Sections Presented As a Late Paper and Neighboring Languages

PROTO-CENTRAL SALISH PHONOLOGY AND SOUND CORRESPONDENCES

Brent Galloway

Sections presented as a late paper 17th International Conference on Saliah and Neighboring Languages August 9-11, 1982 Portland State University Portland, Oregon PROTO-CZNTRAL SALISH PHONOLOGY AND SOUND CORRESPONDENCES

Brent D. Galloway

0. Introduction. This article began as a preliminary look at Nooksack and Proto-Central Salish sound correspondences, It was preliminary because I began only looking for cognates with the 189 Nooksack words given in Amos8 (1961). The purpose of the article was to find especially those correspondences which separate Nooksack from its neighbors, Halkomelea, Straits 3al- ish, aad Lushootseed (Puget Salish). This should provide a starting point for a aerie8 of in-depth studies I plu to do of the unpublished materials and tape8 of Nookaack gathered by Pamela Amosa, Laurenca Thornpaon and Barbara Efrat and their pre-

Mr, Sindick Jimmy, the last fluent speakor of Nookaack, died July 12, 1977, He, like all the other speakers of whom we have tapes, and like many speakers of Nooksack for the past 1% years, was fluent also in the Ohilliwack dialect of Halkomelem and the Skagit dialect of Lushootseed. A8 Thompson (196) points out: The custom of importing wives from other communi- ties contributed to the early obsolescence of the dis- tinctive language [~ooksack]originally spoken there [the Nooksack apeeoh area]; by the time of white con- taot this process seems to have been at an advanced stage, so that now only a few persons recall the time when a number of old men in the villages spoke among themselves 'the old language,' while for general pur- poses other languages were in use--primarily Chilliwsck Halkomelea and Skagit, It is now difficult to deter- mine very surely what the original Nooksack language was like, beoause the materials that have been collec- ted all bear marks of borrowing from the neighboring languages, especially from Halkornelem. In order to sort out what linguistic data is Nooksack and what is not, several levels of apparent language variation will have to be separated: language-switching ( infomant error) , legitimate diffusion or borrowing (at various time depths), incomplete sound changes, features of language death (for example loss and inconsistencies), and normal variation within and between speakers, Figuring out the cognates and sound correspondences between Nooksack and its neighbors will allow U8 to isolate cases of language-switching. The other cases of language variation should yield to the application of internal reconstruction and comparative reconstruction. It should also be kept in mind that as the descriptive analysis of the Nooksack materials becomes complete the sound correspondences here should be re-examined and revised where necessary, Also at that point many more cognates will be available, and they can be added to those provided by Kuipers (1970, 19811, Thompson, Thompson and Efrat (1974) , Haeberlin (1974) , and other published cognate sets. It was difficult to keep from adding cognate sets for which there was no Nooksack equivalent in Amos8 (1961). At last I gave in to the temptation when I saw that the correspondences could be made fairly complete with additions from languages poorly represented or diagnostic of different correspondences, The additional 100 cognate sets (190-289) are incomplete in themselves; I have not searched all the sources as I did for 1-189 to find cognates in all the Central Salish languages, Thus while reconstructions could be made from 190-289 for the sound correspondences for which they are dia-ostic and for those which are always one-to-one, reconatructions of the other proto- phonemes in these cognates (especially vowels) are best post- poned till the cognate sets are as complete as for 1-189, Simi- larly no attempt is made to discuss reflexes from sets 190-289 in section 3, except for the correspondences these sets were chosen to fill in or illustrate. At first it seemed that the irregularities and exceptions were just a tedious headache, as I tried to understand and account for them, But it soon became apparent that they not only prove the rules but also are the evidence of some of the most interesting historioal processes in Central Salish phonolo- gical history, They are also sometimes the crucial evidence for explanation of the regular correspondences, After a while I came to seek them out, ney also show the network of borrowings with Central Salish; intrafamilial influence is one of the hardest elements to grapple with in Northwest Coast historical linguistics, Some irregularities show connections between sound correspondences (parallel shifts), Some show intermediate stages of development preserved, And many show the individual- ity of each language and dialect. Since Nooksack terms are central and present in every cognate set which follows (till I%), they are listed first; then cognates are presented from the languages proceeding north from Halkomelem to Comox, then from Nooksack proceeding generally south and west (Lushootseed, Twana, Northern Straits, Southern Straits), Thus some contiguoue sound shifts may be seen and some priority can also be given to Nooksaok's immediate neighbors, Transcriptions from the various sources have been stan- dardized, The languages (from north to south) from which data is presented have the following abbreviations and phonemic sys- tems (sources listing the phonemes are given here; comments on resonant-glottal stop clusters are given because some analyses show glottalized resonants as phonemes; no statements are imp- lied about occurrence of glottal stop before or after other consonants) : Mainland Comox (Cx) : Davis (1970) gives /p, ps , m, (te), te' (normalized from here on as <8*>), 8, t, t9,n, s, k, k', &,(I?, W 8, 8'9 3, 8, (k), (k'), g [kPl,y,kw, ktW, xu, W, 9, 9'9 5, P 9 P'", f, , h i, c, e, o, a/; ['I is predictable (first syll- able) 8 /te/ occurs in one morpheme only, a first person singular pronoun affix; rare phonemes are parenthesized, Bouchard (Iwla) has the same consonants but treats resonant + 3 clusters as glottalized resonants; his vowel inventory is /i, i*,a, a*, u, u*, e/ with [ c] under /i/ and [o 1 under /u/ , Pentlatch (Pt) : Kinkade' s (1980) and Davis's (1981) reconstitu- tions of Boas's Pentlatch field notes (n ,do) include the following (in parentheses are likely additional phonemes): /p, (p*), m, te, 0, t, t*, n, c9, s,ks, a, 1, E, 89, J,i,~,k~,k*~,xu, W, P, q*, ?, (qw), q*w, T~,3, h, i, 9, u, a, '1; Ite/ again probably occurs in one morpheme only, a first person singular pronoun affix . Sechelt (Se) r Beaumont (l976), Timmers (19771, and Bouchard (l971b) show nearly the same inventory: /p, p' , m, t, t ' n, c, c*, s, 8, E*, , k %, 1, k, k', x, 7, kW, ktW, xW, W, 9, p', X, qw, q*w, ?w, 7, h, i, e, u, a, '1; Bouchard omits /d and he and Timmers add /m9, n9, I*, y9, w9/ where Beaumont has clusters /lo, ?y/ and perhaps others; Timmers also adds /'/; inci- dentally, the symbols c and c9 stand for d and d9 respectively throughout this article except in Halkomelem, q,v, Squamish (Sq) ; Kuipers l967b has /p, p*, m, t, t*, n, c, cs, s, E, , I, k', i, 1, , '9Y kW, k'w, fW, w, q, q9, 3, qw, VW, xw, ?, h, i, e, u, a, '/; he also gives a rare /u[c*- I*]which doesn't appear in the sets here; Kuipers writes clusters of + resonant and resonant + 3 with a11 resonants. Halkomelem (Hk) , Chilliwack dialect group (Ch) : Galloway (1977) gives /p, p*, m, 8' [te,l, e, t, t9, c, c*, 8, kt, L, 1, (k), , 9, Y, kW, k*w, xW, w, 9, P*, X, qW, P*~,g, ?, h, i, €9 e , a, u, o, , ', '/ ; Ch throughout stands for all the upriver dialects (Tait , Pilalt, ~hilliwack/~ardis,and Chehalis) ; they agree lexically in all but s few cases and those are noted; /c/ and /c'/ have allophones [d, 81 and [d*, 8'1 respectively; /k/ and /k9/ occur only in borrowings and a few pet names; /'/ and /'/ are respectively high and mid pitch-stress or tone (low tone is unmarked); sporadic lusters of + resonant or resonant + occur only as a rare result of reduplication, unlike the case in downriver (Ma) and island (Cw) dialects; /k/ is usually [dl, Halkomelem, Musqueam dialect (~s)r Elmendori and Suttles (1960) list the same phonemes as I have for Ch except than /n/ is added, /kg/ is omitted, /*/ is marginal (probablr best parenthesized), and ['I is probably not phonemic; resonants can be preceded or followed by 3 and such clusters are frequent. Halkomelem. Cowichan dialect (Cw); Elmendorf and Suttlea (1960) list the same phonemes as I have for Chilliwack except that /n/ is added, /k*/-is omitted, /8/ replaces /g/,/*/ is marginall resonants can be preceded or followed by and frequently are4 Leslie (19798 9) lists /te/(appears in one morpheme only, a demonstrative article) and /m9, n9, Is, y*, w*/ but mentions that wglottalized resonants ... are posited not on phonetic, but on morphophonemic ground^.^ Nooksack (Nk)r Amoss (1961) gives /p, p9, m, t, t9,n, c, c9, s, 8, 119, 8, Y, kv, , 1, kWkvW, x", w, q, q*, 5, q", q*w, ?W, 3, h, i, a, a, o, '/; resonants can be preceded or followed by 3; a significant note is found in Amos8 (1961: 9): wThe free variation in tongue grooving occurred only in the idiolect of George Swanaset . George Swanaset frequently realized /a/ as [el, /c/ as [~s]and /E/ as [c] he consistently produced /8/ as [g1. Because Sindick Jimmyt s pronunciation was consistent it has been taken a8 the norm for phonemic writing,' Lushootseed (Ld): This includes two major dialect groups (Hess 1976 r xi-xiv) , Northern Lushootseed (NL~)(Skagit , Snohomish) and Southern Lushootseed (SL~)(Snoqualmis , Suquamish, Duwamish, Muckleshoot , Puyallup, Nisqually , and Sahewamiah) . Hess (1976) gives the Ld phonemes /p, p*, b, t, t9,d, c, c9, d", 8, 6, g9, WW 3 (rare), Y, (7'1, k', L, 1, (19, k, k', g, kW, k'l, 8 , X , w, (~'1, q, q9, X, qw, qvW, f,9, h, i, 0, u, a, '1; glottalized resonants are realized ? + resonant or resonant + 3 depen- ding on syllabification. Northern Straits (Ns~). Lummi dialeot (Lm)c Charles, Demera, and Bowman (1978) give /p, p9, m, t, t9, n, c, c9, s, 8, E9, 8, 9, k', , 1, (k), p, kW, k'w, xw, w, q, 9,. f, qW, q*w, ?, b, i [i,e], e [c,asJ, e, a [a+], u [u, usually 01, 'I4/c/ i~ 8 rare, occurring in the demonstrative article cognate with Ow /t e/ and a few other words) 3 can precede or follow resonants. Thomp- son, Thompson, and Efrat (1974) replace /u+with /o/. Northern Straits. Saanich dialect (San) 8 Bouohard (1971~)gives /p, p', m, m9, e' [te'l, e, t, kc, n, n', 8, 8, 6'9 a, Y, Y', w ,w k', 3, 1, 1,(k), rJ, 0'9 kW, k'w, xW, ", w', q, q', x, 4 , 9 r xw, 7, h, i, i*,E, E*, e, U, u*, a, a*, '/; Bouchard (1974) writes /E, E'/ aa /c, ct/. Pidgeon (1970) agree8 with Bouchard (1971~)but adds /m/ and omits long vowels and glottalized resonants, treating the latter as resonant-glottal stop clusters; Pidgeon replaces /E/ with /e/. Northern Straits, Sonaish dialect (Sg) : Raf fo (1972) give6 /p, pv, m, t, t9,n, 0'9 8, 8, 8'9 8, Y, g, 1, (k), 09 kw, k'", xw, w, q, q9, x, qw, VW,9, ?, h, 1, 0, 0, a, u, ''9 */i Raffo notea that /u/ is usually lo], and Mitchell (1968) replaces it with /o/ ; considering Mitchell (1968) and 'Phompson, Thompson, and Efrat (1974) it is clear that /c/ muat be added, although rare (occurring, as in Lummi, in the article cognate with Cw /tee/ and in a small number of other words) i Thompson, Thompson, and Efrat suggest LmSg c < *ts and Cw te < *te (clusters) as late developments. /k/ ia rare as usual. Mitchell (1968) has i,e*, a*/ instead of listing /*/ separately, replaces /xu/ and /xW/ both with /xw/, and adds /k9/ (rare)-i Mitchell's two morphemes with /k*/ are mistranscriptions however, 80 /k'/ is probably absent (unlike in Ch where it originates in borrowings from Interior Salish) . From Raffo and Thompson, Thompson, and Efrat it ia clear that Mitchell's /x/ should be /x/ everwhere and that her /xw/ should be sometimes /xw/ and aometimes /Fw/; these are clear from the cognate sets (except once) and are so corrected; when Raffo was checked for these, Sg had /?"/ with the rest of St. Sg also has before and after resonants, and Raffo specifically gives reasons why these are not glottalized resonants. Northern Straits, Sooke dialect (SO) : Efrat (1969) gives /P, p', m, t, t3,n, c, 09, s, 8, 89, 8, Y, k', t, (11, 4, kW, kVw,xw, W ", 9, 9'9 5, q , qtW, xW, ?, h, i, , 9, u, a, '1; [wl and [yl are treated here as allophones of /u/ and /i/ but as /w/ and /y/ in the later Thompson, Thompson, and Efrat (1974) i /a/ ie [a] ; Thompson, Thompson, and Efrat (1974) replace /a/ with /o/(probably also [a]). /I./ is rare. Southern Straits (sS~),Clallam (~1): Thompson and Thompson (1971) give /P, P', m, t, t', n, 0, c', 8, E, 8'9 8, Y, k', 3, (I), (k), O, kW, kvW,xw, w, q, q*, ?, qW, vw,T~, ?, h, i, e, e, u, a, , '/; + resonant and resonant + 7 both occur; 1 is rare. -Twana (Tw) : N . Thompson (1979) gives the following broad phonetic inventory [p, p*, b, (m), t, t*,d, (n), c, c9, (dz), s, 5, E', 3, 8, Y, k', 9 1, (k), ('1 9 (g), kw, kgW,(gW), xw, w, 9, 9.9 5, qW, q"', sW,?, , , 1, , c, , 9, a, u, U, 0, 0, , '1 ; 7 can precede or follow resonants (1, w, and y are then said to be glottalized) and can precede b and d (as well as other consonants); m and n are rare (mainly diminutive forms of b and d) ; other parenthesized sounds occur only in borrowings; /i/ includes [i,I,el, /o/ includes [e ,E, as], /u/ includes [u, U, 01, /a/ includes [a ,a ] (probably). Thus the Wana phonemic inventory appears to be /p, p', b, (m), t, t', d, (n), c, c9, s, 8 8'9 3, I, Y s, 1, kw, k'Wc xW, W, Q, q', 9 qw, q'w, xW, 3, h, i, e, U, a, (*), '/ with /dz, k, k*, g, gw/ in borrowings. Other Salish language abbreviations used: Ti (Tillamook), BC (Bella Coola), Ts (Tsamosan branch, including UC Upper Chehalis, Cz Cowlitz, LC Lower Chehalis, and Qn Quinault); IS (Interior Salish branch) includes: Li (Lillooet), Th (Thompson), Sh (Shus- wap), Cm (Columbian), Ok (Okanagan), Ka (Kalispel), CA (Coeur dV~lene);PCB (Proto-Central Salish), PIS (Proto-Interior Salish), PTs (proto-~samosan), PS (proto-Salish) . CJ is Chinook Jargon. 1, Cognate sets, In the cognate sets which follow, the omission of a cognate for a given language can mean that no terms within seaantic range to be cognates were found in the sources examined or that the terms within semantic range in the sources were not cognate, Where only one gloss is given at the end, all cognates share exactly the same gloss, Initials after a word show it attested only in the speech of one person, Reconstructed PCS forms are given first* where reconstructable, (1) Nk xq'&y alder bark basket, (2) ? *tiq always. Nk &i3q always, (Hk) Ch possibly %i&eqoy placier; Mt, Cheam (possibly alwwa + -ey covering), Sq 3fq9 (do) always, (3) Nk 3iyb anmy, (4) *?rV4qwel~sb- *?eqwelyf~back (es~,of the body). Nk ?6qwelbE -back, Ch ?6qWeloo - ?6qWelecback of body, Sq s-t-tiy?E -back, Ld s?eqwelf8 back of body, Sg ?eqWe16c to be behind. (5) *sqel(?)ciw? -beaver, Nk sqel&?wiyb -Beaver, Ch sqelt0w -beaver, MsCw sqeltw? beaver, Sq sqldw? beaver, Cx [qWdw~t]probably /qw6wet/ or /qWdwit/ beaver, San sqel*dw9 beaver, Sg sqel76w? beaver, So sqi?u? [sq6?aw? 1 beaver. (6) *md?(u) qw duck (generic) . waterfowl. Nk m6?bQw bird, ChMsCw m~*~~duck (generic), Ch also large bird, Ld bd?qw -water- -fowl, Tw [bb eqW] duck (generic) . waterfowl, San m67aqw any duck, Sg m&?eqwbird. duck. chicken. poultry, C1 md?aqw -duck, (7) *-q'lx (bound form requiring affix) -black, Nk aq'fx, ChMsCw c'-q'fx, Sq qix, LmSanSo C1 (Suttles 1965) ne-q'i?, Sg ne-q96x. -*black (8) *t9q-6s to be blind in one eye ("be bruised/purple in the facew). Nk st 'qbs blind in one eye, Ch st (kWds (AD) one-eyed, cf. Ch t 'iq-el get bruised and Ch s-t9it'eq-&lea have a black eye, bruised eye (contrast Ch qfx-os -blind with deglottalization < q'fx- -black + -0s * -d(@)sin the face), cf.? Sq t'dqa?-&us have a black eye, Ld t 'qbs (LG) blind in one eye, SLd t *dqus -blind, Cf. 205 also for root and gloss, (9) a) *pdh-ti-(u)n to blow (with breath), b) *poh-61/1ys -to blow (of wind), c) *ptixw-ut to blow on someone (an Indian doctor 9 on a patient), d) *ph-i.. . - *pxw-c. .. to blow on somethinq. Nk p6hn -blow, ChMsCw p4.t blow .(with breath), Ch pw-ot -blow on someone (shaman on a patient), Ch peh-6.1s to blow (of wind) (cf. la),Sq puh- - peh- blow, swell, Se pdt to blow with the -mouth, Se pils - palls to blow (wind), Pt ph67-kwup or perhaps better ph-t$vkwup to blow up a fire (cf. Ch -61-cop fire(wood) , Ld -619-Eup fire(wocd) and esp. Ld -a7kW-8up group of firewood viewed distributively where -a7kw is pour, viewed distributively) Cr pdh-t blow (a whistle for ex.), Cx ~ct~~utblow (with mouth), Ld p67-ud blow (it outl, Tw puhd(?)d blow it (with mouth), Lm *xW6t blow it!, San p6xwet to blow (with mouth), ~g p&cwot -to blow. inflate; to blow on the chest (for ex, by curing ritual- ist. person with power), Sg spxW61e -wind, So p~W-to inflate, So p&w-ot blow it UP. inflate it. (10) *kw&y(?)bluejay. Nk kWby bluejag, Ch kWtoYbluejay, Ld kbkay Steller's jay; one who talks too much (cf .? Ld 708-kdykayOb sky blue. azure) . (11) Nk Ephda light brown. (12) *k'*t$s to net burned (of skin). be hot. Nk q'w~s-burned (of animates), Ch kgw& pet burned, Ch ksw6s-ces pet burned on the hand, Ch k9w&k*w8s-be hot, MsCw krwbs burn (of wood or fin- ner) , Sq kvWda be hot. burn. rcald, Sq k'W~s-a~burn one's hand, SeCx k*w~ss, Ld ktWds burn body. roast, barbecue, Tw k*was-6d scorch it (of akin esD.1, San k*w~sto burn. scald (Bouchard 19744, San k~~6sto bum, 6an k*ws-fqw-eu burned head, Sg kvw6~labe hot, -warm, Sg s-k*'~s sweat, Sg q9W&sbe burned to death, So kgW6s -to burn. be burned, C1 k,wds pet burned, C1 k*w67us hot (of fire for exarn~le). (13) Nk kthmig , Ch kbpec, Cx kCpeZ! cabbage. From CJ or Eng- lish; Ak possibly via Ld, thus m < Ld b, (14) a) *p'iEVt charcoal, b)., *p6yE9-em - *piE'-em to spark. a) Ak p9i8t charcoal, Cw (Bouchard 1974b) p'bc9t charcoal, Sq p'il't charcoal, Sg 6'ic9et to char. turn to charcoal; to blacken with oharcoal: black face paint ; b) Ch pkeyc'-em to spark, Sq piE'm to s~ark,Se pi69-im spark, !hi p 'Qy6eb spark.. sparkling. (15) *q9Wxw-61y-den toenail, *-den - *-gin (on the) foot, . Nk q*wh618in claw, Ch q~wTW-~l-~eltoenail. claw, Ms q 'w 5W613en toenail, cw q'wxwd18en toenail, Sq q*wxw-uy- claw, nail,- ~q q' W 5WI toenail, Se qep*-iqw-dy-8n-tn toenail, Ld q'W&w~edtoenail, Tw q'w~TwBid(i here [I]) toenail; claw, San q' wewx Qlu8en toenail, Sg q, WWx 8?1o?-Eea fingernail, Sg -Ben (on the) foot. leq, contrast So il's&sn toenail and C1 89g-dy-cs finaernail and Cl ~~~-d~-sentoe (split + rounded element + -foot) where only the suffixes are cognate, cf. also Se -Bn - -gin foot% %, Ch -sen on the foot. on the leg, Pt -Hen 3,Cx -gin legL -foot, Cx (Suttles 1965) -Sen foot, Tw (Suttles 1965) -8ed foot, Lm -sen a,SgCl (both Suttles 1965) -sen - -8en foot, So (Efrat 1969; 117, 118, 129) -sen - -gen leg, foot (-sen may be more productive) . (16) ? *cq-fly to olimb. go verticallx. Nk cqfl -climb, (see 183, compare Ch edq steep, Ch eqk 't -tree, MsCw eqlt tree, Sq s-c6q tree. log. stick. wood (materiall, Se ceq6t-t to put up (as pole)), Tw cq'f1 -climb, San e9qbneg to climb (a hill); the basic meaning of the root is probably vertical if Bk -31 is cognate with Ch -fl go. come, get (for the Sq suffix cognate -iy see 32 below), (17) *si(e)p'&m cockle clam. Nk sg9&m, Ld sxop'db, hr sp9&bcockle clam. (18) *?dy(e)t cod (especially grey cod), Nk ?&yt codfish, Ch ?6*yt ling cod, Ow (Bouchard 1974b) ?6yet Fey cod, Sq ?&at black or grey codfish, San ?€yet grey cod, Sg 76yet -cod, So ?drat -cod, (19) Nk ?&kW -cold. (20) *stiqiw-61% -colt (*stiqfw -horse probably < CJ), *-(?)dl& young, (*s&eney-?dl%young (pre-teen) ~irl),~k stiqlybw% -9colt Ch stiqiw-6.1% -colt, Cw (Bouchard 1974b) -(?)dl& younn (as in sm6yeedll fawn, s&cni?h%young girl), Sq staqidlb colt, Be 8-teyqiw horse, Se -4% 7ou.n~a8 in sEewit-6% son-/daughter-in-law, Cx [t~*tqaygo*?]/tf*tqaygu*i/foal, Ld stftqlw pony. foal, Tw stiqfwai -colt, San atiqfw horse, San -&lei offspring of, young, Sg stiqiwdla% colt, So eteqiwdyei colt, So steqfw horae, C1 stiqfw? horse, 01 -6y3 - -d?i% youns, (cf. also Lm -6.3 - -dl?&, San -6.3 - -dl?%, Sg -tilet - -dl?&, So -dye& roung as in Lm s3aneEb4&,San slenaEB'3, sg s3eneEdle&, So s$eneEbye&, C1 sLna?El(y% pre-teen girl and Lm seEdl?%, sansg seEdl?%, cl sa?E- d?ii non-adult younger sibling). The root stiqfw may be from Chinook proper (before the advent of CJ) or may < CJ kfwten (or qfwten) -9horse which in turn (Johnson 1978: 344-345) < Chinook proper -kfwtan (Boas lqO4: 137) -horse (in turn possibly diffused c Spanish caballo [ksp&yo] horse). It is unclear at present whether CJ had k or q here, but as pronounced by Central Salish speakers one might expect q. It ia also unclear whether CJ added the t(i)- before it reached Central Salish speakers or after; Chinook proper, if the source, has a set of five prefixes, one of which must be used with each noun, and one of which is t- plural (Boas 1904: 128). (21) ~k wenfl come forth. (22) ~k mdsm6s, Ch milsmos, sq milsmeu, Cx mli*ESmus, Lm mdsmus, sg mdsrnes, SO mfi*srnes - md?smes cow. From CJ m6smus -cow. (23) *qwo?~pcrabapple. Nk kw9dP, ChMSCw qwe?dp, Sp qWu?fip, Se tqWe?dp, Sg qw&?ap,(possibly So q6?exw, C1 q&?OxW)crabapple. (24) ?*q*wfm-al/lPs to net credit (borrow with promise to re~w). Hk k'wfm$ls credit, Ch q"%-6ls get credit (Pilalt dialect), Sg q*wfpole to borrow. (25) *p6sqw/kw-(e)t to insult someone (by making fun of his body). Nk psp~skw~tamcurae, [from context of the text: he got cursed re~eatedlyby insults to his body], Ch p~sqW-tmake fun of someone's bods. insult aomeone about his boq, Ch pdsqw-tol a descriptive bods part term (insult or joke usually). (26) *%it!'-to cut. get cut, (cut across), (*leE9-fm?(-) -to -9comb *b&8'-ten a knife). Bk Zic9 cut cattails, ChMaCw LftP-et cut somethinq, Ch (8-)tect-f'm-el -a comb, Ch &Ec9-to1 a knife, Sq %iE9 be out, Sq %fit-it cut. shear (transitive), Sq LQE*-tn -knife, Se 3$E9-ten bite,- Cx 3i8'irn to comb one's hair, Ld if?!*- -cut, Ld 3iEvib cut cattails for mat-making, cut graas for making 12 some thin^, Tw 368' sharp, Lm &fc90tto cut it, San 3fe9at to cut somethinq, Sg Lfc' to cut, Sg 3fovot to cut (somethina), So 3c'f- to cut, So Lc'fg-n a comb, C1 %lo9 pet cut (for ex. C1 &c'(?qw, LmSgSo &C*Z?~~,San &8*f?qw cut on the head), C1 (~ut- tlea 1965) 3%c9tcut across, (27) *dot darkness. ~k ~Qetdark, ch stetdark. darkn-a, Ms ~€?tdark (as of night). (28) a) *s-kw&-1 day. skg, b) *kway-fly get li~ht.become -dawn. Nk akW&yl m, ChM0 Swtyel dap. sb, Ch wt~elto be dq, Cw skWt7el a,Sq skW&l dadlinht) . sb, Se kw&yel day. skg, se kWf? - kwfy -dawn, Cx kwfy mornin6 (*skwdyl > *skW6yy> *skwbyy > *skwir > (with lobs of all initial s-) Cx kwfy), Ld (~kbgit) kWd8i1dawn. tomorrow, Lm skwdyel - skWdyel&, Lm kWo8fl early in the morning, San 8kW~~oldw. sk, Sg skW68ol&, Sg kWezf1 be morninq (41 become. net, inceptive in most Central Salish languages), So skW68i?&, So kW6€?i?to be dw. morninq, So ?as-kw6Eio daylight. daytime, So kW8i? daybreak, C1 (Suttlee 1965) skW&8idapliaht . (29) a) to perish tonether. die (of several), b) *q'wdy? to die (of one). Nk u, Ch xW&j(/6/[&], as usual) -die mans ~eo~le).~erish together, Sq iW&yperish; become senseless it,Se f&(7) a1;eady dead, Se ?&at kill the. (two) on purr pose, Cx xw&y everybody1a dead. aeveral ~erish,So they are -dead, So rw6~-twipe them out, So xw~d-t-~they were slaughteredL killed off; b) Ch q9d*ydie, -be paralyzed, Ch q'by-t kill someone (on pumose) , MsCw q9& -, ChMs q'dq'oy sick, Winq, Cw q9dq9ey- dead, Sq q9w~die. be paralyzed, Se q,Wdy did (one), Se (Suttles 1965) q*w~r-die, Se qtw6y-ut to kill a ~erson,Cx (Suttlea 1965) q9dy(?) a,San q9wty-die, Sg q*W~y 9,Sg (suttles 1965) q,%y a,So qrw&y to die, kill, C1 q**?dy -9die C1 (Suttler 1965) q9W6~t-kill, compare alao Sq ?~S-~,~I(J.sick, -dead, Sq a-g*'~ aich,ess, Ld s-qwdt-ab disease. sickness , Ld s-q*wfc9 widow. widower, and Ld ?~-g'~fo*-iljust lost a spouse (the Ld shows q9wic9-< *q*we?-e where *-c is spouse as in 171 *swdqo-c husband [madmale + spouse], q.v.). (30) *A9i3 difficult , to be difficult. Nk k'f? difficult, Ch k'f* difficult, to be difficult, expensive, Sq k'f? -difficult. dear, dangerous, San k'f3 difficult, Sg k'f? to be diffi- -cult . (31) *sqwem&y? c&, ~k sqwbmmQsy, Ch sqwom€*y, MsCw sqwme, Sq sqwm6y?, Ld sqwob&y?, Tw sqweb8?y, Lm sqwem6y? a.The word seems to derive (in Ch at least) from a root, qwem- -soft + -6' y (*-&y?) covering, bark + s- nominalizer, referring perhaps to the dogs raised for their wool which was prized and spun, (32) *dq"drift downstream, *doq'*-fly(-em) go downstream. Nk wbq9* drift, Ch ~6~9~utdownstream: drown, Ch woqsw-1.1-em po downstmn:~, Me (Suttles 1965) ~oq~~flamgo downstream, Sq niq'w-i po downstream, hc ~6~'~-drift, Lm ~eq*~-il-e~(go) downstream: south, Sg kW6qtWmeaning unidentified in Mitchell (1968) but an example, kwbqvw ?e ce st&?lo? downriver shows kw~q~wis probably (be/go) downriver (?e ce std910? the river [object of intransitive verbl), this is confirmed by C1 (Suttles 1965) kw&q'Wi 60 downstream. (33) *qWic-drift. Ak qWfc- drift, Ld qWfcitravel) downstream, The PCS gloss is very tentative, chosen to perhaps complement that of 32, but perhaps it should be the aame as in 32; more cognates within the aame semantio domain are needed, (34) ? *16k*~/~to be dry, Nk x&k9* a,possibly the root in Ld 70s-xdpdup -scab (Tea- stative, cf . -( i-)dup ground (dirt) -floor in 35, i.e. scab < 7 -dried + -dirt), Lm x6E a,San ~68s~ a,San xe804enekW dry around, Sg $8eq to &y, Sg 8x66 -dried smoked food, So $8-q it is dry, C1 (Suttles 1965: 15) x6?8e~ drg. (35) *s-qelY-ndp dirt; weed. underbrush ("bad groundn) , * q41y bad *-ndp ground. Nk -9 sqoln6p' -dust, Ch sqel *dp garbage. a lot of dirt. weed%, Ow gq(l9 underbrush, Sq q6y -bad, Sq nsqf? -under -brush, Sq Hw6y-nup weeds has an unrelated root but cognate suffix, Ld -(i-)dup ground. floor, hr weeds has root gel- bad but its full fom is not listed,

(36) *q*w61an?(i) -aear Nk k9wl&n, Ch q9wb*l,Ch -€*li.y~, MSCW q*w~*n?,~q q*"41-a?n, se q*Wol~a,Cx q*w6wa?ane, ~d q'Wel~di?,Tw qvwelddi, Lm q9wdlep (p sic? for n), SanSg q*w~len,, Sg (Suttles 1965) q*wblon?, So qtW4yn? [q*wbpcbn?],- C1 (~uttles 1965) q'wdyon9 ear. (37) *temfxw - *tdmexw earth. land. mound. Nk tornixw earth, Ch tdmbxw earth. land, MsCw tdmoxw earth, Sp tmixW earth. land, Tw tebixw earth. land. count=, Lm t6pexW- land, San t6poxw landL -earth, Sg t6pexw earth. fields. ~arden,So t6~ax' earth. e;r ound , So t6pxW- to be dirty. (38) a) *?f%on- *?fiten to eat, b) *?f?&en- *?f?ton u. Nk ?isan a,Ch ?Catel eat a meal, Ch ?f0Ltol eating a meal, Ms ?&ten a,Sq ?i%n&, Se ?<%tento eat, Pt ?fiten -*eat Cx (Davis 1970) [?k%ten]/?fiten/ -eat, Cx (Davis 1981) ?f%ten -eat, Ld 7630d -eat, Tw ofsad -eat, all St ?fLen -eat, all NSt ?f?&en eating, ~17893 an eating. (39) *wiVBlam? - *wal&a? to echo. Nk dlb?Bern, Ch welb*m, Sq w6lam to echo, (40) *tub father, *m&? Father (vocative). Dad. Nk m&n, Ch mkl - mt01, MSCW mCn, SqSe mb, Pt mdn, Cx min, L~TWbid, Lman SgSo m6n -father; Cu (Bouchard l974b) mk? -father, Pt mi? father, Cx mdh father (vocative), Sg md? father (vocativel, (41) *sd41/lyc* feather. Nk llH61c' feather, Ch sg~lc* feather, Ld Hiaelc' a type of horsetail - yarrow. (42) *c4x to find (be found). Nk cbx.- find, Ch ~e~-l~x~-find someone, (43) *c'Q?at fine nravel. pebbles, pravellp beach. Nk c96xot fine nravel, ChMs 6'6xot fine nravel, Cw e9x6t fine mavel, Sq c96~gravel beach, Se cacxils pebbles, h c'Qxat sand; a type of fish, Sg c16t to be stow. covered with pebbles; to be in a stony place. beach. (44) *16y?- L~ou~las)fir (root requires prefix or suffix). Nk l?tkyby fir tree, Ch 16.y-e%p Dounlas fir, Ch s-l&*y Douglas fir bark, MsCw ltoyV-e3p Douglaa fir, Sq ?il-il-ay? (stress un- known) young fir trees. (45) *hh (to make) fire. to burn. Nk hbn -fire, Ld hrld(u)- 1 fire. firewood. burn, li~htas in h6du-d burn it and hdd warm, -hot, C1 hhuc make fire, Cl shuc (< s-h6nuc) -fire. (e)*k9eqt- (before suffix with stressed vowel) to have long. to be long. Nk k9qtfwen flat-butted, Ch k'eqt-fuel lonu- rum~ed,Ch 4wel in the rum, anus, insides, Sq kseqt-k'dqt-fSn lona-le~aed, Sq k 'eqtd* overcoat, Se k'aqt-6lu tall (person), San k'aqt-bmet long sheet, So It 'eqt-6?& biu-boned person, (47) *p'fl- - *p9fb- flat. to be flat. Nk p9flhkws flat- nosed (kW sic? for q), Ch s-~'6%-qsol flat-nosed, Ch p9f&-at

flatten it, Sq p*61k9- be crushed. squashed, Se s-p9i%-it -9flat Ld p'fl(i)- flat. broad, Tw ??perhaps p'il- spread (of water only) or p9es- flat, most of Central Salish share -qs -nose (see Haeberlin l974), (W) *mds four, Nk m6s four, Ch (a few Tait dialect speakers)

s-m6s Thursday ("fourth dayw), Se mds four, Cx mas [m6s] -9four cx (~uttles1965) mbs four, Ld biius four, Ld (Suttles 1965) b6~ four, Tw bds- four, Tw (Suttles 1965) bdsas four Lm 06s four - -9 -9 sanSg(Sutt1es 1965)~opbs four, Sg p8a -four, Sg s-~dsThursd-, So s-gss-&-n6t Thursday, C1 06s -four. (49) 1 - *(?@)a-lYf8*full. to be fill (usually inanimate). ~k n6E' full, ChnsCw s(e)lfc' full, Ch lecB-6t fill it, Sq y6E' - si?iE' -full, Sq yill'-it fill it, Se 166' full, Se (Suttles 1965) iB~'it-full, ~t 168' [li~*l-full, cx 7669 [ji~'l-full, ~d 160, full. fill (container), Lm ?es-16c'-eb -full, San s188'eZ full, ~g ?os-lBc*-e% -full, ~1?es-y(o'-% full. (50) *q*d?miy teenaged airl. maiden. Nk q9ikmby girl, Ch q myadolescent girl, MsCw q9kmey~adolescent virain nirl, Sq q*Q?may maideg, Ld q9dbay? maiden, Tw qq'd?bi a young unmarried woman (about 20 for ex.), Lm q9t5?qi teen-aaed nirl, Sm q9&q9i -maiden, So q'(?pi? female teenauer , C1 q'dvqi? teen-age airl. (51) *?&cW(e)s-to give awq, (possibly *?@-sitto give awq to somebodz) , *?6xw-ot - *?exw&?-t to hand to someone. give (bl hand) to someone. Nk ?dTW~3.t~ive away, Ch ?hwes-t ~iveto someone (a8 inf~rmalgift), Ch ?6xW-et ~iveto someone (hand to), (Ch y61E-et pive to aomeone (ae a gift) in contrast), ~p ?orw&?-t hand to. give to (destined object), Sq 7fxw-n give. make a me- sent of (transitive), Sq -8it indireot transitivizer, to/for someone, Tw ?uxWg- (not glossed) as in s?&xW8eb upper class mar- riage wealth exchange or feast and bi?tbcw8eb he's buying a woman Jaivin~moner or ~ro~ert~to her parents), So possibly ?eW-t brina to (sorneone)(probably c So ?eWto go to). This set may well be related to the next (52) with *xW- *xw. (52) *?&? to KO to. Nk ?dXwgo, Ld ?dTW&o, Tw ?a?w- (going) to. toward,'^^ ?QX~to go to, C1 ?ewgo On. RO (to). (53) Nk hbmm6 go on (to storyteller). (54) a) *h&?%to be good, b) *?&yo - to be ~ood. Nk hQs?t, SqLd hi?% aood; the other languages have the second root: ch [?ey]/?iy/ or /sly/ (phonemic overlap here), MsCw ?by?, Se ?fy, cx ?f; 7:- ?8y?], TW ?&y, LmSanSoCl 7677 fiood, (to be good). (55) *kWen-at to Uld something. arab something. Nk kwn&? wb. a,Ch kwal-6t hold somethina in one's hand(.), (cf. Ch kW61eexW//kw61-1-oxw// ha~~edrnanaaeto get it, Ch kw6*t take/ t s- on ~umosp),MsCw kwen6t hold, Sq probably kw6n somethina. beain beinn ~ossessed,Se kw6n-at pab somethinu (with handsl, NLd kwod&t take. aet. hold, SLd kW6d(et) take. aet. hold, Tw kwed- take. get. hold, hr kwod&b hold. take hold of, Tw t-kwed$d he took it, Lm kW¬take it, San kwhot prab (it) with hands. take it, Sg kwen6t to hold. fasten, Sg kwdnot to hold. take. find, So kwen- to take. get (can be followed by -6 resultative and -t directed transitive [purposeful con- trol transitivizerl) , So kwh-et -take it, So kWbn-r3 get grabbed. (56) *mf?t9 blue arouse. Nk blue grouse, ChMsCw mi*t9 blue grouse, Sq m&n?trn blue mouse, San pf?it9 blue mouse, Sg qflet prouse (~etraonidae). (57) *(?a/i)&-s6q9 -*half *e6qc(-) to split/crack in half. Nk ?8s%s6q9 u,ChMsCw &-sbq' half: half-dollar; half-breed, Ch seq'-kt w halC, Sq ?e(8)-s@q9 half (a~lit off), Cx s6q9 split. crack; half, Tw ?iLedq, half: half dollar, Sari bsdq' half, (perhapa Sg ?PIE(? to be half of, cut in half, Sg b865 half i 50-cent piece, So 79%86 to halve),

PCS Nk Ch Ms Cw Sq Se Pt Cx Ld !J?w Lm San Sg So C1 Environments (PCS)

perhaps belongs under *i The Proto-Central Salish sound reconstructed here can be summarized in the following table:

* i *' '0 *u(*o) *a From this structural arrangement it can be seen that there are structural reasons (h la Martinet) for some of the historical developments which took place, ' PS *k k' 7 PCS *8 8' begins a fronting movement which pulls *ginto the g slot (and sometimes into a for St), pulls PCS *c c' into HkftCxSan 8 8' (except Pt c' remains) , pulls PCS *8 8' into Hk c c' , and pulls * 1 toward *y; perhaps connected with this is the fronting of vowels: PCS *d (really *6 by PCS) > HkSanSgSo Q, PCS *Q > NkHkNSt &/€/6, PCS *6y > i, PCS *u and *a > HkSt 0. Compensating for the vowel fronting are *i > Hk (and others) e (- i), also *& > u, *f > i, *6 > a, *6 > a, and vice versa (*u > 6, etc.) with stress shifts which are frequent; stress variation must have been fairly common in PCS also. The only source of u6 is *6w between consonants, which is less common than a shift from a aingle vowel; thus u and o are rare (depleted) in all the daughter languages today, Returning to the consonants, the table and all such two- dimensional tables obscure some structural connections whieh are also quite strong, For example, in physical reality there is no reason why the row with *y and *w could not be directly adjacent to the top row, This explaina *y > Cx 3 Ld d' St 8 and *w > Cx g Ld gw St kw (except Ia), Similarly a three-dimensional chart could also show an adjacent labial-labialized connection explaining PO5 *p p' m > Proto-St *kWk* WW p (except before labial *n. The two-dimensional chart is adequate to show the *k k9 p gap which *kw kgw Qw then filled by losing labialization. Then I as in the PS > PCS fronting cycle, so Proto-St *k k, > St 8 8'. There may have been glottalized resonants from PS left in PCS, but it seems more likely, as shown above, that cluster8 *?R occurred /f -V and *R? occurred elsewhere. A8 is speculated in ~hompson('l979: 717), the occluaion of semivowels may have opened the gate for *m n to also fill the voiced-atop holes in the pattern by > LdW b d (this in turn spreading to Quileute, Makah and Nitinat); it also happened sporadically in Ch and Cx (Davis 1970: 34), as mentioned above. In Hk and (phonetically) some other languages, length < *? and also < preconsonantal *h and functions in the slot shown filled above by *'. Velars vs. uvulars, glottalized va. non-glottalized, and labialized vs. non-labialized remain quite distinct throughout, but there are rare sporadic cases of five types of deviation or irregularity in individual words (either innovated or preserved): C9-C, K-Q, C-cW,h9-t' , and &-1correspondences (the last two very rare)(C is consonant, K is velar atop/spirant [with and without labialization], 0 is uvular stop/spirant, cWis labialized consonant). And there are numerous cases of borrowing and influence between adjacent languages (a major source for St p p* m). Further research could profitably do several things: a) add to the number of cognates, especially with alternate set8 for the same glossea which may influence each other (I have shown a few cases of such influence but have largely omitted all alternate sets whioh were not cognate with the Nk forms); considering the high percentage found here of cognates for a fixed set of 189 words in a given language and considering the large numbers of cognates I noted in scanning dictionaries of Ld and Sq, for example, there are perhaps several thousand cognates reconstructable for PCS at the very least. b) Compare PCS, PIS, and PS cognate sets already found with dictionaries of immediately adjacent non-Salish languages to trace extra-familial borrowings (this has been started for Bella Coola by Nater lW7). o) Cow pare PCS cognate sets with BC, Ti, Ts, and IS to complete the full exposition of PS sound correspondencee. d) Reconstruct i an increasing number of semantic domains so that we can be sure of the glossea of our reaonatructiona (aa studied by lexical fields in Europe) and so that with flora and fauna terms we can reconstruct the proto-homeland,