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Country Position Name Email Albania President Mr. Ilir Meta [email protected] Prime Minister Mr
Country Position Name Email Albania President Mr. Ilir Meta [email protected] Prime Minister Mr. Edi Rama [email protected] Minister of Foreign Affairs Mr. Ditmir Bushati [email protected] UN Ambassdor in New York H.E. Ms. Besiana Kadare [email protected] UN Ambassdor in Geneva H.E. Ms. Ravesa Lleshi [email protected] Belarus President Mr. Alexander Lukashenko [email protected] Prime Minister Mr. Siarhiej Rumas [email protected] Minister of Foreign Affairs Mr. Vladimir Makei [email protected] UN Ambassdor in New York H.E. Mr. Valentin Rybakov [email protected] UN Ambassdor in Geneva H.E. Mr. Yury Ambrazevich [email protected] Bosnia and HerzegovinaCo-President Mr. Šefik Džaferović [email protected] Co-President Mr. Milorad Dodik [email protected] Co-President Mr. Željko Komšić [email protected] Prime Minister Mr. Zoran Tegeltija [email protected] Minister of Foreign Affairs Mr. Igor Crnadak [email protected] UN Ambassdor in New York H.E. Mr. Sven Alkalaj [email protected] UN Ambassdor in Geneva H.E. Ms. Nermina Kapetanovic [email protected] Bulgaria President Mr. Rumen Radev [email protected] Prime Minister Ms. Boyko Borissov [email protected] Minister of Foreign Affairs Mrs. Ekaterina Spasova Gecheva-Zakharieva [email protected] UN Ambassdor in New York H.E. Mr. Georgi Velikov Panayotov [email protected] UN Ambassdor in Geneva H.E. Ms. Deyana Kostadinova [email protected] Croatia President Mr. Zoran Milanović [email protected] Prime Minister Andrej Plenković [email protected] Minister of Foreign Affairs Mr. -
The Macedonian “Name” Dispute: the Macedonian Question—Resolved?
Nationalities Papers (2020), 48: 2, 205–214 doi:10.1017/nps.2020.10 ANALYSIS OF CURRENT EVENTS The Macedonian “Name” Dispute: The Macedonian Question—Resolved? Matthew Nimetz* Former Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General of the United Nations and former Special Envoy of President Bill Clinton, New York, USA *Corresponding author. Email: [email protected] Abstract The dispute between Greece and the newly formed state referred to as the “Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” that emerged out of the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991 was a major source of instability in the Western Balkans for more than 25 years. It was resolved through negotiations between Athens and Skopje, mediated by the United Nations, resulting in the Prespa (or Prespes) Agreement, which was signed on June 17, 2018, and ratified by both parliaments amid controversy in their countries. The underlying issues involved deeply held and differing views relating to national identity, history, and the future of the region, which were resolved through a change in the name of the new state and various agreements as to identity issues. The author, the United Nations mediator in the dispute for 20 years and previously the United States presidential envoy with reference to the dispute, describes the basis of the dispute, the positions of the parties, and the factors that led to a successful resolution. Keywords: Macedonia; Greece; North Macedonia; “Name” dispute The Macedonian “name” dispute was, to most outsiders who somehow were faced with trying to understand it, certainly one of the more unusual international confrontations. When the dispute was resolved through the Prespa Agreement between Greece and (now) the Republic of North Macedonia in June 2018, most outsiders (as frequently expressed to me, the United Nations mediator for 20 years) responded, “Why did it take you so long?” And yet, as protracted conflicts go, the Macedonian “name” dispute is instructive as to the types of issues that go to the heart of a people’s identity and a nation’s sense of security. -
Election Analysis
VIENNEAST COMPASS – NORTH MACEDONIA: ELECTION ANALYSIS OUTLOOK: • Parliamentary elections were held on 15 July; • Zoran Zaev’s SDSM-BESA coalition emerged as the largest single bloc by two seats but failed to secure an absolute majority; • The high rate of abstention by Macedonian voters resulted in DUI and AA-Alternativa accruing historic gains at the expense of SDSM-BESA and VMRO-DPMNE, given that the Albanian constituency mobilized in normal numbers; • DUI not only retains its status as kingmaker, but will have increased influence; • A coalition government involving SDSM-BESA, DUI and DPA is the most likely scenario, with an Albanian prime minister emerging as a possibility. • The institutional and business environment is likely to remain unchanged, albeit with greater government instability, as the ruling majority is likely to be no more than 1-2 seats in the most realistic scenarios. 1. Overview On 16 July, elections were held for the 120 seats comprising North Macedonia’s unicameral parliament. Voting was organised in line with extraordinary health measures, which had been imposed owing to the COVID-19 pandemic, the infection rate of which has experienced an upsurge over the past month. Turnout amounted to 51.3%, a historic low, and down from 66% in 2016. The conduct of the election was largely in line with international standards, despite some isolated irregularities. With 98.3% of ballots counted, the breakdown of seats between the party lists is as follows: European Principle Group www.europeanprincipalgroup.com [email protected] Parliamentary election – seat share (out of 120) SDSM-BESA 54 46 VMRO-DPMNE 51 44 DUI 10 15 AA-Alternativa 3 12 Levica 0 2 DPA 1 2 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Last election (2016) Seat share As predicted, the SDSM-BESA alliance, led by Zoran Zaev, emerged as the largest party, albeit without an absolute majority. -
Mr Zoran Zaev Prime Minister of the Republic of North Macedonia Skopje Macedonia
INTERNATIONAL TRADE UNION CONFEDERATION EUROPEAN TRADE UNION CONFEDERATION Mr Zoran Zaev Prime Minister of the Republic of North Macedonia Skopje Macedonia By e-mail: [email protected] PERC/AL/pw Brussels, 14 June 2021 Dear Prime Minister, Repression of trade unions in North Macedonia The ITUC and the ETUC are concerned about continuous systematic pressure and attacks on our affiliate KSS and its trade unions, and the discrimination against trade union leaders and representatives, reflected in demotions, mobbing, harassment, and dismissals. Previously, we expressed our indignation about violations against the Independent Trade Union of Energy when union members were transferred to another union by the administration or arbitrarily assigned to posts in remote parts of North Macedonia. In connection with these violations, KSS also addressed the labour inspection, and as this provided no results, a court procedure was conducted before the competent court, which passed a verdict – already final – in favour of KSS members. Unfortunately, to date this judgment has not been implemented. Please be informed that we are working on development of a complaint to the International Labour Organisation about this well-documented case of violation of ILO Convention 87 by North Macedonia. Furthermore, we are also concerned about the fact that KSS was denied full involvement in the national social dialogue, prevented from participating in the process of economic and social policy building, and denied the possibility to represent the interests and promote the rights of its members in development of actions to tackle the challenges of the health and economic crisis. We understand that while certain improvements have occurred in relations between different trade union organisations of the country, the discrimination against KSS by state officials and public institutions continues, and the pressure does not stop. -
Macedonia: Defusing the Bombs
Macedonia: Defusing the Bombs Crisis Group Europe Briefing N°75 Skopje/Brussels, 9 July 2015 I. Overview Macedonia is reeling from two shocks. Amid a scandal over leaked wiretaps revealing a state apparatus captured and corrupted by the leading party, a battle in ethnically mixed Kumanovo between police and ethnic-Albanian gunmen, many from Kosovo, caused the region’s worst loss of life in a decade. Unless addressed urgently, the double crisis (government legitimacy/regional security) carries risk that could extend to violent confrontation, perhaps in worst case to elements of the conflict narrowly averted in 2001. Discredited national institutions cannot cope alone. The opposition has broken off talks on a European Union (EU) mediated deal between parties for reforms and early elections that deadlocked, substantially over whether the prime minister, in power since 2006, must resign and the time a transitional government would need to level the field. The EU must press for a comprehensive agreement addressing the state capture and alleged corruption, including independ- ent investigation and monitoring with international help. Macedonia and Kosovo, also with aid, should jointly investigate Kumanovo. In February 2015, the main opposition party began publishing excerpts from what it said was an illegal wiretap program leaked by unidentified persons. The massive surveillance, from at least 2010 to 2014, seems to have targeted thousands, including nearly all top opposition and government officials, as well as ambassadors and media figures. The fraction of published wiretaps focus on what appear to be conversations of senior government persons plotting to subvert elections, manipulating courts, controlling a nominally independent press and punishing enemies. -
Qualitative Study
A PROJECT OF THE INTERNATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE I JUST WANT SOMEONE TO RESPOND TO MY EMAIL”: QUALITATIVE RESEARCH ON UNDECIDED VOTERS’ VIEWS AND EXPERIENCE WITH LOCAL AND NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS IN NORTH MACEDONIA I JUST WANT SOMEONE TO RESPOND TO MY EMAIL”: QUALITATIVE RESEARCH ON UNDECIDED VOTERS’ VIEWS AND EXPERIENCE WITH LOCAL AND NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS IN NORTH MACEDONIA Center for Insights in Survey Research IRI.org @IRIglobal © 2021 All Rights Reserved “I JUST WANT SOMEONE TO RESPOND TO MY EMAIL”: Qualitative research on undecided voters’ views and experience with local and national governments in North Macedonia Copyright © 2021 International Republican Institute. All rights reserved. Permission Statement: No part of this work may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system without the written permission of the International Republican Institute. Requests for permission should include the following information: • The title of the document for which permission to copy material is desired. • A description of the material for which permission to copy is desired. • The purpose for which the copied material will be used and the manner in which it will be used. • Your name, title, company or organization name, telephone number, fax number, e-mail address and mailing address. Please send all requests for permission to: Attn: Department of External Affairs International Republican Institute 1225 Eye Street NW, Suite 800 Washington, DC 20005 [email protected] IRI | North Macedonia – Focus Group Research on Local and National Governments 1 IRI IN NORTH MACEDONIA A nonprofit, nonpartisan organization founded in 1983, parties, transparency, and accountability. -
Macedonia's 2002 Parliamentary Elections
I R I Advancing Democracy Worldwide Republic of Macedonia Parliamentary Election September 15, 2002 Election Observation Mission Report and Recommendations International Republican Institute 1225 Eye Street, NW, Suite 700 Washington, DC 20005 © 2002 International Republican Institute International Republican Institute 2002 Macedonian Parliamentary Election Contents I. Executive Summary 5 II. IRI Programs in Macedonia 8 III. Election Framework 11 Representation in Parliament 11 Election Law 12 Selection of the Election Date 11 IV. Election Administration 13 Eligibility to Vote/Voter Registration 14 Candidate Lists 14 Advance Voting 15 Filing and Adjudication of Complaints 15 Campaign Financing 16 Access to Media 16 Recognition of Domestic Election Observers 17 V. Findings of IRI Election Observers A. Pre-Election Monitoring Missions 18 Mission One 18 Mission Two 19 Mission Three 21 B. Election Day Observation Mission 22 On the Eve of Elections 22 Illegal Enticement 23 Intimidation 23 Election Administration 24 Opening Polling Stations 24 Balloting Process 25Accessibility of Polls 26 Voter Privacy 26 Voter Lists/ Verification of Identification 27 Police Presence 28 Campaign Materials 28 Mobile Ballot Box 28 Access of Election Observers 28 Polling Station Closing and Vote Counting 29 Ballot Security 29 VI. Findings and Recommendations 30 Appendix I Overview of Macedonian Political Parties 33 Appendix II IRI Pre-Electoral Environment Monitoring Reports 46 Appendix III IRI Preliminary Statement 65 Appendix IV Election Results 68 Appendix V Members Elected and Seated in the Macedonian Parliament 69 Appendix VI Members of the New Government 73 2 International Republican Institute 2002 Macedonian Parliamentary Election Election Observation Delegation George A. Folsom (Delegation Leader) Marcella Ridgway President Spokesperson International Republican Institute Republican National Committee Washington, DC Washington, DC Hon. -
The Resolution of the Macedonian Name Dispute: A
THE RESOLUTION OF THE MACEDONIAN NAME DISPUTE: A STUDY OF THE FACTORS THAT LED TO THE SIGNING OF THE PRESPA AGREEMENT Asen Voynov [email protected] S2247216 June 2019 Asen Voynov S2247216 Table of Contents Abstract ......................................................................................................................................2 List of Abbreviations...................................................................................................................3 1. Introduction .............................................................................................................................4 1.1 Research Question .............................................................................................................5 1.2 Relevance ..........................................................................................................................6 2. Historical Context ...................................................................................................................8 2.1 The Birth of the Macedonian Question ...............................................................................8 2.2 The Birth of a Nation ....................................................................................................... 10 2.3 The Birth of the Name Dispute ........................................................................................ 11 3. Literature Review ................................................................................................................. -
External Influence Over Foreign Policy and Inter-Ethnic Relations: the Case of Republic of North Macedonia
University “Ss. Cyril and Methodius” Faculty of Philosophy Skopje DOCTORAL DISSERTATION EXTERNAL INFLUENCE OVER FOREIGN POLICY AND INTER-ETHNIC RELATIONS: THE CASE OF REPUBLIC OF NORTH MACEDONIA SUPERVISOR CANDIDATE Michael Schulz, Ph.D. Gjeraqina Leka, M.A. Skopje, October 2020 Table of Contents ABSTRACT4 PREFACE5 CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION8 Structure of the problem10 Research questions13 Research Aim14 Disposition of thesis16 CHAPTER 2. OVERVIEW OF MACEDONIA’S FOREIGN POLICY AND INTER-ETHNIC RELATIONS18 The history of the consolidation of the state of Macedonia since 199018 Macedonia’s challenges during its consolidation as a state20 Inter-ethnic relations since 199122 Macedonia’s foreign policy since 199033 Structure and actors of Macedonia’s foreign policy33 Foreign policy developments since 199140 Relations with Albania45 Relations with Bulgaria49 Relations with Greece52 Relations with Kosovo56 Relations with Serbia58 Bilateral Agreements between the Republic of Macedonia and its neighbors60 The relationship between foreign policy and inter-ethnic relations73 CHAPTER 3. PREVIOUS RESEARCH79 Literature review80 Concept of small states89 Foreign policy of small states99 Determinants of small states foreign policy behavior101 Security oriented Foreign policy105 Integration oriented foreign policy127 Contribution of this study141 CHAPTER 4. TOWARDS A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK142 Is Macedonia a small and weak state?149 2 Macedonia within the Western Balkan sub-regional security complex157 Macedonian-Albanian security complex161 Macedonia-Neighbors -
North Macedonia
BTI 2020 Country Report North Macedonia This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2020. It covers the period from February 1, 2017 to January 31, 2019. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of governance in 137 countries. More on the BTI at https://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2020 Country Report — North Macedonia. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2020. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Contact Bertelsmann Stiftung Carl-Bertelsmann-Strasse 256 33111 Gütersloh Germany Sabine Donner Phone +49 5241 81 81501 [email protected] Hauke Hartmann Phone +49 5241 81 81389 [email protected] Robert Schwarz Phone +49 5241 81 81402 [email protected] Sabine Steinkamp Phone +49 5241 81 81507 [email protected] BTI 2020 | North Macedonia 3 Key Indicators Population M 2.1 HDI 0.759 GDP p.c., PPP $ 16359 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 0.0 HDI rank of 189 82 Gini Index 35.6 Life expectancy years 75.6 UN Education Index 0.697 Poverty3 % 9.7 Urban population % 58.0 Gender inequality2 0.145 Aid per capita $ 72.0 Sources (as of December 2019): The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2019 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2019. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $3.20 a day at 2011 international prices. Executive Summary North Macedonia has a new government after 11 years of absolute political control by the right- wing conservative party, the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE) and its junior coalition partner, the ethnic Albanian Democratic Union for Integration (DUI). -
Usaid/Oti Macedonia Support Initiative Semi-Annual Report May 1, 2017 – October 31, 2017
• USAID/OTI MACEDONIA SUPPORT INITIATIVE SEMI-ANNUAL REPORT MAY 1, 2017 – OCTOBER 31, 2017 OCTOBER 2017 This publication was produced for review by the United States Agency for International Development. And prepared by AECOM International Development USAID/OTI MACEDONIA SUPPORT INITIATIVE SEMI-ANNUAL REPORT MAY 1, 2017 – OCTOBER 31, 2017 Submitted to: USAID Office of Transition Initiatives Prepared by: AECOM International Development DISCLAIMER: The authors’ views expressed in this document do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Agency for International Development or the United States Government. Semi-Annual Report | USAID/OTI MSI i TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents .............................................................................................................................................................. ii Introduction ........................................................................................................................................................................ 1 Political context.................................................................................................................................................................. 1 Program strategy ................................................................................................................................................................ 3 DEBATE PROGRAM REPRESENTS DIVERSE POLITICAL PERSPECTIVES .................................................. 4 CREATIVE CIVIC INITIATIVE TRIGGERS CHANGE ........................................................................................ -
1ST QUARTERLY ACTIVITY REPORT 2018 by Nils Muižnieks
Strasbourg, 21 March 2018 CommDH(2018)9 1ST QUARTERLY ACTIVITY REPORT 2018 by Nils Muižnieks Commissioner for Human Rights 1 January to 31 March 2018 Presented to the Committee of Ministers and the Parliamentary Assembly CommDH(2018)9 CONTENTS 1. Introduction ....................................................................................................3 2. Missions and Visits ........................................................................................3 3. Reports and continuous dialogue ..................................................................7 4. Themes........................................................................................................11 5. Other meetings ............................................................................................13 6. Human Rights Defenders.............................................................................15 7. Communication and Information work .........................................................16 Appendix ..............................................................................................................18 2 CommDH(2018)9 1. Introduction This document contains a report on activities carried out by the Commissioner for Human Rights, Mr Nils Muižnieks, between 1 January and 31 March 2018, date of the end of his six year mandate. 2. Missions and Visits Mission to “the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” The Commissioner conducted a follow-up mission to "the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” between 29 January and 2 February.