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Discourses of Slavery, Mestizaje, and Blanqueamiento in an Elementary School in Puerto Rico

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Discourses of Slavery, Mestizaje, and Blanqueamiento in an Elementary School in Puerto Rico ISAR P. GODREAU Institute of Interdisciplinary Research, University of Puerto Rico at Cayey MARIOLGA REYES CRUZ Institute of Interdisciplinary Research, University of Puerto Rico at Cayey MARILUZ FRANCO ORTIZ University of Puerto Rico at R´ıo Piedras SHERRY CUADRADO Institute of Interdisciplinary Research, University of Puerto Rico at Cayey The lessons of slavery: Discourses of slavery, mestizaje, and blanqueamiento in an elementary school in Puerto Rico ABSTRACT hortly after 2:00 p.m. on an average school day, one of us (Isar) On the basis of ethnographic research conducted in walked into the small air-conditioned social worker’s office at the an elementary public school in Puerto Rico, we Luisa Rodr´ıguez Elementary School in Cayey,Puerto Rico.1 Ayoung, maintain in this article that subduing and narrowing uniform-clad teenage girl sat at the desk, talking in flirtatious tones the history of slavery is instrumental in the on the school’s phone. Isar greeted the social worker as she stood reproduction of national ideologies of mestizaje in Snext to her commandeered desk, and they began to discuss an upcom- Afro-Latin America. We explore how school texts and ing conference about the history of slavery in Cayey. “There were slaves in practices silence, trivialize, and simplify the history Cayey?” the social worker asked, “Really!?” Before Isar could answer, she of slavery and conclude that these maneuvers heard the young girl telling her phone interlocutor in a high-pitched voice: distance blackness from Puerto Rican identity and “I am not prieta!” (prieta is a popular synonym for black)“Iamnotpri- silence racism while upholding racial democracy and eta!” The social worker turned to Isar and said, “You see? That is related to blanqueamiento as a social value. [slavery, racism in what you study.” The girl looked up to ask what they were talking about. Isar education, Puerto Rico, blanqueamiento, mestizaje, explained she was conducting a study about racism in schools. “I am not blackness, public history] racist,” she said, “but this guy is calling me prieta and I am not prieta!” *** These two events—a young girl’srejection of a black identity and a school official’s unawareness of the history of slavery in her community—might seem apparently unrelated. However, this article maintains that the silenc- ing of slavery and the distancing of individuals from blackness are, in fact, key interdependent manifestations of the ideology of race mixture (mesti- zaje) in Afro-Latin America. Researchers of national ideologies of mestizaje in Latin America and the Caribbean have underscored how notions of race mixture operate within very specific structures of power that often exclude blacks, deny racism, and invalidate demands for social justice against discrimination AMERICAN ETHNOLOGIST, Vol. 35, No. 1, pp. 115–135, ISSN 0094-0496, online ISSN 1548-1425. C 2008 by the American Anthropological Association. All rights reserved. DOI: 10.1111/j.2008.1548-1425.00009.x American Ethnologist Volume 35 Number 1 February 2008 (cf. Burdick 1992; Hale 1999; Helg 1995; Price 1999; Whitten sions, elucidates the roots of contemporary racial inequali- and Torres 1998; Wright 1990). Scholars have pointed out, ties and related racial identities. Addressing the ideological for example, that the celebration of racial mixture through effects of slavery can thus challenge nationalist premises of an ideology of mestizaje serves to distance Afro-Latinos celebrated mixture, desired blanqueamiento, and declared from blackness through the process of blanqueamiento, or colorblindness by bringing to the fore the tensions, cracks, “whitening.” They have also highlighted the ways in which and dissonances of nations that are not as harmonious, the idea of mestizaje is mobilized as evidence for national whitened, or democratic as discourses of mestizaje would ideologies of racial democracy that claim that because the suggest. majority of the population is mixed, “race” and racism are Understandinghowslaverychallengesdiscoursesofna- almost nonexistent in these societies (cf. Betances 1972; tionhood is particularly significant within the context of the Hanchard 1994; Sawyer 2006; Telles 2004; Wade 1997). This Caribbean, a region that received almost half of all enslaved article contributes to this literature by arguing that one im- Africans imported into the Americas during the slave trade. portant, albeit underexplored, area of inquiry for under- Scholars of various generations have recognized the impor- standing the social reproduction of such national ideologies tance of the institution of slavery, and of its economic and in Afro-Latin America is the “containment” or “taming” of ideological effects, for understanding race, racism, and the the history of slavery. Specifically, we maintain that national troublesome development of national projects in different ideologies of mestizaje in Latin America, and particularly in parts of this deeply colonized region (see Giovannetti 2006; the Hispanic Caribbean, are sustained by dominant politics Hoetink 1967; Klein 1967; Mintz 1989; Safa 1987; Scarano of public representation that silence, trivialize, and simplify 1992; Tannenbaum 1947; Williams 1957).2 Our approach to the history of slavery and its contemporary effects. slavery takes a somewhat different turn as we seek to unravel Slavery is a thorny, problematic topic for nation- not how slavery explains contemporary racial hierarchies in building projects. Although ideas of slavery, “race,” moder- the Caribbean and Afro-Latin America but, rather, how dom- nity, colonialism, capitalism, and nationalism are histor- inant representations of slavery and of the enslaved repro- ically and conceptually bound (see Anibal Quijano in duce the national ideologies underpinning those hierarchies Santiago-Valles 2003:218), Western narratives about the past (Goldberg 2002). produce their legitimacy precisely by silencing those con- A similar line of inquiry has been undertaken by recent nections (Trouillot 1995). National discourses of mestizaje in scholarship on “the politics of public history,” which has fo- Afro-LatinAmericaarenoexception.Thus,wearguethatone cused on the construction of historical narratives through important mechanism through which discourses of mes- museum exhibits, heritage sites, commemorative festivities, tizaje deny legitimacy to experiences of racism and to the new history texts, and public monuments (Garc´ıa-Canclini affirmation of black identities is by silencing the histori- 1989; Handler and Gable 1997; Patullo 1996; Price and Price cal connections between slavery and contemporary racial 1994, 2001; Sutton in press; Thomas 1999; Trouillot 1995). disparities. SuchresearchintheHispanicCaribbeanisscarce,butPuerto Depending on how the history of this period is told, Rican historian Jorge L. Giovannetti has recently launched a slavery can destabilize nationalist representations that cele- poignant call for historians and social scientists to actively brate mixture and the so-called whitening of the nation from engage with public education projects about slavery (be- various standpoints. To evoke slavery is to recognize that yond the ivory tower) “that would assist in unveiling and one racial segment of the population used “race” to exploit unmasking the racial past of the region with the explicit pur- and dehumanize another sector of the population for more pose of crafting a better future for all” (Giovannetti 2006:30). than 300 years in the Americas. Racial mixture did take place In this article, we turn to schools and schooling prac- during this time, but mostly through violent means, such tices in Puerto Rico as fertile ground for exploring state- as rape, which provide little motive for celebrating mesti- sponsored representations of slavery and the implications zaje. Furthermore, the history—not just of men and women of such representations for early socialization processes into in bondage but also of the large and vibrant communities nationalist ideology of race mixture, and blanqueamiento. that were formed by free people of color during the slave Sociologist Edward Telles argues that schools may be the period—challenges nationalist renditions of history that be- mostimportantsiteforexamininghowracialinequalitiesare little the impact of African heritage in Puerto Rico and else- produced (Telles 2004:156; see also Lewis 2006).3 However, where. Finally, an awareness of the socioeconomic legacies as Ethan Johnson has demonstrated, there has been little of the system of slavery on contemporary society can serve research conducted on the relationship between racial in- to challenge “colorblind” arguments that characterize black equality and education for blacks within the context of Latin people’s failures in the socioeconomic order as the result of America (Johnson 2007).4 In his own work, Johnson inves- a lack of individual achievement, and not as the product of tigates the ways in which students negotiate discourses of historical–structuralinequalities.Understandingthehistory national identity and whitening in Ecuador, focusing on is- of slavery, its long-term economic and ideological repercus- sues of exclusion (i.e., the exclusion of black people and their 116 The lessons of slavery American Ethnologist contributions from the history of Ecuador) and student re- tackle these problems. To this end, some of the questions we jections of a black identity. However, in places such as the ask in this article are: How is slavery constructed in the cur- Hispanic Caribbean
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