Liberty Leading the Women: Delacroix’S Liberty As Transitional Image
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Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789
The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine Honors College 5-2014 Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789 Kiley Bickford University of Maine - Main Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors Part of the Cultural History Commons Recommended Citation Bickford, Kiley, "Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789" (2014). Honors College. 147. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors/147 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors College by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NATIONALISM IN THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1789 by Kiley Bickford A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for a Degree with Honors (History) The Honors College University of Maine May 2014 Advisory Committee: Richard Blanke, Professor of History Alexander Grab, Adelaide & Alan Bird Professor of History Angela Haas, Visiting Assistant Professor of History Raymond Pelletier, Associate Professor of French, Emeritus Chris Mares, Director of the Intensive English Institute, Honors College Copyright 2014 by Kiley Bickford All rights reserved. Abstract The French Revolution of 1789 was instrumental in the emergence and growth of modern nationalism, the idea that a state should represent, and serve the interests of, a people, or "nation," that shares a common culture and history and feels as one. But national ideas, often with their source in the otherwise cosmopolitan world of the Enlightenment, were also an important cause of the Revolution itself. The rhetoric and documents of the Revolution demonstrate the importance of national ideas. -
The Pileus Cap Quick and Dirty Instructions for Aethelmearc 12Th Night Saturnalia Meisterin Felicitas Fluβmüllnerin
The Pileus Cap Quick and Dirty Instructions for AEthelmearc 12th Night Saturnalia Meisterin Felicitas Fluβmüllnerin What is a pileus? The pileus (or pilos) was a Greek-style traveling hat given to Roman slaves upon receiving their freedom. It is associated with Castor and Pollux, representing the egg that they hatched from, just as the slave is becoming a new man in his freedom. During the Festival of Saturnalia, everyone was allowed to wear the pileus, including slaves, and there was a topsy-turvy role reversal for the duration of the festival. Odysseus wearing the pilos. Ancient Greek red-figure plate Ancient Greek terracotta statuette of Ancient Greek red-figure from Apulia, third quarter of the a peasant wearing a pilos, 1st century situla from Apulia, ca. 360 4th century BC, Louvre. BC. BC, Museo Nazionale Archaeologico, Naples. Pair of Roman statuettes (3rd century AD) depicting the Dioscuri (Castor and Pollux) as horsemen, with their characteristic skullcaps (Metropolitan Museum of Art) What is it made of? Traditionally the pileus would be made of white wool to represent an egg shell, however, Saturnalia was a festival of color and celebration so feel free to use color and decorations, especially blue and gold (Saturnalia), red and white (AEthelmearc), and decorations of fertility and life: sun, moon, stars, herd animals, pinecones, nuts, and acorns. How to create a pileus: *I recommend felted wool or felt as the material. If made with a softer fabric, it will require a stiffener to stand tall. 1. Measure your head circumference loosely. 2. Add 6”. Bottom Brim Curve: _______________________ 3. -
Crosby Garrett Helmet
A Roman Cavalry Helmet and the Phrygian Cap The Crosby Garrett helmet is well preserved example of a two-piece Roman cavalry helmet in the style of a Phrygia Cap, discovered close to Carlisle in 2010 by metal detectorists. Grampus Heritage who lead the EVEHD project have been involved with local Cumbrian volunteers in surveying the site of the discovery to see if there are any associated Roman discoveries yet to be made. With sponsorship from the Tullie House Museum and Art Gallery and the Portable Antiquities Scheme, Grampus and a local team identified earthworks which seemed to be part of a substantial enclosure surrounded by ditches, within which buildings had once stood. The enclosure, which measures as much as 500 metres (1,600 ft) long on its southern side, combines both native British and Roman methods of fortification. A sunken area within the enclosure may possibly have served as a paddock for horses, while the evidence for the buildings is concentrated in the enclosure's northern portion. The remnants of Romano-British field systems in the surrounding area show that the area was under cultivation and animal remains found on the site indicate that the inhabitants also raised livestock, including sheep, goats and pigs. The presence of Roman pottery suggests that the inhabitants had adopted some elements of the Roman lifestyle, but their community may well have been there long before the Romans arrived. Archaeological evidence from the enclosure indicates that the site may have been first settled as far back as the Bronze Age, at least 1,000 years before the helmet was deposited. -
The French Revolution Unfolds
WH07_te_ch06_s02_MOD_s.fm Page 216 Monday, March 5, 2007 5:24WH07MOD_se_CH06_s02_s.fm PM Page 216 Thursday, January 25, 2007 4:17 PM Step-by-Step SECTION Instruction 2 Women march WITNESS HISTORY AUDIO to the palace. Parisian Women Storm Versailles Objectives On October 5, 1789, anger turned to action as thousands As you teach this section, keep students of women marched from Paris to Versailles. They wanted focused on the following objectives to help the king to stop ignoring their suffering. They also them answer the Section Focus Question wanted the queen. French women were particularly angry and master core content. 2 with the Austrian-born queen, Marie Antoinette. They 2 could not feed their children, yet she lived extravagantly. ■ Explain how the political crisis of 1789 The women yelled as they looked for her in the palace: led to popular revolts. Death to the Austrian! We’ll wring her neck! ■ Summarize the moderate reforms “ We’ll tear her heart out! enacted by the National Assembly in —mob of women at Versailles,” October 6, 1789 August 1789. Focus Question What political and social reforms did ■ Identify additional actions taken by the the National Assembly institute in the first stage of the National Assembly as it pressed French Revolution? onward. ■ Analyze why there was a mixed reac- tion around Europe to the events unfolding in France. The French Revolution Unfolds Objectives Excitement, wonder, and fear engulfed France as the revolution Prepare to Read • Explain how the political crisis of 1789 led to unfolded at home and spread abroad. Historians divide this revo- popular revolts. -
France Study Trip “Presidential Election in France” a Project Within the Boschalumninetwork
Politicis of France Study trip “Presidential Election in France” a project within the BoschAlumniNetwork France Area Total 643,801 km2 Metropolitan France1 551,695 km2 Population Total January 2017 estimate 66,991,000 (20th) Metropolitan France January 2017 estimate 64,859,000[5] (22nd) Metropolitan France Density 117,6/km2 Politics of France The Fifth Republic The Fifth Republic was established by Charles de Gaulle under the Constitution of the Fifth Republic on 4 October 1958. It emerged from the collapse of the Fourth Republic, replacing the former parliamen- tary republic with a semi-presidential, or dual-executive, system that split powers between a prime min- ister as head of government and a president as head of state. De Gaulle, who was the first president elected under the Fifth Republic in December 1958, believed in a strong head of state, which he de- scribed as embodying “l'esprit de la nation” (the spirit of the nation). The nation declares itself to be an "indivisible, secular, democratic, and social Republic". The constitu- tion provides for a separation of powers and proclaims France's "attachment to the Rights of Man and the principles of national sovereignty as defined by the Declaration of 1789." The Fifth Republic is France's third-longest political regime, after the hereditary and feudal monarchies of the Ancien Régime (15th century – 1792) and the parliamentary Third Republic (1879–1940). Executive branch Executive power is exercised by the President of the Republic and the Government. The Government consists of the Prime Minister and ministers. The Prime Minister is appointed by the President, and is responsible to Parliament. -
Contested Symbolism in the Flags of New World Slave Risings
Contested Symbolism in the Flags of New World Slave Risings Steven A. Knowlton Throughout the summer of 1800, an enslaved blacksmith of Richmond, Virginia, named Gabriel conspired with fellow bondspeople to rise in arms and fight for their freedom. Among his plans was a scheme to paint a flag with the phrase “Death or Liberty” to be carried at the head of the column that would march into the city.1 Gabriel’s slogan inverted the words of his fellow Virginian Patrick Henry, whose famous oration on the eve of the American Revolution concluded, “Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take, but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!”2 It is a well-known irony of history that among those who fought for American independence from British rule—and couched their rhetoric in terms of “freedom” and “liberty”—were some of the largest slaveholders on the continent, including Henry.3 In popular memory, their struggle against King George III has been valorized, but so have the efforts of those who sought emancipation for slaves. For example, historical markers now stand at key locations in Gabriel’s career, and the Richmond History Center has made an artist’s conception of Gabriel’s image one of fifty key objects that define the city’s story.4 (Figure 1) As Gabriel’s adaptation of Henry’s rhetoric demonstrates, opposing parties are known to assign conflicting meanings to shared symbols; flags are among the most prominent of these, as documented throughout vexillological literature.5 Slaves who engaged in violent conflict with their masters often used flags mod- eled on those of their oppressors. -
Fair Shares for All
FAIR SHARES FOR ALL JACOBIN EGALITARIANISM IN PRACT ICE JEAN-PIERRE GROSS This study explores the egalitarian policies pursued in the provinces during the radical phase of the French Revolution, but moves away from the habit of looking at such issues in terms of the Terror alone. It challenges revisionist readings of Jacobinism that dwell on its totalitarian potential or portray it as dangerously Utopian. The mainstream Jacobin agenda held out the promise of 'fair shares' and equal opportunities for all in a private-ownership market economy. It sought to achieve social justice without jeopardising human rights and tended thus to complement, rather than undermine, the liberal, individualist programme of the Revolution. The book stresses the relevance of the 'Enlightenment legacy', the close affinities between Girondins and Montagnards, the key role played by many lesser-known figures and the moral ascendancy of Robespierre. It reassesses the basic social and economic issues at stake in the Revolution, which cannot be adequately understood solely in terms of political discourse. Past and Present Publications Fair shares for all Past and Present Publications General Editor: JOANNA INNES, Somerville College, Oxford Past and Present Publications comprise books similar in character to the articles in the journal Past and Present. Whether the volumes in the series are collections of essays - some previously published, others new studies - or mono- graphs, they encompass a wide variety of scholarly and original works primarily concerned with social, economic and cultural changes, and their causes and consequences. They will appeal to both specialists and non-specialists and will endeavour to communicate the results of historical and allied research in readable and lively form. -
And Voltaire's
A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF POPE’S “ESSAY ON MAN” AND VOLTAIRE’S “DISCOURS EN VERS SUR L’HONME” A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF ATLANTA UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTERS OF ARTS BY ANNIE BERNICE WIMBUSH SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES ATLANTA, GEORGIA NAY 1966 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page PREFACE . a a . • • • . iii. Chapter I. THENENANDTHEIRWORKS. a• • • • • . a aa 1 The Life of Alexander Pope The Life of Voltaire II. ABRIEFRESUNEOFTHETWOPOENS . aa • . • •. a a 20 Pope’s “Essay on Man” Voltaire’s “Discours En Vers Sur L’Hoimne” III. A COMPARISON OF THE TWO POEMS . a • • 30 B IBLIOGRAPHY a a a a a a a a a a a • a a a • a a a a a a a 45 ii PREFACE In the annals of posterity few men of letters are lauded with the universal renown and fame as are the two literary giants, Voltaire and Pope. Such creative impetus and “esprit” that was uniquely theirs in sures their place among the truly great. The histories and literatures of France and England show these twQ men as strongly influential on philosophical thinking. Their very characters and temperaments even helped to shape and transform man’s outlook on life in the eighteenth century and onward.. On the one hand, there is Voltaire, the French poet, philosopher, historian and publicist whose ideas became the ideas of hundreds of others and whose art remains with us today as monuments of a great mind. On the other there is Pope, the English satirical poet and philosopher, endowed with a hypersensitive soul, who concerned himself with the ordinary aspects of literary and social life, and these aspects he portrayed in his unique and excellent verse, Both men were deeply involved in the controversial issues of the time. -
Classical Images As Allegory During the French Revolution
University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2007 Visioning The Nation: Classical Images As Allegory During The French Revolution Kristopher Guy Reed University of Central Florida Part of the History Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Reed, Kristopher Guy, "Visioning The Nation: Classical Images As Allegory During The French Revolution" (2007). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 3312. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/3312 VISIONING THE NATION: CLASSICAL IMAGES AS ALLEGORY DURING THE FRENCH REVOLUTION by KRISTOPHER G. REED BA Stetson University, 1998 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment for the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Humanities at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Fall Term 2007 Major Professor: Amelia Lyons ABSTRACT In the latter half of the Eighteenth Century, France experienced a seismic shift in the nature of political culture. The king gave way to the nation at the center of political life as the location of sovereignty transferred to the people. While the French Revolution changed the structure of France’s government, it also changed the allegorical representations of the nation. At the Revolution’s onset, the monarchy embodied both the state and nation as equated ideas. -
The Pitiful King: Tears, Blood, and Family in Revolutionary Royalism
The Pitiful King: Tears, Blood, and Family in Revolutionary Royalism Victoria Murano Submitted to Professors Lisa Jane Graham and Linda Gerstein In partial fulfillment of the requirement of History 400: Senior Thesis Seminar Murano 1 Abstract When the French Revolution erupted in 1789, revolutionaries strove to foster a sense of freedom of expression, guaranteeing a brief freedom of the press. The eleventh article of the 1791 Declaration of the Rights of Man asserts that “The free communication of thoughts and opinions is one of man’s most precious rights; all citizens may therefore speak, write, print freely, except to answer for the abuse of this liberty in cases determined by law.” However, as France became further embroiled in the Revolution, it abandoned its allegiance to the universality of these rights, propagating pro-republican thought, and persecuting anyone who did not share these views. The royalist press was a major concern to the new republican government, because it continued to speak out in support of the king and criticize the Revolution. The existence of royalist journalists and writers thus posed a problem for revolutionaries who wanted to establish a monolithically-minded republic. Therefore, over time, they enacted repressive censorship and punishment to crack down on royalist sympathizers. Although they sent many royalist writers to prison or the guillotine, the revolutionaries ultimately failed to silence their political enemies. This thesis uses newspapers, images, and other printed media to explore royalist coverage of three events that diminished royal power: Louis XVI’s flight to Varennes in June 1791, his execution in January 1793, and the death of his nine-year-old son and heir, Louis XVII, in June 1795. -
Under the July Monarchy (1830-1848)
REPRESENTATIONS OF “LE TRAVAIL” UNDER THE JULY MONARCHY (1830-1848) by Rebecca Terese Powers A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland July, 2015 Representations of le travail under the July Monarchy ABSTRACT This project traces the definition of a social reality of labor under the July Monarchy. More specifically, it investigates how the ubiquitous but elusive term travail – understood as manual, non-agricultural work – operates at different levels of discourse in the 1830s and 1840s. To underline this specific cultural context, I employ the French travail rather than the English “work” or “labor.” French workers expected improved social conditions after their contribution to the 1830 Revolution, but were promptly denied this by the new Constitutional Monarchy. Their frustration came to a head in 1848, when they again revolted, demanding the right to work – le droit au travail. This moment is often considered the dawn of the French labor movement, but I contend that it is in the years leading up to 1848 that travail undergoes its most dramatic definition and consecration as a modern value. In order to better understand how the term took on such significance, I examine a variety of cultural documents, both literary and what we would today consider paraliterary. The corpus includes novels by Honoré de Balzac and George Sand; moralist inquiries by René Villermé and Honoré-Antoine Frégier; Jules Michelet’s historiography of the French people; and writings by the workers themselves, whose first-hand accounts of physical labor were becoming increasingly influential. -
The French Fifth Republic
21 The French Fifth Republic Kamaya Jayatissa “Dans le tumulte des hommes et des événements, la solitude était ma tentation. Maintenant, elle est mon amie. De quelle autre se contenter lorsqu’on a rencontré l’Histoire ?”1 Charles de Gaulle The Origins of the Fifth Republic In the early 1950s, French political life was dominated by its colonial wars. Following the military defeat and humiliation of Dien Bien Phu, in May 1954, the government of Pierre Mendès France was forced to negotiate the permanent withdrawal of its troops from Indo-China, putting an end to nearly eight years of conflict.2 For France, this defeat marked the beginning of the decolonisation process in all its colonies. Even though both Morocco and Tunisia gained independence without too much struggle in 1956, the situation was to be very different in Algeria where the links with the Hexagon were deeply rooted since 1830.3 “Algeria was the trigger of the crises, which was fatal to the regime”, stressed French political scientist, René Raymond. It indeed initiated the beginning of a conflict that was to drown the Fourth Republic in a severe institutional crisis. Despite commendable achievements, 4 the Fourth Republic remained unloved by many. Known as la mal aimée,5 it comprised 1 “In the tumult of men and events, solitude was my temptation. Now she is my friend. How else to be content when we met history?” 2 In June 1954, having signed the said agreement, newly appointed President, Pierre Mendès France announced to the French Parliament that he had achieve his aim of ‘an honourable settlement’ to end a war that had cost at least 300,000 lives.