Terror in the Name of Islam - Unholy War, Not Jihad Parvez Ahmed
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Religious Authorities in the Military and Civilian Control
PASXXX10.1177/0032329216638063Politics & SocietyLevy 638063research-article2016 Article Politics & Society 2016, Vol. 44(2) 305 –332 Religious Authorities © 2016 SAGE Publications Reprints and permissions: in the Military and Civilian sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0032329216638063 Control: The Case of the pas.sagepub.com Israeli Defense Forces Yagil Levy The Open University of Israel Abstract This article takes a step toward filling the gap in the scholarly literature by examining the impact of religious intervention in the military on civil-military relations. Using the case of Israel, I argue that although the subordination of the Israeli military to elected civilians has remained intact, and the supreme command has been mostly secular, external religious authorities operate within the formal chain of command and in tandem with the formal authorities, managing the military affairs. This religious influence is apparent in three major domains: (1) the theological influence on military deployment, (2) the exclusion of women from equal participation in military service, and (3) the role expansion of the Military Rabbinate as a quasi-state agency and its reflection in the socialization of secular soldiers and the development of alternative military ethics. Consequently, extra-institutional control of the military is at work. Keywords civilian control, extra-institutional control, military ethics, military service, religionization, theology Corresponding Author: Yagil Levy, Open University of Israel, Ra’anana 43107, Israel. Email: [email protected] Downloaded from pas.sagepub.com by guest on April 28, 2016 306 Politics & Society 44(2) Over the years, relations between religious communities and the military have changed in many industrialized democracies. -
BOKO HARAM Emerging Threat to the U.S
112TH CONGRESS COMMITTEE " COMMITTEE PRINT ! 1st Session PRINT 112–B BOKO HARAM Emerging Threat to the U.S. Homeland SUBCOMMITTEE ON COUNTERTERRORISM AND INTELLIGENCE COMMITTEE ON HOMELAND SECURITY HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES December 2011 FIRST SESSION U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 71–725 PDF WASHINGTON : 2011 COMMITTEE ON HOMELAND SECURITY PETER T. KING, New York, Chairman LAMAR SMITH, Texas BENNIE G. THOMPSON, Mississippi DANIEL E. LUNGREN, California LORETTA SANCHEZ, California MIKE ROGERS, Alabama SHEILA JACKSON LEE, Texas MICHAEL T. MCCAUL, Texas HENRY CUELLAR, Texas GUS M. BILIRAKIS, Florida YVETTE D. CLARKE, New York PAUL C. BROUN, Georgia LAURA RICHARDSON, California CANDICE S. MILLER, Michigan DANNY K. DAVIS, Illinois TIM WALBERG, Michigan BRIAN HIGGINS, New York CHIP CRAVAACK, Minnesota JACKIE SPEIER, California JOE WALSH, Illinois CEDRIC L. RICHMOND, Louisiana PATRICK MEEHAN, Pennsylvania HANSEN CLARKE, Michigan BEN QUAYLE, Arizona WILLIAM R. KEATING, Massachusetts SCOTT RIGELL, Virginia KATHLEEN C. HOCHUL, New York BILLY LONG, Missouri VACANCY JEFF DUNCAN, South Carolina TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania BLAKE FARENTHOLD, Texas MO BROOKS, Alabama MICHAEL J. RUSSELL, Staff Director & Chief Counsel KERRY ANN WATKINS, Senior Policy Director MICHAEL S. TWINCHEK, Chief Clerk I. LANIER AVANT, Minority Staff Director (II) C O N T E N T S BOKO HARAM EMERGING THREAT TO THE U.S. HOMELAND I. Introduction .......................................................................................................... 1 II. Findings .............................................................................................................. -
Politcal Science
Politcal Science Do Terrorist Beheadings Infuence American Public Opinion? Sponsoring Faculty Member: Dr. John Tures Researchers and Presenters: Lindsey Weathers, Erin Missroon, Sean Greer, Bre’Lan Simpson Addition Researchers: Jarred Adams, Montrell Brown, Braxton Ford, Jefrey Garner, Jamarkis Holmes, Duncan Parker, Mark Wagner Introduction At the end of Summer 2014, Americans were shocked to see the tele- vised execution of a pair of American journalists in Syria by a group known as ISIS. Both were killed in gruesome beheadings. The images seen on main- stream media sites, and on websites, bore an eerie resemblance to beheadings ten years earlier in Iraq. During the U.S. occupation, nearly a dozen Americans were beheaded, while Iraqis and people from a variety of countries were dis- patched in a similar manner. Analysts still question the purpose of the videos of 2004 and 2014. Were they designed to inspire locals to join the cause of those responsible for the killings? Were they designed to intimidate the Americans and coalition members, getting the public demand their leaders withdraw from the region? Or was it some combination of the two ideas? It is difcult to assess the former. But we can see whether the behead- ings had any infuence upon American public opinion. Did they make Ameri- cans want to withdraw from the Middle East? And did the beheadings afect the way Americans view Islam? To determine answers to these questions, we look to the literature for theories about U.S. public opinion, as well as infuences upon it. We look at whether these beheadings have had an infuence on survey data of Americans across the last dozen years. -
Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: a Political Perspective on Culture and Terrorism
MAHMOOD MAMDANI Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: A Political Perspective on Culture and Terrorism ABSTRACT The link between Islam and terrorism became a central media concern following September 11, resulting in new rounds of "culture talk. This talk has turned religious experience into a political category, differentiating 'good Muslims" from "bad Mus- lims, rather than terrorists from civilians. The implication is undisguised: Whether in Afghanistan, Palestine, or Pakistan, Islam must be quarantined and the devil must be exorcized from it by a civil war between good Muslims and bad Muslims. This article suggests that we lift the quarantine and turn the cultural theory of politics on its head. Beyond the simple but radical suggestion that if there are good Muslims and bad Muslims, there must also be good Westerners and bad Westerners, I question the very tendency to read Islamist poli- tics as an effect of Islamic civilization—whether good or bad—and Western power as an effect of Western civilization. Both those poli- tics and that power are born of an encounter, and neither can be understood outside of the history of that encounter. Cultural explanations of political outcomes tend to avoid history and issues. Thinking of individuals from "traditional" cultures in authentic and original terms, culture talk dehistoricizes the construction of political identities. This article places the terror of September 11 in a his- torical and political context. Rather than a residue of a premodern culture in modern politics, terrorism is best understood as a modern construction. Even when it harnesses one or another aspect of tradition and culture, the result is a modern ensemble at the service of a modern project. -
Rethinking Islamist Politics February 11, 2014 Contents
POMEPS STUDIES 6 islam in a changing middle east Rethinking Islamist Politics February 11, 2014 Contents The Debacle of Orthodox Islamism . 7 Khalil al-Anani, Middle East Institute Understanding the Ideological Drivers Pushing Youth Toward Violence in Post-Coup Egypt . 9 Mokhtar Awad, Center for American Progress Why do Islamists Provide Social Services? . 13 Steven Brooke, University of Texas at Austin Rethinking Post-Islamism and the Study of Changes in Islamist Ideology . 16 By Michaelle Browers, Wake Forest University The Brotherhood Withdraws Into Itself . 19 Nathan J. Brown, George Washington University Were the Islamists Wrong-Footed by the Arab Spring? . 24 François Burgat, CNRS, Institut de recherches et d’études sur le monde arabe et musulman (translated by Patrick Hutchinson) Jihadism: Seven Assumptions Shaken by the Arab Spring . 28 Thomas Hegghammer, Norwegian Defence Research Establishment (FFI) The Islamist Appeal to Quranic Authority . 31 Bruce B. Lawrence, Duke University Is the Post-Islamism Thesis Still Valid? . 33 Peter Mandaville, George Mason University Did We Get the Muslim Brotherhood Wrong? . 37 Marc Lynch, George Washington University Rethinking Political Islam? Think Again . 40 Tarek Masoud, Harvard University Islamist Movements and the Political After the Arab Uprisings . 44 Roel Meijer, Radboud University Nijmegen, The Netherlands, and Ghent University, Belgium Beyond Islamist Groups . 47 Jillian Schwedler, Hunter College, City University of New York The Shifting Legitimization of Democracy and Elections: . 50 Joas Wagemakers, Radboud University Nijmegen, the Netherlands Rethinking Islamist Politics . 52 Carrie Rosefsky Wickham, Emory University Progressive Problemshift or Paradigmatic Degeneration? . 56 Stacey Philbrick Yadav, Hobart and William Smith Colleges Online Article Index Please see http://pomeps.org/2014/01/rethinking-islamist-politics-conference/ for online versions of all of the articles in this briefing . -
The Layha for the Mujahideen: an Analysis of the Code of Conduct for the Taliban Fighters Under Islamic Law
Volume 93 Number 881 March 2011 The Layha for the Mujahideen:an analysis of the code of conduct for the Taliban fighters under Islamic law Muhammad Munir* Dr.Muhammad Munir is Associate Professor and Chairman,Department of Law, Faculty of Shari‘a and Law, International Islamic University, Islamabad. Abstract The following article focuses on the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan Rules for the Mujahideen** to determine their conformity with the Islamic jus in bello. This code of conduct, or Layha, for Taliban fighters highlights limiting suicide attacks, avoiding civilian casualties, and winning the battle for the hearts and minds of the local civilian population. However, it has altered rules or created new ones for punishing captives that have not previously been used in Islamic military and legal history. Other rules disregard the principle of distinction between combatants and civilians and even allow perfidy, which is strictly prohibited in both Islamic law and international humanitarian law. The author argues that many of the Taliban rules have only a limited basis in, or are wrongly attributed to, Islamic law. * The help of Andrew Bartles-Smith, Prof. Brady Coleman, Major Nasir Jalil (retired), Ahmad Khalid, and Dr. Marty Khan is acknowledged. The quotations from the Qur’an in this work are taken, unless otherwise indicated, from the English translation by Muhammad Asad, The Message of the Qur’an, Dar Al-Andalus, Redwood Books, Trowbridge, Wiltshire, 1984, reprinted 1997. ** The full text of the Layha is reproduced as an annex at the end of this article. doi:10.1017/S1816383111000075 81 M. Munir – The Layha for the Mujahideen: an analysis of the code of conduct for the Taliban fighters under Islamic law Do the Taliban qualify as a ‘non-state armed group’? Since this article deals with the Layha,1 it is important to know whether the Taliban in Afghanistan, as a fighting group, qualify as a ‘non-state Islamic actor’. -
Sunni Suicide Attacks and Sectarian Violence
Terrorism and Political Violence ISSN: 0954-6553 (Print) 1556-1836 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ftpv20 Sunni Suicide Attacks and Sectarian Violence Seung-Whan Choi & Benjamin Acosta To cite this article: Seung-Whan Choi & Benjamin Acosta (2018): Sunni Suicide Attacks and Sectarian Violence, Terrorism and Political Violence, DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2018.1472585 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2018.1472585 Published online: 13 Jun 2018. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=ftpv20 TERRORISM AND POLITICAL VIOLENCE https://doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2018.1472585 Sunni Suicide Attacks and Sectarian Violence Seung-Whan Choi c and Benjamin Acosta a,b aInterdisciplinary Center Herzliya, Herzliya, Israel; bInternational Institute for Counter-Terrorism, Herzliya, Israel; cPolitical Science, University of Illinois at Chicago, Chicago, Illinois, USA ABSTRACT KEY WORDS Although fundamentalist Sunni Muslims have committed more than Suicide attacks; sectarian 85% of all suicide attacks, empirical research has yet to examine how violence; Sunni militants; internal sectarian conflicts in the Islamic world have fueled the most jihad; internal conflict dangerous form of political violence. We contend that fundamentalist Sunni Muslims employ suicide attacks as a political tool in sectarian violence and this targeting dynamic marks a central facet of the phenomenon today. We conduct a large-n analysis, evaluating an original dataset of 6,224 suicide attacks during the period of 1980 through 2016. A series of logistic regression analyses at the incidence level shows that, ceteris paribus, sectarian violence between Sunni Muslims and non-Sunni Muslims emerges as a substantive, signifi- cant, and positive predictor of suicide attacks. -
The Other Side of the Mountain: Mujahideen Tactics in Thesoviet-Afghan War William C
Naval War College Review Volume 56 Article 15 Number 3 Summer 2003 The Other Side of the Mountain: Mujahideen Tactics in theSoviet-Afghan War William C. Green Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review Recommended Citation Green, William C. (2003) "The Other Side of the Mountain: Mujahideen Tactics in theSoviet-Afghan War," Naval War College Review: Vol. 56 : No. 3 , Article 15. Available at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol56/iss3/15 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Naval War College Review by an authorized editor of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BOOK REVIEWS 165 Green: The Other Side of the Mountain: Mujahideen Tactics in theSoviet-A damage to civil liberties than to the na- American Scientists has published a tion’s physical well-being. “Once alien- twenty-page listing of American mili- ated, an ‘unalienable right’ is apt to be tary operations dating from 1948 to forever lost.” He documents this asser- 1999, documenting how the United tion with a list of police killings of in- States (like the nations of Orwell’s nocent people in their homes and of 1984) has an “enemy of the month indefensible searches and seizures. club” and thus engages in a “perpetual While a reasonable reader may dismiss war” hoping for “perpetual peace.” This these discomforting examples as well theme is underdeveloped, however, and researched exceptions to normal law Vidal’s discussion of the United States enforcement activity in the United emphasizes domestic repression, while States, Vidal also brings up the chang- his reprinted chapters focus too exclu- ing nature of the law. -
Information on Tanzim Qa'idat Al-Jihad Fi Bilad Al-Rafidayn
Tanzim Qa'idat al-Jihad fi Bilad al-Rafidayn. Also known as: the al-Zarqawi network; al-Tawhid; Jama'at al-Tawhid wa'al-Jihad; Al-Tawhid and al-Jihad; The Monotheism and Jihad Group; Qaida of the Jihad in the Land of the Two rivers; Ai-Qa'ida of Jihad in the Land of the Two Rivers; Al-Qa'ida of Jihad Organization in the Land of the Two Rivers; The Organisation of Jihad's Base in the Country of the Two Rivers; The Organisation Base of Jihad/Country of the Two Rivers; The Organisation Base of Jihad/Mesopotamia; Tanzeem Qa'idat al- Jihad/Bilad al Raafidaini; Kateab al-Tawhid; Brigades of Tawhid; Unity and Jihad Group; Unity and Holy Struggle; Unity and Holy War. The following information is based on publicly available details about Tanzim Qa'idat al- Jihad fi Bilad al-Rafidayn (TQJBR). These details have been corroborated by material from intelligence investigations into the activities of the TQJBR and by official reporting. The Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) assesses that the details set out below are accurate and reliable. TQJBR has been proscribed as a terrorist organisation by the United Nations and the United States Government. Background TQJBR is a Sunni Islamist extremist network established and led by Abu Mus'ab al- Zarqawi.1 The network first emerged as a loose-knit grouping of individuals and organisations under the leadership of al-Zarqawi over a period of several years, following his release from a Jordanian prison in 1999. On 24 April 2004 it was publicly proclaimed under the name Jama'at al-Tawhid wa'al-Jihad in an internet statement attributed to al-Zarqawi. -
Religion and Militancy in Pakistan and Afghanistan
Religion and Militancy in Pakistan and Afghanistan in Pakistan and Militancy Religion a report of the csis program on crisis, conflict, and cooperation Religion and Militancy in Pakistan and Afghanistan a literature review 1800 K Street, NW | Washington, DC 20006 Project Director Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 Robert D. Lamb E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org Author Mufti Mariam Mufti June 2012 ISBN 978-0-89206-700-8 CSIS Ë|xHSKITCy067008zv*:+:!:+:! CHARTING our future a report of the csis program on crisis, conflict, and cooperation Religion and Militancy in Pakistan and Afghanistan a literature review Project Director Robert L. Lamb Author Mariam Mufti June 2012 CHARTING our future About CSIS—50th Anniversary Year For 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has developed practical solutions to the world’s greatest challenges. As we celebrate this milestone, CSIS scholars continue to provide strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full-time staff and large network of affiliated scholars conduct research and analysis and de- velop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Since 1962, CSIS has been dedicated to finding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. After 50 years, CSIS has become one of the world’s pre- eminent international policy institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global development and economic integration. -
The Role of Religion in Peacebuilding in Conflict-Torn Society in Southeast Asia
Religious Peacebuilders: The Role of Religion in Peacebuilding in Conflict-Torn Society in Southeast Asia Raja Juli Antoni A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The University of Queensland in 2014 School of Political Science and International Studies Abstract Scholars and practitioners of International Relations and Peace and Conflict Resolution Studies tend to ignore religion in their analyses due to the considerable influence of the secularist paradigm within these fields. Religion tends to be perceived as a cause of violent conflict, and hence as a phenomenon that must be relegated to the private sphere. However, against these more conventional approaches, some scholars and practitioners have begun to approach religion as a factor that can potentially shape peace and security in positive ways. Within this context, the aim of this thesis is to investigate, as its core question, how Muslims and Christians use religious resources to contribute to peacebuilding in conflict-torn societies in Southeast Asia. To answer the research question, the notions of the ambivalence of the sacred (AoS) and the hermeneutics of peace (HoP) are employed as theoretical frames for moving beyond both the core assumptions of the secularist paradigm and analysing local dynamics in the field. These local dynamics are accessed through a qualitative case study methodology with particular reference to the conflicts in Maluku (Indonesia) and Mindanao (the Philippines). This thesis includes the argument that religion is a resource for peacebuilding through the complex process of the HoP: the process of rereading sacred texts, religious doctrines, and narratives in order to create new, inclusive, and peaceful religious meanings and practices to overcome violent conflicts. -
Mashal Saif CV 2019
Mashal Saif Assistant Professor of Religious Studies Department of Philosophy and Religion Clemson University Clemson, SC 29634 [email protected] EMPLOYMENT 2014 – present Assistant Professor of Religious Studies, Clemson University, Clemson, South Carolina. EDUCATION 2014 Ph.D., Duke University, Durham, NC Graduate Program in Religion (Islamic Studies) 2010 M.A., Duke University, Durham, NC Graduate Program in Religion (Islamic Studies) 2006 B.A., Macalester College, St. Paul, MN Religious Studies, Asian Studies, International Studies RESEARCH INTERESTS/EXPERTISE Islam in contemporary South Asia; Islamic law; Islamic political theology; ‘ulama and madrasas; religion and modernity; anthropology of the state; post-colonial theory. PUBLICATIONS Books Resubmitted Monograph: The Scholars and the State: Contesting and Cultivating the Islamic Republic of Pakistan (revised and resubmitted per the editor’s request to Cambridge University Press.) Contract Edited Volume: State and Subject Formation in South Asia, co-edited with Signed Amen Jaffer (We have signed a contract with Oxford University Press, Pakistan branch after they reviewed the book proposal and select chapters.) Journal Articles In preparation “Technology and Transformations: Typing Fatwas at Jamia Naeemia,” for submission to the journal Islamic Law and Society. In preparation “Shia Ulama and The Pakistani Constitution: Navigating Between Pluralism and an Islamic State,” for submission to the journal Modern Asian Studies. In preparation “Pakistani Fatwas on the State Apparatus: A Historical and Theoretical Reading,” for submission to the journal Islamic Law and Society. In preparation “Dreaming of Innocence: Insulting Muhammad in Contemporary Pakistan,” for submission to the journal Contemporary Islam. 2019 “The Nadwat al-‘Ulama’s Romance with Iqbal: Narrative Construction and Historiography,” Modern Asian Studies.