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Openair@RGU the Open Access Institutional Repository at Robert OpenAIR@RGU The Open Access Institutional Repository at Robert Gordon University http://openair.rgu.ac.uk This is an author produced version of a paper published in International Journal of Gender and Entrepreneurship (ISSN 1756-6266) This version may not include final proof corrections and does not include published layout or pagination. Citation Details Citation for the version of the work held in ‘OpenAIR@RGU’: SMITH, R., 2013. Documenting Essex-Boy as a local gendered regime. Available from OpenAIR@RGU. [online]. Available from: http://openair.rgu.ac.uk Citation for the publisher’s version: SMITH, R., 2013. Documenting Essex-Boy as a local gendered regime. International Journal of Gender and Entrepreneurship, 5 (2), pp. 174-197. Copyright Items in ‘OpenAIR@RGU’, Robert Gordon University Open Access Institutional Repository, are protected by copyright and intellectual property law. If you believe that any material held in ‘OpenAIR@RGU’ infringes copyright, please contact [email protected] with details. The item will be removed from the repository while the claim is investigated. ‘This article is (c) Emerald Group Publishing and permission has been granted for this version to appear here (https://openair.rgu.ac.uk/). Emerald does not grant permission for this article to be further copied/distributed or hosted elsewhere without the express permission from Emerald Group Publishing Limited.' file:///H|/OpenAir%20documents%20and%20files/rob%20smith/Smith%20emerald%20statement.txt[24/09/2013 10:14:11] Documenting ‘Essex-Boy’ as a local gendered regime 1. Introducing the notion of gendered entrepreneurial regimes This article documents the existence of ‘Essex-Boy’ culture to illustrate at a theoretical level how certain forms of masculinity and entrepreneurship via the process of neo- liberalism are intertwined with and within local enterprise cultures, entrepreneurial dreams and gender regimes. This examination is important because masculinity is powerful in shaping male and female entrepreneurship in practice and is severely under- researched. Essex is a ‘geographically-bounded’ county in the south-east corner of England, situated immediately north of London. As a social construct, entrepreneurship is usually portrayed as if it is an unashamedly ‘Masculine Endeavour’ (Bruni, Gherdi and Poggio, 2005) and is said to be viewed through a “male gaze” (Mulvey, 1985). It is a life theme shaped by masculinity and patriarchy (Bolton and Thompson, 2002)1. An appreciation of the masculine perspective is important because research into gender is predominantly reported from the female perspective. Thus, research on masculinity seldom features (Smith, 2010; Sundin and Tillmar, 2010) with gender becoming synonymous with female or womens’ entrepreneurship. What constitutes a masculine perspective remains vague. Nevertheless, masculinity is a complex, multi- faceted social construct, not a singular one. This dearth of direct research on masculinity within the gender-entrepreneurship discourse accentuates extant research which documents the dominance of malestream societal influences. Patient scholarship is 1 A powerful visual representation of this can be found on the book cover of “Narratives of Enterprise” (Down, 2006) which illustrates the masculine nature of the stereotypical representation of the entrepreneur as a middle aged, grey haired man, unsmiling yet still smug, smoking a cigar in shirt and tie set off by the now ubiquitous braces. To me it illustrates the pervasiveness of masculinity within ‘British Enterprise Culture’. 1 required to uncover forms and practices of masculinity which influence entrepreneurial actions and behaviours. As a man and entrepreneurship scholar, I find the emerging notion of local-gender- regimes (Williams, 2002; Pascall and Lewis, 2004; Acker, 2006; and Connell, 2006), fascinating because, if masculinity shapes entrepreneurship, entrepreneurship can be viewed through the lens of a gendered regime. A gender regime is a configuration of gender relations within a particular setting such as a school, a family or a neighbourhood, or in this case a geographically mediated milieu (Essex and London). Male domination in business and entrepreneurship may result from the embeddedness of gender regimes that historically excluded women (Blake, 2005). Nevertheless, gendered regimes are important because at a local level they operate on a differential basis to transform our identities (Williams, 2006). Despite being resistant to change they accommodate change over time. During the course of the last century the major change which occurred in the nature of gender regimes, is that women have moved away from the domestic to the public sphere (Walby, 2002, p.21). Clearly, a deeper understanding of gendered regimes is helpful in achieving a clearer understanding because much of the perceived social injustice towards women occurs within specific institutions and regimes. Ahl (2004) ably documented gender inequality in relation to how entrepreneurship discourse is socially constructed and propagated in western societies and is but one of many female entrepreneurship scholars who have criticised the male gendered nature of entrepreneurship. Conversely, Marlow (2009) critiqued the entrepreneurship literature for adopting a gender-neutral perspective and Lansky (2000) made similar criticisms in relation to how we fail to engage with theories of gender when sex differences are 2 researched. This is fascinating because ‘Entrepreneurship’ and ‘Entrepreneurial Behaviour’ is socially constructed as a gendered activity mediated via stereotypical representations (Smith, 2006; Down, 2006; Gupta et al, 2009). Yet, despite the publication of seminal books on masculinity by Bly (2001) and Keen (1992), no studies by male entrepreneurship scholars specifically tackle the masculinity- entrepreneurship interface (Burns, 1991). Pascall and Lewis (2004) identified voice as a key element of gender regimes. Thus, I present an alternative viewpoint to the “Stigmatized Masculine Voice” (Gingrich- Philbrook, 1998) whilst unpicking a form of masculinity narrated as typical to a local area. One must distinguish between voice as a ‘surface’ act of speaking/being heard and its deeper level where the power of silence as discursive practices eliminates certain issues from arenas of speech and sound. To date, the masculine voice in entrepreneurship studies has been examined through a critical feminist lens (Simpson and Lewis, 2005). Ironically, within the burgeoning literature of female entrepreneurship masculine voices are silenced by virtue of exclusion and self-exclusion2. The concepts of voice and visibility go hand in hand as ‘Essex-Boy’ culture is predominantly a masculine voice. In relation to the masculine voice, notions of culture (Middleton, 1992) and “Enterprise Culture” are viewed as masculine constructions (Corner and Harvey, 1991: During, 2005). For During (2005, p.14-16) enterprise cultures emphasise sets of specific personal and ethical qualities such as self-sufficiency, appetite for risk, individualism, creativity and a sense of adventure as well as self-control, financial expertise and 2 This issue is of crucial importance to the debate and to the silences because of the failure of the male academic/entrepreneur to engage or adjust their voice to feminist critiques, allowing the feminist viewpoint to develop exponentially without counter claims. All voices and silences contribute. I am not advocating a critical response to the feminist critique – merely that there does appear to be a lack of engagement by male scholars with gender per se. 3 management skills. In certain circumstances, an enterprise culture (and individual proto- entrepreneurial initiating dreams associated with it) may be considered a regime. Thus to determine whether gendered social constructions influence entrepreneurship per-se, I analyse entrepreneurial behaviours and practices located within localized gender-regimes (Essex-Boy culture) using documentary research techniques (Scott, 1991). Essex-Boy culture is a deeply masculine enterprise culture intertwined with criminality and infused with geographic, personal and cultural elements. I become aware of this through readings in Criminology such as O’Mahoney (2000) and the t.v documentary “Britains Underworld: Essex Bad-Boys”3 where it is considered part of the gangster psyche. It could be argued that the ‘Essex-Boy’ phenomenon and variant stereotypes are “imaginary masculine identities” (Hall, Winlow and Ancrum, 2005; Newburn and Stanko, 2005) as has been suggested of other masculine criminal identities because if you espouse the ‘Essex dream’ you are perhaps following an imagined reality authored by others from their narratives of lives. This research illuminates the gendered assumptions, and privileges, on which mainstream entrepreneurship theory and practice is premised to illustrate the complexity of researching and understanding entrepreneurial behaviour and entrepreneurship per-se whilst highlighting the elusive nature of local enterprise cultures. The collective gender practices of individuals and networks influence the type of entrepreneurship which emerges from a particular milieu to develop a more nuanced and deeper understanding of the complexity of the gendered nature of entrepreneurial action and the specific roles 3 The one hour documentary can be viewed on you tube on http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=O97Blrf_mtc 4 possible to men and women within particular enterprise cultures and gendered regimes.
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