2 Abbe Museum ME Taft Canis familiaris 1 Abbe Museum ME Tranquility Farm Canis familiaris 1 Abbe Museum ME Jones Cove Canis familiaris 2 Abbe Museum NJ Bell Browning Canis familiaris 2 National Park Service NJ Bell Browning Blair Canis familiaris 1 National Park Service NJ Abbott Farm Exc#9 Canis familiaris 1 NJ State Museum NJ Abbott Farm Exc#12 Canis familiaris 1 NJ State Museum NJ Abbott Farm Exc#10 Canis familiaris 1 NJ State Museum NJ Philhower/Analoking Canis familiaris 1 NJ State Museum NJ Minisink Island Canis familiaris 1 NJ State Museum NJ I80 Weigh Station Vulpes vulpes 1 NJDOT/Hunter Research

TOTAL 30

82 While most of the region adheres to the categories Archaic, Woodland and

Contact (Table 5.3) to describe periods of time characterized by specific changes in human behavior, Maine uses Archaic, Ceramic and Contact (Table 5.4). Dates for sites are also given in B.P. format when possible.

Connecticut.

Dog samples from Connecticut were donated to this study by Mr. Dave

Thompson and by Dr. Nick Bellantoni, Connecticut State Archaeologist, Connecticut

Archaeology Center, University of Connecticut.

Grannis Island Site (93-05).

Five samples were taken from the Grannis Island Site collection. Grannis Island is located in New Haven and is surrounded by a salt marsh. Typologically, the site components span Late Archaic through Late Woodland Periods. No radio carbon dating has been done at the site. Dr. H.W. Setzer of the United States National Museum assessed the faunal assemblage from the site (Sargent 1952). Much of the collection made its way to Dave Thompson and the remains were housed at his home, which is where sampling for this research was conducted.

Prehistoric occupants of the site where believed to have hunted and gathered.

While pottery from the Woodland Period was found at the site there was no evidence of agricultural behavior at the site (Sargent 1952). There is no mention of associated artifacts with the dog burials. However, other mammals were identified in the prehistoric

83 assemblage including squirrel, seal, raccoon, deer, duck, shellfish and from the historic cultural component pig and chicken.

Canid bone samples were taken from left first metatarsal. DB4 was an adult dog with 90% of skeletal remains intact. This specimen had the most significant tooth wear of all the samples together from all sites in this study. DB6 was an adult dog with approximately 75% of the skeleton present. There was a possible carnivore tooth puncture in the cranium but no other pathology present. DB21, another adult, was represented by less than 30% of the skeleton. The remains were greatly fragmented, which may have been the result of storage choices post excavation. DB23, an adult, was represented by about 50% of the skeletal remains. DB27 was also an adult and had a near complete skeleton. Some interesting pathologies on this dog include extremely heavy muscle attachment areas on the humerus bone, slight tooth wear, fused spinal vertebra and a cut mark on the innominate hipbone, although that may have been caused by excavator error. DB27 is the largest dog of all the sampled specimens and yet still was categorized as a “small Indian dog”. No specimens categorized as “large Indian dogs” were sampled for this study. None of the other Connecticut dogs had cut marks. Most of the dogs had some degree of arthritic changes in the vertebral column, possibly indicating use as a labor animal, perhaps with backpacks.

84 Table 5.2 Site, Occupation Date and Subsistence Evidence

Site Occupation Dates Subsistence C4

Connecticut Grannis Late Archaic (6000-4000 B.P.) to Marine No 93-05 Late Woodland (1000-400 B.P.) Hunting Gathering

Tubbs Contact Period Marine Yes 45-07 cal. 140 +/- 90 B.P. (Beta 17884) Maize Hunting Gathering Agriculture Maine Jones Cove Ceramic Period (3000-500 B.P.) Marine No 44.13 Hunting Gathering

Ruth Moore Early Ceramic Period Marine No 31.17 (2800–2300 B.P.) Hunting Vinette I pottery, same layer as dogs Gathering cal. 2815 +/- 185 B.P.

DB10 2030 +/-170 B.P. (cal. Beta-63829/CAMS-7860)

DB29 2570 B.P. (cal. Beta-74609/CAMS-14928)

Taft’s Point Early Ceramic Period Marine No 44.06 (2800 – 2300 B.P.) Hunting Gathering

Tranquility Ceramic Period (3000-500 B.P.) Marine No Farm cal. 1,325 +/- 70 B.P. (Sample GX-20002- Hunting 44.12 G Krueger) Human Bone Gathering 1315 B.P. (Communication with Julia Clark, Abbe Museum 2010) Hearth

Waterside Early Ceramic Period Marine No 44.7 (2800 – 2300 B.P.) Hunting Gathering

85 Table 5.2 (cont.)

Site Site Occupations Subsistence C4

Maryland Mt. Calvert Early Archaic (9500-8000 B.P.) to Marine No 18PR6 Contact Period (400 B.P.) Hunting Gathering

Reeves Late Archaic (6000-4000 B.P.) to Marine No 18WC15 Early-Late Woodland (1000–700 B.P.) Hunting Gathering

Winslow Early Woodland (3000 B.P.-2000 B.P.) Marine Yes 18MO9 Late Woodland (1000 B.P.-400 B.P.) Hunting Gathering Agriculture

New Jersey Abbott Farm Middle Archaic (8000-6000 B.P.) Fishing Yes Contact Period (400 B.P.) Hunting Gathering Agriculture

Bell Browning Late Woodland Period Fishing No (1000 B.P.-400 B.P.) Hunting Gathering

Bell Browning Late Woodland Period Fishing No Blair (1000 B.P.-400 B.P.) Hunting Gathering

I80 Weigh Late/Terminal Archaic Fishing No Station (6000-3000 B.P.) 28WA2290 Associated soil 3600 B.P. (Vulpes vulpes)

Minisink Post Contact (18th century) Fishing Yes Island Hunting Gathering Agriculture

Bell Philhower Late Woodland (1000 B.P.-400 B.P.) Fishing No Contact Period (400 B.P.) Hunting Gathering

86 Figure 5.1 Site Locations

87 Tubbs Site of Smith Cove (45-07).

Two dogs represent the Tubbs Site of Smith Cove. The Tubbs Site, a Contact

Period village, is located on a farm in Southeastern Connecticut in Niantic, a subdivision of Lyme. The site was excavated by amateur archaeologists during the 1930s. Several thousand artifacts ranging from pottery to stone tools and steatite bowls were recovered

(Lavin 2004). Both dogs were retrieved from a shell heap in an area with rich floodplain and where several artifacts used in processing maize and kernels of maize have also been found. The remains themselves were found in association with a single kernel of maize and artifacts for processing maize. DB14 is a near complete skeleton “found with his owner” during excavations in 1947 (communication with Bellantoni 2007). There are no notes or records associated with early site excavations. Maize recovered from the site, but not the kernel associated with the remains, later yielded a calibrated date of 140 +/- 90

B.P. (Beta 17884) (Bendremer 1993).

Samples DB5 and DB14 where both associated with human burials. DB5 had very little bone preserved, mostly cranial, vertebral and metatarsal. There were no cut marks and no pathology on either set of remains. To ensure against duplicitous analyses the right first metatarsal was sampled from each skeleton.

Maine.

Dog bone samples from the region we now call Maine, were donated to this study by the Abbe Museum, Bar Harbor. Samples were taken from five site collections (Jones

Cove Site, Ruth Moore Site, Taft Site, Tranquility Farm Site, Waterside Site). There are few details regarding many of these excavations and the faunal record is almost

88 nonexistent. As is the case with many older excavation reports, there is often only a list of proposed species and mention of exceptionally interesting remains, for example, worked bone or teeth purportedly used as ornamental pieces and sometimes dog burials. These sites were initially excavated prior to understanding the value of keeping faunal remains and recording context for subsistence studies.

Jones Cove Site. (44.13)

The Jones Cove Site is located in West Gouldsboro on the shore of the Flanders

Bay. The site is situated closely to both salt and fresh water and near what is now fertile land and is relatively dated to the Ceramic Period (3000B.P.-500B.P.). The earliest excavation was led by Warren Moorehead in 1928, lasted about a week and resulted in a

100-foot long trench. Features and artifacts of shell, stone, bone, and potsherds were recovered from the site (Smith 1929).

Bone made up less than 1% of materials recovered from the site. Bone artifacts included awls, bodkins, combs, flakers, fishhooks, harpoons, and darts. There is no mention in the earlier reports of what species these implements were made of. Of teeth, bear teeth, some of which had been drilled, were the most plentiful. There were also teeth of beaver, porcupine, and moose. Generally bone was identified as moose, deer, fish, and dog (Smith 1929). Two dogs were identified in the assemblage. DB22, a sub-adult, was represented by well-preserved mandibles. Both left and right were present. A sample was taken from the left mandible. DB13, an adult, was represented by a well-preserved left mandible. A sample was taken from the left mandible. Regarding both dogs, the remains were free of cut marks and there was no obvious pathology to mention.

Ruth Moore Site (31.17).

The Ruth Moore Site is located on the southeastern shore of Great Gotts Island on

Blue Hill Bay in the Gulf of Maine. Ruth Moore explored this site as a collector from

1946 to 1960. Professional archaeology at the site began in 1985 as part of a program of surveys being conducted by the Abbe Museum. In 1985 the site was described as a severely eroding shell midden. Excavations were again conducted between 1991 and

1995 as part of the museums field school program, which was led by Dr. Stephen Cox

(Cox and Lawless 1994).

The Ruth Moore site provides a stratified record of at least 4,000 years of Maine prehistory. A portion of the site is associated with the Ceramic Period, which is characterized by the introduction and diversification of pottery in the region. Residue from a recovered fragment of Vinette I, a pottery type common to the Early Ceramic

Period, returned a calibrated date of 2815 +/- 185 B.P. for the layer where the remains of five dogs from pre-agricultural components of the site were excavated (Cox and Lawless

1994). Samples from four of those dogs are included in this study.

The subsistence economy of the inhabitants of this particular area included hunting, fishing and collecting wild plants and not agriculture. Faunal remains indicate a significant focus on marine resources, including seal. Whale also contributed to the diet.

Other species that were present were deer, moose, bear, mink, beaver, otter, porcupine, duck, goose, and great auk (Cox and Lawless 1994).

Table 5.3 Temporal Scheme for Connecticut, Maryland and New Jersey

Period Date Range

Paleo-Indian Period ca. 14000 B.P. – 10000 B.P. Early Archaic Period ca. 10000 B.P. – 8000 B.P. Middle Archaic Period ca. 8000 B.P. – 6000 B.P. Late Archaic Period ca. 6000 B.P. – 4000 B.P. Terminal Archaic Period ca. 4000 B.P. – 3000 B.P. Early Woodland Period ca. 3000 B.P. – 2000 B.P. Middle Woodland Period ca. 2000 B.P. – 1100 B.P. Late Woodland Period ca. 1100 B.P. – 400 B.P. Contact Period ca. 400 B.P.

Table 5.4 Temporal Scheme for Maine

Period Date Range Fluted Point Paleoindian ca. 11500 B.P. - 10000 B.P. Late Paleoindian ca. 10000 B.P. - 8000 B.P. Early Archaic ca. 8000 B.P. - 7500 B.P. Middle Archaic ca. 7500 B.P. - 6000 B.P. Late Archaic ca. 6000 B.P. - 3000 B.P. Ceramic Period ca. 3000 B.P. - 500 B.P. Early Contact ca. 500 B.P.

91 The dogs recovered during excavations were found near artifacts that have been associated with the Early Ceramic Period. The dogs included in this study were recovered from different areas of the Ruth Moore Site. One of the sampled dogs (DB10), a near complete skeleton of a 5-6 month old juvenile, nicknamed Ernie by the excavators. DB10 was recovered from a shallow burial and was found amidst fish and deer bone with < 5% of the skeleton present. The dog remains were previously directly dated to 2030 +/-170

B.P. calibrated (Beta-63829/CAMS-7860) (Communication with Julia Clark, Abbe

Museum 2010). A portion of the metatarsal, which had no visual indications of cut marks, was sampled for this study.

A second dog, nicknamed Bert (DB29), directly dated to 4570 B.P. (Beta-

74609/CAMS-14928) was also recovered from a burial context. Bert was described as:

“a young adult 1 ½ to 2 years in age… He (or she…) lay curled up in the pit, which was no more than 50cm in diameter at its base and extended only 10cm below the base of the midden – just deep enough to cover the body. The body lay in an east-west orientation with the back to the south and the head to the north, pointed west… a fairly small dog, standing about 46 cm (18 inches) high at the shoulder, approximately terrier size” (Cox and Lawless 1994: 54).

The skeletal remains of “Bert” (DB29) had no cuts and no pathology. There was damage to the cranium but it was likely due to excavator error as the damages area looked fresh and was colored lightly in comparison to the rest of the bone. There was little wear on the teeth. A sample was taken from the left femur.

The other two sampled dogs were represented by fragmentary remains and included a juvenile (DB20) and an adult (DB16). Neither was directly dated. DB20 was identified as an older juvenile based on its teeth and a partial right mandible with a molar

92 erupting. There was no visual pathology or cut marks on the bones, which included two partial mandibles, calcaneum, tarsals, long bone fragments, innominate fragments, and ulna. A sample was taken from the distal right femur.

The remains of DB16 were highly fragmented. There was no cranium and the post-cranial skeleton had no cut marks. DB16 had <25% of the skeleton intact. A sample was taken from the right femur.

Cox and Lawless (1994) suggest that the fragmentary nature of the remains of these dogs may indicate they were consumed. There are no definitive cut marks however.

The only possible cut mark was seen on an ulna from the remains of DB10.

Taft’s Point Site (44.06).

The Taft’s Point Shell Midden is located on the south side of Jones Cover in West

Gouldsboro. Historically Indians were known to “have dug vast quantities of clams” at the site (Hadlock 1939: 3). Next to shell, stone, bone and potsherds make up the bulk of materials recovered from the site. Bone had been worked into bodkins, needles, awls, projectile points, harpoons, flakers, and beads. Mammal teeth at the site that were altered included bear, beaver and porcupine teeth.

Most of the faunal material from the site was not collected. What was retrieved and analyzed included fish (sturgeon, swordfish and sculpin), fowl, bear, raccoon, wolf, dog, fox, seal, beaver, porcupine, deer, moose, and auk (Hadlock 1939).

Dog remains from the Taft Site (DB28) were excavated in 1939 and were originally identified by Dr. Glover M. Allen of the Museum of Comparative Zoology at

Harvard. Less than 5% of the entire skeleton was present. The most significant fragment

93 was a near complete mandible. The remains were free of cut marks. A sample was taken from the right mandible.

Tranquility Farm Site (44.12).

The Tranquility Farm shell heap is located on the southern shore of Frenchman’s

Bay and is one of the largest shell heaps in the area. The site was originally excavated from 1931 – 1936 by the Abbe Museum with work continuing into subsequent years.

Over two thousand artifacts have been retrieved from the site. Potsherds, bone and stone make up the bulk of materials recovered. While the site produced numerous artifacts, extensive records of the excavations do not exist (Hadlock 1941). Implements recovered from Tranquility Farm include bodkins, flakers made of antler, harpoons, projectile points, and several beaver teeth. Available literature lacks significant discussion regarding the subsistence practices of the human inhabitants of the site. Although, the faunal assemblage, originally identified by Dr. Glover M. Allen of the Museum of

Comparative Zoology at Harvard, reflects a diet inclusive of mollusks, sea mammals and large and small fish, bird, and terrestrial mammals including moose (Hadlock 1941;

Byers and Johnson 1940). The faunal assemblage also included canine teeth perforated and notched and likely used ornamentally (Hadlock 1941).

Dates for the site are not directly associated with the dog bone sampled for this study. One date comes from human bone recovered during the 1930s excavations

(Sample GX-20002-G Krueger), which returned a date of 1325 +/- 70 B.P. calibrated.

The other date is from a hearth feature (charcoal) excavated in the 1990s (Beta-86304), which had a calibrated date of 1215 B.P. (Communication with Julia Clark, Abbe

94 Museum 2010).

A single dog humerus (DB17) was recovered from the Tranquility Site. There were no cut marks and the bone was intact. A sample was taken from the left humerus.

Waterside Site (44.7).

The Waterside shell midden excavation commenced in the early 1940s and was led by John Howland Rowe under the Harvard's Excavators Club (Rowe 1940; Spiess

1985). Available literature lacks significant discussion regarding the faunal remains from the site. The remains of two dogs were identified from the site. DB26 was defined as a sub-adult based on tooth morphology and was represented by a well-preserved mandible and one proximal right side femur. The remains were free of cut marks and there was no obvious pathology. A sample was taken from the femur.

The second dog from the site, DB18, was a juvenile dog represented by fragmentary remains. Again the remains were free of cut marks and there was no obvious pathology. A sample was taken from the right femur.

Maryland.

Dog bone samples from the region we now call Maryland, were donated to this study by the Maryland Archaeological Conservation Laboratory, Drs. Donald Creveling and Michael Lucas and the Maryland Archaeology Conservancy, and by Dr. Richard

Dent and the Maryland Historical Commission. Samples come from three site collections

(Mount Calvert, Winslow and Reeves).

95 Mount Calvert (18PR6).

In 1996 the Maryland – National Capital Park and Planning Commission (M-

NCPPC) conducted a site survey. Typology of artifacts recovered at the site indicated consistent use of the site through time. Temporal components begin in the Early Archaic

(9500-8000 B.P.) and continue through the Contact Period (400 B.P.) (Creveling and

Lucas 1999).

During a septic tank excavation at the site in 2000 a dog burial was uncovered.

Artifacts found in association with the burial included fire cracked rock, potsherds, shell and stone flakes. The skeletal remains were not carbon dated but field notes state that artifacts found just above and amidst the remains were associated with the Middle

Woodland Period and conversation with Dr. Donald Creveling confirmed that. The post- cranial skeleton was well preserved. The cranium was fragmentary. There were cut marks on the tibia and femur and on three of the large ribs. The cut marks on the ribs were fairly uniform in nature. The marks may have been post depositional due to excavator activity.

The spinous process on several lumbar vertebra were disfigured, curved and arched indicating osteoarthritis. Tooth wear was severe, so severe on the canines that it may have been purposefully done by humans (Schwartz 1997). A sample was taken from a fragment of the left femur where there where no cut marks present.

Reeves Site (18WC15)

The Reeves site, on Maryland's eastern shore is an Early-Late Woodland village site that also has a Late Archaic component. There were two nearly complete dog skeletons excavated at the site (DB11 and DB1). Both dogs are from the Late Woodland

96 component and were initially kept in collections at the Archaeological Society of

Maryland facilities but were eventually moved to and stored at the Maryland

Archaeological Conservancy. DB11 was a well preserved juvenile excavated from

Feature 48 by Salisbury University and ASM field school during the 1971 field season.

More than 75% of the skeletal remains were present. There were no pathological indications and no visible cut marks. Nothing to indicate the dog was used as food. Root etchings were significant on this specimen and the bone was stained, likely due to deposits in the soil. Associated artifacts include potsherds, shell, and stone. A right femur was sampled for this study.

DB1 was also excavated in 1971. This dog, which was from Feature 8, was also a juvenile but based on tooth eruption likely a bit older than DB11. Root etching and staining were also present on this specimen but no cut marks and no pathological indications. Approximately 50% of the skeleton was preserved. A sample was taken from the right femur. Associated artifacts include potsherds, flakes, charred wood, fire cracked rock, bones of other animals, turtle shell, ochre, and shell.

Winslow Site (18MO9).

The Winslow Site is located on a floodplain near Seneca, Maryland and is part of a Maryland Wildlife Sanctuary. The earliest excavations at the site were conducted in the

1940s and 1950s. Recent excavations began in 2002 and were conducted through the

Archeological Society of Maryland and American University. A large amount of the pottery recovered from the Winslow Site is typed to the Early Woodland Period (Slattery and Woodward 1992). Dr. Richard Dent suggests that the site was not as fully occupied

97 during the Middle Woodland times likely due to coastal resettlement (Dent 2005,

Jirikowic 1995) but that population appears to have increased during the Late Woodland and the site is recognized as “a small community of the first permanent agriculturists to settle on the banks of the Potomac River” (Dent 2005:4).

Plant matter recovered from the Winslow Site indicated a subsistence pattern inclusive of corn, beans, nuts and fruits. Faunal material recovered from the site was plentiful. Thirty-one species were identified by Dr. Elizabeth Moore, the Curator of

Collections and Archaeology at the Virginia Museum of Natural History (Moore 2005)

(Table 5.5). During the 2003 excavations the remains of a dog burial were recovered

(Figure 5.2). The burial was well documented. The following is an excerpt from Dent’s

2005 article description of the remains:

“Feature 40, east of Structure One and just northeast (approximately 2.5 meters) of Willow Sage, contained the articulated remains of a dog... The creature, named Seneca by its excavators, had been intentionally placed in a shallow pit in a curled position with all four paws drawn together. No grave goods of any sort were found with this dog, but the skeleton was completely articulated and intact. The shape of the pit, surrounding soil matrix, and proximity to other features indicate this was a prehistoric burial… …buried with the post-cranial skeleton and cranium intact and fully articulated. Elizabeth Moore… estimates that Seneca in life was about 21 inches (53.97 cm) tall at the withers (i.e., the highest point of the front shoulder blades). While the skeleton of Seneca was somewhat deteriorated, no baculum (penis bone) was recovered. I am confident that we did not miss collecting that element, and this would indicate that Seneca was female. There is, however, a chance that a member of the prehistoric community at Winslow had removed the baculum prior to burial. Unfortunately, the other independent method to sex a dog skeleton, detailed measurement of the pelvis, was not possible given that element’s fragmented state. Best available evidence still does suggest that Seneca was female and of medium size. Her size is consistent with the other prehistoric dogs recovered at Winslow. Further interpretation of Seneca is problematic, but some speculation is possible. As Curry (1999:78) has pointed out, dog burials are relatively common at Late Woodland sites in the

98 Middle Atlantic region. At least two such dog burials are known from sites along the lower Potomac River. And the dog burial at the Claggett Ossuary/Piscataway Fort site (18PR40; see Curry 1999:35-38) was similar in interment position and size to Seneca at Winslow. That canine burial and its surrounding matrix was removed as a block and resided in the archeology laboratory at the University of Maryland, College Park throughout the 1970s. There are also more than a few dogs known to have been buried on Virginia Late Woodland sites. As Curry (1999:78) states, the Hatch site alone included more than 100 dogs…” (Dent 2005:42)

The Winslow Site dog skeleton was housed at the Virginia Museum of Natural

History. A sample of the right femur was extracted by Dr. Elizabeth Moore and mailed to the author at Temple University Anthropology Department and so the author did not examine the remains personally.

New Jersey.

Dog bone samples from the region we now call New Jersey, were donated to this study by the New Jersey State Museum, National Park Service at the Delaware Water

Gap and by Hunter Research, Trenton NJ. Samples come from six site collections, Abbott

Farm (Excavations 10 and 12), Bell Browning, Bell Browning Blair, Bell Philhower,

Minisink, and I80 Weigh Station.

Abbott Farm.

The Abbott Farm is a complex of 31 locations spread throughout Mercer and

Burlington Counties in New Jersey and is partly situated on an old farmstead belonging to Dr. Charles Conrad Abbott. The site represents an extensive prehistoric occupation dating back at least to the Middle Archaic Period (Stewart 1995, Wall et al. 1996).

Excavations began in the nineteenth century with Dr. Abbott himself, followed by Ernest 99 Volk and Frederick Putnam. Subsequent excavations conducted by Dorothy Cross and the New Jersey State Museum, as part of Works Progress Administration (WPA), began in 1935 (Cross 1956). The remains of the dogs included in this study come from Cross’ excavations. Samples from the Abbott Farm dogs were obtained through and collected at the New Jersey State Museum in Trenton.

Excavation 9. The sample from Excavation 9 was omitted from the stable isotope results due to non-viability of the sample. The dog from Excavation 9 (DB19) was a large size dog and was an adult at the time of death based on dentition development. Tooth wear is significant and over development of bone tissue at muscle attachment areas indicates potential use as a labor animal (Figures 5.3 and 5.4). None of the Abbott Farm dogs included in this study appear to be intentional burials. For this animal 75% of the skeletal remains were preserved. Other objects found in close proximity include pottery, stone and the bone of other species

Excavation 10. The dog from Excavation 10 (DB9) was highly fragmented with less than 5% of the skeleton preserved. Portions include a mandibular fragment and a loose canine. No cut marks were present and there are no pathological findings for this animal. Pit contents listed include potsherds, arrowheads, pipe fragments, net sinkers, blade, drill, a bone awl, and pig bone, although the author’s inspection of the remains discovered that deer and other species were also represented in the bone that was commingled with this animal’s remains.

Excavation 12. The dog from Excavation 12 (DB30) was highly fragmented and only approximately 5% of the skeletal remains survived. Bones were mostly cranial and mandibular, with some long bone. The teeth were badly worn. This was a small sized dog

100 Table 5.5 Winslow Site Faunal List (Dent 2005, Moore 2005)

Species Common Taxa

Odocoileus virginianus White-Tailed Deer Cervidae sp. Cervid Canis familiaris Domesticated dog Canidae sp. Fox Procyon lotor Raccoon Unknown Indeterminate medium carnivore Unknown Indeterminate medium mammal Sylvilagus floridanus Eastern Cottontail Leporidae sp. Rabbit/Hare Sciurus sp. Squirrel Tamias striatus Chipmunk Microtus sp. Vole Crivetidae sp. Indeterminate mouse Rodentia sp. Rodent Unknown Indeterminate small mammal Meleagris gallopavo Wild Turkey Colinus virginianus Common Bobwhite Unknown Indeterminate small bird Unknown Indeterminate medium bird Unknown Indeterminate medium large bird Unknown Indeterminate large bird Unknown Indeterminate bird Terrepene Carolina Eastern Box Turtle Pseudemys sp. Turtle/Cooter Unknown Indeterminate turtle Reptilia sp. Reptile Anura sp. Frog/Toad Osteichthyes Fish Unknown Indeterminate medium bird/mammal Unknown Indeterminate small bird/mammal Unknown Indetermina

101 Figure 5.2 Winslow Site (18MO9) Dog Burial

Photo credit: Richard J. Dent, American University, Potomac River Archaeology Survey

102 but an adult at the time of death. There were no cut marks present and no indication of ill health. There was an antler stored in the same box but it is unclear if it was associated with the remains since the list of artifacts drawn from the excavation does not list antler.

Other closely situated artifacts include pottery, stone, flakes, base of an arrowhead, scraper. No other faunal remains are noted.

Bell Browning Site.

The Bell Browning site is located near Minisink Island in Sussex County, New

Jersey. Bell Browning, along with Bell Browning Blair, Bell Philhower, and Minisink

Island are smaller components of the larger Minisink Site. Many of these sites were initially excavated by collectors, however archaeologists also examined some of the sites during that time (e.g. Ritchie 1947). In the 1970s Herbert Kraft conducted a series of excavations uncovering several burials and numerous cultural items (Sieg 2008).

The Bell Browning site was excavated by both professional and amateur archaeologists beginning in 1967. “The presence of Owasco Platted sherds in one burial and the flexed positions of other burials indicate that they date to the Late Woodland

Period (A.D. 1000-1650)” (Hutt 2008). Bones recovered from the site are identified as deer, dog, rabbit, squirrel and cow. Fish and shellfish are also listed. Most bone is noted as being unidentifiable.

In 1967 the New Jersey State Museum conducted excavations at the site and a dog burials was excavated from Pit 55, Feature 59 (DB24) (Larrabee 1968, Marchiando

1968). There is good documentation of the burial from Pit 55 as follows:

103 “A single dog burial was located in Pit 55. The specimen is in excellent state of preservation. It measures 40” from the occiput to tail, and laid on his left side with his head pointing toward the northeast. No artifacts were found directly associated, but in the pit were: a hammerstone, a worked flake, 13 waste flakes, 19 sherds. The specimen was discussed with Dr. John Guilday, Carnegie Museum, and Dr. Barbara Lawrence, Curator of Mammals, Harvard University. The dog falls within the range of variation of Indian dogs of the Late Woodland period.” (Marchiando 1968:73)

DB24 represents an adult dog whose skeleton was more or less 75% preserved,

Although highly fragmented post-cranially the long bones were in good condition. There were no cut marks present on the bones and no indications of disease. A sample was taken from the right femur.

A second dog was sampled from Bell Browning (DB2). This was one of two dogs excavated in 1969 from Pit 210, Feature 96. The two sets of remains were stored in the same box at the Offices of the National Park Service, Delaware Water Gap. A Munsee

Incised pot was likely closely situated to it (Communication with Greg Lattanzi 2007,

Sieg 2008). DB2 represents a juvenile of the species. The skeleton of this dog was more than 80% preserved but highly fragmented. No markings were present that would suggest this dog was used as a food source. A left humerus was sampled for this study.

Bell Browning Blair Site

In 1969 a dog burial was excavated from Pit 310, Level 2 at the Bell Browning Blair Site.

According to reports filed with the National Park Service, the presence of an Owasco

Platted rimsherd and a Levanna point are indications that the burial belongs to the Late

Woodland Period (ca. 1000-350 B.P.) (Marchiando 1970). This site is just north of the

Bell Browning Site and is believed to represent a “Minisink Village… from the Castle

104 Creek phase to at least 1750” (Marchiando 1970: 3). The pit feature contained other bone in addition to dog. While the reports do not include an official faunal analysis, there was a list of species represented. Most mammal bone was merely described as either

‘identifiable’ or ‘unidentifiable’ (Marchiando 1970: 17 for example) a few of the species that are listed include dog, bear, turtle, shellfish, and fish. Nuts were also present in the feature.

The reports indicate that this dog burial was accompanied by a ‘little charcoal”

(Marchiando 1970: 29). The remains were generally well preserved with approximately

75% of cranial and postcranial bone present, although highly fragmented. Cut marks were evident on several of the bones indicating that this dog may have been used as a food resource. The Bell Browning Blair dog skeleton was stored at the Offices of the National

Park Service, Delaware Water Gap, which is where a sample from the right humerus

(DB8) was collected.

Bell Philhower Site.

The Bell Philhower site, part of the larger Minisink site is a prehistoric-contact period site located on the upper Delaware River in Sussex County, NJ. Charles

Philhower, who had purchased a portion of the Bell Farm in 1922, excavated the property as an amateur collector, uncovering several hundred storage, refuse, and burial pits and collecting significant artifacts, for over 20 years. William Ritchie professionally excavated the property in 1947 and published his interpretations of the site (Ritchie

1947). Ritchie used ceramic typology to show a continuum of cultural influence, defined as Owasco, until the Historical Period when he suggests Oneida-Onandaga Iroquois

105 Figure 5.3 Canis familiaris Proximal Humerus

Figure 5.4 Canis familiaris Left and Right Radius

106 influences emerged in site ceramics.

The specimen (DB25) sampled for this study came from a box labeled “Munsee

Dog Burial” housed at the New Jersey State Museum. There are no field notes or records describing process of excavation or remains. Less than 50% of the skeleton survived the processes of time. The bones appeared to have never been cleaned and other than what look to be excavator marks were in generally good condition. There were no obvious cut marks and no signs of pathology. A sample was taken from the proximal shaft of the right femur.

I80 Weigh Station Site (28WA2290).

Hunter Research donated a sample of bone from a mammal, initially thought to be a dog, excavated at the I80 Weigh Station. Remains, initially packed in dirt, were cleaned and more fully assessed. Some teeth (no = 9) were preserved, as were small portions of mandible. Most of the bone was destroyed. However, based on size and shape of teeth and depth and robusticity of mandible beneath the carnassial tooth the specimen was identified as a species of fox (Vulpes vulpes) and likely an intrusion into the site. The dental developmental stage indicates a late juvenile. The remains revealed no indication of human butchering, however due to the small amount of bone present for analysis no conclusions concerning consumption by humans can be made.

Soil immediately around this mammal dated to 3600 B.P., which is thought to pre-date the actual site being excavated (Communication with Jim Lee 2010). No other faunal/floral material was recovered. Three netsinkers, five scrapers, an awl, a few knives, 2 adzes fragments, and 25 hammerstones were recovered. There were no

107 ceramics. Point types were Late Archaic and included Lamokas, Brewertons,

MacPhersons, Normanskill, Otter Creek, Dry Brook Fishtails, Kittatiny and Vosburg points, as well as 3 probably Archaic triangles (Lee et al. 2010).

Humans likely used the site for lithic reduction stations focused on the production of biface blanks with incidental food preparation as well. Researchers suggest a larger associated Late Archaic site is located further inland and under the nearby highway.

Stable isotope ratios for this specimen will serve as a discussion point as to what a wild species, such as Vulpes vulpes may have included in their diet in the region and what that might look like in comparison to the domesticated species, Canis familiaris.

Minisink Island Site.

The Minisink Island Site is part of a series of sites belonging to the larger

Minisink Site (Sieg 2008). Maize was recovered from 4 pit features from this site (Kraft

1978:Table 6). Two are attributed to Minisink/Historic context and the other two are presumed to be Minisink (Kraft 1978:44). None of the maize related contexts have been radiocarbon dated.

In 1974 the remains of a dog (DB12) were unearthed at the Minisink Island site, which is situated on the Delaware River four miles south of Milford, Pennsylvania in

Sussex County, New Jersey. The remains were part of Feature 228. The skeleton of this animal was part of the “Minisink Display” at the New Jersey State Museum (Figure 5.5).

A sample of the left metacarpal was taken so not to disturb the look of the display.

Interestingly, potential stomach contents of this animal were also present, and included in the display (Figure 5.6). There were no cut marks and no signs of pathology.

108

Methodology.

To test whether or not C4 resources were a component of the diet of prehistoric dogs from

NENA, thirty bone samples were collected from eighteen sites throughout the region.

Twenty-nine of the samples were dog (Canis familiaris) and one fox (Vulpes vulpes).

One sample was excluded because following the collagen extraction process it did not produce enough material for testing. Sites with dog bone occurring either in intentional burials or within faunal assemblages were identified in Connecticut, Maine, Maryland, and New Jersey. Samples of cortical bone were collected with the intention of running stable isotope analysis on both collagen and carbonate. Original bone samples weighed less than one half of a gram generally (Table 5.6). Small samples weighing one gram or less, which are “reasonably preserved” (Tykot et al. 2006:135) provide enough material to run both analyses. The actual amount of material necessary to conduct analyis is several milligrams for extracted protein and a few hundred micrograms for bone powder in carbonate analyses. The size initially collected is based on the need to clean away a good portion of the bone prior to analysis.

Samples were initially numbered to identify researcher, year collected, state, site name or number, pit or feature number, and museum or collection catalog number but were eventually renumbered in a fashion that was easier to reference (Table 5.7). The original numbering system was meant to provide easy access to provenience information for interested researchers who revisit these site collections. The author collected samples personally, with the exception of the sample from the Winslow Site in Maryland, which was culled and provided by Dr. Elizabeth Moore.

109

Figure 5.5 Minisink Island Dog Burial

Photo Use Permissions: New Jersey State Museum, Trenton NJ 110

Figure 5.6 Minisink Island Dog Burial Potential Stomach Contents

111

When possible samples came from long bones (Table 5.6). When more than one sample was taken from a site the same skeletal portion was sampled from each dog included in this study when possible. This was done in order to avoid duplication. An exception to this rule was made when remains obviously represented different individuals based on age or size or overall completeness of one of the specimens. Several samples were culled either from existing fragments that refit or from larger portions by use of a handheld Dremel saw. Samples were weighed upon collection (Table 5.6). Once all samples were collected and cataloged, the first stable isotope analysis, which focused on bone collagen, was conducted. Samples were sent to Dr. Mark Schurr at Notre Dame

University where they were cleaned and prepared for analysis by a volunteer undergraduate student at Reyniers Laboratory. For cleaning samples, scrubbing using distilled water is the standard protocol. Discolored surfaces and cancellous bone were obliterated from the sample. Samples were cleaned in deionized water using an ultrasonic cleaner and slow demineralization extracted the protein (Moore et al. 1989; Sealy 1986).

In March 2009, the author traveled to Notre Dame and began the stable isotope analysis. All specimens were finalizing an acid soak and once rinsed were allowed to dry and then cleaned weights were recorded (Table 5.8). Vials were then weighed, samples placed in vials and freeze dried and then samples were re-weighed again (Table 5.9) See

Table 5.10 for data on dry bone extracted from each sample and the weight of the dry extract produced. Sample DB19 was omitted from the study because a testable portion did not remain post cleaning.

112 Samples were then run at Notre Dame’s Center for Environmental Science and

Technology (CEST) utilizing a ThermoFinnigan Delta Plus mass spectrometer. The unit was equipped with a Carlo-Erba elemental analyzer with a sealed inlet system and a

Conflo II interface. Simultaneous measurements were taken for carbon and nitrogen.

Results were reported in “delta” and “per mil” (‰). Analytical precision of isotopic analysis was ± 0.1‰ for carbon and ± 0.2‰ for nitrogen. The stable isotope ratios for nitrogen were measured relative to atmospheric nitrogen (AIR) and stable isotope ratios for carbon were measured relative to the Vienna Pee Dee Belemnite (VPDB) carbonate standards.

The collection of samples was initially based on visual condition of the bone with the understanding that preservation cannot be assessed through visual inspection alone.

Because bone chemistry can change over time following deposition, carbon and nitrogen ratios can become non-representative of actual dietary intake (Ambrose 1990; DeNiro

1985; Latham 2003; Schoeninger et al. 1989; Schurr and Powell 2005). The collagen yield from each bone sample and the C/N ratio from collagen inform as to the integrity of samples. The standard equation for determining the abundance ratio of isotopes as compared to a universal standard is:

(*X/X)sample δ*X = [ (*X/X)standard ] x 1000‰

wherein the “(*X/X) sample” is either 13C/12C or 15N/14N and the “(*X/X) standard” is either PDB for carbon or AIR for nitrogen (DeNiro 1985). The C/N ratio is then

113 determined by dividing the weight percent of carbon by weight percent of nitrogen and then multiplying by 14/12 (Schurr and Powell 2005).

The second part of the study was scheduled for completion in December 2009 pending the arrival and setup of a new Thermo Scientific Finnegan Gas Bench II Delta V

Advantage mass spectrometer, capable of analyzing carbon and oxygen ratios from bone carbonate. The author again traveled to Notre Dame. Samples were not pretreated with bleach, as is the practice of some researchers. No one has yet demonstrated that indigenous carbonate can be reliably extracted and separated from diagenetic carbonate

(Hedges and van Klinken 1992:285). This argument is well documented. Additionally tooth enamel was not available for all dogs included in this study. To maintain consistency cortical bone was used for all samples. Despite the absence of pretreatment with bleach, the author is confident the results of the carbonate study are valid. Results did not indicate the presence of contaminants. No values were outside the range expected for this sample group. Has contaminants been present carbonate ratios would have been skewed toward more positive values. The reason for this is that the contaminant would have been environmental, which would have been similar to the standard PDB, which has a value of 0

(Ambrose 1993:65, Chisholm 1989:12, van der Merwe 1982:596). Additionally, organic protein or humates would not react to produce CO2 in the carbonate procedure used here so their presence would not impact the validity of ratios either.

Samples were weighed and then placed in vials, sealed and flushed with helium.

.5mg of 100% phosphoric acid was injected into the vial via syringe and allowed to equilibrate for 15 minutes. The samples and system checks were run and results presented in chromatogram and results grid for each sample. Reliability of the ratios acquired from

114 bone carbonate as a reflection of diet during life, like collagen, has been based on the percentage of sample yield post cleaning. Weights for carbonate samples are presented in

Table 5.11. All values, collagen and carbonate, reported here have been normalized to well-characterized standard values.

Statistical Analyses.

Analysis of Variance (ANOVA), which compares three or more groups, was used to determine if the means of stable isotope ratios for the four geographic groups in this study held significant differences. These are small sample groups (Maine n=10,

Connecticut n=7, New Jersey n= 7, Maryland n=4). If one or more the sample sizes is small, less than 5, and here the smallest is Maryland at n=4, it is possible that the test may not have sufficient power to detect differences. Additionally, unequal sample numbers can impact results. A p-value of .05 or less is considered significant. These results of

ANOVA are presented in Chapter 6.

115 Table 5.6 Samples: Portion, Side and Unclean Weight

Sample Weight (grams) Sample Site (State) Portion Side Unclean

DB1 Reeves (MD) Femur Right 0.4194 DB2 Bell Browning (NJ) Humerus Left 0.2020 DB3 Winslow Site (MD) Femur Right 0.3720 DB4 Grannis Island (CT) Metatarsal #1 Left 0.1549 DB5 Smith Cove/Tubb (CT) Metatarsal #1 Right 0.3296 DB6 Grannis Island (CT) Metatarsal #1 Left 0.1340 DB7 Mount Calvert (MD) Femur Left 0.4434 DB8 Bell Browning Blair (NJ) Humerus Right 0.1135 DB9 Abbott Farm Excavation 10 (NJ) Mandible Right 0.4019 DB10 Ruth Moore/Gotts Island (ME) Metatarsal Unknown 0.1940 DB11 Reeves Site (MD) Femur Right 0.4918 DB12 Minisink Site (NJ) Metacarpal #5 Left 0.4379 DB13 Jones Cove (ME) Mandible Left 0.3233 DB14 Smith Cove/Tubb (CT) Metatarsal #1 Right 0.2374 DB15 I80 Weight Station (NJ) Mandible Left 0.1307 DB16 Ruth Moore/Gotts Island (ME) Femur Right 0.4471 DB17 Tranquility Farm (ME) Humerus Left 0.2912 DB18 Waterside (ME) Femur Right 0.2841 DB19 Abbot Farm Excavation 9 (NJ) Tibia Right 0.3443 DB20 Ruth Moore/Gotts Island (ME) Femur Right 0.3690 DB21 Grannis Island (CT) Metatarsal #1 Left 0.1417 DB22 Jones Cove (ME) Mandible Left 0.4404 DB23 Grannis Island (CT) Metatarsal #1 Left 0.2476 DB24 Bell Browning (NJ) Femur Right 0.3081 DB25 Philhower (NJ) Femur Right 0.4385 DB26 Waterside (ME) Femur Right 0.4821 DB27 Grannis Island (CT) Metatarsal #1 Left 0.5755 DB28 Taft (ME) Mandible Right 0.2484 DB29 Ruth Moore/Gotts Island (ME) Femur Left 0.5923 DB30 Abbott Farm Excavation 12 (NJ) Tibia Left 0.3179

116 Table 5.7 Sample, State and Provenience Data

Original Sample Number DB# Site (State) (name.year.state.site.prov.museum#)

DB1 Reeves (MD) SA2007.MD.18WC15.F8.MAC147 DB2 Bell Browning (NJ) SA2007.NJ.BB.P210.F96.NPS67221 DB3 Winslow Site (MD) SA2007.MD.18MPO1.F40 DB4 Grannis Island (CT) SA2007.CT.6NH52.1.DTR23 DB5 Smith Cove/Tubb (CT) SA2007.CT.TUBBSITE.UC4922.1 DB6 Grannis Island (CT) SA2007.CT.6NH52.1.DT(-)G42 DB7 Mount Calvert (MD) SA2007.MD.18PR6.F38.MNCPPC2269.41 DB8 Bell Browning Blair (NJ) SA2007.NJ.BBB.P310.L2.NPS67228 DB9 Abbott Farm Exc 10 (NJ) SA2007.NJ.AF.EX10.P4.NJSM99228.7 DB10 Ruth Moore (ME) SA2007.ME.31.17.N1W9.L4.ABBE 93-07-196 DB11 Reeves Site (MD) SA2007.MD.18WC15.F48.L3.MAC310 DB12 Minisink Site (NJ) SA2007.NJ.MNSK.F228NJSM DB13 Jones Cove (ME) SA2007.ME.44_13.ABBE1436 DB14 Smith Cove/Tubb (CT) SA2007.CT.SC_TUBBSSITE.UC4922.2 DB15 I80 Weight Station (NJ) SA2009.NJ.28WA290.A10110 CTX30.HUNT DB16 Ruth Moore (ME) SA2007.ME.31_17.S4E11.ABBE94-18-542 DB17 Tranquility Farm (ME) SA2007.ME.44_12.ABBEE455E_188NRA DB18 Waterside (ME) SA2007.ME.44_7.2N3W.ABBE 2002-19-010 DB19 Abbot Farm Exc 9 (NJ) SA2007.NJ.AF.EX9.NJSM1053.7 DB20 Ruth Moore (ME) SA2007.ME.31_17.S1E9.ABBE94-18-107 DB21 Grannis Island (CT) SA2007.CT.6NH52.1.DT035 DB22 Jones Cove (ME) SA2007.ME.44_13.ABBE1451_9 DB23 Grannis Island (CT) SA2007.CT.6NH52.1.DTB30 DB24 Bell Browning (NJ) SA2007.NJ.BB.P169.F55.NPS67222 DB25 Philhower (NJ) SA2007.NJ.PHILHOWER.ANALOKING DB26 Waterside (ME) SA2007.ME.44.7.3N2W.ABBE 2002-19-087 DB27 Grannis Island (CT) SA2007.CT.6NH52.1.DT(-)D36 DB28 Taft (ME) SA2007.ME.44_06.ABBE83-05-394 DB29 Ruth Moore (ME) SA2007.ME.31_17.S4E7.ABBE93-07-595 DB30 Abbott Farm Exc 12 (NJ) SA2007.NJ.AF.EX12.NJSM55135.2

117 Table 5.8 Collagen Analysis: Sample Weights Clean

Sample Site (State) Sample Weight (grams) Cleaned

DB1 Reeves (MD) 0.13200 DB2 Bell Browning (NJ) 0.11567 DB3 Winslow Site (MD) 0.13767 DB4 Grannis Island (CT) 0.09620 DB5 Smith Cove/Tubb (CT) 0.11458 DB6 Grannis Island (CT) 0.10486 DB7 Mount Calvert (MD) 0.11917 DB8 Bell Browning Blair (NJ) 0.09398 DB9 Abbott Farm Excavation 10 (NJ) 0.14491 DB10 Ruth Moore/Gotts Island (ME) 0.10177 DB11 Reeves Site (MD) 0.13382 DB12 Minisink Site (NJ) 0.11249 DB13 Jones Cove (ME) 0.09316 DB14 Smith Cove/Tubb (CT) 0.12947 DB15 I80 Weight Station (NJ) 0.10026 DB16 Ruth Moore/Gotts Island (ME) 0.12748 DB17 Tranquility Farm (ME) 0.13675 DB18 Waterside (ME) 0.13449 DB19 Abbot Farm Excavation 9 (NJ) 0.12338 DB20 Ruth Moore/Gotts Island (ME) 0.11635 DB21 Grannis Island (CT) 0.10659 DB22 Jones Cove (ME) 0.11244 DB23 Grannis Island (CT) 0.10726 DB24 Bell Browning (NJ) 0.10740 DB25 Philhower (NJ) 0.12174 DB26 Waterside (ME) 0.12733 DB27 Grannis Island (CT) 0.11139 DB28 Taft (ME) 0.09198 DB29 Ruth Moore/Gotts Island (ME) 0.13394 DB30 Abbott Farm Excavation 12 (NJ) 0.13955

118 Table 5.9 Collagen Analysis: Collagen Samples and Vial Weights

Freeze-dried Freeze-dried Sample Vial Weight Sample Weight (gr) Weight w/Vial (gr)

DB1 4.67354 0.01112 4.68466 DB2 4.79200 0.02273 4.81473 DB3 4.66565 0.01519 4.68084 DB4 4.70132 0.01897 4.72029 DB5 4.74124 0.00839 4.74963 DB6 4.69499 0.00851 4.70350 DB7 4.80880 0.00731 4.81611 DB8 4.69277 0.00121 4.69398 DB9 4.81709 0.01020 4.82729 DB10 4.66507 0.00934 4.67441 DB11 4.79896 0.01254 4.81150 DB12 4.69768 0.01313 4.71081 DB13 4.67428 0.00582 4.68010 DB14 4.68895 0.01237 4.70132 DB15 4.79205 0.01853 4.81058 DB16 4.69098 0.00443 4.69541 DB17 4.82356 0.01263 4.83619 DB18 4.79769 0.00798 4.80567 DB20 4.77175 0.01026 4.78201 DB21 4.70016 0.01449 4.71465 DB22 4.81879 0.01474 4.83353 DB23 4.65534 0.00732 4.66266 DB24 4.79618 0.00078 4.79696 DB25 4.75559 0.00485 4.76044 DB26 4.65186 0.01539 4.66725 DB27 4.75002 0.01399 4.76401 DB28 4.71889 0.00561 4.72450 DB29 4.70216 0.00936 4.71152 DB30 4.75686 0.01063 4.76749

119 Table 5.10 Collagen Weights: Cleaned versus Freeze-dried

Cleaned Freeze-dried Sample Sample Weight (gr) Sample Weight (gr.)

DB1 0.13200 0.01112 DB2 0.11567 0.02273 DB3 0.13767 0.01519 DB4 0.09620 0.01897 DB5 0.11458 0.00839 DB6 0.10486 0.00851 DB7 0.11917 0.00731 DB8 0.09398 0.00121 DB9 0.14491 0.01020 DB10 0.10177 0.00934 DB11 0.13382 0.01254 DB12 0.11249 0.01313 DB13 0.09316 0.00582 DB14 0.12947 0.01237 DB15 0.10026 0.01853 DB16 0.12748 0.00443 DB17 0.13675 0.01263 DB18 0.13449 0.00798 DB20 0.11635 0.01026 DB21 0.10659 0.01449 DB22 0.11244 0.01474 DB23 0.10726 0.00732 DB24 0.10740 0.00078 DB25 0.12174 0.00485 DB26 0.12733 0.01539 DB27 0.11139 0.01399 DB28 0.09198 0.00561 DB29 0.13394 0.00936 DB30 0.13955 0.01063

120

Table 5.11 Carbonate Analysis: Sample Weights

Cleaned Sample Sample Weight (gr.)

DB1 0.0035 DB2 0.0036 DB3 0.0029 DB4 0.0033 DB5 0.0029 DB6 0.0030 DB7 0.0036 DB8 0.0031 DB9 0.0031 DB10 0.0027 DB11 0.0030 DB12 0.0035 DB13 0.0036 DB14 0.0035 DB15 0.0030 DB16 0.0027 DB17 0.0036 DB18 0.0035 DB20 0.0032 DB21 0.0032 DB22 0.0030 DB23 0.0028 DB24 0.0030 DB25 0.0029 DB26 0.0035 DB27 0.0031 DB28 0.0033 DB29 0.0035 DB30 0.0029

121

CHAPTER 6

RESULTS

This study occurred in two phases. The first phase was stable isotope analysis of bone collagen later followed by the second phase, an analysis of stable isotopes from bone carbonate. Stable isotope analysis was conducted at Notre Dame’s Center for

Environmental Science and Technology. In the following sections I will first address the viability of the samples, followed by the results of the stable isotope analysis of collagen.

The section on collagen will include an ANOVA statistical analysis of differences in δ13C and δ15N values between groups in the study region. Groups have been defined based on modern day State regions. Lastly the results of the stable isotope analysis of carbonate will be presented.

Viability of Samples.

Thirty samples, twenty-nine dogs (Canis familiaris) and one fox (Vulpes vulpes), were collected from various museums, institutions and excavation sites throughout

NENA. Remains of prehistoric dog are limited in northeastern North America due in part to preservation issues. Access to remains is challenging in some areas due to the sacred status of dogs among indigenous tribal groups. I have also found that the whereabouts of

122 several dog burials mentioned in regional literature, which were excavated in the somewhat distant past, are currently unknown.

Samples were chosen based on access to remains. Most dogs originate from Late

Woodland and Historic contexts, which would translate to between about 1100 B.P. and ca. 140 B.P., with the exception of the dogs from Maine; which are early Ceramic Period dating to between ca. 3000 B.P. and 2030 B.P. Bones were visually well preserved. From the Abbott Farm site, Excavation 9, one bone sample (DB19) was excluded from the study following pretreatment for collagen analysis because it did not produce enough viable material for testing. Following pretreatment the sample was severely degraded and very dark brown. The sample was omitted based on visual inspection.

About 30% of bone is composed of collagen. Yields of less than 1% indicate poor preservation and the likelihood that the sample may not be an accurate reflection of diet

(Tykot 2002, Tykot et al. 2006). None of the remaining samples fell below the requisite

1%. The C/N ratios for all remaining samples were calculated and are presented in Table

6.1. The acceptable range for C/N is 2.9-3.6 (DeNiro 1985). None of the samples included in this study fell outside the acceptable range.

Collagen Analysis.

Individual δ13C and δ15N values from all sites sampled for this study are listed in

Table 6.1 and plotted in Figure 6.1. Figure 6.1 includes mean state region values and ±1 standard deviation error bars. Means are also presented in Table 6.2. Figures 6.3 through

6.6 are scatter plots of δ13C and δ15N values according to modern state regions.

123

Table 6.1 Stable Isotope Data: δ13C and δ15N and C/N of Ancient Dog Bone Collagen

Site Sample # δ13C (‰) δ 15N (‰) C/N

Connecticut

Grannis Island DB4 -14.2 10.2 2.94 93-05 DB6 -13.7 10.4 3.07 DB21 -13.1 10.5 3.06 DB 23 -13.8 11.5 3.18 DB27 -16.3 9.0 3.24

Tubbs DB5 -12.1 12.4 3.05 45-07 DB14 -16.9 9.5 3.10

Maine

Jones Cove DB13 -9.7 16.5 3.09 44.13 DB22 -12.3 15.4 3.00

Ruth Moore DB10 -10.4 17.0 2.98 31.17 DB16 -13.3 14.5 3.07 DB20 -11.1 15.9 3.05 DB29 -11.9 17.0 3.03

Taft’s Point DB28 -10.2 15.7 3.01 44.06

Tranquility Farm DB17 -9.5 16.8 3.03 44.12

Waterside DB18 -12.8 18.1 3.09 44.7 DB26 -12.3 16.3 3.01

124

Table 6.1 (cont.)

Site Sample # δ13C (‰) δ 15N (‰) C/N

Maryland

Mt. Calvert DB7 -16.2 9.3 3.08 18PR6

Reeves DB1 -14.9 13.2 3.03 18WC15 DB11 -19.3 7.7 3.08

Winslow DB3 -12.8 8.7 3.10 18MO9

New Jersey

Abbott Farm DB9 -15.3 12.0 3.09 DB30 -13.5 13.6 3.08

Bell Browning DB2 -13.6 7.9 2.98 DB24 -16.0 8.8 3.41

Bell Browning Blair DB8 -15.2 7.8 3.37

I80 Weigh Station DB15 -18.7 9.0 3.23 28WA2290 (Vulpes vulpes)

Minisink Island DB12 -13.1 12.3 2.99

Bell Philhower DB25 -11.8 10.7 3.21

125 Stable isotope ratios from dog bone collagen suggest that the prehistoric dogs from Maine focused strongly on marine based resources. C4 resources were not a component of the diet of these animals. The δ13C values range from -9.5‰ to -13.3‰.

The δ15N values range from 14.5‰ to 18.1‰. A pattern that shows elevated δ13C values with δ15N values greater than 8‰ is indicative of consumption of marine resources. The contribution of marine resources increases as the nitrogen ratio becomes more positive

(e.g. Honch et al. 2006). Similarly, in their study of stable carbon and nitrogen isotopes from human skeletal remains, Katzenberg and colleagues (1995) suggest that lower nitrogen values from bone collagen argue “against heavy reliance on fish protein relative to other animals such as deer and beaver where δ15N values are lower” (Katzenberg et al.

1995:347, also see Katzenberg 1989).

The Maine dogs have the highest δ15N values of all the dogs in this study. They are also the oldest dogs in the study. Interestingly, research has shown that nitrogen ratios of dogs decrease over time as their diets transition to lower protein foods, usually with the inception of farming practices. (Haag 1948; Schwartz 1997). Another potential contribution to elevated δ15N values may be consumption of migratory waterfowl

(Katzenberg 1989, Katzenberg et al. 1995). Additionally, according to Dark (2003) anadromous fish, those born in fresh water, but who spend the majority of their life at sea, returning to fresh water to spawn, may “also introduce a marine isotope signature”

(2003:1355).

The δ13C value for both Connecticut sites range from -12.1‰ to -16.9‰ with

δ15N values ranging from 9.0‰ to 12.4‰. It was expected that marine and terrestrial components would be present since these remains are from coastally situated sites.

126 Consumption of C4 resources was expected only at the Tubbs site where one of the two dogs, DB5, was found in association with a single kernel of maize. Bone from that animal produced a δ13C value of -12.1‰ and a δ15N value of 12.4‰.

The collagen study suggests maize contributed to the diet of all the dogs from

New Jersey, albeit to varying degrees. All but three expressed stable isotope ratios

13 indicating a C4 resource made a significant contribution to overall diet. The δ C value for dogs eating significant quantities of maize ranged from -11.8‰ to -16‰. Their δ15N values ranged 7.8‰ to 10.7‰. The three dogs that may have consumed minimal amounts of maize are from Abbott Farm Excavation #10 (DB9), Minisink Island (DB12) and

Abbott Farm Excavation #12 (DB30). These specimens produced δ13C values of -15.3‰,

-13.1‰ and -13.5‰ and δ15N values of 12‰, 12.3‰ and 13.6‰ respectively. Aquatic resources were the primary contributor to their diet, but it is also possible that minute amounts of a C4 resource, likely maize, also contributed. It could also be the case that maize was acquired through secondary consumption such as ingesting human or C4 consuming animal feces, or ingesting other C4 consuming species.

At the Bell Browning (DB2 and DB24) and Bell Browning Blair (DB8), C4 resources contributed significantly to the diet of the dogs sampled for this study. These sites have not produced botanical evidence of maize and are situated by the Delaware

River near Minisink Island. Faunal remains from the sites suggest humans subsisted on fish, shellfish, terrestrial protein, and nuts. These resources also likely contributed to the diet of any cohabitating dogs. Of these three animals, DB2 had the strongest C4 signature with δ13C value of -13.6‰ and δ15N value of 7.9‰. Similarly, DB8 expressed δ13C value of -15.2‰ and δ15N value of 7.8‰. DB24 expressed δ13C of -16‰ and δ15N of 8.8‰. All

127 three dogs are within the range of both C4 resources and marine resources and it may be that both played a part in their diet.

It was expected that the diet of the sampled dogs from Maryland would focus strongly on marine and terrestrial protein resources. C4 resources were expected in the diet of the Winslow site dog. Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios of collagen from the Maryland samples indicated that two of the dogs, the Mount Calvert dog (DB7) and the Winslow site dog (DB3), had a diet that included significant C4 resource consumption. Their δ13C values were -16.2‰ and -12.8‰ and δ15N values were 9.3‰ and 8.7‰ respectively.

ANOVA Statistical Analyses on δ13C and δ15N from Collagen.

The fox bone sample (DB15) was excluded from statistical analyses. ANOVA indicates significant differences in δ13C values from collagen exist for Maine (n=10) as compared to Connecticut (n=7), New Jersey (n=8) and Maryland (n=4). A p-value of .05 or less is considered significant. ANOVA produced a statistical significance (p=.0005).

When considering only the Connecticut, New Jersey and Maryland groups the difference is insignificant (p=.53). This suggests that the prehistoric dogs from Maine were consuming significantly different resources, compared to the other dogs in the study.

When δ15N values are considered and Maine is included in the analysis, ANOVA indicates a significant difference (p=.0001), Insignificant difference is expressed again when Maine is excluded and only Connecticut, New Jersey and Maryland are considered

(p=.81). Figures 6.6 and 6.7 illustrate ANOVA results for δ13C and δ15N respectively.

128

Table 6.2 Mean δ13C and δ15N Ratios for State Regions and Standard Deviations

State Region n Mean δ13C(‰) SD Mean δ15N(‰) SD

Maine 10 -11.4 1.4 16.3 1.0

Connecticut 7 -14.3 1.7 10.5 1.2

New Jersey 7 -14.1 1.5 10.4 2.2

Maryland 4 -15.8 2.7 10.5 2.4

129

Figure 6.1 δ13C and δ15N Stable Isotope Data from Ancient Dog (Canis familiaris) Bone Collagen from Archaeological Sites in NENA with Mean State Region Values (±1 Standard Deviation Error Bars)

130 Figure 6.2 δ13C and δ15N Stable Isotope Data from Ancient Dog (Canis familiaris) Bone Collagen from Maine

Figure 6.3 δ13C and δ15N Stable Isotope Data from Ancient Dog (Canis familiaris) Bone Collagen from Connecticut

131 Figure 6.4 δ13C and δ15N Stable Isotope Data from Ancient Dog (Canis familiaris) Bone Collagen from Maryland

Figure 6.5 δ13C and δ15N Stable Isotope Data from Ancient Dog (Canis familiaris) and Fox (Vulpes vulpes) Bone Collagen from New Jersey

DB15 Vulpes (fox)

132

Figure 6.6 Variation in δ13C from Collagen of Ancient Dog Bone from Maine, Connecticut, New Jersey and Maryland.

133

Figure 6.7 Variation in δ15N of Ancient Dog Bone from Maine, Connecticut, New Jersey and Maryland.

134 Bone Carbonate Analysis.

As noted previously, focusing solely on δ13C and δ15N values from collagen may prevent a more complete understanding of the contribution of low-protein foods (i.e. maize). Collagen is a protein, whose molecules are composed of twenty naturally occurring amino acids. As pointed out in Harrison and Katzenberg (2003), the greater contribution to collagen likely comes from animal meat because animal meat “contains all of the indispensable amino acids” (2003:228) compared to plant foods, which do not.

As such δ13C values from collagen are expected to represent the protein portion of a diet.

Focusing solely on collagen may indicate a false preference toward high-protein foods

(Harrison and Katzenberg 2003). To attain a more complete picture of the whole diet it is necessary to attain δ13C values from bone carbonate.

Carbon is stored in the mineral portion of bone as carbonate (Schoeninger and

Moore 1992). Carbonate is derived from dietary protein, carbohydrates and fats. Research suggests that even small amounts of low-protein foods are recorded in carbonate

(Ambrose and Norr 1993, Tieszen and Fagre 1993). δ13C values from carbonate, ranging from -14‰ to -4‰, suggest the presence of C4 resources in the diet.

The samples of ancient dog bone from Maine again provided a control for this study. δ13C values from carbonate range from -6.1‰ to -7.8‰. In the region of coastal

Maine, C4 resource contribution to diet may have included marine grasses (Schoeninger

1995). Once δ15N values are taken into consideration, as expected, the combination of carbon and nitrogen stable isotope ratios from bone collagen and carbon from carbonate suggest that these prehistoric dogs focused strongly on marine based resources (Table

6.3, Figure 6.8).

135 Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios of collagen from the Connecticut samples (DB4, DB5, DB6, D14, DB21, DB23, DB27) suggests that the diet of these dogs primarily focused on marine protein with significant supplementation coming from terrestrial protein resources. The δ13C values from carbonate range from -5.8‰ to -8.4‰

15 (Table 6.3, Figure 6.9). Again, once δ N values are taken into consideration C4 resource consumption appears likely but as a minor dietary component. The δ13C values from bone carbonate support the interpretation made from collagen data.

Of the four samples from Maryland (DB1, DB3, DB7, DB11), stable carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios from collagen suggest two of the dogs (DB3, DB7) consumed significant amounts of maize. Interestingly, one of the Reeves site dogs (DB11), which collagen indicates may have focused on C3 resources - or the animals that ate them, also now falls within the range of C4 resource consumption when considering carbonate ratios

(Figure 6.12). The δ13C values from carbonate range from -6.0‰ to -9.8‰ for these animals (Table 6.3, Figure 6.10).

Stable isotope ratios from the collagen the New Jersey dogs (DB2, DB8, DB9,

DB12, DB15, DB24, DB25, and DB30) indicates a diet focused primarily on terrestrial protein, supplemented to varying degrees by marine resources and then to a lesser but

13 varying degree by C4 resources. According to δ C values from carbonate, two of the

New Jersey dogs (DB2, DB8) did have a significant C4 resource component to their diet while C4 resources made a minor contribution to the diets of the remaining dogs.

The diets of Canis familiaris at the sampled sites in NENA likely included, albeit to varying degrees, lower quality portions of meats, meals and scraps left behind by human consumers, feces of humans and other animals including other dogs, carcasses

136 unrelated to human hunting behavior, rodents scavenging in settlement areas, and any local animals or birds that they may have come across. Individual data for carbonate and collagen samples are listed in Table 6.3. Individual δ13C values from carbonate have been plotted against δ13C values from collagen in Figure 6.8. Figures 6.9 through 6.12 represent individual data plotted according to modern day state regions. Figure 6.13 illustrates how plotting δ13C values from carbonate and δ15N values against δ13C values from collagen contribute to considerations of the influence of C4 plants in the diet.

137 Table 6.3 δ13C Ratios from Bone Collagen and Carbonate from Ancient Dog Bone

δ13C (‰) δ13C (‰) Site Sample # Collagen Carbonate ∆ Spacing

Connecticut

Grannis DB4 -14.2 -7.0 7.2 93-05 DB6 -13.7 -5.9 7.8 DB21 -13.1 -7.6 5.5 DB 23 -13.8 -6.8 8.0 DB27 -16.3 -8.4 7.9

Tubbs DB5 -12.1 -5.8 6.3 45-07 DB14 -16.9 -7.2 9.7

Maine

Jones Cove DB13 -9.7 -6.5 3.2 44.13 DB22 -12.3 -7.1 5.2

Ruth Moore DB10 -10.4 -6.6 3.8 31.17 DB16 -13.3 -7.8 5.5 DB20 -11.1 -7.0 4.1 DB29 -11.9 -7.2 4.7

Taft’s Point DB28 -10.2 -6.3 3.9 44.06

Tranquility Farm DB17 -9.5 -6.7 2.8 44.12

Waterside DB18 -12.8 -6.1 6.7 44.7 DB26 -12.3 -7.4 4.9

138 Table 6.3 (cont.)

δ13C (‰) δ13C (‰) Site Sample # Collagen Carbonate ∆ Spacing

Maryland

Mt. Calvert DB7 -16.2 -6.6 9.6 18PR6

Reeves DB1 -14.9 -6.2 8.7 18WC15 DB11 -19.3 -9.8 9.5

Winslow DB3 -12.8 -6.0 6.8 18MO9

New Jersey

Abbott Farm DB9 -15.3 -6.6 8.7 DB30 -13.5 -13.7 -.2

Bell Browning DB2 -13.6 -5.5 8.1 DB24 -16.0 -6.1 9.9

Bell Browning Blair DB8 -15.2 -6.5 8.7

I80 Weigh Station DB15 -18.7 -11.2 7.5 28WA2290 (Vulpes vulpes)

Minisink Island DB12 -13.1 -5.5 7.6

Bell Philhower DB25 -11.8 -4.9 6.9

139

Figure 6.8 δ13C (Collagen) and δ13C (Carbonate) Stable Isotope Data from Ancient Dog (Canis familiaris) and Fox (Vulpes vulpes) Bone

140 Figure 6.9 δ13C (Collagen) and δ13C (Carbonate) Stable Isotope Data from Ancient Dog (Canis familiaris) Bone from Maine

Figure 6.10 δ13C (Collagen) and δ13C (Carbonate) Stable Isotope Data from Ancient Dog (Canis familiaris) Bone from Connecticut

141 Figure 6.11 δ13C (Collagen) and δ13C (Carbonate) Stable Isotope Data from Ancient Dog (Canis familiaris) Bone from Maryland

Figure 6.12 δ13C (Collagen) and δ13C (Carbonate) Stable Isotope Data from Ancient Dog (Canis familiaris) and Fox (Vulpes vulpes) Bone from New Jersey

142

Figure 6.13 δ13C (Carbonate) and δ15N Stable Isotope Data from Ancient Dog Bone (Canis familiaris) and Fox (Vulpes vulpes) 13 Plotted to C4 Range with Consideration of δ C (Collagen) Ratios

δ15N

13 δ

δ13C (Carbonate)

143

CHAPTER 7

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

Discussion.

In 2008 preliminary research for this study was conducted. Carbon and nitrogen ratios of two New Jersey coastal dogs were analyzed, results indicated that maize could have contributed to their diet. This was a somewhat unexpected result that “calls into question the common portrayal of southern [Outer Coastal Plain] OCP populations as groups who had little to do with maize, whether as farmers or traders” (Allitt et al.

2008:351). These results prompted the larger study presented here.

This study utilizes stable isotope analysis on the skeletal remains of human’s best friend and longtime companion, the dog (Canis familiaris). In this section I will discuss how the results of this study address the goals of this research. Additionally, potential future research will be suggested.

The Diet of Prehistoric Dogs in Northeast North America.

Four goals guided this study. The first goal was to investigate the diet of prehistoric dogs (Canis familiaris) in the Northeast region of North America. Results of this study suggest these dogs were eating diverse foods. There is however an unexpected component of C4 resources in many of their diets. Stable isotope ratios from dog bone

144 collagen suggest that the prehistoric dogs from Maine focused strongly on marine based resources. The diet of the Late Woodland and Historic Period dogs of Connecticut, New

Jersey and Maryland likely included C4 resources in addition to terrestrial, marine and C3 resources, albeit to varying degrees. This result was unexpected and occurred at sites where macro-botanical remains and related processing artifacts indicating the presence of

C4 resources have not been found.

The type of information that is derived from the archaeological record cannot tell us exactly what ancient dogs were eating. The analysis of faunal assemblages, in the absence of identifiable tooth marks, represents human subsistence behaviors and as such dog diet is largely assumed. The science of stable isotope analysis allows researchers to look beyond the faunal assemblage and directly into the bone chemistry of the consumer.

Carbon and nitrogen ratios from bone, hair and soft tissue indicate which food groups were contributing to an individuals diet, for example identifying the presence of C4 foods in the diet. This is especially valuable to researchers when other lines of evidence, such as macro botanical remains, are absent.

Skeletal remains of marine and terrestrial resources were abundant in some faunal assemblages associated with the sampled dogs but little plant matter was preserved at most sites. Despite the abundance of faunal remains and the data they can provide about past subsistence practices, the tendency is for research to focus elsewhere and assemblages for these sites remain largely unanalyzed (but see Bourque 1995 and Moore

2005). Some articles and field notes provided a list of proposed species with no detail about identification techniques. Additionally, no notes were found recording the presence of tooth marks on faunal material. The presence of tooth marks infers gnawing or

145 chewing, likely by dogs, but possibly by other wild canids, such as wolf, coyote or fox.

Researchers cannot determine with absolute certainty that the consumer of a particular bone was a dog versus a coyote or other carnivore with similar tooth structure.

Additionally, taphonomic influences, those forces that act on biological organisms post mortem to break them down and disperse their remains across the landscape, make it difficult to distinguish whether tooth marks happened pre or post deposition. Post depositional gnawing may indicate that bones were scavenged from a refuse pile, whereas pre-deposition gnawing may infer intentional feeding by humans. Despite challenges to identifying which components of a faunal assemblage resulted from domestic canid behavior, we can discuss whether the role the dog played in its community may have had an influenced the types of foods it was given or scavenged.

The result of domestication is dependence on humans for food (White et al. 2001,

Diamond 1999). Attempts to reconstruct the diet of prehistoric dogs using faunal analysis has led to the assessment that “the diet of dogs degraded as the economic value of hunting decreased through time. In this setting, dogs were reduced to scavengers”

(Tankersley and Koster 2009:362). Mortuary analysis (Haag 1948, Schwartz 1997) may provide data concerning consumption of certain food resources based on their inclusion as grave goods. However, the fact that an item is included in a grave does not necessarily mean it was actually used by the individual. Maize, which has sacred significance for many North American tribes, may have been a special addition to a grave honoring life service, or the way a dog died (protecting its human companion) or it may have been placed as generic offering.

146 The Early Ceramic Period dogs of Maine provided a control for this study. Four of the five sampled sites from Maine predate agriculture anywhere in the region. Stable isotopes indicate that the Maine dogs were eating largely marine and terrestrial protein resources. The δ13C values range from -9.5‰ to -13.3‰ and δ15N values range from

14.5‰ to 18.1‰. This pattern is indicative of significant consumption of marine resources likely supplemented by terrestrial proteins. When individual δ13C and δ15N values of all reliable samples are plotted against each other, as seen in Figures 6.1, 6.6 and 6.7, there is an obvious separation in δ13C and δ15N values between the Early

Ceramic Period sites of Maine and the later Woodland Period sites of Connecticut, New

Jersey and Maryland, areas where this study indicates consumption of C4 resources was occurring. Additionally, one fox, Vulpes vulpes, (DB15) was included in this study to illustrate the diet of a wild animal whose bones are sometimes mistaken for Canis familiaris. According to stable isotope analysis, this animals diet likely focused on terrestrial proteins, with little aquatic resources in the diet.

Identifying C4 Resources Using Stable Isotope Analysis on Dog Bone.

The second goal of this research was to test the hypothesis that stable isotope ratios from dog bone can be used to identify the presence of C4 foods among ancient

Native American groups. Interpreting the presence of C4 resources in the diet using stable isotope analysis is not straightforward. While C4 plants are differentiable from C3 plants, there are several issues that need to be addressed including the tendency for values of stable isotopes of carbon from marine based protein to overlap those from C4 plants, the

147 potential for a nursing signal in the nitrogen value of young animals, and the impact of diagenesis on the representative nature of the sample.

Several studies have shown the utility of using stable isotope analysis as a method for identifying the presence of C3 and C4 resources in the diet (e.g. Allitt 2007, Bender et al. 1981, Boutton et al. 1984, Broida 1984, Bumsted 1984, Harrison and Katzenberg

2003, Katzenberg 1984, 2006, Katzenberg and Schwartz 1986, Morton and Schwartz

2004, Vogel and van der Merwe 1977, van der Merwe and Vogel 1978). In 1989,

Katzenberg also assessed nitrogen values for a diet focused on freshwater fish. More research is needed in order to try to differentiate which C4 resources were contributing to diet, but generally, during the Late Woodland Period the only suspected C4 plants would have been maize and perhaps some chenopod species. Additionally, and as mentioned previously, consuming the C4 resource consumer could produce a stable isotope value

13 indicating a C4 contribution. Generally speaking, δ C values derived from the collagen of human pre-agriculturalist groups consuming terrestrial, non C4 diets are generally lower

13 than -19‰, while δ C ratios between -19‰ and -7.5‰ indicate the contribution of C4 resources to the diet. Additionally, δ13C ratios from carbonate, ranging from -14‰ to -

4‰, suggest the presence of C4 resources in the diet.

In the current study, the dogs from Connecticut, New Jersey and Maryland were from Late Woodland and Historic contexts. Stable isotope analysis of the Connecticut samples indicates that the diet of these dogs was primarily focused on marine protein.

Significant supplementation came from terrestrial resources, but a minor contribution from C4 is indicated. In New Jersey, all but three dogs expressed stable isotope ratios from collagen indicating maize made a significant contribution to overall diet. The other

148 three samples produced values indicating consumption of minimal amounts of C4 resources. The three dogs consuming minimal amounts of maize are from the Abbott

Farm Excavation #10 (DB9), Minisink Island (DB12) and Abbott Farm Excavation #12

(DB30). Aquatic resources were the primary contributor to their diet, but it is also possible that small amounts of maize contributed. Collagen from the Maryland samples indicated that two of the dogs, Mount Calvert dog (DB7) and the Winslow site dog

(DB3), had a diet that included significant maize consumption. As mentioned previously, the two Reeves site dogs (DB1, DB11) consumed different diets. DB1 likely focused strongly on marine resources and the other, DB11, likely focused on C3 plants or C3 plant consumers

This study indicates that the dogs of Maine fall well outside of the range for C4 resource consumption, not surprising given the timing of sites. The dogs from Maine consumed marine and terrestrial proteins and perhaps other animals that were also eating those same foods.

In summary, of the nineteen dogs excavated from components dating to the Late

Woodland Period or later, six (DB2, DB3, DB7, DB8, DB15, DB24) had isotopic signatures from collagen indicating significant C4 resource consumption. Another nine

(DB4, DB5, DB6, DB11, DB14, DB21, DB23, DB25, DB27) likely had some small contribution of C4 resource to diet. As mentioned previously, stable isotope ratios from carbonate, the mineral portion of bone, can help to clarify the role of C4 foods and marine resources. According to this study, once δ13C values from carbonate are considered only three dogs (DB2, DB8, DB11) consumed significant amounts of maize while the remaining twelve Late Woodland and Historic Period dogs consumed lesser amounts.

149 Can We Infer Human Diet from Dog Bone?

The third goal of this study is to look at the potential contribution stable isotope analysis of bone dog can make to our understanding of the diets of American Indian inhabitants of the settlements in which the dog remains originate. Domestication leads to dependence on humans for food (White et al. 2001, Diamond 1999). Dogs were chosen as the focus of this study because related research suggests that since and previous to domestication their diet tends to mimic human diet. As such, the stable isotope ratios from the bone of Canis familiaris should reflect the type of resources at least available for consideration, if not consumption, by their human counterparts (e.g. Allitt et al. 2008,

Burleigh and Brothwell 1978, Cannon, Schwarcz and Knyf 1999, Katzenberg 1989,

White et al. 2001).

This study considers carbon and nitrogen stable isotopes of dog bone. No human bone was tested from the study sites. At the time this research was taking place no human remains were available and no other stable isotope studies had been conducted for human remains from these sites. On its own, the lack of human data limits interpretations regarding human subsistence practices at the sites in this study. However, research incorporating data from both human and dog bone in this and other regions support the suggestion that the diet of these dogs likely reflected that of their human counterparts.

Unfortunately only a few such studies have been done to date. I will briefly discuss four of them here.

In 1989 Katzenberg published research on stable isotope analyses conducted in

Southern Ontario. The study assessed the subsistence practices of the Petun, a prehistoric

Iroquois speaking culture that survived into the historic period and came to be called the

150 Wyandot. Faunal remains were sampled from the Kelly Campbell Site in Southern

Ontario and human remains were sampled from the Ossossané ossuary (Schwarcz et al.

1985). In this study the dog samples “clearly had the highest δ13C values and were obtaining much of their food from maize in one form or another” (1989:326).

Katzenberg’s study successfully showed similarity between dog diet and human diet by way of stable isotope analysis. “Dogs eat left-overs of human meals, sometimes in the form of scraps and sometimes in the form of human feces. Thus it is not surprising that for both carbon and nitrogen isotopes dogs closely resemble humans” (1989:326). The

δ13C and δ15N values from human and dog bone in Katzenberg’s study are presented in

Table 7.1.

In 2003, Hogue studied carbon and nitrogen stable isotopes of human, dog and deer from two closely situated Mississippian sites in Mississippi, the Josey Farm and

22OK904. The sampled dogs from 22OK904 were from intentional burials. Hogue suggested that their “distinctive status as hunters, guard dogs or companions” (Hogue

2003:189) provided them with an opportunity to be fed human food directly or to scavenge what their human counterparts did not consume. Two human burials from

22OK904 were also analyzed. The study indicated similarities between the diets of dogs and those of humans. Differences were also noted and attributed to several influences including trophic level, consumption of the C4 consumers as well as the C4 resource itself, and coprophagia. The δ13C and δ15N values from human and dog bone included in

Hogue’s study are presented in Table 7.1.

In 2007, I conducted stable isotope research on human and deer bone from the

Mohr Site in Pennsylvania. The Mohr site is a single occupation site located on a terrace

151 of the Susquehanna River in Bainbridge, Pennsylvania. Artifacts at the site suggest a cultural affiliation with the Shenk’s Ferry archaeological culture (Cadzow 1936). The study investigated the hypothesis that deer bone from faunal assemblages may represent local hunting of edge browsers (Linares 1976). Considered agricultural pests by some groups, if they were eating C4 plants their bone should have a carbon stable isotope signature reflecting the presence of C4 resources in their diet (Allitt 2007). In 2008 samples of dog bone were acquired from the Mohr Site and from two New Jersey coastal sites (Allitt et al. 2008). The coastal region of New Jersey is a place where researchers have argued there was no or very little emphasis on agricultural or trade behavior leading to inclusion of maize in the diet during prehistory. This study called that assumption into question. The sampled dogs had consumed enough C4 resource for a signature to appear in collagen. δ15N values were not analyzed for the earlier of the two studies. δ13C and

δ15N values for Allitt and colleagues (2008) are presented in Table 7.1.

Other dog remains, including bone and teeth, have been sampled from the region without testing of associated human bone. For example, Chilton and colleagues (2001) conducted stable isotope testing on several teeth of dogs from the New England region.

Collagen studies were conducted on the root areas of teeth and carbonate was analyzed from enamel. Sites sampled for Chilton and colleague’s study included the Garoga Site,

Ripley Site, Revere Beach Site, Site J, Squantum Site, and Watertown Arsenal Site. Each site was represented by a single sample, with the exception of Watertown Arsenal, which had two samples in the study. All sites dated to the Late Woodland or Contact period based on either radiocarbon dating or artifact typology. Stable isotope values for all of the dogs in this study indicated a potential C4 resource contribution to the diet. However,

152 most dogs appeared to focus primarily on obvious local resources, marine resources for

13 15 coastal sites, estuarine or terrestrial, non C4 resources for inland sites. The δ C and δ N values from human and dog bone in Chilton and colleague’s study are presented in Table

7.2. Where the Table 7.2 states a value was “not reported” it should be interpreted that there is text from the presentation paper representing that those values were consistent with the alternate source, collagen or carbonate.

Providing a Check on Pre-existing Interpretations.

The fourth goal of this study is to check pre-existing interpretations of past subsistence patterns. To accomplish this task I will look not only at the record of the sampled site being discussed but also, when appropriate, at other regional sites. This is done in order to compare findings.

As discussed previously, this research illustrates that the sampled dogs ate largely the same categories of food (C3, C4, terrestrial, or marine protein) as that represented in faunal assemblages at the study sites. However, the Late Woodland and Historic Period dogs have stable isotope signatures indicating consumption of C4 resources at sites where there is no evidence of C4 plants, specifically maize, in the archaeological record.

No indication of C4 resource consumption was found at the Maine sites. The dogs from Maine were excavated from Archaic and Early Ceramic period contexts. The faunal remains from these study sites have not been extensively examined. The largest faunal assemblage analyzed in Maine in general Turner Farm Site located in Penobscot Bay, conveniently about 150 miles north of Blue Hill Bay, which is where the study sites are situated. The Turner Farm site spans the Archaic through Historic Period (Spiess and

153 Table 7.1 Stable Isotope Studies on Human and Dog Bone Collagen

Region Site Sample Specimen δ13C δ15N Researcher

Pennsylvania Mohr Site 2997.0.B52.H1 Human -12.4 not analyzed Allitt 2007 2980.0.B51.H2 Human -13.7 not analyzed 3101.0.B7.H3 Human -12.0 not analyzed ACRF1528 Dog -14.2 6.6 Allitt et al. 2008

Ontario Kelly-Campbell 55EZ13 Dog -11.5 10.0 Katzenberg 1989 55EH16 Dog -11.0 9.6 60EM4 Dog -10.6 9.5 50EE54 Dog -12.4 9.6 50EG13 Dog -10.7 9.3 EM8 Dog -10.1 9.7 55E2 Dog -12.2 9.5 ED69 Dog -10.3 9.7 OSS1 Human -11.4 12.0 OSS2 Human -11.3 12.2 OSS8 Human -12.5 14.1 OSS11 Human -13.0 13.1 OSS16 Human -12.6 13.2

Mississippi 22OK793 Dog -13.3 7.6 Hogue 2003 22OK793 Dog -10.5 8.5 22OK793 Dog - 9.4 8.0 22OK793 Human -13.9 8.8 22OK793 Human -12.3 9.6

154

Table 7.2 Stable Isotopes of Carbon and Nitrogen from Bones and Teeth of New England Dogs as Reported by Chilton et al. (2001)

13 15 13 Site Inland/Coastal Element δ C (col) δ N δ C (carbonate)

Garoga Inland tooth -19.2 10.6 -14.35

Ripley Inland tooth not reported not reported - 5.90

Revere Beach Coastal tooth -11.3 14.8 - 3.25

Site J Coastal tooth -12.5 13.3 - 8.80

Squantum Coastal tooth -14.1 13.6 -8.12

Watertown Arsenal Estuarine tooth -15.22 11.60 -9.07

Watertown Arsenal Estuarine tooth -13.85 12.52 -9.72

155

Lewis 2001). Two components of Occupation 4 of the Turner Farm dated to 2275 +/- 130

B.P. to 3185 B.P. +/- 65. The oldest dog bone sample in this study comes from the Ruth

Moore site in Maine with a calibrated date of 2815 +/- 185 B.P. (Cox and Lawless 1994), which corresponds roughly to Occupation 4.

Spiess and Lewis (2001) suggest several shifts occurred in the faunal assemblages between Occupation 3 (Late Archaic Period) and Occupation 4 (Early Ceramic Period) at the Turner Farm site. Some of those shifts include a decreased reliance on clams and mature deer “possibly reflecting a further hunting pressure on the deer herd” (2001:98).

The study also revealed an increased reliance on immature deer, moose, seal, inshore fish species, and birds. The species list from the Turner Farm site includes those species recorded at the sites in this study. The difference is that the number of specimens is recorded for the former study but not the latter. The δ13C values for study dogs from

Maine range from -9.5‰ to -13.3‰ and δ15N values range from 14.5‰ to 18.1‰. This pattern indicates a diet rich in marine protein, supplemented by terrestrial protein, but with some variation between individuals. The results of this research are consistent with the Turner Farm study.

The two sites from New England are the Tubbs Site, a Historic Period village, and the Grannis Island Site. Both are coastally situated in Connecticut. Faunal matter recovered from the Late Woodland component at the Grannis Island site was identified as squirrel, seal, raccoon, deer, duck, and shellfish. At the Tubbs Site, the dog remains were found in association with one kernel of maize and artifacts for processing maize

(Bendremer 1993). There is no species list available regarding Tubbs Site fauna. An

156 interesting note, although not altogether surprising, is that there was no mention in the record of any fish or marine mammal remains at either site. Their “absence” is not likely a preservation issue since the dog remains came from shell middens, which are known to preserve quite well. The absence of mention is most likely the result of collection and reporting techniques. The geographically and temporally closely situated Lambert Farm site, has a robust faunal catalog that includes twelve mammal species, deer being the most abundant but fish were also significantly represented. Several species of seed and nut were also found at the site.

Looking only at the short species list recorded for the Grannis Island site, a researcher might infer that mostly terrestrial mammal species were exploited with less significant reliance on marine resources. The kernels of maize and processing implements found at the Tubbs site imply the inclusion of maize in the diet. However, at Grannis

Island, it appears that C4 resources did not play a role in subsistence. Despite the absence of archaeological evidence for maize at Grannis Island, stable isotope evidence suggests a diet focused on marine protein supplemented by terrestrial protein and varying quantities

15 of C4 resources. Values range from -12.1‰ to -16.3‰ and δ N values range from 5.8‰ to 8.4‰.

With regard to New Jersey, maize is generally lacking at the sites chosen for this study. There is however physical evidence of maize on several Late Woodland sites in the Upper Delaware Valley and maize is represented significantly on sites dating after

800/700 B.P. (Personal communication Michael Stewart). Of the study sites, maize was recovered from four pit features at the Minisink site (Kraft 1978:Table 6) but no others.

157 Eight samples were collected from six sites in New Jersey. Not all the sites had subsistence data available. Generally however, bones recovered from these sites include bear, deer, dog, rabbit and squirrel. Fish and shellfish were also recovered. Accordingly, these dogs are expected to have stable isotope ratios that indicate a diet focused on terrestrial protein, supplemented by marine resources, with δ13C and δ15N values from the

Minisink site dogs indicating a significant reliance on maize.

The collagen study suggests maize contributed to the diet of all the dogs from

New Jersey, albeit to varying degrees. All but three expressed stable isotope ratios indicating maize made a significant contribution to overall diet. δ13C ratios for dogs eating significant quantities of maize ranged from -11.8‰ to -16‰. Their δ15N ratios ranged 7.8‰ to 10.7‰. The three dogs that may have consumed smaller amounts of maize are from the Abbott Farm Excavation #10 (DB9), Minisink Island (DB12) and

Abbott Farm Excavation #12 (DB30). These specimens produced δ13C ratios of -15.3‰,

-13.1‰ and -13.5‰ and δ15N ratios of 12‰, 12.3‰ and 13.6‰ respectively. Aquatic resources were the primary contributor to their diet, but it is possible that minute amounts of a C4 resource also contributed. It could also be the case with these animals that maize was acquired through secondary consumption such as consuming the consumer, or ingesting coprolites.

River near Minisink Island. Faunal remains from the sites suggest humans subsisted on fish, shellfish, terrestrial protein, and nuts. These resources also likely contributed to the

158 diet of any cohabitating dogs. Of these three animals, DB2 had the strongest C4 signature with δ13C of -13.6‰ and δ15N of 7.9‰. Similarly, DB8 expressed δ13C of -15.2‰ and

δ15N of 7.8‰. DB24 expressed δ13C of -16‰ and δ15N of 8.8‰. All three dogs are close to the cusp that overlaps C4 resources and marine resources and it may be that both resources played a part in their diet.

By around A.D. 1000, in Maryland, large semi-sedentary camps and village occupations were being supported by maize cultivation. These occupations were established along major floodplains such as the Casselman and Potomac. During this same time, use of the uplands was becoming less frequent and hunting seems to have shifted to river bottoms.

Three sites were sampled from Maryland for this study. The first sample came from the Mount Calvert site, which is located near the Patuxent River and which was surveyed in 1996. Typology of artifacts recovered at the site indicated consistent use of the site through time. Temporal components begin in the Early Archaic (9,500-8,000

B.P.) and continue through the Contact Period (1,600-1,700 A.D.) (Creveling and Lucas

1999). The dog sampled for this study was excavated in the year 2000. The Reeves Site, the second site in Maryland, is located on Maryland's eastern shore and is an Early-Late

Woodland village site that also has a Late Archaic component. There were two nearly complete dog skeletons excavated at the site (DB11 and DB1). Both dogs are from the

Late Woodland component. The fourth sample came from the Winslow Site, which is located on a floodplain near Seneca and is part of a Maryland Wildlife Sanctuary. The earliest excavations at the site were conducted in the 1940s and 1950s. Plant matter recovered from the Winslow Site indicated a subsistence pattern inclusive of corn, beans,

159 nuts and fruits. Faunal material recovered from the site was plentiful. As mentioned previously, thirty-one species were identified by the Curator of Collections and

Archaeology at the Virginia Museum of Natural History, Dr. Elizabeth Moore (Moore

2005) (Table 5.6).

All of the Maryland sites produced faunal remains of terrestrial and marine origin.

It was expected that the diet of the sampled dogs would focus strongly on these same resources and maize was expected to show up in the diet of the Winslow site dog. Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios of collagen from the Maryland samples indicated that two of the dogs, Mount Calvert dog (DB7) and the Winslow site dog (DB3), had a diet

13 that included significant C4 resource consumption. Their δ C ratios were -16.2‰ and

-12.8‰ and δ15N ratios were 9.3‰ and 8.7‰ respectively. Interestingly, the two Reeves site dogs (DB1, DB11) may have enjoyed two very different diets. One likely focused strongly on marine resources and the other on C3 plants - or the animals that ate them.

Their stable isotope ratios were δ13C -14.9‰ and δ15N 13.2‰ (DB1) and δ13C -19.3‰ and δ15N 7.7‰ (DB11) respectively. Both Reeves site dogs are Late Woodland, both juveniles based on tooth eruption. The difference in their diet may be indicative of differential treatment by humans. It is also possible that they were associated with human counterparts who pursued different subsistence resources, either preferentially or as their overall contribution to the community. It is unlikey that elevated nitrogen would be a nursing signal due to the age of the dogs as they were beyond the weaning age.

Opportunistic behavior, such as scavenging or stealing, on the part of the dogs is also a possible explanation.

160 The dogs included in this study ate diverse diets. In Maine, the subsistence focus at coastal sites North of the Kennebec River included marine resources and terrestrial proteins. This study supports those conclusions. At coastal Connecticut sites, the archaeological record indicates marine resources, terrestrial protein and more significant inclusion of plant foods, including domesticates at some sites. This study supports those interpretations and adds the significant finding of C4 resource consumption at

Connecticut sites where material evidence of such resources is lacking. The archaeological record informs us that in New Jersey some groups in the past favored rich coastal resources and others inland terrestrial protein resources. While evidence of domesticates is present at several inland sites it is suggested that there remained a strong focus on terrestrial and marine resources with many groups avoiding maize until contact with Europeans. Using stable isotope analysis, the current study has identified a C4 resource in the diet of dogs inland near the Upper Delaware River at sites where direct evidence of those resources is absent. In Maryland the expectation was to see a diet rich in coastal resources with one dog from the Winslow Site consuming maize. This study has shown that C4 plants or their consumers contributed significantly to the diets of at least two of the dogs sampled from that area while those same resources were likely present but made a less significant contribution to the diet of the remaining two dogs. In

Figure 7.1, δ13C and δ15N values are plotted against the subsistence strategy of

Schoeninger et al. (1990). Plotting the δ13C and δ15N values against Schoeninger and colleagues strategy provides a general idea of the contribution of C4, C3 and marine resources to individual diet.

161

Figure 7.1 δ13C and δ15N Stable Isotope Data from Ancient Dog (Canis familiaris) and Fox (Vulpes vulpes) Bone Collagen with Schoeninger et al. (1990) Subsistence Strategy

162

Aside from identifying the presence of C4 resources, it is difficult to make more specific statements about the consumption of those resources by the dogs in this study.

Our understanding of stable isotope science is still growing and there are many dietary influences that remain less than understood. For example, Little and Schoeninger (1995) suggest that some species potentially eaten by dogs and their human counterparts, such as turtles, may regularly feed on C4 marine grasses, including Spartina spp. or salt marsh cord grass and we do not yet know how that translates into δ13C values. The effect of consumption of carnivorous fish species (Katzenberg 1989) and ingestion of coprolites

(Hogue 2003) are other areas in need of clarification .

The presence of maize in the diet of dogs implies its availability for human consumption. As this and other studies indicate, the diet of dogs was varied in the past, as was the cultural significance of dogs to a given community or an individual. Diet and cultural significance were likely linked. Significance may have depended on the role dogs filled. As previously discussed, social roles held by dogs in prehistory included (but were not limited to) hunting aide, companion, sacred being, food resource, and nuisance. How a dog was fed may have depended on several factors including:

• human opinions about the value of dogs;

• changing attitudes about the value of maintaining the human-dog relationship;

• human belief systems about appropriate consumption patterns;

• availability of resources; and

• the impact of ritualized behaviors, for example, some populations dismissed

adult dogs as nuisances but valued puppies.

The role of dogs most likely diminished in importance alongside a decrease in the 163 importance of hunting among groups that adopted a strong dependence on domesticated plants. These changes likely occurred gradually over several generations as cultivation took hold and humans took more to tilling fields and less to engaging in large hunting expeditions.

Future Research.

Researchers have yet to complete their investigation of food exploitation in the past. For example, groups passed knowledge of resources and the resources themselves through trade with other groups. The exact details of trade relations that existed between many prehistoric groups are still undefined. The possibility exists that some groups did not engage in agricultural behavior, preferring to trade for domesticated resources instead. The motivation for such a decision would likely involve the investment of time and resources necessary to grow domesticates It is also likely that dogs were traded between groups. As such a stable isotopic signature from dog bone indicating inclusion of

C4 resources may not be relevant to the group the dog lived alongside later in life but rather an earlier community. Investigation of dog bone opens up new ways of looking at trade between groups, it is probably that dogs were traded - or given as gifts, by a C4 consuming group to another group whose subsistence focused elsewhere. How do we interpret this – can we recognize such behavior? In this regard studies of strontium isotopes may help in identifying place of origin of some dogs. The bone turnover rate in dogs is approximately 3 years. This information coupled with strontium isotope analysis may someday allow us to acquire a clearer picture of the movement of dogs, humans and

C4 resources across the landscape.

164 Studies of the stable isotopes of dog bone may also help clarify the relationship between such regional groups as Clemson Island and the Iroquois where some researchers suggest cultural material similarities imply in situ transformation through time in the northern part of the region, while others suggest an incursion theory – that sometime between 1200 B.P. and 900 B.P. a new cultural group, Clemson Island, moved into New York, Ontario and the surrounding area, and their appearance ended in the partial replacement of other local foraging groups.

It would be beneficial to increase the number of samples creating a regional database for use by researchers engaged in the study of C4 resources. As the database grows it will be important that researchers continue to actively look for spatial and temporal patterns, for example the type of pattern suggested for the stable isotopes of nitrogen, which decrease through time as agriculture becomes more prominent and hunting becomes less-so in some areas. Lastly, with regard to the samples in this study,

Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy (FTIR) could be a beneficial future study to determine the validity of the carbonate content and crystallinity. Following such a study, more could be said about the contribution of carbonate to our understanding of the diets these dogs.

165 Conclusion.

“Then the Woman picked up a roasted mutton-bone and threw it to Wild Dog, and said, "Wild Thing out of Wild Woods, taste and try." Wild Dog gnawed the bone, and it was more delicious than anything he had ever tasted, and he said, "O my Enemy and Wife of my Enemy, give me another." The Woman said, "Wild Thing out of the Wild Woods, help my Man to hunt through the day and guard this Cave at night, and I will give you as many roast bones as you need.... Wild Dog crawled into the Cave and laid his head on the Woman's lap... and the Woman said, "His name is not Wild Dog any more, but the First Friend” (Kipling 1902).

The rationale for undertaking this study was to explore how data derived from stable isotopic analysis can inform our interpretations not only about the prehistoric subsistence patterns of our best friend, the dog (Canis familiaris), but also, by inference, the subsistence strategy of their human counterparts. In the absence of direct evidence, such as macrobotanical remains, can stable isotope analysis be useful in identifying the presence of maize or other C4 resources in areas where humans lived? The study sample here is small but suggests, as other cited studies have, that stable isotope analysis of dog bone can be useful in such a way.

In conclusion, this study provides another line of evidence expanding our understanding of the availability of prehistoric resources in the Northeast Region of

North America. Reconsidering the presence of maize at archaeological sites where its influence has previously been dismissed acknowledges that the occupants of these sites may have had access to a variety of resources more diverse than previously thought.

Additionally, inhabitants of the study sites likely engaged in relationships with other groups that are more complex than the archaeological record implies. In identifying the

166 presence of C4 resources at the study sites a new dimension is added to regional interpretations. Resources other than those readily evidenced in the archaeological record were available for human consumption.

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