The Hunchback of the July Monarchy
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The Political Story, 1814-1900
The Political Story: 1815-1900. From Monarchy to Republic, the struggle for stability and compromise • Republicanism a minority allegiance up to 1880 • Critics associate it with Jacobinism, violent democracy, “Bolshevism” in its day. • By 1880, a permanent majority of the French converted to the republican ideal (Wright, 205) • Transition was exceptional, not normal, it its day A series of experiments in search of stability and compromise (Wright) • The Bourbon Experiment (1814-1830) • The Orléanist Experiment (1830-1848) • The Republican Experiment (1848-1852) • The Imperial Experiment (1852-1870) • The Rooting of the Republican System (1870-1919) Louis XVIII, King of France (1814-1824) Louis-Philippe, King of the French, 1830-1848 Official portrait of Louis XVIII by Jean-Baptiste-Louis Gros Official portrait by Franz Xavier Winterhalter, 1839 Louis XVIII and the Royal Family Charles X, King of France 1824-1830 Official portrait François GERARD, 1825 1814-1848 Struggles for Compromise that Failed How to blend the Revolution and the Old Regime? How to bridge deep divisions created by the Revolution? • Louis XVIII (1814-1824) & the Charter—divine right and a nobility with a legislature • 1817—90,000 men of the wealthy elite had the right to vote • The Chamber: ultras, moderates, liberals (constitutional monarchists, a few republicans) • Charles X (1824-1830) “Stubbornly Unwise” • Coronation at Reims (symbol of the Old Regime) • Compensation of noble émigrés • Partial restoration of the Church—seminaries and missions • Trio of unpopular -
French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation Naomi J
Santa Clara University Scholar Commons History College of Arts & Sciences 9-2013 Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation Naomi J. Andrews Santa Clara University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.scu.edu/history Part of the European History Commons, and the Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons Recommended Citation Andrews, Naomi J. (2013). Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation. The ourJ nal of Modern History, Vol. 85, No. 3 (September 2013) , pp. 489-527. Published by: The nivU ersity of Chicago Press. Article DOI: 10.1086/668500. Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/668500 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts & Sciences at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in History by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation* Naomi J. Andrews Santa Clara University What we especially call slavery is only the culminating and pivotal point where all of the suffering of society comes together. (Charles Dain, 1836) The principle of abolition is incontestable, but its application is difficult. (Louis Blanc, 1840) In 1846, the romantic socialist Désiré Laverdant observed that although Great Britain had rightly broken the ties binding masters and slaves, “in delivering the slave from the yoke, it has thrown him, poor brute, into isolation and abandonment. Liberal Europe thinks it has finished its work because it has divided everyone.”1 Freeing the slaves, he thus suggested, was only the beginning of emancipation. -
The Revolution of 1848 in the History of French Republicanism Samuel Hayat
The Revolution of 1848 in the History of French Republicanism Samuel Hayat To cite this version: Samuel Hayat. The Revolution of 1848 in the History of French Republicanism. History of Political Thought, Imprint Academic, 2015, 36 (2), pp.331-353. halshs-02068260 HAL Id: halshs-02068260 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-02068260 Submitted on 14 Mar 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. History of Political Thought, vol. 36, n° 2, p. 331-353 PREPRINT. FINAL VERSION AVAILABLE ONLINE https://www.ingentaconnect.com/contentone/imp/hpt/2015/00000036/00000002/art00006 The Revolution of 1848 in the History of French Republicanism Samuel Hayat Abstract: The revolution of February 1848 was a major landmark in the history of republicanism in France. During the July monarchy, republicans were in favour of both universal suffrage and direct popular participation. But during the first months of the new republican regime, these principles collided, putting republicans to the test, bringing forth two conceptions of republicanism – moderate and democratic-social. After the failure of the June insurrection, the former prevailed. During the drafting of the Constitution, moderate republicanism was defined in opposition to socialism and unchecked popular participation. -
Valeurs De La République
Valeurs de la République Arts plastiques Entre magnifier et caricaturer : prendre position « Ce n’est pas précisément de la caricature, c’est de l’histoire, de la triviale et triste réalité ». Charles BAUDELAIRE Inspection d’Académie – Inspection Pédagogique Régionale Etymologie La caricature, du latin caricare, signifie « charger ». Elle confère ainsi à la personne figurée une exagération des défauts et vient grossir les traits à des fins comiques ou satiriques. « Les caricatures développent, en exagérant les fromes, les caractères différents des physionomies, et c’est d’après quelques-unes de ces exagérations que des auteurs ou des artistes, conduits par l’imagination, ont trouvé et fait apercevoir des ressemblances visibles et frappantes entre divers animaux et certaines physionomies. » Dictionnaire des Beaux-Arts. « La caricature est un miroir qui grossit les traits et rend les formes plus sensibles. » Claude-Henri Watelet Pour Baudelaire, la caricature représente la modernité dans l’art. La caricature figure un être « sous un aspect rendu volontairement affreux, difforme, odieux ou ridicule. » Etienne Souriau, Vocabulaire d’Esthétique, 1990. Pour Ernst Gombrich, la caricature suppose de « comprendre la différence entre la ressemblance et l'équivalence ». Les formes artistiques de caricatures : Le dessin de presse Les grotesques Les caricatures picturales Le dessin satirique Les photomontages Les sculptures caricaturales Corpus Les œuvres proposées ne sont pas exhaustives, elles permettent d’aborder la notion de Caricature dans les arts selon des orientations qu’il est judicieux d’interroger dans le cadre d’une pratique plasticienne réfléchie et en lien avec une culture artistique justifiée. - Rufus est (c'est Rufus), atrium, Villa des Mystères de Pompéi, Italie. -
Under the July Monarchy (1830-1848)
REPRESENTATIONS OF “LE TRAVAIL” UNDER THE JULY MONARCHY (1830-1848) by Rebecca Terese Powers A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland July, 2015 Representations of le travail under the July Monarchy ABSTRACT This project traces the definition of a social reality of labor under the July Monarchy. More specifically, it investigates how the ubiquitous but elusive term travail – understood as manual, non-agricultural work – operates at different levels of discourse in the 1830s and 1840s. To underline this specific cultural context, I employ the French travail rather than the English “work” or “labor.” French workers expected improved social conditions after their contribution to the 1830 Revolution, but were promptly denied this by the new Constitutional Monarchy. Their frustration came to a head in 1848, when they again revolted, demanding the right to work – le droit au travail. This moment is often considered the dawn of the French labor movement, but I contend that it is in the years leading up to 1848 that travail undergoes its most dramatic definition and consecration as a modern value. In order to better understand how the term took on such significance, I examine a variety of cultural documents, both literary and what we would today consider paraliterary. The corpus includes novels by Honoré de Balzac and George Sand; moralist inquiries by René Villermé and Honoré-Antoine Frégier; Jules Michelet’s historiography of the French people; and writings by the workers themselves, whose first-hand accounts of physical labor were becoming increasingly influential. -
Liberty Leading the Women: Delacroix’S Liberty As Transitional Image
Kimberly Carroll (Eugene Delacroix. Liberty Leading the People, 1830. Musée du Louvre, Paris.) Liberty Leading the Women: Delacroix’s Liberty as Transitional Image One of the most iconic transformed into a true wom- overthrow of the monarchy works of revolutionary art is an of the people. Delacroix that had been reinstituted Eugene Delacroix’s Liberty introduces through her figure shortly after the first French Leading the People, a paint- a level of specificity that Revolution of 1789 – 99. It ing from 1830 that depicts transcends her traditional debuted in the Paris Salon the July Revolution of the representations as a passive, in 1831 and was met with same year (Fig 1.). The main mythological, or allegorical mixed reactions. figure of the painting is the symbol. In looking to the or- Many were horrified at the symbol of Liberty, an igins of the figure of liberty, depiction of an event in allegorical representation the role of women during the what would have been of the ideal of perfect free- revolutions, the artist’s own contemporary history in dom. Liberty is represented history, and the reappear- which a bare-breasted through the female form, a ance of this figure into our woman was painted leading traditional manner of rep- own contemporary world, the people of France. In the resentation of victory that the evolution of Delacroix’s same year of its debut, the dates back to antiquity (Fig. Liberty as an image can be painting “was censored by 2). Many components of her seen to serve as a bridge Louis-Philippe” and was appearance clearly indicate from a purely allegorical fig- “hidden from the public for that she is an allegorical rep- ure to a real woman. -
Nineteenth-Century Paris and the Revival of Vincentian Charity
Vincentian Heritage Journal Volume 14 Issue 1 Article 5 Spring 1993 "What About the Poor?" Nineteenth-Century Paris and the Revival of Vincentian Charity Edward R. Udovic C.M., Ph.D. Follow this and additional works at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/vhj Recommended Citation Udovic, Edward R. C.M., Ph.D. (1993) ""What About the Poor?" Nineteenth-Century Paris and the Revival of Vincentian Charity," Vincentian Heritage Journal: Vol. 14 : Iss. 1 , Article 5. Available at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/vhj/vol14/iss1/5 This Articles is brought to you for free and open access by the Vincentian Journals and Publications at Via Sapientiae. It has been accepted for inclusion in Vincentian Heritage Journal by an authorized editor of Via Sapientiae. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 69 "What About the Poor?" Nineteenth-Century Paris and the Revival of Vincentian Charity BY EDWARD R. UDOVIC, C.M. In Victor Hugo's classic nineteenth-cen- tury novel, Les Misérables, the saintly bishop of the poor and remote diocese of Digne, Monseigneur Charles François-Bienvenu Myriel, undertakes the long journey to Paris to attend an episcopal synod together with 104 of his fellow bishops who were sum- moned there from throughout France and the French controlled regions of Italy. This unprecedented synod, which had been con- voked by the Emperor Napoleon, met at the cathedral of Notre Dame in June and July of 1811 under the presidency of the emperor's Reverend uncle, Cardinal Fesch, who was also the Edward R. Udovic, C.M. archbishop of Lyons.' According to Hugo's fictional account; during the course of this synod the aged bishop of Digne attended only one session and three or four private conferences. -
Taming the Bourgeoisie: Grandville's Scènes De La Vie Privée Et Publique
EnterText 7.3 KERI BERG Taming the Bourgeoisie: Grandville’s Scènes de la vie privée et publique des animaux (1840-1842) Writing in 1842, an unnamed critic for L’Artiste described the caricaturist J. J. Grandville’s (1803-1847) Scènes de la vie privée et publique des animaux as a “mirror, accurate but not very flattering, in which each of us can look at ourselves and recognize ourselves.”1 The critic’s description of the illustrated book Scènes de la vie privée et publique des animaux (henceforth referred to as Les Animaux) sums up both the work and its particular mode of representation: caricature, which is the comic distortion and/or exaggeration of an original object. From political celebrations to marriage proposals, Les Animaux’s visual and verbal “scènes” from nineteenth- century life presented period readers with a deformed image of themselves, their personality traits, habits and hobbies distorted by the artist’s pencil. Grandville’s brand of caricature, however, stands out from that of his contemporaries, such as Honoré Daumier, Henri Monnier and Gavarni, in that the basis for Les Animaux’s distortion, as the title of the work suggests, is the animal. In Les Animaux, the bourgeois banker is a fattened turkey, the politician a rotund hippopotamus and the landlord a beady-eyed vulture. While the use of animal imagery and metaphors was not new in the 1840s, Grandville’s approach was, as the caricaturist created Keri Berg: Taming the Bourgeoisie 43 EnterText 7.3 hybrid creatures—animal heads atop human bodies—that visually and literally metamorphosed the person figured. -
The Chevalier De Lorraine As “Maître En Titre”
Bulletin du Centre de recherche du château de Versailles Sociétés de cour en Europe, XVIe-XIXe siècle - European Court Societies, 16th to 19th Centuries Articles et études | 2017 The Chevalier de Lorraine as “Maître en Titre”: The Male Favourite as Prince, Partner and Patron Le chevalier de Lorraine comme « Maître en titre » : le favori mâle comme prince, partenaire et patron Jonathan Spangler Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/crcv/14427 ISSN: 1958-9271 Publisher Centre de recherche du château de Versailles This text was automatically generated on 14 December 2017. The Chevalier de Lorraine as “Maître en Titre”: The Male Favourite as Prince,... 1 The Chevalier de Lorraine as “Maître en Titre”: The Male Favourite as Prince, Partner and Patron Le chevalier de Lorraine comme « Maître en titre » : le favori mâle comme prince, partenaire et patron Jonathan Spangler 1 In June 1701, the only brother of Louis XIV of France, Philippe, Duke of Orléans, passed away in his château in Saint-Cloud just outside of Paris. He left behind a widow and a son, but also a significant male favourite, with whom he had shared his life for nearly forty years: Philippe, Chevalier de Lorraine. The new Duke of Orléans offered to continue his late father’s gift to the Chevalier of a pension (about 10,000 écus, or 30,000 livres), and to allow him to keep his apartments at the Palais-Royal. Several contemporaries noted the gesture, and added that the Chevalier retained the rooms, but refused the pension. Dangeau quotes the young Orléans as offering it because, “I inherit the totality of his wealth, thus it will always be him who gives it to you”. -
Vichy France and the Legacy of the French Revolution
5 CONTESTED SYMBOLS Lear Prize Winner Contested Symbols: Vichy France and the Legacy of the French Revolution This paper examines how Vichy, the authoritarian government in France throughout most of the Second World War, reckoned with the legacy of the French Revolution. I investigate this relationship through the regime’s treatment of four revolutionary symbols: the figure Marianne, the anthem “La Marseillaise,” the national holiday of Bastille Day, and the slogan of Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité. Because these symbols were deeply embedded in French social and political life, I argue that Vichy could neither fully reject nor embrace them; instead, it pursued a middle ground by twisting the symbols’ meanings and introducing alternatives in line with the traditionalism and ethnocentrism of its National Revolution. In doing so, Vichy attempted to replace the French Republic and the revolutionary values that it stood for with its own vision of the French past, present, and future. Emma Satterfield Written for History 457: Modern Revolutions 1776, 1789, 1917, 1989, 2011 Dr. Peter C. Caldwell SPRING 2019 EMMA SATTERFIELD 6 Since 1789, the themes and struggles at the heart of the French Revolution have been invoked and re-invoked at times of political crisis and change, from the empire of Napoleon to the brief Paris Commune of 1870. At the onset of the twentieth century, even as the Revolution grew more distant with the passing of time, its legacy remained central to the identity of both the French Republic and its citizens. This crystallization of French identity was made possible by the government’s use of a repertoire of revolutionary symbols embodying the ideals of liberty, equality, and brotherhood. -
Toward a New Portrait of Madame Élisabeth De France Maria Spencer Wendeln Wayne State University
Wayne State University Wayne State University Dissertations 1-1-2015 Princess On The aM rgins: Toward A New Portrait Of Madame Élisabeth De France Maria Spencer Wendeln Wayne State University, Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wayne.edu/oa_dissertations Part of the Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons, and the History Commons Recommended Citation Wendeln, Maria Spencer, "Princess On The aM rgins: Toward A New Portrait Of Madame Élisabeth De France" (2015). Wayne State University Dissertations. Paper 1322. This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@WayneState. It has been accepted for inclusion in Wayne State University Dissertations by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@WayneState. PRINCESS ON THE MARIGNS: TOWARD A NEW PORTRAIT OF MADAME ÉLISABETH DE FRANCE by MARIA SPENCER WENDELN DISSERTATION Submitted to the Graduate School of Wayne State University, Detroit, Michigan, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 2015 MAJOR: HISTORY Approved by: ____________________________________ Advisor Date ____________________________________ ____________________________________ ____________________________________ ____________________________________ © COPYRIGHT BY MARIA SPENCER WENDELN 2015 All Rights Reserved DEDICATION For my sisters in French heritage and history: Alice du Puy Spencer, my grandmother; Josephine du Puy, her sister and my godmother; Mary Paulette Van Vactor Heil, my beloved friend; and Mary Joan Gills Spencer, my mother and fellow researcher. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My acknowledgements begin with a special note of gratitude to Dr. Christopher Johnson. I could have not had a better adviser for my master’s thesis and this work in part derives from his guidance on my analysis of Madame Élisabeth’s 1787 portrait by Labille-Guiard. -
The Restored Bourbon Monarchy in France 1814-1830
THE RESTORED BOURBON MONARCHY IN FRANCE 1814-1830. After the defeat of Napoleon and his 1st exile to the land of Elba (1814), the Vienna Congress powers restored the Bourbon monarchy in France under Louis Stanislus Xavier de France who took the title Louis XVIII. This was in accordance to the principle of legitimacy by which rightful rulers were to be restored to their legitimate thrones. Louis XVIII was 60 years and was the eldest brother of King Louis XVI who was executed in Jan 1793. Louis XVIII was both intellectually and by character suitable to be a king. He had a lot of common sense and had learnt a lot from the French revolution and Napoleonic era .He was aware of the faults of his brother that caused his death .He had suffered enough in exile and would never wish to go back. He therefore stood for a policy of compromise and reconciliation between the new and old order in France. However on 1st march 1815, Napoleon escaped from Elba and landed in Paris with 1100 men. He received overwhelming ovation and support from the peasants. The soldiers sent to engage him fraternized when he dimply moved forward, opened his coat and asked, "Which of you will fire against his emperor"? This event forced Louis XVIII to flee to exile once again and Napoleon ruled for 100 more days the allies, who had suffered in the hands of Napoleon, reorganized themselves and defeated Napoleon at the battle of Waterloo on 18th June 1815. Louis XVIII returned from exile with a charter to rule as a constitutional king.