France: 1914 Onwards”
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European Movement International 04/12/2020, 09:17
European Movement International 04/12/2020, 09:17 Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: Mourning a European giant Following the passing of former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, former president of the European Movement International and passionate defender of the European project, we share perspectives on his life from France, Belgium, Germany and Malta. European Headlines is a weekly newsletter from the European Movement International highlighting media perspectives from across Europe. Click here to subscribe. Tweet about this Remembering VGE Le Monde provides a brief biography of the former French president, who passed away on Wednesday as a result of a Covid-19 infection. At the age of 36, Giscard was appointed Minister of Finance and Economic Affairs under Georges Pompidou. In 1974, he ran in the 1974 presidential elections, defeating Jacques Chaban-Delmas and François Mitterrand and thus becoming the youngest President of the Republic since 1848. During the campaign, he established himself as a modern, dynamic politician, embodying renewal in the face of his rivals. His “advanced liberal society” entailed new laws such as the decriminalisation of abortion and the right of referral to the Constitutional Council. His international policies are marked by his strengthening of European unity. Together with German Chancellor, Helmut Schmidt, Giscard influenced the creation of the European Council in December 1974. Following the 1989 European elections, Giscard entered the European Parliament. During his years in Brussels, he served as President of the European Movement International until 1997. On May 29, 2003, he received the ‘Charlemagne Prize’ for having "advanced the unification process" in Europe. Read the full article Modern man L’Echo reports on what the former President has meant for Europe. -
Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2013 Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Heather Marlene Bennett University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Bennett, Heather Marlene, "Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880" (2013). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 734. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Abstract The traumatic legacies of the Paris Commune and its harsh suppression in 1871 had a significant impact on the identities and voter outreach efforts of each of the chief political blocs of the 1870s. The political and cultural developments of this phenomenal decade, which is frequently mislabeled as calm and stable, established the Republic's longevity and set its character. Yet the Commune's legacies have never been comprehensively examined in a way that synthesizes their political and cultural effects. This dissertation offers a compelling perspective of the 1870s through qualitative and quantitative analyses of the influence of these legacies, using sources as diverse as parliamentary debates, visual media, and scribbled sedition on city walls, to explicate the decade's most important political and cultural moments, their origins, and their impact. -
Why Emmanuel Macron Is the Most Gaullist of All Candidates for the French Presidential Elections of 2017
Policy Paper Centre international Note de recherche de formation européenne Matthias Waechter*, April 18th , 2017* CIFE Policy Paper N°53 Nothing new in French politics? Why Emmanuel Macron is the most Gaullist of all candidates for the French presidential elections of 2017 The French presidential campaign of 2017 turns soon as he exercised power from 1958 onwards, his very much around the buzzword of renewal: assertion lost its credibility and he was quickly Renewal of the political elites, the morals and perceived as the overarching figure of the French habits of political leaders, the party system. Some Right, triggering by the same token the consolida- of the candidates, most prominently far-left politi- tion of a leftist opposition. cian Jean-Luc Mélenchon, even fight for a constitu- tional turnover and the creation of a "Sixth Repu- The claim to pave a third way between left and blic". Among the five leading candidates, one right, to transcend the allegedly unproductive presents himself not only as an innovator, but also conflict between those political currents is at the as a revolutionary: It is Emmanuel Macron with his core of Emmanuel Macron's political stance. He movement "En Marche!" The campaign book by the doesn't deny his origins from the political left, but former minister of the economy appeared under the asserts that this cleavage is nowadays obsolete title "Revolution" and traces the way towards a and that good ideas should be taken from all profoundly changed France beyond the cleavage of camps. His movement "En Marche!" posts on its Left and Right. -
English, French, and Spanish Colonies: a Comparison
COLONIZATION AND SETTLEMENT (1585–1763) English, French, and Spanish Colonies: A Comparison THE HISTORY OF COLONIAL NORTH AMERICA centers other hand, enjoyed far more freedom and were able primarily around the struggle of England, France, and to govern themselves as long as they followed English Spain to gain control of the continent. Settlers law and were loyal to the king. In addition, unlike crossed the Atlantic for different reasons, and their France and Spain, England encouraged immigration governments took different approaches to their colo- from other nations, thus boosting its colonial popula- nizing efforts. These differences created both advan- tion. By 1763 the English had established dominance tages and disadvantages that profoundly affected the in North America, having defeated France and Spain New World’s fate. France and Spain, for instance, in the French and Indian War. However, those were governed by autocratic sovereigns whose rule regions that had been colonized by the French or was absolute; their colonists went to America as ser- Spanish would retain national characteristics that vants of the Crown. The English colonists, on the linger to this day. English Colonies French Colonies Spanish Colonies Settlements/Geography Most colonies established by royal char- First colonies were trading posts in Crown-sponsored conquests gained rich- ter. Earliest settlements were in Virginia Newfoundland; others followed in wake es for Spain and expanded its empire. and Massachusetts but soon spread all of exploration of the St. Lawrence valley, Most of the southern and southwestern along the Atlantic coast, from Maine to parts of Canada, and the Mississippi regions claimed, as well as sections of Georgia, and into the continent’s interior River. -
The Political Story, 1814-1900
The Political Story: 1815-1900. From Monarchy to Republic, the struggle for stability and compromise • Republicanism a minority allegiance up to 1880 • Critics associate it with Jacobinism, violent democracy, “Bolshevism” in its day. • By 1880, a permanent majority of the French converted to the republican ideal (Wright, 205) • Transition was exceptional, not normal, it its day A series of experiments in search of stability and compromise (Wright) • The Bourbon Experiment (1814-1830) • The Orléanist Experiment (1830-1848) • The Republican Experiment (1848-1852) • The Imperial Experiment (1852-1870) • The Rooting of the Republican System (1870-1919) Louis XVIII, King of France (1814-1824) Louis-Philippe, King of the French, 1830-1848 Official portrait of Louis XVIII by Jean-Baptiste-Louis Gros Official portrait by Franz Xavier Winterhalter, 1839 Louis XVIII and the Royal Family Charles X, King of France 1824-1830 Official portrait François GERARD, 1825 1814-1848 Struggles for Compromise that Failed How to blend the Revolution and the Old Regime? How to bridge deep divisions created by the Revolution? • Louis XVIII (1814-1824) & the Charter—divine right and a nobility with a legislature • 1817—90,000 men of the wealthy elite had the right to vote • The Chamber: ultras, moderates, liberals (constitutional monarchists, a few republicans) • Charles X (1824-1830) “Stubbornly Unwise” • Coronation at Reims (symbol of the Old Regime) • Compensation of noble émigrés • Partial restoration of the Church—seminaries and missions • Trio of unpopular -
La Diplomatie Française Et Les Diplomates Français Entre Tradition Et Réforme
GEORGES-HENRI SOUTOU La diplomatie française et les diplomates français entre tradition et réforme Identité nationale, américanisation, européanisation, mondialisation: cette problémati- que est bien sûr au cœur de la diplomatie française depuis 1945. Celle-ci a été marquée évidemment par des évolutions et des adaptations, mais aussi par certaines continuités, en particulier le souci de maintenir l’identité nationale: la France a toujours été le moins atlantiste des pays d’Europe occidentale et le plus rétif au leadership américain; ses élites se sont en général méfiées de la mondialisation libérale, souhaitant, de Pierre Mendès France à François Mitterrand, promouvoir telle ou telle forme de »libéralisme organisé« limitant le jeu du marché, en particulier pour les matières premières, ainsi que pour les productions culturelles (»exception culturelle« et francophonie). Quant à l’européanisation, elle a constitué certainement un axe de la diplomatie et des diploma- tes français, mais elle est restée partielle et chargée d’arrière-pensées très »nationales«. De façon peut-être excessive, mais pas fausse, les partenaires de la France au sein de la CEE puis de l’Union européenne avaient (ont toujours) l’impression que Paris consi- dère l’Europe avant tout comme un levier permettant de prolonger son action et de diffuser son modèle; de Gaulle lui-même ne parlait-il pas de l’Europe comme d’un »levier d’Archimède« pour la France? C’est au fond ce que signifie le qualificatif de »Grande Nation« que les Allemands appliquent volontiers à la France, en y mêlant, dans des proportions variables, ironie et admiration... 1945–1947 UNE TENTATIVE DE RESTAURATION D’UNE POLITIQUE NATIONALE TRADITIONNELLE En 1945, la France, pensant pouvoir retrouver son rôle international traditionnel, com- mença par renouer avec l’organisation, les méthodes et les conceptions de la diploma- tie d’avant-guerre. -
Fonds Gabriel Deville (Xviie-Xxe Siècles)
Fonds Gabriel Deville (XVIIe-XXe siècles) Répertoire numérique détaillé de la sous-série 51 AP (51AP/1-51AP/9) (auteur inconnu), révisé par Ariane Ducrot et par Stéphane Le Flohic en 1997 - 2008 Archives nationales (France) Pierrefitte-sur-Seine 1955 - 2008 1 https://www.siv.archives-nationales.culture.gouv.fr/siv/IR/FRAN_IR_001830 Cet instrument de recherche a été encodé en 2012 par l'entreprise Numen dans le cadre du chantier de dématérialisation des instruments de recherche des Archives Nationales sur la base d'une DTD conforme à la DTD EAD (encoded archival description) et créée par le service de dématérialisation des instruments de recherche des Archives Nationales 2 Archives nationales (France) INTRODUCTION Référence 51AP/1-51AP/9 Niveau de description fonds Intitulé Fonds Gabriel Deville Date(s) extrême(s) XVIIe-XXe siècles Nom du producteur • Deville, Gabriel (1854-1940) • Doumergue, Gaston (1863-1937) Importance matérielle et support 9 cartons (51 AP 1-9) ; 1,20 mètre linéaire. Localisation physique Pierrefitte Conditions d'accès Consultation libre, sous réserve du règlement de la salle de lecture des Archives nationales. DESCRIPTION Type de classement 51AP/1-6. Collection d'autographes classée suivant la qualité du signataire : chefs d'État, gouvernants français depuis la Restauration, hommes politiques français et étrangers, écrivains, diplomates, officiers, savants, médecins, artistes, femmes. XVIIIe-XXe siècles. 51AP/7-8. Documents divers sur Puydarieux et le département des Haute-Pyrénées. XVIIe-XXe siècles. 51AP/8 (suite). Documentation sur la Première Guerre mondiale. 1914-1919. 51AP/9. Papiers privés ; notes de travail ; rapports sur les archives de la Marine et les bibliothèques publiques ; écrits et documentation sur les départements français de la Révolution (Mont-Tonnerre, Rhin-et-Moselle, Roer et Sarre) ; manuscrit d'une « Chronologie générale avant notre ère ». -
Administration of Donald J. Trump, 2019 Remarks Prior to a Meeting
Administration of Donald J. Trump, 2019 Remarks Prior to a Meeting With President Emmanuel Macron of France and an Exchange With Reporters in Caen, France June 6, 2019 [President Macron began his remarks in French, and no translation was provided.] President Macron. I will say a few words in English, and I will repeat them exactly what I say. And I wanted first to thank you, President Donald Trump, for your presence here in this place. And thanks to your country, your nation, and your veterans. This morning we paid this tribute to their courage. And I think it was a great moment to celebrate and celebrate these people. President Trump. It was. President Macron. And I think your presence here to celebrate them, and their presence, is for me the best evidence of this unbreakable links between our two nations. From the very beginning of the American nation and all over the different centenaries, I think this message they conveyed to us, and our main tribute, is precisely to protect freedom and democracy everywhere. And this is why I'm always extremely happy to discuss with you in Washington, in Paris, or everywhere, in Caen today, is because we work very closely together. Our soldiers work very closely together—— President Trump. It's true, it's true. President Macron. ——in Sahel, in Iraq, in Syria. Each time freedom and democracy is at stake, we work closely together, and we will follow up. So thanks for this friendship. President Trump. Thank you very much. President Macron. Thanks for what your country did for my country. -
Political Relations Between Albania and France 1945- 1990
ISSN 2039-2117 (online) Mediterranean Journal of Vol 8 No 5 S1 ISSN 2039-9340 (print) Social Sciences September 2017 Political Relations between Albania and France 1945- 1990 Arshela Arapi Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Paris, France Abstract This paper focuses on the relations between Albania and France in the period 1945-1990 in the political optics, and aims to evaluate the dynamics of this cooperation, pointing to the different intensity at different times during dictatorship, byhilosophical demagoguery of the Albanian party and the identification of collaborative priorities extended over 20 years. Albanian - French cooperation spread in all fields. Since our country was still unconfirmed as a state, it needed the experience of other countries. France was a kind of guide to our country, as it was a developed country. Albania also linked with France by some traditional and conjunctural elements. France regarded Albania as very important, and considered it as an opportunity to expand its economy and improve its situation. France needed the mineral resources of Albania. In general, our relations with France has been normal and were concretized in several areas of mutual interest, such as trade and culture. In various speeches, the Albanian leadership has expressed the desire to strengthen more these relations on the basis of the recognized principles of equality, non-interference and mutual benefit. But at certain times, there was also anxiety, and in July 1984, there was a regress of state relations. Keywords: France, collaboration, convention, strategy 1. Introduction In the framework of the complex historical evaluation of the diplomatic policy of the Albanian country, the relationships, with the European countries in general and those of the Western Europe especially, hold a great importance. -
2013: Cambridge, MA
The Society for French Historical Studies 59th Annual Meeting April 4 – 7, 2013 Sponsored by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Harvard University Cambridge Marriott Hotel Cambridge, MA Photo Credit: Tristan Nitot SFHS Executive Committee Mary D. Lewis, Harvard University, Co-President Jeffrey Ravel, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Co-President Linda Clark, Millersville University of Pennsylvania, Executive Director %DUU\%HUJHQ*DOODXGHW8QLYHUVLW\)LQDQFLDO2I¿FHU B. Robert Kreiser, American Association of University Professors, Past )LQDQFLDO2I¿FHU Rachel Fuchs, Arizona State University, Editor, French Historical Studies J. Kent Wright, Arizona State University, Editor, French Historical Studies Elinor Accampo, University of Southern California, Past President Joelle Neulander, The Citadel, Second Past President Julie Hardwick, University of Texas, Austin, Member-at-Large Martha Hanna, University of Colorado at Boulder, Member-at-Large Susan Whitney, Carleton University, Member-at-Large David Kammerling Smith, Eastern Illinois University, H-France Program Committee Ann Blair, Harvard University Barbara Diefendorf, Boston University Venita Datta, Wellesley College Elizabeth Foster, Tufts University Laura Frader, Northeastern University Arthur Goldhammer, Harvard University Jennifer Heuer, University of Massachusetts Amherst Mary D. Lewis, Harvard University Jeffrey Ravel, Massachusetts Institute of Technology Daniel Smail, Harvard University Rosalind Williams, Massachusetts Institute of Technology Local Arrangements Andrew -
French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation Naomi J
Santa Clara University Scholar Commons History College of Arts & Sciences 9-2013 Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation Naomi J. Andrews Santa Clara University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.scu.edu/history Part of the European History Commons, and the Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons Recommended Citation Andrews, Naomi J. (2013). Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation. The ourJ nal of Modern History, Vol. 85, No. 3 (September 2013) , pp. 489-527. Published by: The nivU ersity of Chicago Press. Article DOI: 10.1086/668500. Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/668500 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts & Sciences at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in History by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation* Naomi J. Andrews Santa Clara University What we especially call slavery is only the culminating and pivotal point where all of the suffering of society comes together. (Charles Dain, 1836) The principle of abolition is incontestable, but its application is difficult. (Louis Blanc, 1840) In 1846, the romantic socialist Désiré Laverdant observed that although Great Britain had rightly broken the ties binding masters and slaves, “in delivering the slave from the yoke, it has thrown him, poor brute, into isolation and abandonment. Liberal Europe thinks it has finished its work because it has divided everyone.”1 Freeing the slaves, he thus suggested, was only the beginning of emancipation. -
Received Time Jun.12. 11:53AM Print Time Jun. 12. 11:54AM SENT BY: 6-12-95 ;11:48A.~ EMBASSY of France~ 202 429 1766;# 3/ 4
6-12-95 ;11:48A.+. EMBASSY Of f~~CE~ 202 429 1766;# 21 4 • JACQUES CHIRAC PRESIDENT OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC Born on 29 November 1932 in the fifth arrondissement of Paris Son ofFranvois Chirac, a company director, and Marie-Louise, nee Valette Married on 16 March 1956 to Bernadette Chadron de Courcel Two children: Laurence and Claude. EDUCATION Lycee Carnot and Jycee Louis-le-Grand. Paris. QUALmCATIONS Graduate of the Paris Instltut d'Etudes politiques and of the Harvard University Summer School (USA). - DECORATIONS Grand-Croix de l'Ordre national du Mente; • Croix de la V alcur militairc; Grand-Croix du Merite de l'Ordre souverain de Malte; Chevalier du Mente Agricole, des Arts et des T..ettres, de ]•Etoile Noire, du Mente sportif, du Mente Touristique; Medaille de l'Aeronautique. CAREER J957-1959: Student at the hcole nationale d1Administration; 1959: Auditeur at the Cour des comptes (Audit Court); 1962: Charge de mission at the Government Secretariat-General; 1962: Charge de mission in the private office of M. Georges Pompidou, Prime Minister; 1965-1993: Conseiller referendaire (public auditor) at the Cour des comptes; March 1965 to March 1977: Memberofthe Sainte-Fereole (Correze) municipal council; March-May 1967: National Assembly Deputy for the Correze; 1967-1968: Minister of State for Social Affairs, with responsibility for Employment (government ofM. Georges Pompidou); 1968: Member of the Correze General Council for the canton of Meymac, re-elected in 1970 and 1976; • Received Time Jun.12. 11:53AM Print Time Jun. 12. 11:54AM SENT