Walsh University

Al-Andalus, the Umayyads, and Hispano-Islamic Art: The Influence of the Abbasids and Northern Christians on the Art of Muslim Patronage in the Iberian Peninsula from the 8th to 11th Centuries

A Thesis by

Katharine T. Moore

Division of Fine and Performing Arts School of Arts & Sciences

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a

Bachelor of Arts Degree

with University Honors

April 2020

Accepted by the Honors Program

4/13/2020 Katherine Brown, Ph.D., Advisor Date

4/17/2020 Rachel Constance, Ph.D., Reader Date

4/17/2020 Katherine Brown, Ph.D., Honors Director Date

Table of Contents

Introduction ...... 1

Historiography ...... 3

Literature Review ...... 5

Methodology ...... 13

The Art of the Umayyads ...... 15

Abbasid History and Artistic Legacy ...... 20

Comparing the Styles of the Umayyads and Abbasids ...... 24

Christian Iberia: The History and Fine Arts ...... 27

Comparing the Styles of the Umayyads and Christians ...... 33

Conclusion ...... 37

Bibliography ...... 39

Figures ...... 42

List of Figures

Figure 1: Map of the Umayyad Emirate and Caliphate, 711-1031 ...... 42 Figure 2: Umayyad Caliphate; Panel from a Rectangular Box ...... 43 Figure 3: Detail; Panel from a Rectangular Box ...... 43 Figure 4: Umayyad Caliphate; Casket of the Daughter of Abd al-Raḥmān III ...... 44 Figure 5: Damascus Umayyad Caliphate; Dome of the Rock, interior spandrel ...... 44 Figure 6: Umayyad Caliphate; Pyxis of al-Mughira ...... 45 Figure 7: Detail; Pyxis of al-Mughira ...... 46 Figure 8: Detail 2; Pyxis of al-Mughira ...... 47 Figure 9: Detail 3; Pyxis of al-Mughira ...... 47 Figure 10: Umayyad Caliphate; Pamplona Casket ...... 48 Figure 11: Rear view; Pamplona Casket ...... 48 Figure 12: Abbasid Caliphate; Stucco Fragment from Samarra, style C ...... 49 Figure 13: Abbasid Caliphate; Panel ...... 49 Figure 14: Abbasid Caliphate; Bowl depicting a Man holding a Cup and a Flowering Branch . 50 Figure 15: Bottom view; Bowl depicting a Man holding a Cup and a Flowering Branch ...... 51 Figure 16: Abbasid Caliphate; Mortar ...... 52 Figure 17: Christian Spain; San Pedro de la Nave ...... 53 Figure 18: Christian Spain; Capital with narrative scene of Daniel and the Lions ...... 53 Figure 19: Christian Spain; Astorga Casket...... 54 Figure 20: Ariel view; Astorga Casket ...... 54 Figure 21: Christian Spain; Casket ...... 55 Figure 22: Front view; Casket...... 56 Figure 23: Rear view; Casket ...... 56 Figure 24: Side view 1; Casket ...... 57 Figure 25: Side view 2; Casket ...... 57 Figure 26: Christian Spain; Horseshoe arch portal of San Juan Bautista de Baños de Cerrato .... 58 Figure 27: Christian Spain; Agate Casket ...... 59 Figure 28: Ariel view; Agate Casket ...... 59 Figure 29: Bottom view; Agate Casket ...... 60

1

Introduction

When Abd al-Raḥmān I (731-788) of the Umayyad family fled Damascus in 750 CE, he actuated a series of events that changed the Iberian Peninsula forever. The Abbasids, their usurpers, claimed the religious and political title of Caliphate, making the Umayyads enemies of the Islamic empire. Displaced from their home and removed as leaders of the Islamic world, the

Umayyads needed to find refuge in the western-most corner of the known world: al-Andalus, the

Muslim-controlled lands of the Iberian Peninsula. Here, the Umayyads became governors of

Muslims and Christians, alike. Art became the tool with which the newly established empire asserted dominance. An amalgam of Islamic and Christian styles permeated the art and architecture of the empire as Eastern and Western traditions coexisted together in a hieratic, yet tolerant society. Umayyad artisans created luxurious goods, none valued more so than intricately carved ivory containers. The Umayyad Emirate and Caliphate of Córdoba overcame the odds of survival as a small, independent Islamic nation in the Christian west, and fostered a culture that celebrated the fine arts.

This research will consider three stylistic groups that, I assert, had significant influence on the arts of al-Andalus. Firstly, I will critically evaluate art created by the Umayyads, who established the Emirate and Caliphate of Córdoba and controled al-Andalus from the eighth to the eleventh centuries. I will focus on works created in al-Andalus, although the Umayyads were originally from Damascus. In order to avoid confusion with the Umayyad empire of Córdoba, I will always refer to the Umayyads of Damascus by its geographical tie to Syria. Secondly, I will describe and compare art created by the Abbasids of Baghdad. The rivalry and exchange of styles between the these two empires are a central theme of my research and will be explored in depth. Lastly, I will present art created by the Christian Kingdoms of Northern Iberia, which 2 refers to the people who remained free during the Muslim occupation of the peninsula. I will also consider the works of the Christians before the Muslim invasion in this category, as these preexisting styles also could have influenced the Umayyads.

Rather than focusing on the similitude between the art of the Umayyads of Córdoba and the Abbasids of Baghdad, as most previous art historical research has done, this thesis intends to identify the differences in style and iconography between these two Islamic empires through analyses of art that resulted from courtly patronage. Art historians to-date have traditionally claimed that the Umayyads appropriated the style of the Abbasids and therefore did not develop an individual style. Analyses between Umayyad ivory containers and Abbasid objects requiring similar carving techniques and compositions, which I conducted for this research, resulted in the conclusion that the Umayyads did not consider the art of the Abbasids as inspiration, suggesting that another source must have influenced this style in the Iberian Peninsula. The term Hispano-

Islamic art is used to describe the art and architecture of al-Andalus, though its implications in regard to applied arts need to be considered. I assert that the original influences of the style utilized in Umayyad ivory containers can be found in the “Hispano” of Hispano-Islamic art, in which Hispano describes the art style of the peoples of the Iberian Peninsula before the Muslim invasion and those who remained free from occupation in the north of the peninsula. Extant scholarship does not yet include a visual analysis of the comprehensive differences between the

Umayyad Caliphate of Córdoba and the Abbasid Caliphate of Baghdad in relationship to the influence of the artistic styles present in the pre-Islamic society of the Iberian Peninsula in the applied, or decorative, arts.

3

Historiography

The shared history about the Umayyads and the Abbasids is important to understand in order to analyze the relationship’s impact on early Islamic art. The death of the Prophet

Muhammad (c. 570-632) left a need for a new spiritual and political leader of the Muslim community; the title of Caliph recognizes an individual’s declaration as rightful inheritor of

Muhammad’s legacy. After a series of short-term Caliphs, the Umayyads won the first Fitna, or civil war, in 662, and consolidate their power to establish the Caliphate of Damascus, located in modern-day Syria. It also began the tradition of dynastic inheritance in the Islamic empire. The

Umayyads focused on military power as a tool for asserting authority.1 They expanded their empire across north Africa and invaded the Iberian Peninsula in 711, which marks the founding of al-Andalus. The archaeological remains of this Damascus empire are minimal, and modern- day conflicts prevent more in-depth, on the ground research.

In 750, the Abbasids overthrew the Umayyads in Damascus and tried to assassinate the entire family.2 Abd al-Raḥmān I (731-788), the grandson of the assassinated Damascus Caliph, narrowly escaped the initial assassination and the pursuit that followed as he trekked across north

Africa. He sought refuge with his mother’s people, the Berbers, native north Africans who lived in regions bordering the Sahara Desert.3 Two years after the conquest of Damascus, the Abbasids relocated the center of the Muslim world to Baghdad and founded the Abbasid Caliphate. This city and the Abbasid empire would become a beacon of the arts and sciences.

1. Jonathan Bloom and Sheila Blair, Islamic Arts (London: Phaidon Press Limited, 1997), 17-20. 2. Oleg Grabar, “Islamic Spain, The First Four Centuries: An Introduction,” in Al- Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, edited by Jerrilynn D. Dodds (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992), 4-5. 3. “Chronology,” in Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, edited by Jerrilynn D. Dodds (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992), xxix. 4

Back in north Africa, Abd al-Raḥmān I maintained a low profile, but the presence of a member of such an illustrious Muslim family threatened the authority of local leaders.4 Al-

Raḥmān I fled across the strait of Gibraltar and consolidated power in al-Andalus. In 756, he established the Emirate of Córdoba, the new home of the Umayyad empire (Figure 1).5 Abd al-

Raḥmān I and his descendants established diplomatic relations with North Africa, Byzantium, and the northern Christian kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula.6 Trade existed between allies and enemies alike; the Emirate of Córdoba and the Abbasid Caliphate maintained a cultural connection through mercantile routes.7

For nearly three centuries, the Umayyad empire flourished in al-Andalus. Muslims, both

Arab and immigrant Berbers, and Christians maintained a civil society. Whether motivated by revenge or power, Abd al-Raḥmān III (891-961) publicly disavowed the Abbasid empire by declaring himself Caliph in 929. The Caliphate of Córdoba was a period of grandeur and luxury, as the elite members of society used art and ceremony to legitimize their power. Under the

Umayyad Caliphate, al-Andalus entered an artistic renaissance in the production of luxury goods that rivaled the Abbasids and the Byzantines.8 By the turn of the 11th century, the centralized government began to fracture and struggle to maintain control. A finta divided the Iberian

Peninsula from 1010 to 1013. Muslim governors began to declare independence and establish fourteen districts known as the Taifa Kingdoms. By 1031, the Umayyad Caliphate dissolved.9

4. Richard Ettinghausen, Oleg Grabar, and Marilyn Jenkins-Madina, Islamic Art and Architecture 650-1250 (Yale University Press: Pelican History of Art, 2001), 83. 5. “Chronology,” in Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, xxix. 6. Ibid. 7. Oleg Grabar, “Islamic Spain, The First Four Centuries: An Introduction,” in Al- Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, 6. 8. Ibid., 4. 9. “Chronology,” in Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, xxix. 5

Most timelines of Islamic history records that the time of the Umayyads ended in 750 and the Abbasids succeeded as the leaders of the Muslim world. There is little mention of the

Umayyads of Córdoba after 750, suggesting that its empire could not compare to the Abbasids.

Although the Umayyad Emirate and Caliphate survived a fraction of time in comparison to the

Abbasids, I argue that both empires experienced comparable levels of success. The circumstances surrounding al-Andalus and the inherent rivalry between the Umayyads and

Abbasids have resulted in scholastic inquiry in a multitude of disciplines.

Literature Review

Arguably more so than Christian and Jewish sources, Islamic culture has a longstanding tradition of recording history in chronicles, providing an invaluable window into the society of early Islamic empires. One of the most important chroniclers of al-Andalus is Abū Marwān

Ḥayyān ibn Khalaf ibn Ḥusayn ibn Ḥayyān al-Qurṭubī, more commonly known as ibn Ḥayyān

(c. 987-1075), who spent his entire life in Córdoba. 10 Although only a few of the ten volumes on the history of al-Andalus have survived, Ibn Ḥayyān describes the grand, daily life of the elite members of Andalusian society and significant historical events, alike.11 One of the most comprehensive collections of primary sources on the history of the Iberian Peninsula is Medieval

Iberia: Readings from Christian, Muslim, and Jewish Sources, edited by Olivia Remie

Constable. This collection is divided into sections from the Visigoth conversion in 589 to the completion of the Reconquista, or conquest and expulsion of Islam from the Iberian Peninsula, in

10. Scholars believe Ibn Hayyan’s writing were not entirely his own, but sections from the works of Isa al-Razi. See: Janina M. Safran, "Ceremony and Submission: The Symbolic Representation and Recognition of Legitimacy in Tenth-Century Al-Andalus." 11. Janina M. Safran, "Ceremony and Submission: The Symbolic Representation and Recognition of Legitimacy in Tenth-Century Al-Andalus," Journal of Near Eastern Studies 58, no. 3 (1999): 192. 6

1492. It includes sources that represent the three major cultural groups that consisted of the amalgam of al-Andalus’s population: Christians, Muslims, and Jews. Some of the writing excepts include: Isidore of Seville’s History of the Goths, Vandals, and Suevi; Ibn Abd al-

Ḥakam’s Narrative of the Conquest of al-Andalus; and Paul Alvarus’s “Eulogius and Martyrs of

Córdoba.”12 These primary sources are the foundations for understanding the social context to inform more in-depth studies of history and art during the period.

“Ceremony and Submission: The Symbolic Representation and Recognition of

Legitimacy in Tenth-Century al-Andalus” is an excellent example of scholarship utilizing primary sources to inform research. Author Janina M. Safran analyzes Ibn Ḥayyān’s volumes that describe the ceremonies and etiquette in the court of al-Ḥakam II (915-976), who reigned from 961 to 976.13 The purpose of this article is to analyze how the newly formed Umayyad

Caliphate utilized ceremony and opulence to evoke legitimacy to dignitaries within and outside the empire.14 One such chronicle describes a Fatimid governor, whose father defected from al-

Andalus, and returned to the Umayyad Caliphate to pledge support and recognize the caliph’s

ḥaqq, or legitimacy. Jafar ibn Alī, the governor, arrived on the shores of the Iberian Peninsula with a herd of the Caliph’s horses equipped for travel to the capital in comfort. Ibn Ḥayyān describes the procession from Córdoba to Madīnat al-Zahrā, the palace city several miles from the urban center, in which the path was lined with 16,000 men among which were

12. Translations of these documents can be found in Medieval Iberia: Readings from Christian, Muslim, and Jewish Sources, 2nd ed., edited by Olivia Remie Constable (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012). 13. Janina M. Safran, "Ceremony and Submission: The Symbolic Representation and Recognition of Legitimacy in Tenth-Century Al-Andalus," 192. 14. Ibid., 191. 7 representatives from the army and the caliphal guard.15 It was a show of grandeur, wealth, and power that expresses the opulence the Umayyads wanted to display in court.

Since the mid-20th century, scholars have been fascinated by the history of medieval

Spain. Lévi-Provenҫal wrote some of the earliest historiographical analyses of al-Andalus, in works such as L’histoire de l’Espagne musulmane (1950).16 In 1970, F. Gabrieli published a concise analysis of the relationship between the Umayyads and the Abbasids.17 In 1985, David

Wasserstein argued the reasons for the fall of the Spanish Umayyad Caliphate by ultimately concluding that it was too difficult to control such a vast area on the Iberian Peninsula. The regions operated relatively independently and changes in the balance of power in the 11th century led to the decline of the centralized empire.18

The Metropolitan Museum of Art (the Met) holds the foremost collection of Islamic art in the United States. In 1992, the Met hosted an exhibition titled, Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic

Spain. This exhibition required international collaboration, particularly with the Ministro de

Cultura de España, and institutions across the United States, Europe, the Middle East, and North

Africa. According to Philippe de Montebello, then Director of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, the purpose of the exhibition is to explore and appreciate the art of Islamic Spain in order to learn

15. Janina M. Safran, "Ceremony and Submission: The Symbolic Representation and Recognition of Legitimacy in Tenth-Century Al-Andalus," 193-195. 16. References to Lévi-Provenҫal’s works are made in Amira K. Bennison, "The Necklace of Al-Shifāʾ: ʿAbbasid Borrowings in the Islamic West," Oriens 38 (2010): 252; and Oleg Grabar, “Islamic Spain, The First Four Centuries: An Introduction,” in Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, edited by Jerrilynn D. Dodds (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992), 9. 17. Amira K. Bennison, "The Necklace of Al-Shifāʾ: ʿAbbasid Borrowings in the Islamic West," Oriens 38 (2010): 250-252. 18. Derek W. Lomax, “Review: The Rise and Fall of the Party-Kings: Politics and Society in Islamic Spain, 1002-1086 by David Wasserstein,” The American Historical Review 91, no. 4 (1986): 903. 8 more about the unique cultural epicenter and the impact this period had on Spanish culture.19 The

Met’s exhibition includes the entire history of the Muslim occupation on the Iberian Peninsula, from 711 to 1492; however, this vast timeline does not diminish the valuable information provided on the years 711 to 1031, the relevant date range for this research. The exhibition catalogue includes not only images and information on the objects in the exhibit, but also essays written by the foremost experts of Islamic art and al-Andalus, such as Oleg Grabar, Jerrilyn D.

Dodds, and Renata Holod.

One of the foremost scholars of Islamic art was Oleg Grabar (1929-2011). A former professor at the University of Michigan and Harvard, Grabar dedicated his life to the study of the

Islamic art and architecture. His contributions to the field continue to impact scholarship.

Grabar’s contribution to the Metropolitan Museum of Art’s catalogue is an essay introducing the history of Islamic Spain from the 8th to the 12th centuries. He divides the information into three categories: events, social/culture, and myths.20 This categorization demonstrates the important environmental factors to consider when studying the art of al-Andalus, an approach integrated into this research. Grabar introduces the complex relationships between the Muslims, Jews, and

Christians on the Iberian Peninsula. The majority of the Muslim population consisted of Berbers from North Africa and Arab immigrants from across the Islamic world. Muwalladūn referred to native Christians who converted to Islam for religious reasons or to gain economic advantages and social status. The Jews, who faced persecution under the previous reign of the Christian

Visigoths, found economic freedom under the laws of the Muslims. Mozarabs, a subgroup of

19. Philippe de Montebello, “Director’s Forward,” in Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, edited by Jerrilynn D. Dodds (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992), vii- viii. 20. Oleg Grabar, “Islamic Spain, The First Four Centuries: An Introduction,” in Al- Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, 3. 9

Christians, maintained their Christianity but adopted Arab culture. Most traditional Christians cooperated under Muslim rule; however, there is evidence of isolated, internal conflicts.21 Grabar also discusses the nostalgic nature of the Umayyad empire. The names of buildings and the themes of many poems exude sorrow for the loss of Damascus. It was not until the 10th century that this nostalgia evolved into to a feeling of superiority over the Muslim world.22

Jerrilynn D. Dodds’s essay titled “The Great Mosque of Córdoba,” is one of the few examples of scholarship that touches on how the Christians influenced the Muslims instead of the reverse, which is the premise of this research. The Great Mosque of Córdoba, the most significant architectural achievement completed by the Umayyads in al-Andalus, has been the central focus of historic research on the region for decades due to its remarkable state of preservation, a product of being converted into a Christian Church after the reconquering of

Córdoba. The hypostyle hall of horseshoe arches with sequential alterations of red voussoirs is an overwhelming sight that forces the viewer to consider the space as a sliver of divinity on

Earth. Dodds argues that this construction choice was not wholly the genius of Muslim architects. The horseshoe arches derive from the Visigoth churches, such as San Juan de Baños

(Figure 26).23 Additionally, the horseshoe arch provides visual evidence that the Muslims were most likely looking at Roman aqueducts that utilized the same double arches to create taller structures with the relatively soft stone found in al-Andalus.24 Although this research is not about

21. Oleg Grabar, “Islamic Spain, The First Four Centuries: An Introduction,” in Al- Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, 4-5. 22. Ibid., 7. 23. Jerrilynn D. Dodds, “The Great Mosque of Córdoba,” in Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, edited by Jerrilynn D. Dodds (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992), 13-14. 24. Ibid. 10 architecture, I consider Dodds’s approach to studying how preexisting styles influenced the

Umayyads as a model.

Although the religious center of the empire was the Great Mosque of Córdoba, the secular center was constructed five kilometers east of the city. After declaring himself Caliph in

929, Abd al-Raḥmān III needed a city to represent the grandeur of the title, Antonio Vallejo

Triano argues. The Caliph commissioned the construction of Madīnat al-Zahrā, a palace city where the elite of al-Andalus would live, meet dignitaries, and run the government.25 By 946, the

Caliph had moved to Madīnat al-Zahrā, along with the mint, and the Dar al-sinaa, the official office of artisans. The site was sacked between 1010 to 1013 during the first finta of al-

Andalus.26 The most important detail of this research is the movement of the artisans’ workshop.

Madīnat al-Zahrā produced the majority of luxury goods during the height of the Caliphate.

The feeling of superiority that accompanied the Caliphate permeated the arts of the empire. Renata Holod analyzed the luxury products of the Umayyad Caliphate. She reinforces

Triano’s statements about the artisanal workshops in Madīnat al-Zahrā but focuses on how these luxury products decorated the palace city. Chronicles describe the opulent materials used to construct and decorate the halls, such as gold, silver, textiles, jewels, and books.27 Holod argues that all these displays of luxury were intended to supersede the Abbasids in reputation; however, this intention resulted in imitation as a form of complement to the rival empire. The author suggests that the Umayyads did not come close to excelling at international commerce in the

25. Antonio Vallejo Triano, “Madinat al-Zahra: The Triumph of the Islamic State,” in Al- Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, edited by Jerrilynn D. Dodds (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992), 27. 26. Ibid., 29. 27. Renata Holod, “Luxury Arts of the Caliphal Period,” in Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, edited by Jerrilynn D. Dodds (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992), 41. 11 same way as the Abbasids, and that analyses of the arts of al-Andalus must be read through translations of eastern styles.28 Holod introduces the traditional approach to scholarship regarding the Umayyads and Abbasids: art from al-Andalus was appropriated from preexisting

Abbasid styles.

The locus of Holod’s argument is the arrival of Ziryab (789-857) to the Emirate of

Córdoba during the reign of Abd al-Raḥmān II (792–852), circa 821. This infamous figure was a musician in the Abbasid court of Baghdad until he lost favor and travelled westward, settling in al-Andalus. He quickly rose to popularity in the Umayyad court and is credited for influencing changes in music, poetry, dress, hygiene, and food, amongst other aspects of elite living, to the fashion of the Abbasid court.29 The importance of textiles significantly increased, as evidenced by the establishment of an official textile workshop in Madīnat al-Zahrā to create silk, wool, and cotton textiles. These were embroidered with al- Raḥmān II’s name and given to officials and dignitaries as honorable gifts.30 The Umayyads became so confident in their textile production in comparison to eastern rivals, that the workshop produced convincing counterfeit textiles with the insignia of the workshops of Baghdad.31 Perfume and cosmetics became staples for both visual and medicinal purposes. These precious materials were stored in earthenware vessels or ivory pyxides made in Córdoba and Madīnat al-Zahrā. Ivory boxes containing these precious materials were gifts reserved for important events, such as marriages. Often, inscriptions on the ivory

28. Renata Holod, “Luxury Arts of the Caliphal Period,” in Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, 41. 29. Ibid., 42. 30. Ibid., 42. 31. Ibid., 44. 12 pyxides recall the recipient, patron, and reason for the gift. Additionally, artists signed their work, further illustrating the pride and prestige associated with these objects.32

This research is based on the premise formalized in Amira K. Bennison’s article, “The

Necklace of al-Shifa: Abbasid Borrowings in the Islamic West.” The author’s historical analysis of al-Andalus is the first of its kind to radically contest foundational studies on the Umayyads of

Córdoba. She begins by critiquing the early work of Gabrieli and Lévi-Provenҫal, who set the precedent that al-Andalus was a rural city in comparison the Baghdad. This colonial-based idea of a one-way transmission of influence from the Abbasids to the Umayyads does not properly represent the complex and multifaceted relationship between the empires.33 This idea was summarized under the term “Abbasidisation,” the adoption of Abbasid culture.34 The

Abbasidisation of the Umayyad empire implies the one-way movement of Abbasid style to al-

Andalus, reaching its perfection under Abd al-Raḥmān III and the declaration of Caliphate.35

Scholars have placed an unrealistic expectation on the Umayyads and al-Andalus, implying that it should have immediately developed its own style, separate from the Abbasids, even though the

Umayyads had only just left the Islamic Middle East. Bennison argues that the Umayyad elites considered themselves a part of the shared global, Islamic tradition, not a separate colony that needed to reinvent its culture. Abbasidisation carries a negative connotation that the Umayyads wanted to appropriate the Abbasids and undermine their empire. Bennison argues that the

32. Renata Holod, “Luxury Arts of the Caliphal Period,” in Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, 45. 33. Amira K. Bennison, "The Necklace of Al-Shifāʾ: ʿAbbasid Borrowings in the Islamic West," 252. 34. Ibid. 35. Abbasidisation is referenced in the works of D. Fairchild Ruggles and Miquel Forcada. See: Amira K. Bennison in "The Necklace of Al-Shifāʾ: ʿAbbasid Borrowings in the Islamic West," 252-253. 13

Umayyads adopted Abbasid fashions subconsciously through unpredictable opportunities that benefited their self-interests, rather than intentionally through an elaborate conspiracy to undermine their rivals.36

Recent scholarship regarding the Umayyad Emirate and Caliphate of Córdoba has focused on studies of the similitude of Abbasid art, based on mid-twentieth century historical interpretations. Although these findings are not inaccurate, I will offer a new perspective on the art of the Umayyads of Córdoba. Reevaluating the similarities between the art of the Umayyads and Abbasids, in terms of the inherent differences that are also present, expands the potential for future scholarship. In this research, I will contribute to the body of knowledge built by scholars, such as Dodds and Bennison, who have considered the implications of different influences on the

Umayyad style.

Methodology

I will analyze the characteristics of the Hispano-Islamic style in utilitarian objects created by the Umayyads from 711 to 1031. The primary type of objects in this analysis will be ivory containers used to hold cosmetics and other personal care items. I will be most closely examining the iconography, composition, and use of vegetal and figural motifs. I will compare these visual analyses to art created by the Abbasids with a similar function and style. Although medieval texts note the creation of ivory objects in Baghdad and Samarra, no surviving examples have been identified. For that reason, I will primarily compare the Umayyad ivory containers with stucco decorations and wood carvings that once adorned the walls of the Abbasid palace in

Samarra. The existing literature on the art of the Umayyads and Abbasids consistently argues

36. Amira K. Bennison, "The Necklace of Al-Shifāʾ: ʿAbbasid Borrowings in the Islamic West," 253-254. 14 that the Umayyads appropriated the Abbasids in all forms of luxury arts for various political and legitimizing reasons; however, there is evidence of dissimilarities between the Umayyad’s ivory containers and surviving examples of Abbasid carved objects.

After identifying the characteristics of the Umayyad ivory carvings, thus defining the

“Islamic” characteristics of the Hispano-Islamic style, I will compare the ivory containers to the art of the Christians to the north of al-Andalus and consider the preexisting styles established before the Muslim invasion. This second half of the research will involve similar visual analyses and comparisons to try and pinpoint some of the influences that assimilated into Umayyad art that ultimately led to the Hispano-Islamic style.

The object selection criteria are primarily based on time period and culture. The art of the

Umayyads and Abbasids date between 711 to 1031, the date range of Umayyad control of al-

Andalus. All of the objects representing the Umayyads will primarily be made of ivory. The

Abbasid objects will be a combination of stucco, wood, ivory, and ceramics. The origin of each object is either al-Andalus or the Abbasid empire, and specifically major cities such as Córdoba,

Samarra, and Baghdad when that identification is possible. The Christian art examples date from

589 to 1031 and are fully or partially created in the northern portion of modern-day Spain. The earlier date is in line with the Third Council of Toledo, when the Visigoth king converted to

Christianity and mandated it the official religion of the kingdom. This allots for art created before and during Umayyad control and thus potential artistic influencers. These objects include a variety of media, but all demonstrate some type of carving style that allow for a worthy companion to Umayyad objects.

All of the objects in this research come from reputable museums and heritage sites across the world. These institutions provide dates and geographic information on the objects. The 15 largest collections of objects originate from the Metropolitan Museum of Art (USA), Museo

Arqueológico Provincial de Córdoba (ES), and Museum für Islamische Kunst (DE).

The Art of the Umayyads

The Umayyads of al-Andalus utilized art as a tool to demonstrate stability and authority, more so in comparison to the Damascus Caliphate, which focused on military strength and expansion. Similar to their Abbasid rivals, the Umayyads produced textiles, ceramics, metallurgy, and other luxury goods characteristic of Islamic art. Arguably the most sophisticated objects created by the Umayyads are ivory containers used to hold perfumes and other cosmetics.

The proximity to North Africa provided a seemingly endless supply of the material. The smooth texture, natural luster, and creamy color appealed to patrons. In addition, ivory is easy to carve and does not warp or break as easily as most types of wood.37 Besides the material, the luxurious aspect of these containers was the meticulous attention to detail applied to the small, applied artform. The Umayyads primarily made pyxides and caskets, the largest examples being approximately 13 inches tall. Since elephant tusks are relatively uniform in terms of size and shape, it is not surprising that artists tended to make smaller objects while working with this expensive material. Cylindrical in nature, the body of a pyxis could be formed from a single tusk.

On the other hand, caskets are rectangular and required panels of ivory cut from cross sections of the tusk.38 Although most pyxides and caskets found today are only carved, there is evidence of pigment and facets where quartz and other stones would have been inlayed.39 Around the same

37. Edmund C. Ryder, “Byzantine Ivories,” Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2007. 38. Stefano Carboni, “Panel from a Rectangular Box,” The Metropolitan Museum of Art, metmuseum.org, 2011. 39. Daniel Walker, “Panel from a Casket” in Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, edited by Jerrilynn D. Dodds (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992), 203. 16 time as the declaration of the Umayyad Caliphate in 929, the number of ivory produced increased exponentially. This correlation demonstrates the social status that must have accompanied these objects.

The Panel from a Casket (Figure 2) from the Metropolitan Museum of Art is an excellent start to examining the style utilized in ivory carving in al-Andalus. This particular object is dated around the early 11th century, the middle of the Caliphal period. It would have been a panel to a larger, rectangular casket. Most ivory containers utilized a combination of vegetal and figural motifs to create a repeating pattern. In this example, the figures are more posed than natural. The panel is nearly symmetrical, with only slight differences in the details of the dancing people and animals, including birds and foxes (Figure 3). There are traces of red and green paint in the foliage throughout the panel, and an additional flower with traces of blue pigment. The figures were not painted, but there is evidence that a stone, perhaps quartz, was inlayed in the eyes. It is these attention to details on an eight-inch wide ivory panel that made the object emblematic of luxury.

The most distinct characteristic of this and most ivory containers is the exercise of horror vacui, which is the fear or dislike of leaving empty spaces, especially in an artistic composition.

Every open area is dedicated to a figure or the vegetal pattern. Subtle borders divide the composition into three sections, framing the dancing people in the center. The resulting visual is reminiscent of woven textiles, popular throughout the Islamic world. The artists of al-Andalus mastered the technique of filling space without overcrowding the image. 17

The panel would have been part of a casket like the Casket of the Daughter of Abd al-

Raḥmān III (Figure 4).40 In the permanent collection of the Victoria & Albert Museum, it is an example of a more simplistic pattern. Here, the artist did not create a vegetal pattern as tightly as the example in the Panel from a Casket. The composition is primarily vegetal vines with flowers and leaves filling the negative space, with no figures and a register of text running around the lid.

The movement of the vines mirrors that of the Arabic characters, written in the floriated Kūfic script.41 The inscription reads: “In the name of God, this is what was made for the daughter, the lady, the daughter of 'Abd al-Raḥmān, Commander of the Faithful, may God's mercy and favour be his!”42 Similar to the meticulous history recorded by Islamic scholars, it was common for artists to carve ivory containers with inscriptions that provided information about the patron, the purpose of the commission, or the date of creation. In this case, the inscription tells scholars that the casket was made for one daughter of Caliph Abd al-Raḥmān III. The short phrase at the end is a prayer meant for the deceased. This hints that the casket must have been made after the death of the Caliph, dating it after 961.43 The metal hinges do not obstruct the pattern, suggesting that it was part of the original design.

The iconography and composition of the Casket of the Daughter of Abd al-Raḥmān III are reminiscent of the most celebrated architectural achievement of the Damascus Caliphate: The

Dome of the Rock. The mosaic on one of the interior spandrels (Figure 5) contains script

40. According to the Victoria & Albert Museum’s collection online, the object in Figure 4 is simply titled, “Casket.” I chose to refer to it by the title used in the 1992 exhibition, Al- Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain: Casket of the Daughter of Abd al-Raḥmān III. 41. “Casket,” Victoria & Albert Museum, Search the Collection, 2020. 42. Translation by María Antonia Martínez Núñez, July 2014. See: “Casket,” Victoria & Albert Museum, Search the Collection, 2020. 43. Renata Holod, “Casket of the Daughter of Abd al-Raḥmān III.” in Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, edited by Jerrilynn D. Dodds (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992), 192. 18 sectioned off in an upper register with vegetation swirling into the negative space. These types of motifs are integral to the style of Byzantine mosaics; however, the Umayyads repurposed the vines as secular images rather than sacred.44

The other type of ivory container often in al-Andalus is the pyxis. The Pyxis of al-

Mughira (Figure 6) is one of the most famous pyxides from the Caliphal period. This style of pyxis utilized the natural shape of the tusk in a manner that allowed the main area to be made of one piece of ivory. The dome-shaped lip was most likely topped with some type of knob or decoration. It is assumed that the metal hinge is a later addition since it obscures some of the

Kūfic inscription naming al-Mughira, the brother of Caliph al-Ḥakam II, as the intended recipient. It also dates the creation of this object in the year 968.45

Every inch of the Pyxis of al-Mughira is contributing to the organic pattern. Abstract vegetation frames simplistic narratives featuring humans and animals. Carved in high relief, the shadows naturally emphasize certain areas of the composition. Four, eight-lobed medallions are equally spaced around the pyxis and the focal points among the meanderingly carved vines. The front facing image is of two lions killing bulls, the lion often being a symbol for the Caliph.46

The medallions are composed symmetrically, as opposed to the pattern outside the border. The artist balanced the non-symmetrical space outside the medallion with similarly sized miniature narratives. Moving clockwise, the next medallion depicts two young men on horseback picking dates (Figure 7). Once again, the scene is symmetrical, except there are small differences in the facades of the figures and the billowing robes. It is a unique combination of agricultural and

44. Richard Ettinghausen, Oleg Grabar, and Marilyn Jenkins-Madina, Islamic Art and Architecture 650-1250, 19. 45. Renata Holod, “Pyxis of al-Mughira,” in Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, edited by Jerrilynn D. Dodds (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992), 192. 46. Ibid. 19 hunting activities in the same narrative.47 The third medallion is of what can be assumed as the same youths stealing eggs from two of the three depicted eagle’s nests (Figure 8). The last medallion is of a traditional throne scene but with informal characteristics (Figure 9). The figures are resting on an implied throne supported by two lions, which reminds the viewer of the first medallion. The center figure is a musician flanked by two court officials of equal ranking based on their attire and the hieratic scale used to differentiate the seated men from the standing attendant. Everyone is barefooted and the court officials are not donning the traditional headgear, suggesting that this is an informal gathering of elite members of society.48

Another incredibly famous example of Umayyad ivory carving is the Pamplona Casket, an elaborately constructed ivory container with 19 separate panels and a unique truncated pyramidal lid.49 Similar to the Pyxis of al-Mughira, miniature narratives are contained within scalloped medallions: three on the front and back, two on each side, ten on the lid, and three circular medallions on the uppermost panel. The negative space is filled with vegetal motifs that meander around smaller images of animals and people. The medallions are defined by a continuous braided border that also decorates the edge of the panels. This adds movement to the composition and keeps the eye moving across the design. Along the perimeter of the lid, written in Foliated Kūfic script, the inscription describes the Pamplona Casket as a gift the son of a recently deceased, high-ranking member of the court.50

The front panel’s medallions illustrate courtly scenes (Figure 10). Although there is no architecture to define the space, the poses and dress of the individuals designates the implied

47. Renata Holod, “Pyxis of al-Mughira,” in Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, 195. 48. Ibid., 192-195. 49. Renata Holod, “Pamplona Casket,” in Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, edited by Jerrilynn D. Dodds (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992), 198. 50. Ibid. 20 location. On the righthand side, a man sits on a throne supported by lions, most likely the Caliph

Hishām II (966-1013).51 Two attendants flank him, one holding a perfume bottle adds the illusion of smell to the scene. The leftmost medallion on the front of the casket is of two men seated on an identical lion throne and examining the fruit of a tree planted between them. Here, the figures are interacting with the vegetation and bringing an additional dimension to the pattern. In the center, three musicians sit in preparation to entertain in much smaller stature than the other figures on the front panel in order to accommodate space for the locking mechanism that has been lost. On the back panel, the same framed, scalloped medallions composition is illustrated (Figure 11). The central scene is of a man defending himself from two lions. The flanking medallions include similar hunting scenes, one with two men on elephants with weapons and the other with two cavalrymen. The lid and side panels include smaller scenes framed in medallions, featuring a mixture of mythological and real animals in addition to humans. There are seven identified inscriptions scattered throughout the casket, each referring to a different artist, suggesting the collaborative effort of a workshop, perhaps of a master and his apprentices.52

Abbasid History and Artistic Legacy

The Abbasids, like the Umayyads, were a prominent Arabian family during the life of the

Prophet Mohammad. The Abbasids were related to the Prophet through his uncle Abbas, a fact that may have helped garter support for the coup against the Umayyads. Lots of support also came from minority groups, such as the Shiites who did not favor the Umayyads in power due to the family’s lack of direct relation to the Prophet. After the successful overthrow of the

51. Renata Holod, “Pamplona Casket,” in Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, 198. 52. Ibid., 198-199. 21

Umayyads in 750, the Abbasids moved the capital of the Muslim empire to modern-day Iraq with Baghdad as the capital and Samarra as a palace-city. Historians consider the Abbasid empire a paragon of intellectual and philosophical wealth unlike the Medieval West during the same time period. Scholars Jonathan Bloom and Sheila Blair describe Baghdad as the “new

Rome” that revitalized and preserved Greek teachings, especially during a Golden Age that lasted from c.775 to 861.53 At its height, the Abbasids controlled most of north Africa, and the entire Arabian Peninsula, to the borders of modern-day Iran. The Abbasids nominally ruled until the Mongol invasion of Baghdad in 1258; however, the vastness of the empire led to powerful governors that held more sway in their respective districts, some of whom formally declared independence from the Abbasids.54

In the history of art, the Abbasids are considered to be the empire that developed a distinct Islamic style, unlike the Umayyads who primarily adopted Byzantine and Roman prototypes with limited alterations. Abbasid taste for luxury goods is reflected in the production of ceramics, textiles, glasswork, and metallurgy. The Silk Road introduced Chinese porcelain to the Abbasids, a notable influence on their ceramic style. Although the Abbasids struggled to maintain political power, its capital set the cultural trends that resonated across the Islamic world.

The stucco from Samarra gained the attention of art historians circa 1911, when the

German archaeologist, Ernst Herzfeld (1879-1948), conducted the first major excavation of the site. What he found were multitudes of stucco panels with intricately carved patterns used to decorate the palace walls. Because of the minimal value of plaster, these stucco panels survived

53. Jonathan Bloom and Sheila Blair, Islamic Arts, 38-39. 54. Ibid., 131. 22 looting by invading parties. Herzfeld identified three patterns that came to be recognized as styles A, B, and C, in which C also became known as the beveled style.55 The patterns were applied on marble, wood, stucco, and glass. Archaeological evidence suggests that beveled marble instead of stucco decorated the more important rooms of the Samarran palace. The Stucco

Fragment from Samarra, now in the Museum für Islamische Kunst in Berlin, is an example of style C (Figure 12), which art historians associate as one of the major steps in the development of

Islamic art. This beveled style involves a combination of abstract shapes composed in a repeating pattern, curvy lines, and rounded edges. The stucco molding is in relatively low relief and focuses on symmetry and occupying the negative space with pattern. Out of the norm from the beveled style, this pattern incorporates the diamond shape, which is more geometric and harder than the curved lines that typically define style C.

The wooden Panel from the Metropolitan Museum of Art is an example of traditional carving techniques (Figure 13). This object dates towards the beginning of the Abbasid’s control of the Islamic empire, around the early 9th century. It is an example of carved teak wood that most likely decorated a palace in Baghdad or Samarra. The material would have been imported from Southeast Asia to Iraq. A quintessential example of early Islamic woodcarving, this object is likely a fragment of a larger object, such as a door or piece of furniture. The six-pointed star is a motif found in Islamic art and earlier Roman art. 56 The panel is sharply carved with none of the soft edges characteristic of the beveled style. The geometric star and circles are juxtaposed to organic, twisting vines and fanned leaves. The vegetal motifs lends more towards realism than abstraction.

55. Matthew D. Saba, "A Restricted Gaze: The Ornament of the Main Caliphal Palace of Samarra." Muqarnas 32 (2015): 155. 56. Ellen Kenney, “Panel,” The Metropolitan Museum of Art, metmuseum.org, 2011. 23

In addition to wood carvings and the beveled style, ceramics are among the surviving objects of the Abbasid Caliphate. Ceramics provide an idea of how the eastern empire approached the integration of figures in compositions. The Bowl depicting a Man holding a Cup and a Flowering Branch is a detailed title of a ceramic bowl in the Metropolitan Museum of Art

(Figure 14). It depicts a stylized man seated with a cup held to his chest and a branch extended outward. Two birds, each holding a fish in their beaks, create a frame around the seated man and emphasize the circular nature of the object. The negative space is filled with repeating dots and a subtle scalloped border decorates the perimeter of the bowl. A white border prevents the figures from getting lost in the composition. The Arabic word for “blessing” is painted on the foot of the bowl in Kūfic script. Dots and lines fill the negative space on the bottom of the bowl in a somewhat uniform fashion (Figure 15). There is a motif on the bottom of dots contained in a circle, outlined by a light-colored circle, which is outlined by a dark colored circle, which is outlined by another light-colored circle. This motif is repeated five times. Although natural elements are present in this composition, the image is highly abstracted and exaggerated.

Although there are no surviving ivory containers that can be directly attributed to

Baghdad, there are some small examples that come from outlying cities of the Abbasid empire.

Ironically, the example for this research comes from Syria during the reign of the Abbasids.57 Its proximity to the capital provides a potential idea of what the Abbasid ivory carvings may have looked like. It would have been used for medicinal or cosmetic purposes. The container is carved from a single piece of ivory, similar to a pyxis, and decorated in a defined register. Vines and leaves occupy the negative space surrounding alternating pointed and rounded arches. Birds rest on the vines, with one beneath each arch. This ivory mortar utilizes recognizable organic forms.

57. “Mortar,” The Metropolitan Museum of Art, metmuseum.org, 2000-2020. 24

During this period of Abbasid art, it is more common to find abstract designs, but the use of miniature narratives or figures is not out of the ordinary, as exemplified in this ceramic bowl.

Although small, this mortar provides one of the few examples of ivory art from the Abbasid empire.

Comparing the Styles of the Umayyads and Abbasids Umayyads Abbasids

1

Panel from a Rectangular Box; 10th-early Stucco Fragment from Samarra, style C; 9th 11th century; carved ivory inlaid with stone century; plaster (Figure 12) with traces of pigment (Figure 2)

2

Casket of the Daughter of Abd al-Raḥmān Panel; early 9th century; carved teak wood III; 961-965; carved ivory with mounts and (Figure 13) clasp of silver (Figure 4)

3

Pyxis of al-Mughira; 968; ivory and metal Bowl depicting a Man holding a Cup and a (Figure 6) Flowering Branch; 10th century; earthenware, luster-painted on opaque white glaze (Figure 14) 25

4

Pamplona Casket; 1004-1005; ivory (Figure Mortar; 900-950; ivory (Figure 16) 10)

Although most art historians consider the Abbasids as the artistic precipice of Islamic art in the early medieval period, the Umayyads’ endeavors in the visual arts, especially in ivory containers, are on par with the eastern empire. Regardless of motivation, the Umayyads adopted many trends popular in Baghdad, but these comparisons demonstrate that in at least one medium, the Umayyads created a more intricate product. When Abd al-Raḥmān III declared himself

Caliphate in 929, the Abbasids were struggling to hold power. In the end, fate did not favor the

Umayyads, but the legacy of the Emirate and Caliphate of Córdoba is best represented through the ivory objects that remain.

Characteristic of Islamic art, the Umayyads and the Abbasids filled the negative space of most art forms with vegetal and abstract patterns. The Abbasids are credited with creating a distinct, Islamic artform, starting with the beveled style, which developed into the iconic arabesque form in the late 11th century. The Stucco Fragment from Samarra (Figure 12) and the

Panel from a Rectangular Box (Figure 2) is a comparison of the two empires approach to horror vacui. The Umayyads seamlessly transition from animals to vegetation in the same composition.

On the other hand, the Abbasids strictly use abstract forms, with a few animal motifs occasionally included. There is a softness to the rounded edges of the beveled style that the

Umayyads did not achieve. There is some similarity in the way the braided border in the ivory and the diamonds in the stucco separate the patterns and prevent a chaotic mass of lines. In this 26 comparison, it is safe to conclude that the Umayyads and Abbasids were each pulling from different influences.

The teak Panel (Figure 13) made by the Abbasids is more reminiscent of Byzantine and

Roman prototypes, influences that the Umayyads also considered. In the second comparison, both the Panel and the Casket of the Daughter of Abd al-Raḥmān III (Figure 4) utilize organic and relatively realistic vegetal patterns to fill the negative space. Similar to the stucco panel, the teak panel pulls on geometric, conventional shapes much more than the Umayyad casket. The

Abbasid object left very thick lines to offset the shapes in the center of the composition from the background. On the other hand, the Umayyads used much thinner lines throughout, including in the text running around the lid. Even in comparison to the Panel from a Rectangular Box (Figure

2), the Abbasids designated a large amount of space to outline the shapes. The first and second comparisons demonstrate more focus on geometry than organic lines in the Abbasid art.

The third comparison analyzes the use of figures in the composition. The Bowl depicting a Man holding a Cup and a Flowering Branch (Figure 14) and the Pyxis of al-Mughira (Figure

6) demonstrates horror vacui, but also balance the composition with figures. Fragments of ceramics such as this bowl have been found at Madīnat al-Zahrā, which proves that the

Umayyads were importing wares from Baghdad and would have seen these types of designs. The medallion on the pyxis that best compares to the ceramic bowl is the scene of two youths stealing eggs from the nest (Figure 8). The Bowl depicting a Man holding a Cup and a Flowering Branch includes humans and animals interacting, though the location is not well defined. The Umayyad example is more of a narrative potentially grounded in actual events. The ceramic is less likely a realistic scene and more of a celebration of the food that would have been enjoyed in the bowl.

The composition and execution of the figures are much simpler than the details achieved by the 27

Umayyad artisans. Even though there is evidence that the Umayyads interacted with this Abbasid artform in a primary capacity, I argue that there are little similarities between the compositions.

The final comparison is difficult to consider equal. Unfortunately, there are no known examples of any type of carved Abbasid ivory container from Baghdad that could be compared to one from al-Andalus. The Mortar (Figure 16) is the best ivory example that fits the parameters of this research. In comparison to the Pamplona Casket, the Mortar is simplistic in technique and composition. The Pamplona Casket tells a clear story in each medallion, while the mortar is far more general. Although there is more realism in the mortar than any other Abbasid example, the

Umayyad artisans demonstrate a more sophisticated understanding of realism than the Abbasids.

What is unique about the Mortar is the use of implied architecture in the composition, which is rarely seen in Umayyad ivory containers. The arches stifle the illusion of a continuous vegetal pattern weaving through the composition. The Umayyads carved in higher relief than the

Abbasids, which made the shadows a more integral part of the composition. Based on the objects remaining, it would seem that the Umayyads mastered realistic ivory carving techniques more than the Abbasids, concluding that the Umayyads did not appropriate Abbasid carving techniques in this artform. The question that remains is if the Christians and the pre-existing styles of the Iberian Peninsula were the primary influencers of the Umayyad ivory carvings in al-

Andalus.

Christian Iberia: The History and Fine Arts

The geography of the Iberian Peninsula creates a naturally isolated region. The Pyrenees

Mountains in the north separate Spain from France and the rest of Europe. Flanked by the

Atlantic Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea on the west and east respectively, the closest connection to land lies to the south; the Strait of Gibraltar separates the Iberian Peninsula from 28 the continent of Africa by fewer than 8 miles. This natural isolation fostered a singular cultural and artistic mélange that evolved more rapidly through occupation.58

When the Roman Empire fell in 476, the Visigoths took control the Iberian Peninsula, sometimes referred to as Visigoth Hispania in documentation. Although the physical and civic structures of their Roman predecessors remained, the Germanic tribe failed to organize and prosper. Their leaders succeeded more as war chiefs than peaceful civic officials.59 Scholar

Gisela Ripoll López suggests the beginning of Visigoth unification started at the Third Council of Toledo in 589 when the king denounced the Arian faith and converted to Christianity.60

Ecclesiastical records hold the most important information regarding pre-Muslim invasion culture. The records from the Council of Toledo describe Visigoth king Reccared pledging himself to the Church and working with 62 bishops to create decrees in line with Christian teachings regarding daily life.61 The arts of the Visigothic Christian kingdoms reached its height after the Third Council of Toledo; the surviving objects from this period are primarily architecture and decorative objects. After the Muslim invasion, the free Christian kingdoms in northern Iberia did not stray from tradition and continued to make opulent objects used for religious ceremonies and to hold sacred objects.

After the conversion of the Visigoth king to Christianity, the commission of churches became an important part of Christian Spain, of which interior decorations were an important

58. Bernard F. Reilly, “Medieval Spain, A.D. 500-1200,” in The Art of Medieval Spain A.D. 500-1200 (New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 1993), 3-4. 59. Ibid. 60. Gisela Ripoll López, “The Formation of Visigoth Spain,” in The Art of Medieval Spain A.D. 500-1200 (New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 1993), 42. 61. “The Third Council of Toledo, Sixty-Two Bishops Attending in Which the Arian Heresy was condemned in Spain,” trans. by David Nirenberg, in Medieval Iberia: Readings from Christian, Muslim, and Jewish Sources, 2nd ed., edited by Olivia Remie Constable (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012), 12-14. 29 aspect. A handful of Visigothic churches survived the Muslim invasion, including San Pedro de la Nave, now located in Zamora, Spain (Figure 17). Lining the nave are a series of column capitals and bases with carved images of Old Testament stories. One such capital, located in the north transept, illustrates the story of the Prophet Daniel in the pit of lions, in which God intercedes to save his life (Figure 18). The purpose of these types of images was to tell a story without words; however, there is also a Latin inscription to clarify the story for literate viewers.

The center of the capital is defined by the height of the figure. His sides are framed by nearly identical lions who stalk their prey. Daniel’s hands are thrown into the air in a state of surrender to God’s mercy. The figures are in relatively high relief from the background, but do not extend out far into space. The artist used simple lines of various depth to create the illusion of different textures. The top of the capital consists of a horizontal stone with a decorative band of abstracted vines twisting around four birds. Masonry and decorative capitals would have been influenced by

Roman prototypes.

Although the Romans strongly influenced masonry techniques, the Visigoths had always been masters of metalworking. There are thousands of examples of rectangular and zoomorphic fibulae and buckles decorated with enamel. This skill was repurposed for Christian iconography after the conversion of the kingdom. Although the southern portion of the peninsula remained under the control of the Muslims, the northern kingdoms of Spain focused on the Reconquista. A large part of this mission was to create art that illustrated the “true religion” and demonstrated the strength of the Christian faith. The Astorga Casket (Figure 19) is an example of masterful

Visigothic metallurgy combined with Christian iconography. Silver-gilt repoussé covers a 30 wooden base shaped into a condensed pyramidal shape.62 Glass inlays define two arcades stacked on top of each other. On the base, the Roman arches shelter angelic figures. The upper register contains stylized plants repeated nearly identically under each arch. The flat portion of the lid contains an inscription referencing the patrons of the casket, Alfonso III the Great and

Queen Ximena of Asturias, and wraps around an image of the Lamb of God holding a spear

(Figure 20).63 Large angels fill the smaller sides of the lid. The frontal side of the lid includes motifs that represent the gospel writers John and Luke, accompanied by inscriptions that confirm the identity of the evangelists. The opposite side of the lid was most likely dedicated to Matthew and Mark, the other two gospel writers, but it is lost. This casket most likely held relics or other religious items.64

Another Casket created by northern Christians is held in the collection of the Glencairn

Museum in Bryn Athyn, Pennsylvania (Figure 21). It is a rare example of ivory used to create a religious container in the Christian kingdoms, where it was not as popular of a material. The iconography is inspired by the life of King Solomon found in the Old Testament Book of Kings.

Clasps made of a copper alloy and decorated with chip-carved designs assist the ivory pegs in keeping the casket together and were most likely a later addition to improve the structural support. The front panel illustrates Solomon riding a mule into the city of Gihon, found in 1

Kings 1:33 (Figure 22).65 He is greeted by men waving palm leaves in his honor, a typological reference to Christ’s arrival in Jerusalem at the beginning of the Passion. The back panel

62. Charles T. Little, “Astorga Casket,” in The Art of Medieval Spain A.D. 500-1200 (New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 1993), 142. 63. Ibid., 142-143. 64. Ibid., 142-143. 65. Charles T. Little, “Casket,” in The Art of Medieval Spain A.D. 500-1200 (New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 1993), 141.

31 illustrates the infamous test of Solomon’s wisdom, in which the seated king on the left orders the splitting of the deputed child in order to determine who is the true mother (Figure 23).66 As the soldier raises his sword, a woman, the true mother, falls to the ground begging for the life of the child while the false mother stands to the side in shock. The court of Solomon is heavily guarded by soldiers on the right and left side of the composition. A condensed two-story structure, assumingly the temple of Jerusalem, rests on the far-left side.67 This structure is repeated in more detail on the right-hand short side of the casket, when viewing it from the front (Figure 24). The most distinguishing feature of the temple are the double arcades of horseshoe arches in the upper and lower register, an architectural feature found in some Visigoth churches, such as San Juan

Bautista de Baños de Cerrato (Figure 26).68

The other short side of the casket illustrates three figures engaged in an unknown setting

(Figure 25). The leftmost figure is passing an object to the central figure, assumed to be Solomon based on his crown, while a winged figure appears to bless the interaction. One interpretation is that the scene is of the anointing of Solomon by the priest Zadok, found in 1 Kings 1:45. Another scholar argues that the scene is of Solomon welcoming the Queen of Sheba.69 The lid consists of two arcades of Roman arches. Beneath the arches are a series of unnamed figures in long robes.

Instead of people, the arches on either end of the arcade frame processional crosses. The border of each ivory panel is decorated with a meandering pattern highly reminiscent of Hellenistic pottery, and a pattern of circles connected by a slanted line. There are many pre-Muslim influences present in the iconography of this ivory casket.

66. Charles T. Little, “Casket,” in The Art of Medieval Spain A.D. 500-120, 141. 67. Ibid. 68. Ibid., 142 69. Ibid. 32

Utilizing traditional metalworking techniques, the Agate Casket, so named for the thin pieces of agate inlaid in 99 arches throughout the piece, is a precious example of royal patronage in the Asturias Kingdom (Figure 27). The core is made of cypress wood, covered in in hammered gold.70 The agates of various sizes create the appearance of an abstract void of darkness being viewed through golden windows. Highly abstracted swirls that could be vegetation fill the negative space between the arches. The border is studded with 225 inlaid precious stones and corals of different colors and sizes.71 The four slanted panels of the casket lid converge to a flat top with the remnants of a Frankish reliquary datable to the first half of the eighth-century that most likely inspired the iconography of the rest of the casket (Figure 28).72 The decoration of the reliquary is comprised of organic bands of cloisonné emanating from inlaid precious stones. The most unique aspect of this ostentatious casket is the bottom (Figure 29). Four nailed feet raise the base to protect a chased-silver motif. An elongated Greek cross with decorative patterns and implied jewels is the central image. The four symbols of the evangelists occupy the corners created by the cross. The man of Matthew, the lion of Mark, the ox of Luke and the eagle of John are depicted with wings and resting on rosettes framed with triangular hatching.73 A Latin inscription running around the perimeter of the base translates: “May this [reliquary,] which the servants of Christ Fruela and Nunilo, surnamed Scemena, bestow, be gratefully accepted and remain here to the glory of God. This work was made for and given to San Salvador of Oviedo.

70. Sabine Noack-Haley, “Agate Casket,” in The Art of Medieval Spain A.D. 500-1200 (New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 1993), 143. 71. Ibid., 144. 72. Dating of the Frankish relic by scholar Victor Elbern. See: Sabine Noack-Haley, “Agate Casket,” in The Art of Medieval Spain A.D. 500-1200 (New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 1993), 144. 73. Sabine Noack-Haley, “Agate Casket,” in The Art of Medieval Spain A.D. 500-1200, 144. 33

May divine lightning strike anyone who steals our gift. It was completed in the 948th [year of the

Spanish] era [910 C.E.].”74 At the time of the inscription, Fruela would have just become King of

Asturias after the death of his father, Alfonso III, but had not yet taken control of Galicia and

León after the death of his brothers.75 The luxurious materials and religious purpose express the importance of the Christian faith in northern Kingdoms, who saw the southern Muslims as barbarians invading their lands.

Comparing the Styles of the Umayyads and Christians Umayyads Christians

1

Panel from a Rectangular Box; 10th-early Capital with narrative scene of Daniel and the 11th century; carved ivory inlaid with Lions; 7th century; carved stone (Figure 18) stone with traces of pigment (Figure 2)

2

Casket of the Daughter of Abd al-Raḥmān Astorga Casket; c. 900; silver-gilt repoussé on III; 961-965; carved ivory with mounts a wooden core with glass inlays (Figure 19) and clasp of silver (Figure 3)

74. Sabine Noack-Haley, “Agate Casket,” in The Art of Medieval Spain A.D. 500-1200, 143. 75. Ibid. 34

3

Pyxis of al-Mughira; 968; ivory and metal Casket; 8th-10th century; ivory and gilt-copper (Figure 6) alloy (Figure 21)

4

Pamplona Casket; 1004-1005; ivory; Agate Casket; c. 910; hammered gold and (Figure 10) silver over wood, agate inlay, and an appliqué of chased gold with inlaid colored stones, crystals and enamels (Figure 27)

The cohabitation of Muslims and Christians in the Iberian Peninsula inevitably led to conscious and unconscious sharing of ideas and styles. The Muslim’s religious tolerance laws helped the majority of the population to assimilate to the new leadership and participate in society. There is evidence that Christian artisans worked alongside Muslims in the Caliph’s workshops.76 Although the influences of the Christians on the Muslims may be subtle in the applied arts, it is still a relevant area of art history to analyze.

Islamic art, after it fully evolved under the Abbasids, often rarely includes figural motifs.

In the first comparison, the Umayyad Panel from a Rectangular Box (Figure 2) illustrates the early Islamic style that did include people and animals amongst a sea of vegetal patterns. On the other hand, it was almost a necessity of Christian art to include figures as a way of teaching the

76. Charles T. Little, “Casket,” in The Art of Medieval Spain A.D. 500-1200, 141-142. 35 faith to the illiterate. The Muslims had no need for images in religious objects since it was tradition to memorize passages from the Qur’an. Although there are not many examples of

Umayyad art during the Damascus Caliphate remaining, I argue that the Muslims must have come to appreciate the use of figures by looking at some of the preexisting Christian art. The

Capital with narrative scene of Daniel and the Lions is a very good example of early Christian art. The difference in terms of style between the objects in the first comparison is that the

Christians utilized figures for a specific narrative and left vegetal decorations as a secondary element. On the other hand, the Muslim panel includes people and animals as part of the vegetal design in order to tell a generic story of life in al-Andalus.

The Umayyads and the Christians pulled inspiration from the Byzantine Empire.

Damascus was originally a Byzantine port city, and the Christians looked to Constantinople as the major center of Christianity after the fall of the Roman empire. In the second comparison, the

Casket of the Daughter of Abd al-Raḥmān III (Figure 3) and the Astorga Casket (Figure 19) both utilize the vegital pattern to fill the negative space. In the second register of Roman arches on the

Astorga Casket, vines fill the space on the metalic background, often a symbol of paradise in

Byzantine mosaics. The vines on the Casket of the Daughter of Abd al-Raḥmān III add movement to an otherwise static design. There are also some similarities in the treatment of the hardware on the Muslim casket and the negative space created by the spandrals of the arches the

Astorga Casket. Both demonstrate shared Byzantine influences.

The third comparision involves narratives in ivory. The Umayyad’s Pyxis of al-Mughira

(Figure 6) demonstrates a much more sophisticated carving technique than the Casket made by the Christians (Figure 21). Both artisans tackle perspective in a similar profile pose, a style that is not unique to either culture group. True to the other ivory examples, the Muslims fill every inch 36 of space with decorations. The Christians focused more on the narrative than the decoration, a product of the different purposes of each container. Scholars have argued that the artisans who worked on the Christian casket must have come from Córdoba, based on the technique used to create the container. Besides the material, this comparison demonstrates more influence that the

Muslims had on the Christians rather than the other way around.

The fourth and final comparison juxtaposes the two most complex caskets from the respective cultures. The Pamplona Casket (Figure 10) is filled not only with vegetal patterns, but also miniature narratives. On the other side, the Agate Casket includes no figures except on the bottom panel (Figure 29), which is not immediately visible to the viewer. The Pamplona Casket dates to the very end of the workshops of Madīnat al-Zahrā and includes some more sophisticated storytelling. The central medallion on the back panel of the man fighting the lions

(Figure 11) is similar to the scene of Daniel and the lions on the capital from San Pedro de la

Nave (Figure 18). The lion on the bottom of the Agate Casket (Figure 29) looks more like a wolf than the symbol of Mark the evangelist. It was most likely drawn from secondhand accounts, unlike the lion on the Pamplona Casket, which is highly realistic. Similar to the other comparisons, both caskets make full use of the negative space with vegetal patterns, though the

Christian casket is, ironically, a much more abstract pattern than the Muslim one and most likely the result of earlier Visigoth influences. The Frankish relic mounted to the top of the Agate

Casket (Figure 28) exemplifies the tightly knit cloisonné technique utilized by many northern

European tribes. This type of work could have inspired the Muslims to tighten the vegetal details that have become characteristic of Umayyad ivories. Although small stones were inlaid into some ivory caskets and pyxides, the Muslims did not adopt the large embellishment that the

Christians often used. 37

Besides bringing a new religion to the Iberian Peninsula, the Muslims also brought a level of comfort and luxury unknown to the Christians of northern Europe. The court of al-

Andalus created an environment that welcomed all five senses. It is clear that the Christians did influence Muslim artisans, especially in terms of the addition to figures within abstract patterns to the compositions. However, there is no conclusive evidence that the Muslims learned such delicate carving techniques from the Christians.

Conclusion

Al-Andalus established a culture rooted in eastern, Muslim tradition that merged with western, Christian artforms to become the Hispano-Islamic style that is unlike any other art created in Europe during the Middle Ages. The Umayyads brought inspiration from Damascus to their new home in Córdoba, welcomed non-Arabs into the courts of the elite members of society, and slowly absorbed the preexisting style of the Iberian Peninsula. Historians have focused on how the Umayyad Emirate and Caliphate of Córdoba appropriated the styles of the Abbasids of

Baghdad. By considering the historical context from a different perspective, this research approached the comparison of the two Islamic empires in search of differences rather than similarities. Analyses of the styles illustrated in Umayyad ivory containers and Abbasid artforms concluded that there is not enough evidence to claim that the Umayyads adopted Abbasid prototypes based on the composition and techniques utilized in ivory carvings. Based on the geographical proximity of al-Andalus to northern Christian Kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula and the interactions between Christians and Muslims, I asserted that influence from the

Christians resulted in the unique characteristics of the Umayyad ivories. Comparisons between the Christians and the Umayyads found similarities in the use of figures, narratives, and abstract patterns. However, these analyses did not explain how the Muslims developed such a 38 sophisticated carving technique, which is not seen in the art of the Christians or the Abbasids during this period and will require further research on the extent of ivory carving techniques during the early Middle Ages.

39

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Figures

Figure 1: Map of the Umayyad Emirate and Caliphate, 711-1031 (Image credit: Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, edited by Jerrilynn D. Dodds, page xxv). 43

Figure 2: Umayyad Caliphate; Panel from a Rectangular Box; 10th-early 11th century; carved ivory inlaid with stone with traces of pigment; Spain, probably Córdoba; The Metropolitan Museum of Art (Image credit: The Metropolitan Museum of Art).

Figure 3: Detail; Panel from a Rectangular Box (Image credit: The Metropolitan Museum of Art).

44

Figure 4: Umayyad Caliphate; Casket of the Daughter of Abd al-Raḥmān III; 961-965; carved ivory with mounts and clasp of silver; Spain, Córdoba or Madīnat al-Zahrā; Victoria & Albert Museum, London (Image credit: Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, edited by Jerrilynn D. Dodds, page 192).

Figure 5: Damascus Umayyad Caliphate; Dome of the Rock, interior spandrel; c. 691; carved ivory with mounts and clasp of silver; Jerusalem; Temple Mount (Image credit: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, “The Dome of the Rock”).

45

Figure 6: Umayyad Caliphate; Pyxis of al-Mughira; 968; ivory and metal; Spain, Madīnat al- Zahrā or Córdoba; Musée du Louvre, Paris (Image credit: Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, edited by Jerrilynn D. Dodds, page 193). 46

Figure 7: Detail; Pyxis of al-Mughira (Image credit: Artstor). 47

Figure 8: Detail 2; Pyxis of al-Mughira (Image credit: Artstor).

Figure 9: Detail 3; Pyxis of al-Mughira (Image credit: Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, edited by Jerrilynn D. Dodds, page 197). 48

Figure 10: Umayyad Caliphate; Pamplona Casket; 1004-1005; ivory; Spain, the workshop of Faraj and his apprentices; Museo de Navarra, Comunidad Foral de Navarra, Pamplona (Image credit: Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, edited by Jerrilynn D. Dodds, page 199).

Figure 11: Rear view; Pamplona Casket (Image credit: Artstor). 49

Figure 12: Abbasid Caliphate; Stucco Fragment from Samarra, style C; 9th century; stucco and plaster; Iraq; Museum für Islamische Kunst (Image credit: Artstor).

Figure 13: Abbasid Caliphate; Panel; early 9th century; carved teak wood; Iraq, probably Baghdad; The Metropolitan Museum of Art (Image credit: The Metropolitan Museum of Art). 50

Figure 14: Abbasid Caliphate; Bowl depicting a Man holding a Cup and a Flowering Branch; 10th century; earthenware, luster-painted on opaque white glaze; attributed to Iraq; The Metropolitan Museum of Art (Image credit: The Metropolitan Museum of Art). 51

Figure 15: Bottom view; Bowl depicting a Man holding a Cup and a Flowering Branch (Image credit: The Metropolitan Museum of Art). 52

Figure 16: Abbasid Caliphate; Mortar; 900-950; ivory; probably Syria; The Metropolitan Museum of Art (Image credit: The Metropolitan Museum of Art).

53

Figure 17: Christian Spain; San Pedro de la Nave; 7th century; stone; Zamora, Spain (Image credit: Wikimedia Commons).

Figure 18: Christian Spain; Capital with narrative scene of Daniel and the Lions; 7th century; carved stone; Zamora, Spain; Church of San Pedro de la Nave (Image credit: Wikimedia Commons). 54

Figure 19: Christian Spain; Astorga Casket; c. 900; silver-gilt repoussé on a wooden core with glass inlays; Asturias, Spain; Museo de la Catedral, Astorga (Image credit: The Art of Medieval Spain A.D. 500-1200, page 142-143).

Figure 20: Ariel view; Astorga Casket; c. 900; silver-gilt repoussé on a wooden core with glass inlays; Asturias, Spain; Museo de la Catedral, Astorga (Image credit: Artstor). 55

Figure 21: Christian Spain; Casket; 8th-10th century; ivory and gilt-copper alloy; Asturias, Spain; Glencairn Museum, Pennsylvania (Image credit: The Art of Medieval Spain A.D. 500- 1200, page 141-142). 56

Figure 22: Front view; Casket (Image credit: The Glencairn Museum).

Figure 23: Rear view; Casket (Image credit: The Glencairn Museum). 57

Figure 24: Side view 1; Casket (Image credit: The Glencairn Museum).

Figure 25: Side view 2; Casket (Image credit: The Glencairn Museum). 58

Figure 26: Christian Spain; Horseshoe arch portal of San Juan Bautista de Baños de Cerrato; 7th century; stone; Castile and León, Spain (Image credit: Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, edited by Jerrilynn D. Dodds, page 14).

59

Figure 27: Christian Spain; Agate Casket; c. 910; hammered gold and silver over wood, agate inlay, and an appliqué of chased gold with inlaid colored stones, crystals and enamels; Asturias (Oviedo), Spain; Oviedo Cathedral (Image credit: The Art of Medieval Spain A.D. 500-1200, page 143-145).

Figure 28: Ariel view; Agate Casket (Image credit: Sancta Ovetensis, Catedral de Oviedo). 60

Figure 29: Bottom view; Agate Casket (Image credit: Artstor).