DOCSLIB.ORG

Report of the Proceedings of the Irish Convention

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Report of the Proceedings of the Irish Convention REPORT OF THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE IRISH CONVENTION. $rtstnt*o to $arltaimni bu Command of His #ta|*st|r. DUBLIN: PUBLISHED BY HIS MAJESTY'S STATIONERY OFFICE. To be purchased through any Bookseller or directly from E. PONSONBY, Ltd., llt>, Grafton Street, Dublin ; or from 11. M. STATIONERY OFFICE at the following addresses: Imperial House, Kixgsvay, London, W.C.2., and 28, Abingdon Street, Lo W.l. 37, Peter Sireet, Manchester; 1, St. Andrew's Crescent, Cardiff; 23, Forth Street, Edinburgh. 1918. Price One Shilling and Sixpence Net, [Cd. 9019.] REPORT OF THE PROCEEDINGS L OF THE IRISH CONVENTION. |)r*Bfntf& to parliament bn (tfommano of %is Jilajtstn. DUBLIN: PUBLISHED BY HIS MAJESTY'S STATIONERY OFFICE. To be purchased through any Bookseller or directly from E. PONSONBY, Ltd., 116, Grafton Street, Dublin : or from H.M. STATIONERY OFFICE at the following addresses : Imperial House, Kinqsway, London,' W.C.2., and 28, Abingdon Street, London, S.W.I. 1, St. Andrew's Crescent, Cardiff ; 37, Peter Street, Manchester ; 23, Forth Street, Edinburgh. 1918. Price One Shilling and Sixpence Net. [Cd. 9019.] -R3 LIST OF CONTENTS. PAGE Letter of Transmission from the Chairman of the Irish Convention to the Prime Minister ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 3 Report of the Proceedings of the Irish Convention ... ... ... ... !) Report of the Ulster Unionist Delegates to the Irish Convention... ... ... 30 Note by the Provost of Trinity College and the Archbishop of Armagh ... ... 35 Report by Twenty-two Nationalist Members of the Irish Convention ... ... 36 Note by the Majority of the Nationalist Members of the Irish Convention ... ... 44 Note by the Majority of the Labour Representatives ... ... ... ... 46 Note by the Earl of Dunraven ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 47 Note by Southern Unionists ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 48 Appendices (See List, page 49) ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 49 JAM 1 1984 IBRARY BOSTON CO! I m ! MAu2ib? CHtSmui Hill, LETTER OF TRANSMISSION FROM THE CHAIRMAN OF THE IRISH CONVENTION TO THE PRIME MINISTER. »«»• The Right Honorable D. Lloyd George, M.P., Prime Minister, 10 Downing Street, London, Sir, I have the honour to transmit herewith the Report of the Proceedings of the Irish Convention. For the immediate object of the Government the Report tells all that needs to be told : it shows that in the Convention, whilst it was not found possible to overcome the objections of the Ulster Unionists, a majority of Nationalists, all the Southern Unionists, and five out of the seven Labour representatives were agreed that the scheme of Irish self-government set out in Paragraph 42 of the Report should be immediately passed into law. A minority of Nationalists propose a scheme which differs in only one important particular from that of the majority. The Convention has, therefore, laid a foundation of Irish agreement unprecedented in history. I recognise that action in Parliament upon the result of our deliberations must largely depend upon public opinion. Without a knowledge of the circumstances which, at the termination of our proceedings, compelled us to adopt an unusual method of presenting the results of our deliberations, the public might be misled as to what has actually been achieved. It is, therefore, necessary to explain our procediire. We had every reason to believe that the Government contemplated immediate legislation upon the results of our labours. The work of an Irish settlement, sus- pended at the outbreak of the war, is now felt to admit of no further postponement. A2 In the Dominions and in the United States, as well as in other allied countries, the unsettled Irish Question is a disturbing factor, both in regard to war effort and peace aims. Nevertheless, urgent as our task was, we could not complete it until every possi- bility of agreement had been explored. The moment this point was reached—and you will not be surprised that it took us eight months to reach it—we decided to issue our Report with the least possible delay. To do this we had to avoid further con- troversy and protracted debate. I was, therefore, on March 22nd, instructed to draft a Report which should be a mere narrative of the Convention's proceedings, with a statement, for the information of the Government, of the conclusions adopted, whether unanimously or by majorities. It was hoped that this Report might be unanimously signed, and it was under- stood that any groups or individuals would be free to append to it such statements as they deemed necessary to give expression to their views. The Draft Report was circulated on March 30th, and discussed and amended on April 4th and 5th. The accuracy of the narrative was not challenged, though there was considerable difference of opinion as to the relative prominence which should be given to some parts of the proceedings. As time pressed it was decided not to have any discussion upon a Majority Report, nor upon any Minority Reports or other statements which might be submitted. The Draft Report was adopted by a majority, and the Chairman and Secretary were ordered to sign it, and forward it to the Government. A limit of twenty-four hours was, by agreement, put upon the reception of any other reports or statements, and in the afternoon of April 5th the Convention adjourned sine die. The public is thus provided with no Majority Report, in the sense of a reasoned statement in favour of the conclusions upon which the majority are agreed, but is left to gather from the narrative of proceedings what the contents of such a report would have been. On the other hand, both the Ulster Unionists and a minority of the Nationalists have presented Minority Reports covering the whole field of the Convention's enquiry. The result of this procedure is to minimise the agreement reached, and to emphasise the disagreement. In these circumstances, I conceive it to be my duty as Chairman to submit such explanatory observations as are required to enable the reader of the Report and the accompanying documents to gain a clear idea of the real effect and significance of the Convention's achievement. I may assume a knowledge of the broad facts of the Irish Question. It will be agreed that, of recent years, the greatest obstacle to its settlement has been the Ulster difficulty. There seemed to be two possible issues to our deliberations. If a scheme of Irish self-government could be framed to which the Ulster Unionists would give their adherence, then the Convention might produce a unanimous Report. Failing such a consummation, we might secure agreement, either complete or sub- stantial, between the Nationalist, the Southern Unionist and the Labour representa- tives. Many entertained the hope that the effect of such a striking and wholly new development would be to induce Ulster to reconsider its position. Perhaps unanimity was too much to expect. Be this as it may, neither time nor effort was spared in striving for that goal, and there were moments when its attainment seemed possible. There was, however, a portion of Ulster where a majority claimed that, if Ireland had the right to separate herself from the rest of the United Kingdom, they had the same right to separation from the rest of Ireland. But the time had gone by when any other section of the Irish people would accept the partition of their country even as a temporary expedient. Hence, the Ulster Unionist members in the Convention remained there only in the hope that some form of Home Rule would be proposed which might modify the determination of those they represented to have neither part nor lot in an Irish Parliament. The Nationalists strove to win them by concessions ; but they found themselves unable to accept any of the schemes discussed and the only scheme of Irish government* they presented to the Convention was confined to the exclusion of their entire Province. Long before the hope of complete unanimity had passed, the majority of the Convention were considering the possibilities of agreement between the Nationalists and the Southern Unionists. Lord Midleton was the first to make a concrete proposal to this end. The Report shows that in November he outlined to the Grand Committee, and in December brought before the Convention, what looked like a workable compromise. It accepted self-government for Ireland. In return for special minority representation in the Irish Parliament, already conceded by the Nationalists, it offered to that Parliament complete power over internal legislation and administration and, in matters of finance, over direct taxation and Excise. But. although they agreed that the Customs revenue should be paid into the Irish Exchequer, the Southern Unionists insisted upon the permanent reservation to the Imperial Parliament of the power to fix the rates of Customs duties. By far the greater part of our time and attention was occupied by this one question, whether the imposition of ( Justoms duties should or should not be under the control of the Irish Parliament. The difficulties of the Irish Convention may be summed up in two words Ulster and Customs. The Ulster difficulty the whole world knows ; but how the Customs question came to be one of vital principle, upon the decision of which depended the amount of agreement that could be reached in the Convention, needs to be told. The tendency of recent political thought among constitutional Nationalists has been towards a form of government resembling as closely as possible that of the Dominions, and, since the geographical position ofTreland imposes obvious restrictions in respect of naval and military affairs, the claim for Dominion Home Rule was concentrated upon a demand for unrestricted fiscal powers. Without separate Customs and Excise Ireland would, according to this view, fail to attain a national status like that enjoyed by the Dominions.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Site Directory National Account Card All Ireland
    Site Directory National Account Card All Ireland Issued: 15 February 2017 Maxol Fuel Card Services 48 Trench Road Mallusk Newtownabbey Co Antrim BT36 4TY Tel. No: +44 28 9050 6070 email: [email protected] www.maxolfuelcards.ie Northern15 February 2017 Ireland Page 1 of 35 Northern Ireland Antrim Ahoghill Largy Rd Sstn Address: 187 Largy Road Postcode: BT42 2RH Long: -6.392360 Last Used: Feb-17 Directions: On The Largy Rd HGV Access: - Lat: 54.805600 Brand: Maxol Opening Hrs: 6:30am - 10pm (8am - 10pm Sat & 9am - 9pm Sun) Road No. B52 Pay@Pump - Graham's Centra Sstn Address: 284 Galgorm Road Postcode: BT42 1JU Long: -6.353900 Last Used: Feb-17 Directions: On The Galgorm Rd HGV Access: Yes Lat: 54.851800 Brand: Maxol Opening Hrs: 7am - 11pm Road No. A42 Pay@Pump - Antrim Maxol FuelNet Antrim Address: 15 Ballymena Road Postcode: BT41 4JG Long: -6.131579 Last Used: Feb-17 Directions: - HGV Access: Yes Lat: 54.431770 Brand: Maxol Auto24 Opening Hrs: 24hrs Road No. No Pay@Pump Yes Townpark Sstn Address: 15 Ballymena Road Postcode: BT41 4JG Long: -6.220650 Last Used: Feb-17 Directions: On The A26 Ballymena Rd Leaving Antrim HGV Access: Yes Lat: 54.721100 Brand: Maxol Opening Hrs: 24hrs Road No. A26 Pay@Pump Yes Ballycastle Spar Ballycastle Sstn Address: Spar Castle Street Postcode: BT54 6AR Long: -6.254500 Last Used: Feb-17 Directions: At Ballycastle HGV Access: - Lat: 55.200300 Brand: Maxol Opening Hrs: 7am - 11pm Road No. A44 Pay@Pump - Ballyclare HRL Milestone Sstn Address: 91 Templepatrick Road Postcode: BT39 9RQ Long: -6.007970 Last Used: Feb-17 Directions: On The Left Heading Towards The Village From Templepatrick And The HGV Access: Yes Lat: 54.742500 Brand: Maxol Opening Hrs: 6am - Midnight Road No.
    [Show full text]
  • Copyrighted Material
    Index Note: page numbers in italics denote illustrations or maps Abbey Theatre 175 sovereignty 390 Abbot, Charles 28 as Taoiseach 388–9 abdication crisis 292 and Trimble 379, 409, 414 Aberdeen, Earl of 90 Aiken, Frank abortion debate 404 ceasefire 268–9 Academical Institutions (Ireland) Act 52 foreign policy 318–19 Adams, Gerry and Lemass 313 assassination attempt 396 and Lynch 325 and Collins 425 and McGilligan 304–5 elected 392 neutrality 299 and Hume 387–8, 392, 402–3, 407 reunification 298 and Lynch 425 WWII 349 and Paisley 421 air raids, Belfast 348, 349–50 St Andrews Agreement 421 aircraft industry 347 on Trimble 418 Aldous, Richard 414 Adams, W.F. 82 Alexandra, Queen 174 Aer Lingus 288 Aliens Act 292 Afghan War 114 All for Ireland League 157 Agar-Robartes, T.G. 163 Allen, Kieran 308–9, 313 Agence GénéraleCOPYRIGHTED pour la Défense de la Alliance MATERIAL Party 370, 416 Liberté Religieuse 57 All-Ireland Committee 147, 148 Agricultural Credit Act 280 Allister, Jim 422 agricultural exports 316 Alter, Peter 57 agricultural growth 323 American Civil War 93, 97–8 Agriculture and Technical Instruction, American note affair 300 Dept of 147 American War of Independence 93 Ahern, Bertie 413 Amnesty Association 95, 104–5, 108–9 and Paisley 419–20 Andrews, John 349, 350–1 resignation 412–13, 415 Anglesey, Marquis of 34 separated from wife 424 Anglicanism 4, 65–6, 169 Index 513 Anglo-American war 93 Ashbourne Purchase Act 133, 150 Anglo-Irish Agreement (1938) 294, 295–6 Ashe, Thomas 203 Anglo-Irish Agreement (1985) Ashtown ambush 246 aftermath
    [Show full text]
  • A Seed Is Sown 1884-1900 (1) Before the GAA from the Earliest Times, The
    A Seed is Sown 1884-1900 (1) Before the GAA From the earliest times, the people of Ireland, as of other countries throughout the known world, played ball games'. Games played with a ball and stick can be traced back to pre-Christian times in Greece, Egypt and other countries. In Irish legend, there is a reference to a hurling game as early as the second century B.C., while the Brehon laws of the preChristian era contained a number of provisions relating to hurling. In the Tales of the Red Branch, which cover the period around the time of the birth of Christ, one of the best-known stories is that of the young Setanta, who on his way from his home in Cooley in County Louth to the palace of his uncle, King Conor Mac Nessa, at Eamhain Macha in Armagh, practised with a bronze hurley and a silver ball. On arrival at the palace, he joined the one hundred and fifty boys of noble blood who were being trained there and outhurled them all single-handed. He got his name, Cuchulainn, when he killed the great hound of Culann, which guarded the palace, by driving his hurling ball through the hound's open mouth. From the time of Cuchulainn right up to the end of the eighteenth century hurling flourished throughout the country in spite of attempts made through the Statutes of Kilkenny (1367), the Statute of Galway (1527) and the Sunday Observance Act (1695) to suppress it. Particularly in Munster and some counties of Leinster, it remained strong in the first half of the nineteenth century.
    [Show full text]
  • Ireland and the Basque Country: Nationalisms in Contact, 1895-1939
    Ireland and the Basque Country: Nationalisms in Contact, 1895-1939 Kyle McCreanor A Thesis in the Department of History Presented in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts (History) at Concordia University Montréal, Québec, Canada March 2019 © Kyle McCreanor, 2019 CONCORDIA UNIVERSITY School of Graduate Studies This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Kyle McCreanor Entitled: Ireland and the Basque Country: Nationalisms in Contact, 1895-1939 and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (History) complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality. Signed by the final Examining Committee: _________________________________ Chair Dr. Andrew Ivaska _________________________________ Examiner Dr. Ted McCormick _________________________________ Examiner Dr. Cameron Watson _________________________________ Supervisor Dr. Gavin Foster Approved by _________________________________________________________ Chair of Department or Graduate Program Director _______________ 2019 _________________________________________ Dean of Faculty iii Abstract Ireland and the Basque Country: Nationalisms in Contact, 1895-1939 Kyle McCreanor This thesis examines the relationships between Irish and Basque nationalists and nationalisms from 1895 to 1939—a period of rapid, drastic change in both contexts. In the Basque Country, 1895 marked the birth of the Partido Nacionalista Vasco (Basque Nationalist Party), concurrent with the development of the cultural nationalist movement known as the ‘Gaelic revival’ in pre-revolutionary Ireland. In 1939, the Spanish Civil War ended with the destruction of the Spanish Second Republic, plunging Basque nationalism into decades of intense persecution. Conversely, at this same time, Irish nationalist aspirations were realized to an unprecedented degree during the ‘republicanization’ of the Irish Free State under Irish leader Éamon de Valera.
    [Show full text]
  • Stephen Gwynn and the Failure Of
    The Historical Journal , 53, 3 (2010), pp. 723–745 f Cambridge University Press 2010 doi:10.1017/S0018246X10000269 STEPHEN GWYNN AND THE FAILURE OF CONSTITUTIONAL NATIONALISM View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE IN IRELAND , 1919 –1921 * provided by Northumbria Research Link COLIN REID NUI Maynooth ABSTRACT . The Irish Party, the organization which represented the constitutional nationalist demand for home rule for almost fifty years in Westminster, was the most notable victim of the revolution in Ireland, c. 1916–23. Most of the last generation of Westminster-centred home rule MPs played little part in public life following the party’s electoral destruction in 1918. This article probes the political thought and actions of one of the most prominent constitutional nationalists who did seek to alter Ireland’s direction during the critical years of the war of independence. Stephen Gwynn was a guiding figure behind a number of initiatives to ‘save’ Ireland from the excesses of revolution. Gwynn established the Irish Centre Party in 1919, which later merged with the Irish Dominion League. From the end of 1919, Gwynn became a leading advocate of the Government of Ireland Bill, the legislation that partitioned the island. Revolutionary idealism – and, more concretely, violence – did much to render his reconciliatory efforts impotent. Gwynn’s experiences between 1919 and 1921 also, however, reveal the paralysing divisions within constitutional nationalism, which did much to demoralize moderate sentiment further. As the Great War lurched towards its bloody climax in 1918, the Irish nationalist maverick, William O’Brien, published a pamphlet proclaiming the death of the home rule project in Ireland.
    [Show full text]
  • Bibliography
    BIbLIOGRApHY PRIMARY SOURCEs: ARCHIVAL COLLECTIONS BODLEIAN LIbRARY, OXFORD H. H. Asquith BRITIsH LIbRARY Walter Long CLAYDON EsTATE, BUCKINGHAMsHIRE Harry Verney IRIsH MILITARY ARCHIVEs Bureau of Military History Contemporary Documents Bureau of Military History Witness Statements (http://www.bureauofmilitaryhis- tory.ie) Michael Collins George Gavan Duffy © The Author(s) 2019 305 M. C. Rast, Shaping Ireland’s Independence, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21118-9 306 BIblIOgraPhY NATIONAL ARCHIVEs OF IRELAND Dáil Éireann Debates (http://oireachtas.ie) Dáil Éireann Documents Department of the Taoiseach Documents on Irish Foreign Policy (printed and http://www.difp.ie) NATIONAL LIbRARY OF IRELAND G. F. Berkeley Joseph Brennan Bryce Erskine Childers George Gavan Duffy T. P. Gill J. J. Hearn Thomas Johnson Shane Leslie Monteagle Maurice Moore Kathleen Napoli McKenna Art Ó Briain William O’Brien (AFIL) J. J. O’Connell Florence O’Donoghue Eoin O’Duffy Horace Plunkett John Redmond Austin Stack NEW YORK PUbLIC LIbRARY Horace Plunkett, The Irish Convention: Confidential Report to His Majesty the King by the Chairman (1918). PUbLIC RECORD OFFICE NORTHERN IRELAND J. B. Armour J. Milne Barbour Edward Carson Craigavon (James Craig) BIblIOgraPhY 307 Adam Duffin Frederick Crawford H. A. Gwynne Irish Unionist Alliance Theresa, Lady Londonderry Hugh de Fellenberg Montgomery Northern Ireland Cabinet Ulster Unionist Council Unionist Anti-Partition League Lillian Spender Wilfrid B. Spender The Stormont Papers: Northern Ireland Parliamentary Debates (http://stor-
    [Show full text]
  • Site Directory National Account Card All Ireland
    Site Directory National Account Card All Ireland Issued: 26 June 2019 Maxol Fuel Card Services 48 Trench Road Mallusk Newtownabbey Co Antrim BT36 4TY Tel. No: +44 28 9050 6070 email: [email protected] www.maxolfuelcards.ie Northern Ireland Page 1 of 47 Northern Ireland Antrim Ahoghill Graham's Centra Sstn Address: 284 Galgorm Road Postcode: BT42 1JU Long: -6.353900 Last Used: 01/05/2019 Directions: On The Galgorm Rd HGV Access: Yes Lat: 54.851800 Brand: Maxol Opening Hrs: 7am - 11pm Road No.: A42 Pay@Pump: - Largy Rd Sstn Address: 187 Largy Road Postcode: BT42 2RH Long: -6.392360 Last Used: 01/05/2019 Directions: On The Largy Rd HGV Access: - Lat: 54.805600 Brand: Maxol Opening Hrs: 6:30am - 10pm (8am - 10pm Sat & 9am - 9pm Sun) Road No.: B52 Pay@Pump: - Antrim Maxol FuelNet Antrim Address: 15 Ballymena Road Postcode: BT41 4JG Long: -6.220661 Last Used: 01/05/2019 Directions: HGV Access: Yes Lat: 54.721184 Brand: Maxol Auto24 Opening Hrs: 24hrs Road No.: No Pay@Pump: Yes Townpark Sstn Address: 15 Ballymena Road Postcode: BT41 4JG Long: -6.220661 Last Used: 01/05/2019 Directions: On The A26 Ballymena Rd Leaving Antrim HGV Access: Yes Lat: 54.721184 Brand: Maxol Opening Hrs: 24hrs Road No.: A26 Pay@Pump: Yes Ballycastle Spar Ballycastle Sstn Address: Spar Castle Street Postcode: BT54 6AR Long: -6.254500 Last Used: 01/05/2019 Directions: At Ballycastle HGV Access: - Lat: 55.200300 Brand: Maxol Opening Hrs: 7am - 11pm Road No.: A44 Pay@Pump: - Ballyclare HRL Milestone Sstn Address: 91 Templepatrick Road Postcode: BT39 9RQ Long: -6.007970
    [Show full text]
  • O'brien Cahirmoyle LIST 64
    Leabharlann Naisiúnta na hÉireann National Library of Ireland Collection List No. 64 PAPERS OF THE FAMILY OF O’BRIEN OF CAHIRMOYLE, CO. LIMERICK (MSS 34,271-34,277; 34,295-34,299; 36,694-36,906) (Accession No. 5614) Papers of the descendents of William Smith O’Brien, including papers of the painter Dermod O’Brien and his wife Mabel Compiled by Peter Kenny, 2002-2003 Contents Introduction 7 The family 7 The papers 7 Bibliography 8 I. Land tenure 9 I.1. Altamira, Co. Cork 9 I.2 Ballybeggane 9 I.3. Bawnmore 9 I.4. Cahirmoyle 9 I.5. Clanwilliam (Barony) 11 I.6. Clorane 11 I.7. The Commons, Connello Upper 11 I.8. Connello (Barony) 11 I.9. Coolaleen 11 I.10. Cork City, Co. Cork 11 I.11. Dromloghan 12 I.12. Garrynderk 12 I.13. Glanduff 12 I.14. Graigue 12 I.15. Killagholehane 13 I.16. Kilcoonra 12 I.17. Killonahan 13 I.18. Killoughteen 13 I.19. Kilmurry (Archer) 14 I.20. Kilscannell 15 I.21. Knockroedermot 16 I.22. Ligadoon 16 I.23. Liscarroll, Co. Cork 18 I.24. Liskillen 18 I.25. Loghill 18 I.26. Mount Plummer 19 I.27. Moyge Upper, Co. Cork 19 I.28. Rathgonan 20 2 I.29. Rathnaseer 21 I.30. Rathreagh 22 I.31. Reens 22 I.32 Correspondence etc. relating to property, finance and legal matters 23 II. Family Correspondence 25 II.1. Edward William O’Brien to his sister, Charlotte Grace O’Brien 25 II.2. Edward William O’Brien to his sister, Lucy Josephine Gwynn (d.
    [Show full text]
  • Revue Française De Civilisation Britannique, XXIV-2 | 2019 Ulster Exclusion and Irish Nationalism: Consenting to the Principle of Partit
    Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique French Journal of British Studies XXIV-2 | 2019 La Question du Home Rule 1870-1914 Ulster Exclusion and Irish Nationalism: Consenting to the Principle of Partition, 1912-1916 L’Exclusion de l’Ulster et le nationalisme irlandais : consentir au principe de la partition, 1912-1916 Conor Mulvagh Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/3773 DOI: 10.4000/rfcb.3773 ISSN: 2429-4373 Publisher CRECIB - Centre de recherche et d'études en civilisation britannique Electronic reference Conor Mulvagh, « Ulster Exclusion and Irish Nationalism: Consenting to the Principle of Partition, 1912-1916 », Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique [Online], XXIV-2 | 2019, Online since 19 June 2019, connection on 09 July 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/3773 ; DOI : 10.4000/ rfcb.3773 This text was automatically generated on 9 July 2019. Revue française de civilisation britannique est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International. Ulster Exclusion and Irish Nationalism: Consenting to the Principle of Partit... 1 Ulster Exclusion and Irish Nationalism: Consenting to the Principle of Partition, 1912-1916 L’Exclusion de l’Ulster et le nationalisme irlandais : consentir au principe de la partition, 1912-1916 Conor Mulvagh Introduction1 1 In settling the so-called “Irish question” between 1912 and 1922, two outcomes which could not have been foreseen at the outset were that six of Ireland’s thirty-two counties would be excluded from the jurisdiction of a Dublin parliament and that a majority of Irish nationalists from those counties would consent to time-limited exclusion.
    [Show full text]
  • Family and Political Correspondence from Calendar Compiled by A
    Leabharlann Náisiúnta na hÉireann National Library of Ireland Collection List No. 179 Headfort Estate Papers (Additional) (Mss 42,068, 42,080, 48,541–49,110 & 49,136) (Accessions 3898, 5778, 6126, 6695, 6794, 6816, 6918) Estate records and personal and political papers of the Taylour family, Marquesses of Headfort, ca. 1600–1980. Compiled by: Brian Casey, B.A., Ph.D., holder of the Studentship in Irish History provided by the National Library of Ireland in association with the Irish Committee of Historical Sciences, 2010–2011, Avice-Claire McGovern, Department of Manuscripts, Eimear Walsh, Department of Manuscripts, with assistance from Nora Thornton, Department of Manuscripts 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction....................................................................................................................... 7 Overview of the Headfort estate collection................................................................... 10 Pedigree of Taylour family ............................................................................................. 14 I. Estate Accounts............................................................................................................ 16 I.i. Labour Accounts and Bills ....................................................................................... 16 I.i.1. Headfort Estate and Farm, County Meath............................................................ 16 I.i.1.a. 1795-1887...................................................................................................... 16
    [Show full text]
  • A Most Thankless Job: Augustine Birrell As Irish
    A MOST THANKLESS JOB: AUGUSTINE BIRRELL AS IRISH CHIEF SECRETARY, 1907-1916 A Dissertation by KEVIN JOSEPH MCGLONE Submitted to the Office of Graduate and Professional Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Chair of Committee, R. J. Q. Adams Committee Members, David Hudson Adam Seipp Brian Rouleau Peter Hugill Head of Department, David Vaught December 2016 Major Subject: History Copyright 2016 Kevin McGlone ABSTRACT Augustine Birrell was a man who held dear the classical liberal principles of representative democracy, political freedom and civil liberties. During his time as Irish Chief Secretary from 1907-1916, he fostered a friendly working relationship with the leaders of the Irish Party, whom he believed would be the men to lead the country once it was conferred with the responsibility of self-government. Hundreds of years of religious and political strife between Ireland’s Nationalist and Unionist communities meant that Birrell, like his predecessors, took administrative charge of a deeply polarized country. His friendship with Irish Party leader John Redmond quickly alienated him from the Irish Unionist community, which was adamantly opposed to a Dublin parliament under Nationalist control. Augustine Birrell’s legacy has been both tarnished and neglected because of the watershed Easter Rising of 1916, which shifted the focus of the historiography of the period towards militant nationalism at the expense of constitutional politics. Although Birrell’s flaws as Irish Chief Secretary have been well-documented, this paper helps to rehabilitate his image by underscoring the importance of his economic, social and political reforms for a country he grew to love.
    [Show full text]
  • The Catholic Church and the Third Home Rule Bill
    9 ‘Resigned to take the bill with its defects’: the Catholic Church and the third Home Rule bill Daithí Ó Corráin In its chronicle of events for 1912, The Irish Catholic Directory devoted just a single line to the introduction of the third Home Rule bill in the House of Commons.1 This contrasted sharply with lengthy entries on the crusade against evil literature, intemperance, the sinking of Titanic and clerical obituaries. Even more striking was the silence of the Catholic hierarchy, which, as a body, did not issue any statement. This reticence should not, however, be regarded as episcopal disapproval. The bishops shared in the general air of expectancy that nationalist aspirations would be fulfilled by 1914: this was the product of the two general elections of 1910; the Parliament Act of 1911, which limited the capacity of the House of Lords to veto parliamentary measures; and the commitment of the Liberal Party under Herbert H. Asquith to introduce a third Home Rule bill. But for the hierarchy the possibility of Irish self-government presented both potential benefits and lurking dangers. Their responses to the bill and the deepening crisis of 1913 and 1914 were conditioned by two overarching factors. 1 The Irish Catholic Directory (ICD), 1913, p. 515. 185 THE HOME RULE CRISIS 1912–1914 The first was their level of confidence in the leadership of the Irish Party. The second applied chiefly to the Ulster bishops: the prospect of exclusion from an Irish parliament imperilled their religious and educational interests. By the onset of the First World War, the spectre of partition had stretched their trust in the Irish Party and support for a Home Rule settlement to breaking point.
    [Show full text]