Being Vietnamese”: the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and the United States During the Early Cold War
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“BEING VIETNAMESE”: THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF VIETNAM AND THE UNITED STATES DURING THE EARLY COLD WAR A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy By Ginger R. Davis May 2012 Examining Committee Members: Richard Immerman, , Advisory Chair, TU Department of History David Farber, TU Department of History Bryant Simon, TU Department of History Sophie Quinn-Judge, TU Department of History Robert Buzzanco, External Member, University of Houston ii © Copyright 2012 by Ginger R. Davis All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the early U.S.-D.R.V. relationship by analyzing related myths and exploring Viet Minh policies. I go beyond the previous literature to examine the Viet Minh government’s modernization and anti-imperialist projects, both of which proved critical to D.R.V. policy evolution and the evolution of a new national identity. During the French era, as Vietnamese thinkers rethought the meaning of “being Vietnamese,” groups like the Viet Minh determined that modernization was the essential to Vietnam’s independence and that imperialist states like the U.S. posed a serious threat to their revolution and their independence. I argue that D.R.V. officials dismissed all possibility of a real alliance with the U.S. long before 1950. Soviet and Chinese mentors later provided development aid to Hanoi, while the D.R.V. maintained its autonomy and avoided becoming a client state by seeking alliances with other decolonizing countries. In doing so, Vietnamese leaders gained their own chances to mentor others and improve their status on the world stage. After Geneva, Hanoi continued to advance modernization in the North using a variety of methods, but its officials also heightened their complaints against the U.S. In particular, the D.R.V. denounced America’s invasion of South Vietnam and its “puppet” government in Saigon as evidence of an imperialist plot. In advocating an anti-imperialist line and modernized future, D.R.V. leaders elaborated a new national identity, tying modernization and anti-imperialism inextricably to “being Vietnamese.” Yet modernization presented serious challenges and Hanoi’s faith in anti-imperialism had its drawbacks, limiting their ability to critique and evaluate the U.S. threat fully. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS A long time ago, far longer than I will ever freely admit, I began this dissertation. As a result, I have a lengthy list of people to thank. Being shockingly absent-minded on a good day, I request forgiveness if I omit anyone. First off, I am endebted to the institutions and organizations who funded my research and otherwise assisted my circuitous journey. My Vietnamese language skills improved during my summers at the SEASSI and VASI programs, thanks to FLAS and other language study grants. A Fulbright Fellowship to Vietnam appeared at a critical time, allowing me continue my Vietnamese training as well as further my research goals. I am also grateful for funding from Temple University’s Department of History, the American Historical Society, Harry S Truman Presidential Library, the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library, and the Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library. Texas Tech University’s Vietnam Archive and the National Archives at College Park provided necessary and appreciated assistance as well. Next, the professors who taught me over the past years deserve special mention. Richard H. Immerman has served as an incredibly patient mentor, steadfast friend, and inspiring scholar. I am truly grateful to his family as well, who extended their support on more than one occasion. In addition, I could not have completed this journey without David Farber and Bryant Simon, both of whom provided critical insights that substantially improved my thinking. I am also deeply grateful to Sophie Quinn-Judge, whose suggestions brought clarity and in whose example I find great inspiration. My appreciation also goes to Robert Buzzanco, whose rambling monologues about Noam Chomsky were balanced out by his great loyalty, conviction, and intellect. In addition, I am endebted to Patricia Pelley for her friendship and inspirational research. Many other scholars have made this journey possible - each name represents a clear and decisive turning point in my studies: Larry E. Cable, Otis L. Graham, Khanh Le, Teshale Tibebu, Nguyen Thi Dieu, and Peter Zinoman. Most especially, my my sincere appreciation goes to the late Russell Frank Weigley, an incomparable scholar and mentor, as well as a true gentleman. v I also want to acknowledge the profound gifts that my friends have offered. Personally and professionally, I am humbled to be surrounded by a group of loyal, forthright, and clever women and men who have kept me going more times than I can count. My love and thanks go to Wendy Clewis, Nathalie Miller, Dana Sachs, Nhu and Tom Miller, Jennifer Esperanza, Naomi Steinberg, Patricia Nguyen, Gabby Miller, Asia Nguyen, Do Thu Huong, Martha Lincoln, Bob Wintermute, Nguyet Cam, Dean and Dawn Everette, Vu Thi Diu, and Rebecca Buckwalter-Poza. Each of you deserves much more than to be included in a mere laundry list of thanks – perhaps I can make it up to you some day. Finally, while not personal friends, I would be remiss in not noting how grateful I am for the art and wisdom of Prince, Bob Dylan, Kurt Vonnegut, and bell hooks. In the same vein, I wish to acknowledge the two cities where I always find what I need: Hanoi, Vietnam and Wilmington, NC. In terms of family, the two people who taught me unconditional love have passed, but I still feel their support: my paternal grandfather, Thomas Earl Davis, and maternal grandmother, Tempie Esker Narron. My parents, Jimmie Davis and the late Linda Davis, also prepared me to persist in this dream, each in their own particular way. I appreciate other NC and Vietnam family members’ encouragement, including Mae Davis, Joan and Aaron Lucas, Tom and Helen Davis, Vu Huu Hieu, Dang Thi Phuong, Duong Thi Lac, and, most especially, Duong Thi Viet, a truly incredible woman. Above all, my thanks go to the little girl who appeared mid-way through this process. While patience is not the forte of a five year old, she managed to endure my disappearances to “go write” with admirable (but grudging) tolerance. For Eden Minh Vu, you are the everything. vi Dedicated to the memory of my grandfather, Thomas E. Davis, who taught me to peel apples, showed me great kindness, and generously shared his stories. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE ABSTRACT ...................................................................................................................................... iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................................................................................................... v DEDICATION ...................................................................................................................................vi CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................... 1 2. BEING VIETNAMESE: A SEARCH FOR IDENTITY TO 1945 .............................................. 11 3. THE D.R.V. AND AMERICA’S MISSED OPPORTUNITIES ................................................. 42 4. MENTORS AND MENTORED: THE D.R.V. AFTER 1950 .................................................... 71 5. AFTER GENEVA: D.R.V. MODERNIZATION AND ANTI-IMPERIALISM ........................... 111 6. CONCLUSION ..................................................................................................................... 153 REFERENCES CITED .......................................................................................................... viii viii CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION “What do Americans think about Vietnamese people? Do they consider us as Negroes in America?”1 The Washington Post received a letter from a Vietnamese teenager named Le-My2, which the editors featured with her photo in the Sunday, February 25, 1958 edition. The young girl asked a series of questions about the United States, queries so thought-provoking that some concluded her letter was either communist-inspired or a hoax. She stated that 95 percent of Vietnamese did not like the U.S., insinuated that corporations influenced President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s decisions, and claimed that the Soviets were far ahead technologically. She also inquired about race relations and slavery. Le-My cited Little Rock as “a big shame hung over America,” and wondered whether or not the U.S. would handle the Vietnamese in the same ways that African Americans had been treated. A mini-furor erupted. The Post received 271 responses from the public in the next five days alone. Alfred Friendly, the editor to whom Le-My’s letter had been addressed, highlighted more than twenty of the replies in a special section of the following Sunday, March 9th edition.3 Later, organizations like the American Friends of Vietnam (A.F.V.) reprinted her letter, and prominent Americans such as the public intellectual Leo Cherne quoted her in their speeches.4 Le My’s correspondence and the reactions reveal significant facets of Cold War era U.S.- Vietnam relations. She conveyed an image of the U.S. that was less than stellar, which unsettled 1 “She Asks for an Answer” The Washington Post, February 25, 1958. 2 For the purposes of this dissertation, I use proper and place names that are familiar to English- speaking readers (such as Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh) without their