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Egypt Digital Rights Landscape Report
ids.ac.uk Digital Rights in Closing Civic Space: Lessons from Ten African Countries 209 Egypt Digital Rights Landscape Report Egypt Digital Rights Landscape Report Mohamed Farahat This is an Open Access report distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International licence (CC BY), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original authors and source are credited and any modifications or adaptations are indicated. This report is part of ‘Digital Rights in Closing Civic Space: Lessons from Ten African Countries’; the Introduction is also recommended reading. © 2021 Mohamed Farahat © Institute of Development Studies. DOI: 10.19088/IDS.2021.014 ids.ac.uk Digital Rights in Closing Civic Space: Lessons from Ten African Countries 210 Egypt Digital Rights Landscape Report 1. Introduction Egypt has experienced many political and social changes prior to and since the 2011 uprising. These changes have had a significant impact on civic space offline, as well as online. Digital rights are simply human rights in online spaces and are recognised as being of central importance. This is especially true when closing civic space in the physical world means that opening civic space online is a necessary last resort. The coronavirus (Covid-19) pandemic has highlighted the importance of digital rights, especially for vulnerable groups such as refugees and people in rural and remote areas. The main objective of this report is to give an overview of digital rights in Egypt, especially in the context of freedom of expression and freedom of assembly, the right to access the internet, and for access to information, and the right to knowledge; and to explore the impacts of the political context on civic space in general and digital rights in particular. -
Country Position Name Email Albania President Mr. Ilir Meta [email protected] Prime Minister Mr
Country Position Name Email Albania President Mr. Ilir Meta [email protected] Prime Minister Mr. Edi Rama [email protected] Minister of Foreign Affairs Mr. Ditmir Bushati [email protected] UN Ambassdor in New York H.E. Ms. Besiana Kadare [email protected] UN Ambassdor in Geneva H.E. Ms. Ravesa Lleshi [email protected] Belarus President Mr. Alexander Lukashenko [email protected] Prime Minister Mr. Siarhiej Rumas [email protected] Minister of Foreign Affairs Mr. Vladimir Makei [email protected] UN Ambassdor in New York H.E. Mr. Valentin Rybakov [email protected] UN Ambassdor in Geneva H.E. Mr. Yury Ambrazevich [email protected] Bosnia and HerzegovinaCo-President Mr. Šefik Džaferović [email protected] Co-President Mr. Milorad Dodik [email protected] Co-President Mr. Željko Komšić [email protected] Prime Minister Mr. Zoran Tegeltija [email protected] Minister of Foreign Affairs Mr. Igor Crnadak [email protected] UN Ambassdor in New York H.E. Mr. Sven Alkalaj [email protected] UN Ambassdor in Geneva H.E. Ms. Nermina Kapetanovic [email protected] Bulgaria President Mr. Rumen Radev [email protected] Prime Minister Ms. Boyko Borissov [email protected] Minister of Foreign Affairs Mrs. Ekaterina Spasova Gecheva-Zakharieva [email protected] UN Ambassdor in New York H.E. Mr. Georgi Velikov Panayotov [email protected] UN Ambassdor in Geneva H.E. Ms. Deyana Kostadinova [email protected] Croatia President Mr. Zoran Milanović [email protected] Prime Minister Andrej Plenković [email protected] Minister of Foreign Affairs Mr. -
PSCI 5113 / EURR 5113 Democracy in the European Union Mondays, 11:35 A.M
Carleton University Fall 2019 Department of Political Science Institute of European, Russian and Eurasian Studies PSCI 5113 / EURR 5113 Democracy in the European Union Mondays, 11:35 a.m. – 2:25 p.m. Please confirm location on Carleton Central Instructor: Professor Achim Hurrelmann Office: D687 Loeb Building Office Hours: Mondays, 3:00 p.m. – 4:00 p.m., and by appointment Phone: (613) 520-2600 ext. 2294 Email: [email protected] Twitter: @achimhurrelmann Course description: Over the past seventy years, European integration has made significant contributions to peace, economic prosperity and cultural exchange in Europe. By contrast, the effects of integration on the democratic quality of government have been more ambiguous. The European Union (EU) possesses more mechanisms of democratic input than any other international organization, most importantly the directly elected European Parliament (EP). At the same time, the EU’s political processes are often described as insufficiently democratic, and European integration is said to have undermined the quality of national democracy in the member states. Concerns about a “democratic deficit” of the EU have not only been an important topic of scholarly debate about European integration, but have also constituted a major argument of populist and Euroskeptic political mobilization, for instance in the “Brexit” referendum. This course approaches democracy in the EU from three angles. First, it reviews the EU’s democratic institutions and associated practices of citizen participation: How -
Student Handbook
Student Handbook PAX - Program of Academic Exchange EMERGENCY CONTACT INFORMATION PAX maintains a 24-hour, 365-day per year answering service for after business hours emergencies. Any PAX participant (host family, student, school administrator, or coordinator) may call the national office at our regular toll-free number 1.800.555.6211. After hours, the caller receives instructions to access the emergency response system. The number to call for emergencies in which the police, fire department, or an ambulance are immediately required is 911. Dear Student, Your high school year in America with PAX will be a unique cultural and educational experience which you will remember for the rest of your life! You will meet new people, improve your English, learn about what life is really like in the U.S., and most of all, learn more about yourself. This handbook provides information about your role and responsibilities as an exchange student. It also describes some practical information which will be helpful. Reading this handbook will help you know what to expect, so that your year as an exchange student will be a successful experience. Of course, we cannot cover every topic and every question you have. Every host family, school, and community placement is different. Every student has a different experience. Use this guide as part of your preparation. The details which you need to know about your host community will be provided upon your arrival. As an exchange student, you will be an ambassador for your country. You should expect a lot of questions about your home country. We encourage you to exchange viewpoints and discuss the similarities and differences between your country and the U.S. -
Wien Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna
Institut für Höhere Studien (IHS), Wien Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna Reihe Politikwissenschaft / Political Science Series No. 45 The End of the Third Wave and the Global Future of Democracy Larry Diamond 2 — Larry Diamond / The End of the Third Wave — I H S The End of the Third Wave and the Global Future of Democracy Larry Diamond Reihe Politikwissenschaft / Political Science Series No. 45 July 1997 Prof. Dr. Larry Diamond Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace Stanford University Stanford, California 94305-6010 USA e-mail: [email protected] and International Forum for Democratic Studies National Endowment for Democracy 1101 15th Street, NW, Suite 802 Washington, DC 20005 USA T 001/202/293-0300 F 001/202/293-0258 Institut für Höhere Studien (IHS), Wien Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna 4 — Larry Diamond / The End of the Third Wave — I H S The Political Science Series is published by the Department of Political Science of the Austrian Institute for Advanced Studies (IHS) in Vienna. The series is meant to share work in progress in a timely way before formal publication. It includes papers by the Department’s teaching and research staff, visiting professors, students, visiting fellows, and invited participants in seminars, workshops, and conferences. As usual, authors bear full responsibility for the content of their contributions. All rights are reserved. Abstract The “Third Wave” of global democratization, which began in 1974, now appears to be drawing to a close. While the number of “electoral democracies” has tripled since 1974, the rate of increase has slowed every year since 1991 (when the number jumped by almost 20 percent) and is now near zero. -
Assessment of the Future Leaders Exchange (Flex) Program
ASSESSMENT OF THE FUTURE LEADERS EXCHANGE (FLEX) PROGRAM Submitted to BUREAU OF EDUCATIONAL AND CULTURAL AFFAIRS US DEPARTMENT OF STATE WASHINGTON, DC Submitted by AGUIRRE INTERNATIONAL 1156 15th STREET, NW SUITE 1000 WASHINGTON, DC 20005 This report was prepared by Aguirre International under Contract Number GS10F0350L, dated December 4, 2002. The findings, conclusions, and recommendations are those of its authors and do not necessarily reflect the views and/or policies of the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs or the US Department of State. July, 2003 Assessment of the Future Leaders Exchange Program CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION The Future Leaders Exchange (FLEX) program is the U.S. government’s premier youth exchange program, funded by the U.S. Department of State through the FREEDOM (“Freedom for Russian and Emerging Eurasian Democracies and Open Markets”) Support Act. Since FLEX began in 1993, more than 11,000 secondary school students from the New Independent States have spent an academic year in American high schools and lived with U.S. host families throughout the United States.1 FLEX honors a highly select group of high school students from Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Russia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Ukraine, and Uzbekistan. The application process is extremely rigorous, and includes two initial tests of English language ability, a written application, and group interviews. Approximately 30 percent of those who take the initial English tests go on to the second round pre-TOEFL test; more or less one-third of the pre-TOEFL takers are then invited to complete the application and participate in group interviews, and ultimately, only about 20 percent of this group are selected as semi-finalists. -
THE RISE of COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A
Elections Without Democracy THE RISE OF COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way Steven Levitsky is assistant professor of government and social studies at Harvard University. His Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America is forthcoming from Cambridge University Press. Lucan A. Way is assistant professor of political science at Temple University and an academy scholar at the Academy for International and Area Studies at Harvard University. He is currently writing a book on the obstacles to authoritarian consolidation in the former Soviet Union. The post–Cold War world has been marked by the proliferation of hy- brid political regimes. In different ways, and to varying degrees, polities across much of Africa (Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbab- we), postcommunist Eurasia (Albania, Croatia, Russia, Serbia, Ukraine), Asia (Malaysia, Taiwan), and Latin America (Haiti, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru) combined democratic rules with authoritarian governance during the 1990s. Scholars often treated these regimes as incomplete or transi- tional forms of democracy. Yet in many cases these expectations (or hopes) proved overly optimistic. Particularly in Africa and the former Soviet Union, many regimes have either remained hybrid or moved in an authoritarian direction. It may therefore be time to stop thinking of these cases in terms of transitions to democracy and to begin thinking about the specific types of regimes they actually are. In recent years, many scholars have pointed to the importance of hybrid regimes. Indeed, recent academic writings have produced a vari- ety of labels for mixed cases, including not only “hybrid regime” but also “semidemocracy,” “virtual democracy,” “electoral democracy,” “pseudodemocracy,” “illiberal democracy,” “semi-authoritarianism,” “soft authoritarianism,” “electoral authoritarianism,” and Freedom House’s “Partly Free.”1 Yet much of this literature suffers from two important weaknesses. -
China Resilient, Sophisticated Authoritarianism
21st Century Authoritarians Freedom House Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Radio Free Asia JUNE 2009 FFH_UD7.inddH_UD7.indd iiiiii 55/22/09/22/09 111:221:22 AAMM CHINA RESILIENT, SOPHISTICATED AUTHORITARIANISM Joshua Kurlantzick Perry Link Chinese Communist Party leaders have clearly embraced the idea of soft power, and it has become central to their discourse about China’s role in the world. While only fi ve years ago Chinese offi cials and academics denied they had any lessons to offer to the developing world, today they not only accept this idea but use their training programs for foreign offi cials to promote aspects of the China model of development. introduction In 1989, in the wake of the crackdown on prodemocracy protesters in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square, the moral and ideological standing of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was at an all-time low. Popular complaints about corruption and special privileges for the elite were widespread. Idealistic language about socialism was seen as empty sloganeering. The Tiananmen killings showed that the “people’s army” could open fi re on the people themselves. China’s agricultural economy had been partially liberated, but the urban econ- omy still seemed locked within the iron framework of a work-unit system that was both ineffi cient and corrupt. No one either inside or outside China saw the country as a model for others. Now, nearly 20 years later, the prestige of the CCP has risen dramatically on the twin geysers of a long economic boom and a revived Han chauvinism. The expectation that more wealth in China would lead to more democracy (a fond hope in many foreign capitals) has been frustrated as one-party rule persists. -
The Macedonian “Name” Dispute: the Macedonian Question—Resolved?
Nationalities Papers (2020), 48: 2, 205–214 doi:10.1017/nps.2020.10 ANALYSIS OF CURRENT EVENTS The Macedonian “Name” Dispute: The Macedonian Question—Resolved? Matthew Nimetz* Former Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General of the United Nations and former Special Envoy of President Bill Clinton, New York, USA *Corresponding author. Email: [email protected] Abstract The dispute between Greece and the newly formed state referred to as the “Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” that emerged out of the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991 was a major source of instability in the Western Balkans for more than 25 years. It was resolved through negotiations between Athens and Skopje, mediated by the United Nations, resulting in the Prespa (or Prespes) Agreement, which was signed on June 17, 2018, and ratified by both parliaments amid controversy in their countries. The underlying issues involved deeply held and differing views relating to national identity, history, and the future of the region, which were resolved through a change in the name of the new state and various agreements as to identity issues. The author, the United Nations mediator in the dispute for 20 years and previously the United States presidential envoy with reference to the dispute, describes the basis of the dispute, the positions of the parties, and the factors that led to a successful resolution. Keywords: Macedonia; Greece; North Macedonia; “Name” dispute The Macedonian “name” dispute was, to most outsiders who somehow were faced with trying to understand it, certainly one of the more unusual international confrontations. When the dispute was resolved through the Prespa Agreement between Greece and (now) the Republic of North Macedonia in June 2018, most outsiders (as frequently expressed to me, the United Nations mediator for 20 years) responded, “Why did it take you so long?” And yet, as protracted conflicts go, the Macedonian “name” dispute is instructive as to the types of issues that go to the heart of a people’s identity and a nation’s sense of security. -
Illiberal Democracies: Overview
Illiberal Democracies: Overview •“Transitions to democracy” •Democracy with adjectives •Illiberal democracies in practice: –Russia and “stable” illiberalism –Kenya: Violently democratic –Romania: from ill to liberal •(In)conclusions “Transitions to democracy” • Transitions literature comes out of a reading of democratization in L.Am., ‘70s & ‘80s. • Mechanisms of transition (O’Donnell and Schmitter): – Splits appear in the authoritarian regime – Civil society and opposition develop – “Pacted” transitions Democracy with Adjectives • Problem: The transitions model is excessively teleological and just inaccurate • “Illiberal” meets “democracy” – What is democracy (again, and in brief)? – Why add “liberal”? – What in an illiberal democracy is “ill”? A Typology of Regimes Chart taken from Larry Diamond, “Thinking about Hybrid Regimes” Journal of Democracy 13: 2 (2002) How do “gray zone” regimes develop? • Thomas Carothers: Absence of pre-conditions to democracy, which is tied to… (Culturalist) • Fareed Zakaria: When baking a liberal democracy, liberalize then democratize (Institutionalist). • Michael McFaul: Domestic balance of power at the outset matters (path dependence). Where even, illiberalism may develop (Rationalist). Russia Poland Case studies: Russia • 1991-93: An even balance of power between Yeltsin and reformers feeds into political ambiguity…and illiberalism • After Sept 1993 - Yeltsin takes the advantage and uses it to shape Russia into a delegative democracy • The creation of President Putin • Putin and the “dictatorship of law” -
Election Observation Table of Contents
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 25 AND 26 SEPTEMBER 1998 ODIHR ELECTION OBSERVATION TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION II SUMMARY OF CONCLUSIONS III THE LEGISLATIVE FRAMEWORK III.1 General III.2 The Electoral System III.3 Some Legal Issues IV THE ELECTION ADMINISTRATION V VOTER AND CIVIC EDUCATION VI VOTER REGISTRATION VII CANDIDATE REGISTRATION VIII THE PRE-ELECTION CAMPAIGN IX THE MEDIA X OBSERVATION ON POLLING DAY XI OBSERVATION OF COUNTING XII AGGREGATION AND VERIFICATION OF RESULTS XIII RECOMMENDATIONS 2 I. INTRODUCTION Upon invitation from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Slovak Republic of 18 August 1998, the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe=s Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR) established an Election Observation Mission in Slovakia for the 25 and 26 September Parliamentary elections. Ms. Helle Degn, President of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly and Chairman of the Foreign Policy Committee of the Danish Parliament, was designated by the OSCE Chairman-in-Office as his Representative for the Election in Slovakia. Mr. Kåre Vollan was appointed by the ODIHR as the OSCE On-site Co-ordinator and Head of the ODIHR Election Observation Mission, and Ms Siri Skåre as Deputy Head upon being seconded by the Government of Norway. The OSCE was involved at an early stage in the pre-election process including a visit by the ODIHR Director, Ambassador Stoudmann, on February 6 and May 5-6, and a visit by the former President of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly Mr. Javier Ruperez on May 4-5. -
Discussion Paper
Zentrum für Europäische Integrationsforschung Center for European Integration Studies Rheinische Friedrich Wilhelms-Universität Bonn Discussion Paper Eva Slivková Slovakia’s Response on the Regular report form the European Commission on Progress towards Accession C 57 1999 Eva Slivková, Born 1971, works for the Slovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs, division of chief negotiations. After receiving a degree in Translation (German and English), she worked as a journalist for the Slovak newspa- per Slovensky Dennik in 1990/91. As a member of the Slovak Christian Democratic Movement (KDH), she worked in the field of Public Relations within the KDH from 1992 to 1994. In 1993 she started working as a Public Relations Assistant of the Iowa-State- University-Foundation until 1996. 1996 she completed an in- ternship at the German parliament in the office of Rudolf Seiters (MP CDU). In 1997/98 Ms. Slivková was a Project Manager at the Centre for European politics and worked as a freelance Translator. Eva Slivkova Slovakia’s Response on the Regular Report from the European Commission on Progress towards Accession Introduction Looking at today’s Slovakia one can get the feeling of being in the Phoe- nix fairy-tale. It seems as if Slovakia needed to go through a purifying fire in order to shine in the full beauty of the Phoenix. The result of the last four years is a country, where the lie was a working method, human dignity was trampled, and citizens played only a minor role in issues that influenced their lives. Constantly-repeated statements about freedom, hu- man rights, democracy and a flourishing economy became untrustworthy and empty phrases.