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Sport and Development in South African Women’s Football: The Reciprocal Effects of Socialisation

By

CASSANDRA OGUNNIYI

A thesis submitted in fulfilment for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (D.Phil.) in Sport Management

Department of Sport and Movement Studies Faculty of Health Sciences UNIVERSITY OF JOHANNESBURG

Supervisor: Prof. C. Burnett

2013

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DECLARATION

I, the undersigned, hereby declare that the work contained in this thesis is my own original work and that I have not previously submitted it in its entirety or in part at any university for a degree.

30 September 2013 ______Signature Date

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The final product of this thesis would not have been possible without the assistance and support of many wonderful family and friends. First of all I would like to thank the research participants who shared their lives, experiences and emotions with me. I trust that I have provided an opportunity for your voices to be heard. Secondly I would like to thank my research assistants in Johannesburg and Cape Town, who helped with logistical arrangements, translation of words and culture, as well as encouragement and cheerful countenances.

This journey has been inspired, encouraged and supported by the wonderful friends I met at the University of Cape Town, especially through my introduction to the world of women’s football in South Africa. You have a special place in my heart.

If it were not for the support of my family I would still be in Canada. They allowed me to pursue my dreams and adventure around the world. Thank you for the freedom to freely soar with the knowledge that you would always be there for me when I needed you.

The Department of Sport and Movement Studies at the University of Johannesburg has provided me the opportunity to embark on this study and engage with wonderful scholars, mentors and students. Thank you to Pam who has been with me throughout this journey and Prof Roux who has provided me the opportunities to teach and attend international conferences to gain new insights incorporated into this study and share the knowledge generated from this research.

Prof Cora, you have been an inspirational mentor and role model. Your work ethic and heart for the research subject and participants is incomparable. You never cease to amaze me. I have learned more than I could have imagined, been pushed beyond my conceivable limits and grown to a deeper level of research, analysis and interpretation. I look forward to future collaborations and international projects that will provide new insights and understandings.

To my international friends on the same journey of research and self-discovery, Tinuke, Bonolo, Mari, I know great things will transpire. Thank you to everyone who helped proof-read and edit my final draft. I would have been lost without you.

Finally, to my love, you came into my life unexpectedly and I will never be the same. Thank you for your inspiration, support, warmth and love. The long hours of work sitting together in our first apartment will be cherished. You always know how to put a smile on my face even on the most difficult of days. Praise be to God who makes all things possible and wonderful!

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

TITLE PAGE ...... i DECLARATION ...... i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... iv LIST OF TABLES ...... viii LIST OF FIGURES ...... viii ACRONYMS ...... ix

ABSTRACT ...... xi

1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1.1 Introduction ...... 1 1.2 Problem statement ...... 3 1.3 Research aim and objectives ...... 4 1.4 Research design ...... 4 1.4.1 Theoretical perspectives ...... 5 1.4.2 Methodology ...... 7 1.4.3 Sample ...... 7 1.4.4 Procedures ...... 8 1.4.5 Limitations ...... 9 1.4.6 Delimitations ...... 10 1.4.7 Outcomes...... 10 1.5 Key concepts ...... 11 1.5.1 Development ...... 11 1.5.2 Family ...... 11 1.5.3 Gender and sexualities...... 12 1.5.4 Health and well-being ...... 13 1.5.5 Poverty ...... 14 1.5.6 Socialisation ...... 14 1.5.7 Sport ...... 14 1.6 Structure ...... 15 1.7 Summary ...... 16

2. SPORT AND DEVELOPMENT ...... 18 2.1 Introduction ...... 18 2.2 Brief historical overview ...... 19 2.2.1 Sport and development historically ...... 19 2.2.2 Sport for development – the current movement ...... 22 2.3 SDP critiques ...... 25 2.3.1 Contextual complexity and negative impacts ...... 25 2.3.2 Lack of evidence ...... 26 2.3.3 Theoretically thin ...... 26 2.3.4 Northern driven and dominated ...... 27 2.3.5 Neo-liberal dominant ideologies ...... 28 2.3.6 Lack of sociological and anthropological research ...... 29 2.4 Health ...... 30 2.5 Gender ...... 33 2.6 Education ...... 35 2.7 Social mobility and social capital ...... 37 2.7.1 Sport participation ...... 39 2.7.2 Health ...... 40 2.7.3 Poverty ...... 41 2.8 Summary ...... 42

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3. SOCIALISATION ...... 44 3.1 Introduction ...... 44 3.2 Feminist figurational approach ...... 45 3.2.1 Hegemonic masculinities ...... 46 3.2.2 Sport and masculinity ...... 48 3.2.3 Heteronormativity ...... 51 3.2.4 Sexuality in sport ...... 53 3.3 Socialisation theories ...... 54 3.3.1 Social learning theory ...... 56 3.3.2 Cognitive development theory ...... 56 3.3.3 Social cognitive theory ...... 58 3.3.4 Symbolic interactionism ...... 59 3.4 Socialisation processes ...... 59 3.4.1 Families ...... 60 3.4.1.1 Gender roles in the household setting ...... 60 3.4.1.2 Childhood play activities ...... 63 3.4.1.3 Tomboy behaviour ...... 64 3.4.2 Institutional gender roles ...... 66 3.4.2.1 Education ...... 67 3.4.2.2 Professional occupations ...... 68 3.4.3 Socialisation and sport ...... 70 3.4.3.1 Socialisation into sport ...... 71 3.4.3.2 Socialisation through sport ...... 74 3.4.3.3 Reciprocal socialisation ...... 76 3.5 Summary ...... 78

4. CONTEXT AND BACKGROUND ...... 81 4.1 Introduction ...... 81 4.2 South Africa ...... 82 4.2.1 Politics and sports ...... 83 4.2.1.1 Pre-colonial and colonial era ...... 83 4.2.1.2 Independence ...... 84 4.2.1.3 Apartheid...... 86 4.2.1.4 Resistance to apartheid ...... 89 4.2.1.5 Democracy ...... 92 4.2.2 Social inequality and the context of poverty ...... 96 4.2.2.1 Economic life ...... 96 4.2.2.2 Infrastructure development ...... 98 4.2.2.3 Social life...... 103 4.3 Women’s football - ‘herstory’ ...... 105 4.3.1 Women’s sport internationally ...... 105 4.3.2 International women’s football ...... 107 4.3.3 In the shadows of the 2010 FIFA World Cup ...... 110 4.3.4 South African women’s football ...... 111 4.3.5 Current national women’s football structure ...... 113 4.3.5 Leadership in South African women’s football ...... 117 4.4 Summary ...... 120

5. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ...... 122 5.1 Introduction ...... 122 5.2 Methods ...... 122 5.2.1 Validity of research findings ...... 125 5.3 Procedures ...... 126 5.4 Sample ...... 129 5.4.1 Sample characteristics ...... 132 5.4.1.1 Age and gender...... 132 5.4.1.2 Education and employment experience ...... 134

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5.4.1.3 Geographic background ...... 135 5.4.1.4 Sport participation ...... 135 5.4.1.5 Significant others ...... 136 5.4.1.6 Household composition ...... 139 5.4.1.7 Socio-economic status ...... 146 5.5 Coding and analysis ...... 147 5.6 Ethical considerations ...... 149 5.7 Summary ...... 150

6. FEMALE FOOTBALL AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT ...... 152 6.1 Introduction ...... 152 6.2 Challenges to participation ...... 153 6.2.1 Financial resources ...... 153 6.2.2 Physical resources ...... 159 6.2.3 Educational opportunities ...... 163 6.3 Benefits of participation...... 167 6.3.1 Deviance avoidance ...... 168 6.3.2 Inter-gender relationships ...... 174 6.3.3 Educational advantages ...... 178 6.4 Discussion ...... 184 6.4.1 Challenges to social mobility ...... 184 6.4.2 Cultural and physical capital through deviance avoidance ...... 189 6.4.3 Social capital through inter-gender relationships ...... 191 6.4.4 Capital gained through educational advantages ...... 192 6.5 Summary ...... 194

7. SPORT SOCIALISATION AS A RECIPROCAL PROCESS ...... 196 7.1 Introduction ...... 196 7.2 Background ...... 196 7.2.1 Household composition ...... 197 7.2.2 Childhood play activities ...... 198 7.2.3 Family sport history ...... 202 7.3 Sport initiation ...... 204 7.3.1 Initiation influences ...... 204 7.3.2 Participation enablement ...... 209 7.4 Sport continuation ...... 212 7.4.1 Encouragement to continue participating ...... 212 7.4.2 Interpretation of experiences ...... 218 7.5 Reciprocal socialisation ...... 220 7.5.1 Changes in significant others ...... 220 7.5.2 Household changes ...... 223 7.5.2.1 Improved relationships ...... 223 7.5.2.2 Household duties ...... 226 7.6 Chapter discussion ...... 230 7.6.1 Sport socialisation in the midst of poverty...... 230 7.6.2 Public space ...... 233 7.6.3 Private space ...... 235 7.7 Summary ...... 238

8. GENDER AND SEXUALITY IN SOUTH AFRICAN WOMEN’S FOOTBALL ...... 241 8.1 Introduction ...... 241 8.2 Perceptions of female football participants ...... 242 8.2.1 Gendered spaces ...... 243 8.2.2 Stereotypical characteristics ...... 250 8.2.3 Labels due to participation ...... 256 8.2.3.1 Tomboy label ...... 256 8.2.3.2 Lesbian label ...... 258

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8.3 Sexuality in the contexts of two locations ...... 259 8.3.1 Homosociability ...... 260 8.3.2 Defensive othering ...... 261 8.4 Lesbianism ...... 263 8.4.1 Player’s perspectives and stories ...... 264 8.4.2 Family responses and the role of social agents ...... 266 8.5 Changing perceptions ...... 269 8.5.1 Reasons for change ...... 269 8.5.2 Changing perceptions ...... 274 8.6 Chapter discussion ...... 277 8.6.1 Reinforcement and resistance of gender norms ...... 278 8.6.2 Sexuality and deviance ...... 280 8.6.3 Gradual perception changes ...... 283 8.7 Summary ...... 285

9.1 CONCLUSION ...... 287 9.2 Research themes ...... 288 9.2.1 The value of comprehensive case studies ...... 288 9.2.2 The potential of sport to counteract the paralysing effects of poverty ...... 290 9.2.3 The intersection of women’s football and gendered public and private spaces ...... 291 9.2.4 Sport socialisation as a reciprocal process ...... 293 9.3 Recommendations for women’s football in South Africa ...... 296 9.3.1 Structural changes within women’s football ...... 296 9.3.2 Recommendations for practices related to women’s football ...... 297 9.4 Future directions for research ...... 300 9.5 Summary ...... 302

10. REFERENCES ...... 305

APPENDIX A: Consent forms ...... 333 APPENDIX B: Questionnaires ...... 337 APPENDIX C: Interview guides ...... 340 APPENDIX D: Participant information forms ...... 345 APPENDIX E: Altas.ti code list ...... 347

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Total research participants ...... 8 Table 2: Time frame and research methods ...... 126 Table 3: Research participants – schools ...... 130 Table 4: Research participants – clubs ...... 132 Table 5: Household composition of players ...... 140 Table 6: Socio-economic levels for households ...... 146 Table 7: Employment, housing and socio-economic status (SES) in Johannesburg ...... 154 Table 8: Employment, housing and socio-economic status (SES) in Cape Town ...... 155 Table 9: Sport offered at the sample Cape Town primary schools ...... 165 Table 10: Sport offered at the sample Johannesburg primary schools ...... 166 Table 11: Childhood play activities ...... 199 Table 12: Childhood friends ...... 200 Table 13: Sport participation by gender ...... 203 Table 14: Significant other sport participation per player ...... 203 Table 15: Significant others as source of financial support ...... 210 Table 16: Reasons given for not attending matches by significant others ...... 214 Table 17: Communal household activities ...... 224 Table 18: Household duties ...... 226

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Informal dwelling in South Africa ...... 100 Figure 2: SAFA women’s football structure - 2012 ...... 114 Figure 3: South African schools’ football structure - 2012 ...... 116 Figure 4: Player age distribution ...... 133 Figure 5: Community age and gender distribution ...... 134 Figure 6: Significant others ...... 137 Figure 7: Significant other age groups ...... 138 Figure 8: Age and gender distribution of significant others interviewed ...... 139 Figure 9: Johannesburg senior team - households ...... 142 Figure 10: Johannesburg U-15 team - households ...... 143 Figure 11: Cape Town senior team - households ...... 144 Figure 12: Cape Town U-15 team - households ...... 145 Figure 13: Township dwellings, an aerial view ...... 157 Figure 14: Township dwellings, dirt paths between shacks ...... 157 Figure 15: Paths between shacks ...... 157 Figure 16: Street view of township life ...... 157 Figure 17: Cow with school football field in background ...... 160 Figure 18: Benefits of participation ...... 167

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ACRONYMS

ANC African National Congress AWC African Women's Championships BEE Black Economic Empowerment BOA British Olympic Association CSI Corporate Social Investment CSR Corporate Social Responsibility DFB Deutscher Fuβball-Bund DSD Department of Social Development FIFA Fédération Internationale de Football Association GEAR Growth, Employment and Redistribution Policy GIZ Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit GMMP Global Media Monitoring Project HoD House of Delegates HoR House of Representatives HPC High Performance Centre IAPESGW International Association of Physical Education and Sport for Girls and Women ILGA International Lesbian and Gay Association IOC International Olympic Committee IWG International Working Group on Women and Sport IYSPE International Year of Sport and Physical Education LFA Local Football Association MDGs Millennium Development Goals MYSA Mathare Youth Sports Association NCAA National Collegiate Athletic Association NDSR National Department of Sports and Recreation NEC National Executive Committee NGOs Non-Governmental Organisations NCS National Council on Sports PAC Pan African Congress PAR Participatory Action Research PEC Provincial Executive Committee PSL Professional Soccer League RDP Reconstruction and Development Programme REMS Rede Esporte pela Mudança Social RSA Republic of South Africa SAB South African Breweries SABC South African Broadcasting Corporation SACOS South African Council on Sports SACP South African Communist Party SAFA South African Football Association SAIRR South African Institute for Race Relations SANROC South African Non-Racial Olympic Committee SASA South African Sports Association SASFA South African Schools Football Association SAWFA South African Women's Football Association

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SAWSA South African Soccer Association S*DIAT Sport-in-Development Impact Assessment Tool SDP Sport for development and peace SDP IWG Sport for Development and Peace International Working Group SES Socio-economic status SfD Sport for development SRSA Sport and Recreation South Africa SSCN Sport for Social Change Network SSMPP School Sport Mass Participation Programme TRC Truth and Reconciliation Commission UJ University of Johannesburg UK United Kingdom UN United Nations Agency for International Development UNDP United National Development Programme UNESCO United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation UNICEF United Nation International Children’s Emergency Fund UNMD United Nations Millennium Declaration UNOSDP United Nations Office for Sport for Development and Peace USA United States of America USAID United States Agency for International Development USSA University Sport South Africa WHO World Health Organization WSI Women Sport International YDF Youth Development through Football

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ABSTRACT

Socialisation is an interactive reciprocal process that shapes the way individuals think, act and make decisions. Through the sport socialisation process, over time individuals acquire beliefs and behaviours that affect other areas of their life, including education, family relations and peer interactions. Socialisation affects the lives of the participant’s significant others and socialising agents, who demonstrate changes in the way they view women’s football, interact with the player and assist with domestic duties. These processes occur in the public and private spheres and are closely associated with cultural perspectives of masculine and feminine gender identity construction. Four theories underpin the research, namely figurational theory, critical feminism, interactionism and cognitive development theory.

This thesis examines the effects of female football participation in family dynamics, school and community relations, as well as individual identity formation and the challenges and benefits related to participation. For this comprehensive case study approach mixed methods were used (i.e. interviews, focus groups and questionnaires). The study focused on 21 cases of female football players in two South African locations, Johannesburg and Cape Town. Interviews were conducted with 21 players that played in leagues organised by the South African Football Association. In each location there was a senior team that played in the provincial leagues and an under-15 team that played in the regional leagues. Interviews were conducted with 48 significant others (individuals who influence the self-esteem, emotions and behaviour of a person, including mothers, fathers, siblings, aunts, uncles, cousins and grandparents), four coaches, seven administrators, and eleven school representatives. Focus groups took place at four schools in each location in which 258 students participated. Questionnaires were conducted in the communities around each of the selected schools, incorporating the perspectives of 169 respondents. The data was analysed with the assistance of Atlas.ti 6.2 and SPSS 20.

Football in South Africa occurs within a context of poverty with the legacy of apartheid remaining in terms of limited access to resources, poor provision of sports facilities, unemployment, fragmented families, and lack of educational opportunities. These factors continued to affect the prospects of sport participation. Understanding hegemonic masculinity as the dominant ideology in the townships provides a background to analyse how men control the limited physical resources and public sport spaces, requiring girls to gain access through a male proxy or gatekeeper.

Once females acquire access they are able to gain acceptable and legitimacy through demonstrating their competencies and success in competitions. Socialisation through sport occurs as girls are occupied in safe, controlled spaces with adult supervision rather than

xi become involved in deviant behaviours. In these settings female footballers acquired positive behaviours and improved attributes such as time management, discipline, respect and self- efficacy. Their participation resulted in a reduction of social distance between them and their teacher-coaches, which improved the learning climate fostering trusting relationships.

As the girls were socialised into football, some adopted masculine behaviours and appearance. In some cases tomboy behaviour merged into homosexuality (lesbianism) with the rejection of feminine role identification of ‘mother’ and ‘wife’. The team in the Cape Town setting openly promoted heterosexuality compared to the team in Johannesburg, where coach and players were accepting and receptive towards players who expressed a variety of sexualities. This resulted in four individuals identifying as lesbian or bisexual within the research participants. The responses by their family members were complex and varied. Siblings encouraged the acceptability for other family members, whereas fathers were absent or oblivious and mothers were highly critical based on their religious and cultural traditions. Mothers experienced failure of not socialising their daughters into the social role that is perceived to encapsulate womanhood (as wife and mother).

Perceptions regarding women’s football are changing in the public discourse to become more supportive. This is informed by a democratic South African consciousness and human justice framework that encourages greater acceptance of women’s roles in positions of power. Increased resource allocation through sponsorships and government programmes affords additional opportunities for female participation as well as encouragement for participants.

Recommendations emerging from this thesis are useful to maintain the growth and support of women’s football. Structural adjustments are necessary within South African football in terms of increasing the amount of leagues and tournaments available for women and girls, leadership opportunities and long-term athlete development plans. Changes in practices that are vital to women’s football include equality of resource allocation, stakeholder engagement and media exposure. These changes require government and SAFA support to materialise, as well as continued alterations in individual, family and community attitudes, behaviours and practices.

As women’s football in South African continues to grow and develop the opportunities for forthcoming research are plentiful. Utilising a mixed method comprehensive case study approach, becoming intimately involved in the research context, and providing opportunities for local voices to be heard can meaningfully inform future policies and practices.

Keywords: socialisation, women’s football, South Africa, sexualities

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1. INTRODUCTION

1.1 Introduction

Everyone lives in a social world and is affected by the people, ideologies and environment surrounding them. The activities participated in, schools attended and friends selected are some influences that are chosen and change over time. While influences such as family, economic status and personality are less fluid, they change over longer periods of time. The processes of influence by these and other factors socialise individuals to live appropriately in their social world (Arnett, 1995). According to the interactionist model of socialisation, individuals are able to interact with the world around them, choosing which influences to act upon and which ones to reject, in addition to impacting the people, actions and ideas around them (Coakley & Pike, 2009).

Sport and other social activities are recognised as important modes of socialisation, especially in the lives of youth, as these activities offer a locale where values are transmitted from one group of people (coaches, administrators, referees) to another (participants). Gender roles and social ideologies, which contribute to determining which sports are acceptable to be played, where and by whom, are also formed through the process of socialisation (Greendorfer, 1983; Giuliano, Popp & Knight, 2000; Hardin & Greer, 2009).

There are four underlying aspects that weave through this research. The first aspect relates to the context of poverty which is pervasive, paralysing and is specific to the history of apartheid within South Africa. Secondly, socialisation is a vital process that is reciprocal and reciprocal informing sport choice, continued participation, identity formation and changes within significant others and the household. Thirdly, gender roles and gendered public and private spaces limit individual movement and participation in specific spheres, while likewise providing the opportunity for ideological shifts to occur as women enter spaces they were previously restricted from. Finally, the methodology of comprehensive case studies, through which detailed and multi-vocal accounts of players and the significant others contributes to the rich and thorough information presented throughout this thesis.

Sport in South Africa occurs within a context of inequality, racism and sexism due to the legacy of colonialism, apartheid and life in a predominantly patriarchal society. Sport in South Africa is part of the globalised world that is greatly affected by trends and ideologies common in other capitalist societies. South Africa is considered a ‘developing’ nation and rated 123rd on the Human Development Index (UNDP, 2011), which brings particular contextual dynamics that affect sport and sport participants. In 2009, South Africa was recognised as the most unequal

1 society in the world, surpassing Brazil (Pressly, 2009). This fact demonstrates the deep divide within South Africa that remains after apartheid in terms of unequal access to education, housing, employment and sports facilities (West, 1998; Alegi, 2004; Merrett, 2006).

This research focuses on female football at club level in South Africa, which is embedded in the racial, class and gender divisions of society. Despite increased participation, media coverage, recognition and international success by South African women over the past ten years, football is still viewed as a primarily male domain locally and internationally. Football in South Africa is most popular among the male black lower social strata, which brings unique challenges and opportunities (Pelak, 2005b).

This study goes beyond the media headlines and structures supporting women’s football to investigate the effect of female participation in South African football on individuals and families and households, as well as to interrogate the social dynamics on a wider level at school and in the community. It comprises of in-depth ethnographic research focused on 21 comprehensive case studies, semi-structured interviews, focus groups and questionnaires conducted from an insider observer’s perspective.

The elements of this project’s theoretical basis are: i. Figurational theory, which focuses on interrelated networks of interdependence, process of social relations, and power relationships (Elias & Dunning, 1984; Dunning, 2002). ii. Critical feminism, which argues that sports are gendered activities based on hegemonic masculinities (Birrell, 2000). iii. Socialisation from an interactionist perspective highlights the reciprocal and reciprocal processes of socialisation between socialising agents and individuals being socialised (Coakley & Pike, 2009; Mead (1990, [1962]). iv. Social cognitive theory investigates how children acquire gender roles through systems of modelling and reinforcement by socialising agents (Bandura & Bussey, 2004).

There is an awareness of a dominant hegemonic ideology that is prevalent in society that influences actions and behaviours of those in society (Donaldson, 1993). This ideology is reproduced through various means such as institutions, social groups and media; however individuals within these systems are able to reject and resist these norms in the attempt to create change.

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This research is positioned within the field of ‘sport for development’, in which are located debates about the assumed benefits sports can produce. There are two main streams of sport for development, namely ‘sport plus’ and ‘plus sport’. ‘Sport plus’ focuses on the development of sport skills and proficiency with the addition of life skills and values. In contrast, ‘plus sport’ is focused on providing life skills and values to participants through active participation in sport or physical activity (Coalter, 2007; Read & Bingham, 2009). This thesis focuses on the ‘sport plus’ model where the concentration is on two levels of club and primary school participation. In these setting the primary aim is to develop football skills, while the transmission of values is envisaged as a benefit but not directly part of the club or school team objectives.

An awareness of socialisation processes will inevitably lead to discerning the effects of socialisation on sport participation and family relations. This in turn, will yield deliberations on the effects of sport participation on gender and identity formation within and beyond socio- cultural boundaries. This thesis will interrogate how sport has the potential to affect the lives of individuals, families and to a lesser extent the wider community. At times it confirms stereotypes and challenges highlighted in past research, while other times it reveals how boundaries are pushed, ideologies and practices are shifting and individuals are affecting the environment and structures around them.

1.2 Problem statement

In South Africa, women’s football is growing in number of participants, clubs and opportunities. However, little is known about the impact on family dynamics due to this increased participation. Since the United Nations (UN) declared 2005 the International Year for Sport and Physical Education (UN, 2007), there has been a proliferation of sport for development programmes and organisations, governmental programmes and scholarly research based on the social advantages of playing sport on individual lives at a mass participation level (Burnett, 2007, Brady, 2005; Forde, 2008). Yet, none of these studies have incorporated the perspectives and understandings of family and household members regarding changes in sport participants and their families due to participation. The positive benefits of sport participation cannot be taken for granted or considered natural, and the validity of grand claims of changed lives has come under greater scrutiny (Coalter, 2007; Long & Sanderson, 2001).

The majority of past and current research is mostly based in North America and Europe, with few studies investigating the effects of socialisation on sport participation or the effect of sport on family dynamics taking place in Africa (Cronin, 2011). Most previous research is primarily focused on the individual, without obtaining multiple perspectives from significant others [individuals who influence the self-esteem, emotions and behaviour of a person, (Ritzer, 2007)] 3 on the effects of sport participation (Cronin, 2011). Therefore there is a need to examine the impact and effect of sport participation of women in South Africa, especially in what is traditionally considered a man’s sport, with a more in-depth approach and insider’s perspective. The overarching research question is: What is the effect of female football participation on participants, families, school and community relations in the South African context?

1.3 Research aim and objectives

The aim of this research is to investigate the effect of female football participation on family and domestic relations in the South African context and interrogate the social dynamics in wider community relations from a critical feminist perspective.

The objectives of this research are:  To examine past scholarly research related to the fields of sport for development, socialisation and sport, gender and sexualities.  To document the current state of women’s football in South Africa.  To examine how women’s soccer is located within the sport for development discourse.  To understand the challenges and benefits playing football has on the individual, family and other relationships.  To uncover the influences of how girls are socialised into and continue participating in football in South Africa.  To trace the potential changes in family dynamics due to girls’ participating in football.  To provide a deeper understanding of the effects of female football participation to inform future policies, practices and research.

1.4 Research design

The research for this thesis was informed by an anthropological and mixed methods approach using ‘comprehensive’ case studies, semi-structured interviews and questionnaires to gather the required data. An anthropological perspective aims to understand individuals and communities from their own perspective and how they make sense of their social worlds, while searching for connections within and between different groups of people (Eriksen, 1995; Nanda & Warms, 2002).

An anthropological standpoint examines the complexities of societies by becoming intimate with them, trying to understand them from an ‘emic’, insider’s perspective (Eriksen, 2004; Harris, 1968; Lett, 1990). This poses unique challenges when the researcher is not from the location and culture that is being studied, but can be mediated through activities such as participant 4 observation, where the researcher becomes immersed in the cultural sphere being researched in order to understand the participant’s experiences through a more personal perspective (Bernard & Ryan, 2010). Even though individuals cannot change their place of birth, living in a society, learning the language and sociolinguistics used and experiencing similar situations as the cultural group being researched helps to appreciate the contextual realities (Eriksen, 2004). The researcher was born in Canada, but has attained an insider’s perspective since she has been involved in the various aspects of South African women’s football, as a player, coach, administrator and researcher since 2007. This helped to create a rapport, relationship and understanding with the research participants that would be more difficult otherwise (Thomas, Nelson & Silverman, 2011).

It is understood that even within a society, social group or household, there is a complexity of experiences and perspectives, creating fluid boundaries between and within groups, which can provide competing or corresponding viewpoints. Hence the need arises to select a diverse sample and use a range of approaches to try and understand their multi-faceted perspectives and experiences (Eriksen, 2004; Nanda & Warms, 2002). Using a mixed methods approach with a multi-locality sample helps to triangulate and validate the data gathered and results in a collection of rich descriptions (Bernard & Ryan, 2010; Cresswell, 2003).

1.4.1 Theoretical perspectives

The overall theoretical base for this thesis is figurational theory, which originated in the work of Norbert Elias (1978). Figurations are “historically produced and reproduced networks of interdependence” (Murphy, Sheard & Waddington, 2000:92). Individuals and society are not independent but are part of the same world and inseparable. Figurational theory encourages an examination of processes, how social relations are emerging, developing, dynamic and interconnected (Murphy et al., 2000). Figurational theory argues that there are no complete dualisms, such as individual/society, agency/structure, co-operation/conflict, masculinity/femininity, and public/private (Dunning, 2002). Power is understood as essential for all relationships and processes and operates on the basis of multiple factors including intellectual, physical and emotional power whereby there is no absolute power, but it is relative and dynamic between individuals and groups (Dunning, 2002; Mansfield, 2002).

This research is positioned in critical feminism. In this study liberal feminism sets the stage for a proposed agenda of change through its focus on achieving equal access and participation for women in all areas of life, including governmental policies, governing bodies and sports organisations (Hargreaves, 2004). Radical feminism focuses on structural inequalities and power relations inherent in international and national sport organisations (Hargreaves, 2000). 5

Critical feminism goes beyond access and participation to focus on the inequitable distribution of power in society based on various categorisations of people by race, class or gender maintained through hegemonic ideologies (Birrell, 2000). In terms of their approach to sports, critical feminists argue that sports are considered gendered activities based on the dominant masculine hegemonies found in most societies (Birrell, 2000). The specifics of these hegemonic ideologies differ from place to place, yet there are qualities that remain the same across societies (Bryson, 1994). Specifically, sports are a location in which ideas about masculinity and femininity and gendered ideas about the body, sexuality and the physical self may be reinforced (Bryson, 1994). However, sports are a location where resistance to these ideologies can be found and manifested (Hall, 2002; Hargreaves, 2004).

According to hegemony, as proposed by Gramsci (1971), there are certain groups of people in society who create and maintain power over other groups of people in a way that seems natural or normal to the majority of the population (Donaldson, 1993). The manifestations of these powerful ideologies are unquestioned and accepted as the status quo (Paechter, 2007). Multiple hegemonies operate in the world, however masculine hegemony is particularly dominant, whereby social interactions that maintain the dominance of some men over women and other groups of men are legitimised and reproduced (Connell, 2005). The dominance is reproduced through multiple means and institutions, including various forms of media (television, internet, cinema, music, magazines and newspapers), formal institutions (such as schools, churches, governmental organisations and sports clubs) and social institutions (such as families, friends and community groups) (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005).

These hegemonies are present in the conceptual framework of socialisation, where the behaviours and beliefs of the social world people live in, are taught to subsequent generations of individuals experiencing the world around them (Arnett, 1995). People are not just passive recipients of these hegemonic ideals and socialisation is not a one way street. According to the interactionist model of socialisation, in addition to being influenced by the society’s dominant ideology and context, individuals are active participants that are able to impact on the production and reproduction of ideas in the society around them (Coakley & Pike, 2009). In sports this means that individuals can decide what sports they participate in, when and where (to some extent), and that their participation impacts on the individuals around them (family members, peers and significant others) (Coakley & Pike, 2009). Similarly, social cognitive theory argues that the relationship between individuals and social structures is dynamic (Bandura & Bussey, 2004), as individuals are socialised into specific gender roles, their decisions and agency affect their families and communities and potentially the society as a whole (Lindsey, 2011).

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1.4.2 Methodology

An ethnographic approach, supported by mixed methods, was used in order to address the complexity of social relations within the selected cases, to triangulate the data, uncover alternative perspectives and provide a variety of perceptions on the same topic (Creswell, 2003). The qualitative, ethnographic portion of the research included comprehensive case studies focused on semi-structured interviews, focus groups and observations. These comprehensive case studies use individual football players as the centre of the case and gather detailed information from multiple sources to create a comprehensive understanding of the content and situation (Thomas, Nelson & Silverman, 2011). Two questionnaires were the main mode of quantitative data, collected both from community members and primary school focus group participants. Profile and data matrices were created from the qualitative data in order to be analysed quantitatively and provide a statistical comparison of the information gathered. An initial pilot study including qualitative and quantitative approaches was conducted in order for the researcher to test and refine the methods, interview questions and procedures (Thomas & Nelson, 2001).

Due to the nature of detail this research has gathered and the sensitivity of some data, as well as a commitment to honouring the ethical tenets of assuring research respondents of appropriate confidentiality, all the locations, schools, clubs and individual names have been changed or generalised. For instance, the two locations are townships within Johannesburg and Cape Town, but ethical reasons more specific details will not be provided. The only names that will be mentioned are those of top officials in SAFA, who signed forms giving permission for their names to be used, since hiding their identities would be difficult.

1.4.3 Sample

Two urban locations were chosen as comparative sites for the basis of the research, one in Cape Town and the other in Johannesburg. These are the two most populous cities in South Africa with a population of 3,497,101 in Cape Town and 3,888,182 in Johannesburg (South African Institute of Race Relations, 2010). In each city a township was chosen based on prior knowledge that a variety of ages and levels of football participation could be found in that particular geographical region. A total of 526 participants contributed to this research (see table one).

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Table 1: Total research participants

Social institutions Cape Town Johannesburg Total Clubs

Players (Individual interview) 5 5 10 Players (Focus group participants) 9 9 18 Significant others 22 26 48 Coaches 2 2 4 Administrators (SAFA or LFA) 4 4 8 Subtotals 42 46 88 Schools

Focus group participants 112 146 258 Coaches, sport masters or sport assistants 6 5 11 Questionnaires

School focus group participants (same 112 146 258 individuals as above*) Community member participants 82 87 169 Subtotals 200 238 438 Total Participants 526*

* The school focus group participants and questionnaires by the school focus group participants are the same individuals and therefore only counted once.

This research focuses on 21 female football players from two South African townships, representatives from one U-15 team and one senior team in each location volunteered to participate. From these 21 players, 48 of their significant others were interviewed. Team coaches, league and national administrators were also interviewed (n=11). At four primary schools in each location, interviews with teachers, coaches, sports masters and/or sports assistances (n=11) were conducted. At the same schools learners completed questionnaires and took part in focus groups (n=258). Additionally, questionnaires were completed in the communities surrounding the eight schools (n=169).

1.4.4 Procedures

There were eight stages of data collection for this research project including two pilot studies and all methods concerned. Some of the stages overlapped in time due to the availability of individuals, schools and constraints of travelling between two locations. The majority of the data was collected between February and November 2010, with the final stage of interviews being conducted in July and August 2011.

In early 2010, a pilot study was carried out with five football players from the University of Johannesburg (UJ) and their significant others, resulting in 22 semi-structured interviews. This 8 helped to refine the interview guides for the participants and their household members and capture emerging themes (see Appendix C for examples of the interview guides). A pilot study of the questionnaire for community members was conducted at the Football for Hope Festival during the FIFA (men’s) World Cup in July 2010, leading to revision and finalisation of the questionnaire (see Appendix B for examples of both questionnaires).

Starting at the beginning of 2010, contact was established with the teams chosen in the locations as well as the schools. Meetings were arranged with all of the schools and teams to describe the project and acquire consent. Following that a schedule was organised and communicated to all the relevant parties. Consent forms for signing by parents or guardians were given to the schools focus group participants via their schools (see Appendix A for examples of the consent forms). Interviews were arranged with the players and their family or household members.

Consent was obtained before starting all focus groups and interviews. At the start of each focus group a short questionnaire was completed to gather demographic data and initiate the participants’ thoughts on the topic to be discussed. At the beginning of each interview, household and individual demographic data was collected on information sheets. More details on these methods are found in sections 5.2 and 5.3. The interviews and focus groups were voice recorded when permission was granted. The data was then transcribed and entered into the qualitative data analysis programme Atlas.ti 6.2 to be coded and analysed. The questionnaires were entered into Microsoft Excel sheets then transferred into SPSS 20 for statistical analysis with frequencies and tabulations. Profile and data matrices were created from the qualitative data and the information sheets collected during the interviews were entered into SPSS for analysis.

All of the data collection and analysis processes contributed to constructing a thorough and detailed body of evidence of the context of football as it relates to family and social dynamics for the female football players in this study.

1.4.5 Limitations

Since football is played by a variety of girls in different settings throughout South Africa, it was not possible to include all these settings in this research. This limits the representativeness of the study and potentially the extrapolation of results. This is particularly true for the voices from the girls in the more rural and less populated provinces of South Africa, which are not captured here, except for the few individuals in this sample who grew up in the rural areas and moved to the urban centres.

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The focus group participants were chosen by the teachers or sports masters at the schools who experienced difficulty in finding students who did not participate in any sport. Even if individuals did not play at school, they often played for a club or socially.

It is important that the research participants provide consent, feel comfortable and communicate their ideas without feeling hindered. However, dominant personalities and being able to speak English with confidence inhibited some focus group participants to give full announces of their experiences. These barriers were minimised by decreasing the number of participants contributing to the information gathered, using a variety of interviewing techniques including breaking the group into smaller groups of two to four to elicit discussion from the more reserved students.

1.4.6 Delimitations

This researcher chose to focus on five families from two age groups and two locations, delimiting the number of individual interviews and amount of data collected to a total of 21 case studies. Four schools were chosen in this research as the sites for the focus groups and basis for collecting the community questionnaires to keep the amount of data manageable, but still accurate and valid, following the trend of using a scope with ‘depth’ rather than ‘width’.

1.4.7 Outcomes

Although women’s football is a growing sport in South Africa and internationally, most of the scholarly focus is on Europe and North America (Cronin, 2011). This research can contribute additional insights to what is known about the effects of and changes occurring through participation in women’s football in South Africa. Conducting comprehensive case studies and understanding the wider social manifestations of football participation, not only on the individual, but also on the family and wider community, is not a common scholarly practice and can reveal new perspectives that have not been investigated previously to this extent. The results from this research may serve to improve the access to women’s football for girls and women of all levels throughout South Africa, by informing the relevant stakeholders of the findings of this research and helping to inform future policies and practices.

The information gathered during the pilot stages of this research project has resulted in two published journal articles and two international conference presentations. The remaining data will be used to submit at least three more journal articles for publication in research journals and two international conference presentations. The conclusions in this report will furthermore suggest areas for further research that can continue the investigation in this field and inform 10 stakeholders of the lessons learned which may result in improvements for women in South African football.

1.5 Key concepts

There are seven key concepts that are used throughout this thesis that need to be defined from the start to clarify their precise meaning in this thesis. These concepts are critically examined in greater depth within the literature review of the thesis; however this section provides the basis for those critiques. The seven concepts to be defined here are: development, family, gender and sexualities, health and well-being, poverty, socialisation and sport. The concepts are discussed in alphabetical order rather than in the order that they appear in the thesis.

1.5.1 Development

There are a variety of definitions of ‘development’ depending on the political or theoretical perspective being utilised. In general, development refers to progress or movement towards an end-goal. Since the mid-1940s, development has had implications of modernisation and replication of industrialisation as exemplified in Western Europe and North America (Rostow, 1960; Schuurman, 2001). In terms of sport, development can refer to the physical enhancement of sport skills and fitness associated with sport participation, as well as an improvement in social and life skills that has been connected to sport participation since the Victorian Era and the discussion of ‘muscular Christianity’ (Ladd & Mathisen, 1999). This social aspect of development connected to sport continues to be perpetuated in the global Sport for Development and Peace (SDP) movement that involves multi-levelled stakeholders, such as: the United Nations (UN), national governments, international corporations, NGOs, sports federations and community clubs. In this study, development is used to refer to the personal changes and life skills that player’s acquire as they participate in football.

1.5.2 Family

Due to the complex and fluid nature of family units in South Africa and internationally, a family is not considered to consist of just two parents and their children or their children’s children. Amoateng, Richter, Makiwane and Rama (2004:3) identify families as “social groups related by blood (kinship), marriage, adoption or affiliation, who have close emotional attachments to each other that endure over time and go beyond a particular physical residence”. Family groups support each other through tasks such as: acquiring resources including income to be distributed among the members, socialising and educating children to share family and societal values, controlling antisocial behaviour and aggression, maintaining mutual obligations and 11 responsibilities, encouraging pro-social behaviours and caring for other family members (Amoateng et al., 2004). In the South African context of poverty, household composition and family arrangement are in a constant state of flux as individuals move between households in search for sufficient resources (Ross, 2010). During this thesis the terms ‘household’ and ‘family’ are used interchangeably to refer to the individuals living in the same dwelling, while the term family can also refer to biological relatives that live in other dwellings. There are a variety of household arrangements, with three main types in this study: extended, with three or more generations living in one household; nuclear, with parents and their children living in one household; and single parent where one parent is raising their children alone.

1.5.3 Gender and sexualities

Gender is often contrasted with ‘sex’, where sex is understood as the biological difference between men and women, while gender refers to the cultural differences between males and females based on the biological differences (Connell, 2009). However, there are numerous flaws in this simplistic division, as there are many cases of individuals that do not fit into the biological categories of man or woman. Additionally, biology is not impartial, since biological categories are socially constructed and defined (Paechter, 2007). Gender is therefore better understood as a set of social relations between individuals that create a social structure that guide the activities and practices of everyday life (Connell, 2009). Gender is multi-dimensional and includes aspects of sexuality, work, power and identity, among others.

Gender patterns are social constructions and therefore differ from one location to another. They often appear unchanging due to being part of a structure that shapes individual actions; however, they are always changing (Wharton, 2012). Gender relationships are most often associated with inequality, but can create equality, as they are complex, fluid and dynamic and incorporated in hierarchies, power structures and social institutions (Morrell, Epstein, Unterhalter, Bhana & Moletsane, 2009). Gender divisions are closely linked with the identification of masculinity and femininity in a society, in how individuals behave, act and think according to the identification of being male or female and the socially constructed differences associated with the two categories (Paechter, 2007). The concepts of gender are discussed throughout this thesis in terms of relations between men and women, masculinity and femininity and how these relations affect aspects of sport participation, public and private spaces, and household divisions of labour. Discussions about gender are most evident in the literature review of chapter three and chapters seven and eight where the results are reported.

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Sexuality is related to the discussion of gender and discussed in greater detail in chapter three (section 3.2.3, page 51). It is a social construct that encompasses desires, practices and identities associated with the erotic, not only related to ‘sex acts’ or sexual identities, but similarly related to feelings, relationships and sexual identification by individuals and others (Jackson & Scott, 2010). Gender and sexuality are inseparable, they are both products of culture and society and thus important in maintaining power relations (Tamale, 2011). Gender provides the lens to interpret sexuality and interactions between individuals, while both are impacted by history, class, age, religion, ethnicity, culture and disability (Tamale, 2011). Gender and sexuality are most closely associated with heterosexuality, yet feminism and queer theory have shown that this association is not necessarily ‘natural’. Sexuality goes beyond sexual relations to include gendered social relations and practices “embedded in non-sexual aspects of social life” (Jackson & Scott, 2010:2). This thesis uses the concept of sexualities to describe the variety of sexual choices and behaviours that individuals embody and embrace.

1.5.4 Health and well-being

As complex human beings living in a social world, individual health is dependent on multiple factors, including family composition and economic status, political organisation of the nation, available and affordable health care, lifestyle choices and daily living conditions. According to the World Health Organization (WHO) health is defined as “a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity” (1948:100). Although this definition has been criticised for not adapting to changing patterns of illness and social demographics, it remains widely used (Huber et al., 2011). Well-being can be measured in absolute figures, using health statistics based on national or global standards, or in relative terms, comparing individuals with others in society.

Health goes beyond the physical condition of an individual, to include psychological, social and environmental aspects that impact on the state of wellness that an individual experiences. Well- being can be considered to be universal in its understanding or embodiment, and may be experienced in different ways depending on the circumstances, environment and stage of life (Morrell et al., 2009). It can be a combination of multiple factors, where there are some universal aspects of health, such as freedom, sustenance, safety, shelter and social relationships, as outlined in Maslow’s hierarchy of needs (Maslow, 1943). However, the precise measure of each of these aspects required in order to achieve good or positive health or well- being is not universal nor easily measured. In this study health and well-being are used in relation to the physiological and mental benefits of physical activity as well as positive social relationships.

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1.5.5 Poverty

Poverty is another term with multiple meanings and understandings. In a broad sense poverty is a complex condition manifested in the lack of resources, including access to health care, employment, quality housing and sanitation, nutrition and education (Townsend, 1979). It can be measured in absolute or relative terms, where absolute poverty is measured based on a minimum income required to maintain daily life, usually calculated at US$1 or $2 per day. In South Africa it is calculated at R515 per month (SAIRR, 2010). Relative poverty, on the other hand, is a comparison of an individual or household to other members of society in terms of customary living arrangements, diet and lifestyle choices (Studies in Poverty and Inequality Institute, 2007; Townsend, 1979). Relative poverty is used in this study to describe the socio- economic status of the participants of this study. It is categorised based on housing, employment and household composition without comparing direct income levels. Poverty is not only a socio-economic phenomenon but has diverse dimensions and figurations impacting on different levels and affect living conditions relating to education, health, including limited access to political power and diverse resources. The broad context of poverty and implications thereof within South Africa are described in detail in chapters four and five.

1.5.6 Socialisation

Humans live in a social world where they are affected by the individuals, organisations and institutions that surround them. The process whereby individuals acquire the behaviours and beliefs of the world around them is called socialisation (Arnett, 1995). Socialisation provides children with experiences and directs learning of the norms of the society they live within and how to act in an appropriate manner in that society (Wharton, 2012). Individuals do not merely receive and internalise all the information that is given to them by socialising agents such as parents, teachers, peers and the media. According to the social cognitive theory and interactionist model of socialisation, individuals are active participants in their social world and have some degree of agency in choosing how to act in the society around them (Bandura & Bussey, 2004; Coakley & Pike, 2009). In terms of sport, this means that individuals are active in making choices about their participation and direct their behaviours while participating. However, they are influenced by wider social relationships and the social and cultural context in which they participate (Coakley & Pike, 2009).

1.5.7 Sport

The definition of sport has been contested by philosophers, historians, sociologists and other scholars for centuries. Renson (2009) provides a succinct definition of modern sport that has 14 three main components: i) physical activities can be recreational or competitive; ii) an obstacle needs to be overcome (either own physical limitations, external obstacles such as opponents or natural obstacles such as mountains or challenging terrain); and iii) there is a pre-agreed code of behaviour with guiding rules. Therefore, a sport is a goal-orientated activity governed by rules that are necessary for the participation in the activity and involves physical exertion, skill and competence to overcome obstacles and achieve the pre-determined goal. Sport can include elements of institutionalisation and competition as individuals or teams strive against each other to reach the pre-determined goal (Coakley, 2003).

The sport in focus for this thesis is football, also referred to as soccer. In a very simplistic description, football involves two teams of eleven players each including a goal keeper, on a rectangular pitch trying to get a spherical ball into the rectangular upright posts of the opposing team’s goal. In South Africa the terms ‘football’ and ‘soccer’ are used interchangeably and therefore it is the same in these study, although the term football is used more often.

1.6 Structure

Following the introduction of this thesis there is a broad literature study and background of the South African context. A discussion about the methodology and the sample used is provided. There is an examination of the results of the collected data in three chapters integrating a theoretical discussion with the research results. The thesis concludes with suggestions for future research and recommendations for improved practices and social policy development.

The chapters contain the following:  Chapter two examines the foundations of sport and development and the increased international focus on documenting the impacts of sports in individual and collective lives.  Feminist figurational theory is used in chapter three to examine broad forces of socialisation such as hegemonic masculinity, linked to sport and sexualities. Processes of socialisation are discussed relating to families, education, professional occupations and various stages of sport participation.  Chapter four provides the background and context of women’s football, of the township locations, and of national and sport history in South Africa.  The methods, samples, procedures and data analysis used for this study are described in detail in chapter five.  The sixth chapter discusses the results that emerged from the data collected relating to challenges and benefits of participation in South African women’s football.

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 Results pertaining to reciprocal socialisation are discussed in chapter seven, including socialisation into sport, continued sport support and reciprocal effects of participation on significant others.  Gender and sexuality in South African women’s football is explored in chapter eight, focusing on cultural stereotypes and descriptions of tomboys and lesbians in connection to participation, as well as discussing environments of acceptance or rejection of non- heterosexuality.  Chapter nine concludes the thesis with a summary of the overarching themes that emerged from this study, recommendations on how to improve structures and practices within women’s football in South Africa and suggestions for future research.

1.7 Summary

More women and girls are starting to participate in football in South Africa, following an increase of media attention, the multiplication of NGOs with programmes focused on augmenting female participation and a concerted effort by individuals to provide opportunities for females to participate. This means that there is an increased focus on female football players both in South Africa and internationally, although their prominence still lags behind their male counter- parts. This increased attention means scholars, policy makers and non-governmental organisations are questioning and obliged or tasked to demonstrate the impact of sports in general and football in particular, on individual, family and community life.

This rise in concentration on women’s sport, coupled with a dearth of research produced in women’s football and socialisation in South Africa, motivated this research. It aims to investigate the effect of female participation in South African football on family and domestic relations as well as the impact on school or wider community relations.

In order to get a wide understanding and thorough grasp of the situation for female football players in South Africa, a mixed methods ethnographic research methodology was employed. Qualitative data was collected through comprehensive case studies, semi-structured interviews, focus groups and participant observation. Two sets of questionnaires were used for collecting quantitative data. The mixed method approach and multiple data sets ensured triangulation and the validity and reliability of the research.

The sample was chosen using purposive, representative and random sampling techniques that resulted in a multi-locality of participants and respondents who represented the significant others in a systematic manner. Research participants included: peers, teachers, coaches,

16 immediate and extended family members, football administrators, and individuals from the community.

To comprehend the context of sport and society where this study takes place it is essential to understand the foundations of sport and development, and the increased international focus of documenting the impacts of sports in individual and collective lives. The following chapter provides an historical overview of the sport and development field, examines current global trends, highlights major stakeholders and contextualises focus areas within the broader sport and development framework that are relevant to this study.

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2. SPORT AND DEVELOPMENT

2.1 Introduction

‘Sport’ and ‘development’ are two words that can be combined in multiple arrangements eliciting different nuances and meanings. Sport development can refer to the enhancement of physical activities moving from entry to elite level participation, where individuals develop specific skills and abilities to succeed in a particular sport. Sport development can furthermore relate to the overall management of a sporting system, or the governance or management of a specific sport or club at an administrative level. Sport and development on the other hand refers to aspects of personal, individual and societal enhancement or change that are related to physical activities in an organised manner. In the past fifteen years this focus on sport and development has increased dramatically and has been referred to with numerous terms and titles. For instance, ‘sport in development’, ‘sport plus’, ‘plus sport’, ‘sport-for-development’ (SfD) and most recently ‘sport for development and peace’ (SDP) (Coalter, 2007; Levermore, 2011a). These different concepts represent different models and understandings, some of which are described in detail below. For this thesis the term sport and development are used as the research is focused on female football clubs where the developmental discourse pertaining to sport and the benefits individuals can gain from participation is discussed by the research participants but is not an explicit aim within the clubs.

This chapter provides an overview of the history of the sport in a development context. Sport and development is traced historically through the development of muscular Christianity and its influences on nineteenth century English publics schools, the rise of modern sport, as well as Olympism as designed by Pierre de Coubertin (Lucas, 1976). The history continues by investigating a few key charters and declarations that discuss sports as a human right, such as the International Olympic Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UN, 1948) and UNESCO’s International Charter of Physical Education and Sport (UNESCO, 1978). The current movement in sport for development and peace, as well as the various critiques raised in the field, are highlighted. Additionally, the chapter examines a few tenets of the sport for development movement as it applies to this research, namely in terms of health, gender, education and social capital. Each of these topics are considered in detail, linking to previous research internationally and in relation to the local South African context.

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2.2 Brief historical overview

2.2.1 Sport and development historically

Employing sport to serve other means such as promoting social development, positive citizenship, improved morality and exertion of personal and social control has occurred for over a century. These ideas have been associated with Christianity and other ideologies, with physicality being used to promote character building and vice versa. This section examines the historical roots of sport and development, focusing on the ideologies of muscular Christianity, which influenced the basis of Pierre de Coubertin’s Olympism and the modern Olympics, as well as international charters and the inclusion of sport in aspects of education and human rights, such as in the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation’s (UNESCO) Charter on Physical Education and Sport (1978).

‘Muscular Christianity’ as a concept is traced to 1857 from an article written by Charles Kingsley (Ladd & Mathisen, 1999). This term is echoed in form by his colleague Thomas Hughes in the 1857 book, Tom Brown’s Schooldays and specifically in Hughes’s 1860 sequel, Tom Brown at Oxford (Ladd & Mathisen, 1999). In the latter book, Hughes describes muscular Christianity as: The least of the muscular Christians has hold of the old chivalrous and Christian belief, that a man’s body is given to him to be trained and brought into subjection and then used for the protection of the weak, the advancement of all righteous causes, and the subduing of the earth which God has given to the children of men (Hughes, 1861: 83 quoted in Ladd & Mathisen, 1999: 15).

While this description carries strong Christian and religious overtones, the use of sport for character development, personal restraint, moral assistance and evangelical purpose is evident.

These moral ideals were promoted in the English school system by individuals such as Rev. Dr. Thomas Arnold, who taught Hughes at Rugby School in the 1930s and promoted sport in the public school system associated with Christian loyalty and faith (Watson, Wier & Friend, 2005). These ideals of manliness, spiritual well-being and physical strength were promoted through sport (especially football and cricket) internationally through English colonialism (Brown, 1986).

The emergence of a specified definition and philosophy of muscular Christianity had two new basic concepts according to Peter McIntosh (1979): an ethical basis to sport, especially competitive team sport; and moral character building within sport that is transferable to other areas of social life (McIntosh, 1979). In other words, the ethics and morals gained through participation in competitive team sports can be applied to other areas of the athlete’s life.

Throughout the remainder of the nineteenth century and into the twentieth century, the ideologies of muscular Christianity were employed by evangelical Christians in the United 19

States, who associated religion and sport with “manliness, character development and healthful living” (Ladd & Mathisen, 1999:21). Concurrent to the rise and influence of muscular Christianity was the development of modern sports, two interrelated processes of development and influence that can be considered figurations (Dunning, 2002). These figurations or processes of interrelated factors at societal, institutional and individual levels are reflected in the nineteenth century English public schools and in Baron Pierre de Coubertin’s concept of Olympism (Lucas, 1976). The figuration theory provides meaningful insight into individual-global linkages that translate into socialisation processes influenced by global and culturally-infused ideologies (Dunning, 2002). These socialisation processes reveal how changes in thought and movements towards increased morality in school sports affected international sporting events and inspired the renewal of the Olympics Games.

These religious connections with sport extended beyond the educational system to other social organisations such as the Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA). By the end of the nineteenth century the YMCA was well established in Britain and the USA as a local and international missionary organisation, although not initially focused on sport and fitness (Watson, et al., 2005). In the late nineteenth century the connection between the YMCA and sport and fitness was becoming evident, as demonstrated by their triangular emblem articulating the integration of body, mind and spirit (Putney, 2001).

In the late 19th century (1896 to be precise) Baron Pierre de Coubertin founded the Modern Olympic movement with the purpose to encourage amateur sport, international relationships and rebuild the character of France after the Franco-Prussian war (Watson et al., 2005). The philosophical basis for the Modern Olympics was heavily influenced by the muscular Christian writings of Thomas Arnold and Charles Kingsley (Lucas, 1976) and has continued to influence the Olympic Movement to the present day, institutionalised within the Olympic Charter of the International Olympic Committee (IOC).

From 1908 the Olympic Charter was written in French, detailing the rules and regulations for the Olympic Games. The first set of English rules produced in 1930 was limited to rules and regulations and did not incorporate the Olympic aims, ideals or principles as envisioned by de Coubertin (IOC, 1930). The 1958 publication, The Olympic Games: Fundamental Principles, Rules and Regulations, General Information (IOC, 1958) was the first to include aims linking sport to morality, unity, respect and peace. These aims incorporate the international focus of de Coubertin and were built on the assumption that bringing youth together for a sport festival would promote positive outcomes, an assumption that is echoed in today’s development programmes which advocate the social benefits of sport.

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The first publication to be officially titled the Olympic Charter was in 1978 and included four aims of the Olympic Movement: i) promote development of physical and moral qualities that are the basis of sport; ii) educate young people towards better understanding and friendship; iii) build a better and more peaceful world; and iv) spread the Olympic principles around the world creating international goodwill (IOC, 1978:4). The ideal of international goodwill remains from 1958, yet there is a greater emphasis on education through sport and understanding other athletes that was previously implicit.

These aims have been revised and reworded over time with the most recent Olympic Charter published in 2011 including seven Fundamental Principles of Olympism (IOC, 2011). The principles are more universalistic, maintaining the focus on integrating sport with culture and education, including the body, will and mind and embrace the rhetoric of promoting “social responsibility and respect for universal fundamental ethical principles” (IOC, 2011:10). The second principle states: “The goal of Olympism is to place sport at the service of the harmonious development of humankind, with a view to promoting a peaceful society concerned with the preservation of human dignity” (IOC, 2011:10). Principles of fair play, friendship, solidarity and equal participation without discrimination are exemplified. The Olympic Charter and its developments in the past 100 years demonstrate a refinement of ideals promoting the social and moral aspects of sport.

Using the figurational sociological framework, a connection is found between Elias’ civilising theory and the moral internalisation of these fundamental principles of sport (Dunning, 2002). The principles do not relate only to sport, but to human dignity and universal morals, aspects of humanity and self-regulation that Elias argued have been part of human development since the Middle Ages (Dunning, 2002). The figurational process linking muscular Christianity to character development, as discussed above, is perpetuated through the Olympic Movement at global, institutional and personal levels.

Within the United Nations family of organisations, the importance of leisure has been expanded upon since the 1940s. The United National Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948 (1949), acknowledged the right to “rest and leisure” as written in Article 24. In 1978, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) adopted an International Charter of Physical Education and Sport (UNSECO, 1978). This charter makes explicit links between physical education and sport with “human progress” and “development”, whereby it develops “physical, intellectual and moral powers” (Article 1.1), contributes to a healthy lifestyle and can “enrich social relations and develop fair play”, which are important for society (Article 2.2) (UNESCO, 1978:2). Signatories (e.g. governments and international organisations) are mandated to ensure sport and physical education contributes to developing “the abilities, will- 21 power and self-discipline of every human being as a fully integrated member of society” (Article 2.1), as well as creating “habits and behaviour patterns conducive to full development of the human person” (Article 3.2) (UNESCO, 1978:2-3). These aims reflect the dominant political ideologies of the time, whereby sport was one avenue used to democratise and socialise individuals to be upstanding and contributing citizens. These ideologies and aims remain implicit in many current SDP policies and programmes.

These international charters have paved the way for numerous current declarations and policies within the UN family and beyond, including the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) which ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1989. According to this convention, Article 31 states that, “Parties recognise the right of the child to rest and leisure, to engage in play and recreational activities ... and shall encourage the provision of appropriate and equal opportunities for cultural, artistic, recreational and leisure activity” (UN, 1989:9). In the following section the modern field of sport and development is explored with its many current themes reflective of ideologies and philosophies of the previous 150 years.

2.2.2 Sport for development – the current movement

Clearly the philosophy connecting sport to human or social development is not novel or unique to the recent proliferation of organisations promoting the use of sport and physical activity to enhance other aspects of individual or social life or solve social ills. This new construction is currently known as ‘sport for development and peace’ (SDP), while it can also be referred to as ‘sport for development’ or ‘sport and development’.

As discussed at the beginning of the chapter, there are a variety of models that describe the connection between sport and development. One of the most common distinctions is the difference between ‘sport plus’ and ‘plus sport’. Programmes that focus on enhancing athletic skills and talents, with life skills as an additional element, are considered ‘sport plus’. Programmes that emphasise learning life skills and positive social behaviours and use sport activities to attract and engage participants while using the sporting context to provide educational messages on a variety of social issues are defined as ‘plus sport’ (Coalter, 2007; Read & Bingham, 2009). Burnett adds two further categories to these two, namely ‘sport in development’ where sport is part of an integrated development approach and a ‘comprehensive’ category, where both ‘sport plus’ and ‘plus sport’ models are used in the same programme (Burnett, 2012a).

Despite numerous small scale projects from governments and sport organisations involved in supporting sport programmes in countries outside of North America and Europe prior to 2000,

22 there was no concerted and combined effort to consolidate projects and methodologies across locations, nations or at times government departments (van Eekeren, 2006). Sport and international development became popularised and supported by international organisations leading to more cooperation and coordination at a macro level at the beginning of the twenty- first century. The UN appointed Adolf Ogi as the Special Advisor to the Secretary-General on Sport for Development and Peace in 2001 and in 2002 convened an Inter-Agency Task Force on Sport for Development and Peace. The Task Force was mandated to create an inventory, identify good practices and promote the incorporation of sport in government and non- governmental agencies around the world (UN, 2003).

From 2002 to 2006 there was a plethora of meetings, conferences, declarations and UN Resolutions focused on sport and development (van Eekeren, 2006). For instance, in 2003 international governments and organisations signed the Magglingen declaration committing to sport and development internationally (van Eekeren, 2006). Experts in the field gathered in the Netherlands in November 2003 for the first ‘Next Step’ Conference, which occurred again in 2005 in Zambia. The Sport for Development and Peace International Working Group (SDP IWG) was created in 2004 and officially launched in May 2005. It consists of elected government representatives, UN agencies and civil society organisations and is chaired by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) (SDP IWG, 2006).

The UN declared 2005 the International Year of Sport and Physical Education (IYSPE) to promote the message that sport can help to achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and carry on the advance of the sport and development movement (SDP IWG, 2006). Adolf Ogi was replaced by Wilfred Lemke in 2008, the same year the UN Office on Sport for Development and Peace (UNOSDP) was established to host the Secretariat of the SDP IWG (UNOSDP, 2011). There are five thematic groups that are part of the SDP IWG: Sport and Health, Sport and Gender, Sport and Peace, Sport and Persons with Disabilities and Sport and Child and Youth Development (UNOSDP, 2011). Detailed histories of the sport and development arena are provided by van Eekeren (2006) and Beutler (2008).

The number of NGOs operating in this field has flourished in the past ten years. The international platform on sport and development (sportanddev.org) was started in 2005 and by 2008 there were 200 organisations listed on their website (Levermore, 2008), by 2012 there were 425 listed organisations (sportanddev.org, 2012). In 2008, 382 organisations working in sport-for-development applied for the ‘Changemaker’ Nike and Ashoka award (Levermore, 2011a). These organisations connect sport with a variety of social interventions and foci including gender equality, peace building, inclusion of people with disabilities, educational

23 promotion, HIV and AIDS awareness and environmental conservation (Levermore, 2008; sportanddev.org, 2012).

Research linked to these projects follows similar patterns. In a global survey conducted by Cronin (2011), it was reported that the majority of research projects focused on socio-cultural issues such as inclusion and health (43%). The remainder of the research had a variety of foci: 27% on education and youth, 13% on policy regarding youth, disability or education, 10% on strategic and organisational development and governance, 4% on human rights and conflict resolution and 3% on communication, technology and media (Cronin, 2011). The scholars come from a variety of disciplines including politics, history, kinesiology, international development studies and sociology (Coakley, 2011).

While the United Nations promoted the use of sport to achieve the eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), academics were raising critiques that the scientific evidence to support the laudable claims were insufficient (Coalter, 2007; Kidd, 2008). For instance, Kidd (2008) argues that it is important for the UN to legitimise SDP, but it has not been sufficiently involved in encouraging national governments to provide the necessary staff and resources for actualising their goals. At the turn of the millennium the intersection of sport and development was novel as an academic field and theoretical understandings, substantiations and evidence were scarce (for elaboration of these critiques, see section 2.3 SDP critiques, pages 25 to 30). A decade later the scientific community is still being established, while conceptual frameworks and theories are beginning to emerge concerning the connections, opportunities, challenges and relationships between sport and various forms of ‘development’ (Kidd, 2011). Some scholars have developed indicators for assessing the social impact of sport and development programmes. Cunningham and Beneforti (2005) developed three types of indicators: programme and sustainability, participation and outcome indicators. Burnett and Hollander (2007) developed the Sport-in-Development Impact Assessment Tool (S*DIAT) which has thirteen indicator fields in two indicator bands – six indicators in programme management and delivery and seven in human and community development.

Despite the critiques levelled against ambiguous connections between sport and personal, social, community or national development, there have been numerous claims of association, some more substantiated than others. Seven areas of human life impacted by sport are identified by the SDP IWG: health, education, sustainable development (including economics), peace, communication, partnerships and HIV/AIDS (UN, 2003). Although each of these areas have a significant amount of supporting and critiquing literature, not all of them are directly related to this study. Therefore, three of the areas identified by the SDP IWG and one

24 additional area are elaborated upon in section 2.4 (page 30) after the SDP critiques, namely: health, education, social capital as an aspect of sustainable development, and gender.

2.3 SDP critiques

The critics of SDP have had a loud voice in recent years, with calls for greater rigour in research, an increase of evidence and theoretical development, as well as a critique of the Northern dominance/bias of research. In this section six areas of critique are examined: 2.3.1. Contextual complexity and negative impacts, 2.3.2 Lack of evidence, 2.3.3 Theoretically thin, 2.3.4 Northern driven and dominated, 2.3.5 Neo-liberal dominant ideologies, 2.3.6 Lack of sociological and anthropological research.

2.3.1 Contextual complexity and negative impacts

Sport does not automatically produce positive behaviours, relationships and results. Sport on its own cannot solve all of society’s problems and in fact can exacerbate some of them (Coakley, 2011). Sport participation is contextual with multiple variables impacting on individual, team or community results (Kidd, 2011). Coakley (2011) provides a thorough summary of recent sources describing some of the contextual factors, including: sport played, involvement of significant others, social characteristics of individual participant, material and cultural context, meanings given to sport and personal experiences. It is essential to understand and account for all these variables in order to clearly investigate the impacts of specific sport interventions.

It is recognised that in the context of sport, supporting programmes, social pressures and individual choices are important in determining the outcomes of an individual participating in sport. For instance, although professional athletes can be positive role models in demonstrating how to achieve particular goals (Meier & Saavedra, 2011), they can also exhibit negative actions and behaviours such as excessive drinking, multiple sexual partners, unfaithfulness, social exclusion, the use of performance enhancing drugs, violence and more (SRSA, 2007a). Sports can be a site for sexual harassment, abuse or exploitation by coaches, managers or others in positions of power, both for men and women (Fasting, Brakenridge & Walseth, 2007; Fasting, Chroni, Hervik & Knorre, 2010). The specifics of how programmes or sports contribute to the actions, behaviours and decisions of an individual or group are still under investigation as academics and practitioners seek to understand the key elements that lead to particular positive outcomes. Since sport and development is still a relatively new field, the scientific evidence of 25 impact is still lagging behind the proclamations of transformation (Coalter, 2007; Long & Sanderson, 2001).

2.3.2 Lack of evidence

Another critique in the field is a ‘lack of evidence discourse’, raised by Coalter (2007) who argues that despite the common-sense understandings of government officials and personal testimonials by individual athletes, there is a dearth of solid academic ‘proof’ that these claims are substantiated (Coakley, 2011; Kidd, 2008; Levermore, 2008). Nicholls, Giles and Sethna (2010) argue that one reason for this lack of evidence is that local voices are not being heard, therefore local knowledge should be recognised and there should be stronger links between donors, academics and practitioners.

Despite increased monitoring and evaluation frameworks and tool-kits, there remains a dearth of research on the longitudinal effects of sport for development due to difficulties of measurement, lack of data sets and lack of funding for research with this focus (Kay, 2009). Part of the challenge of leaving monitoring and evaluation in the hands of the development organisations themselves is the self-interest of such organisations to preserve their own funding sources and therefore provide a positive picture of their organisation. Most often the reports that come from within the organisation are promotional rather than critical and lack robust evidence or complete representation. Evaluation needs to be participatory and less top-down as the majority of current monitoring and evaluation systems utilise a logical framework developed external to the project site with a minority of projects truly utilising Participatory Action Research (PAR) (Levermore, 2011a). However, most NGOs lack the skills, expertise, time and funding to conduct their own, thorough monitoring and evaluation or design a system that will fit their organisation, which results in incomplete data, as well as an acceptance of the ‘top-down’, donor-driven systems.

2.3.3 Theoretically thin

As sport and development is still a burgeoning field of study, there is a lack of theoretical frameworks to explain the connections and patterns of behaviour linking sport participation and programmes to specific personal, household or community effects. In building theories, baseline data needs to be established, then categorised and classified. After this has occurred, theories can be developed by comparing and contrasting the categories finding patterns and similarities (Babbie & Mouton, 2001).

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There are a few articles that have begun to categorise SDP projects or organisations. For instance, Hartmann and Kwauk (2011) categorise SDP projects into two approaches: a dominant vision, where the sport programmes reproduce unequal power relations; and an interventionist approach, where sport facilitates a ‘transformative vision’ in order to contribute to transformation and change. Giulianotti (2011a, 2011b) classifies SDP organisations in two different ways, the first (2011a) according to three different approaches organisations use: technical, dialogical and critical; the second (2011b) describes the project or organisation types. This illustrates the first level of theory building, and is a good start; however it reveals the necessity for growth and the development of more integrated conceptual frameworks in this field.

These critiques focus on the fact that most sport for development projects use a social deficit model, which postulates that the programme recipients lack certain social or economic resources that can be provided through the sports programme (Coakley, 2011; Coalter, 2010). Alternatively using a spectrum that ranges from risk and vulnerability to coping and thriving focuses on the strengths in the community and the positives on which sport can build (Burnett, forthcoming). The latter model recognises that there can be pockets of risk as well as pockets of excellence within one community in the ‘Global South’ or the ‘Global North’.

2.3.4 Northern driven and dominated

Research on sport for development and its myriad of facets has increased over the past fifteen years; nevertheless, most of the research is still primarily ‘Northern-driven’ (Levermore, 2008). A research mapping report by Comic Relief reports that 86% of the 96 academics specialising in sport and development come from Europe, USA or Canada, while 9% are from Africa, 2% from the Caribbean and 3% from Oceania (Cronin, 2011). Comparatively, 54% of the research is focused on Europe and North America, 20% on Africa, 5% on Oceania, 6% on the Middle East, 3% on Asia, 2% on South America and 10% with an international mix (Cronin, 2011). These ‘Northern-driven’ projects reinforce unequal power relations and marginalise Southern voices and approaches (Levermore, 2008). In addition to the North-South divide, there are local power dynamics, corruption and bottlenecks of information, resource and financial distribution that affect the local context and success of the development project (Coalter, 2010).

Depending on the quality and participatory methodologies used to conduct local research, the research could be reinforcing dominant or unequal power relations between North and South or it could be inclusive and transformative providing opportunities for local voices to be heard and understood (Burnett, 2008, forthcoming; Hartmann & Kwauk, 2011). Promoting a voice from the South is nevertheless important and Zambia seems to be leading the way. An article about the 27

NGO GrassrootSoccer (GRS) was co-authored by Peter S. Banda, a Zambian who was trained in qualitative and quantitative evaluation methods, was the GRS Zambian research director and collected most of the data for the article (Peacock-Villada, DeCelles & Banda, 2007). Two other Zambian expatriates who are studying in the United Kingdom (UK) are likewise writing about sport and development in Zambia, Davies Banda (Banda, 2010, 2011; Banda, Lindsey, Jeanes & Kay, 2008; Lindsey & Banda, 2011) and Oscar Mwaanga (Harris & Mwaanga, 2011; Mwaanga, 2010). Mwaanga (2010) highlights the common arguments that SDP organisations use to promote the use of sport to make positive changes in the lives of children and youth. He critically examines the shortfalls of many of these arguments and asserts that the leaders, individual experiences and underpinning programme theory is more important than the power of sport alone. Banda et al. (2008) used interviews, document analysis and observation to examine the partnerships between organisations that use sport for development as a tool for HIV and AIDS prevention. The authors highlight the challenges with unequal vertical power relations between different levels of organisations and lack of understanding between sport departments and HIV and AIDS departments. Horizontal partnerships created more beneficial results through resource sharing and mutual capacity building, however resource competition and fragmentation of outcomes were detrimental to positive partnerships (Banda et al., 2008). These authors emphasise the importance of quality research and presenting local voices to understand contextual challenges and best practices without mimicking the dominant discourses from the ‘North’ (Burnett, forthcoming). As Nicholls et al. (2010) and Burnett (forthcoming) argue, providing an opportunity for local voices to be heard through quality research is just as important as having local scholars.

This highlights the need for a louder voice for locals and an increased presence of academics from the places where the research is being conducted. This might mean a different approach to conducting research for researchers coming from any part of the globe, involving going beyond the dominant frame of reference that colonises the research subject and product and embraces more indigenous forms of knowledge production, understanding and propagation (Kay, 2009). Women from ‘Southern’ countries and at the grassroots level are particularly isolated as they rarely attend international conferences or working groups, since they are unable to afford the travel costs (Meier, 2005). There is also a language barrier, primarily in Latin America, resulting in a gap within the international groups and Northern-driven research and policies, as well as in research and information dissemination (Matthews, 2012).

2.3.5 Neo-liberal dominant ideologies

Sport for development projects have been critiqued as sites for the propagation of neo-liberal ideologies similar to the way that colonial powers used sport to acculturate the people they were 28 colonising into the English Victorian ideals of behaving, including morality, manliness and acting like gentlemen (Brown, 1986; Kidd, 2011). Some scholars argue that these programmes are a means of controlling deviant population groups such as the homeless or adolescent males (Spaaij, 2009).

There is a growing body of literature critiquing the broad-based and empirically-thin proclamations of politicians and promoters of sport for development. These scholars have described such promoters as ‘sport evangelists’ (Giulianotti, 2004). As Coakley (2011) describes, the sport evangelists promote three main areas of positive impact for sport: 1) developing personal character; 2) reforming ‘at risk’ population groups; and 3) creating social capital leading to future success in employment and in the community. The areas focus on the individual which is linked to neoliberal ideologies that put individual achievement above the collective good and stress that gaining self-confidence/efficacy/esteem are the keys to overcoming challenges, making positive life choices and improving life overall (Coakley, 2011; Darnell, 2010b). ‘Modernisation residue’ is also evident as SDP organisations aim to incorporate individuals into the dominant capitalist market (Darnell & Black, 2011).

2.3.6 Lack of sociological and anthropological research

When the types of research and researchers in SDP are examined, Coakley (2011) highlights that there is a lack of sociologists engaged in the field of sport and development. In the 75 sources cited by Weiss and Wiese-Bjornstal (2009) as the best recent studies in youth development and physical activity, only one is linked to sociology and sport, while there were only 25 sociology related citations in the 409 references of “Developing Physically Active Girls: An Evidence-Based Multidisciplinary Approach” (Kane & LaVoi, 2007). On a global scale, the literature review by Cronin (2011) referred to 35 articles (over half by four scholars) associated with sociology of sport. The crux of this problem is that the majority of non-sociology based research is focused on the individual and is uncritical of the positive effects of sport participation (Coakley, 2011). The individual focused research omits correlations between civic engagement and community development and an examination of how people learn about their environments and make collective decisions (Coakley, 2011). Likewise, the field of anthropology is significantly absent in the study of sport in general and sport for development in particular. With the current interdisciplinary focus of most research projects, anthropological methodologies and approaches are commonly used in other disciplines. The depth of investigation encouraged by anthropologists could be a means to understand some of the social complexities and nuances called for in the sport for development critiques (Ogunniyi, 2012).

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The qualitative approach of anthropology and sociology provides rich descriptions of individuals within their specific social world. This approach can be useful in the sport and development context as Kay (2009:1180) describes: In the sport-in-development context the particular value in securing accounts of this [qualitative] type is that they provide a mechanism for addressing the complex social phenomena with which we are concerned. They allow us to use a wide lens, reaching beyond the sports programme to broader social context of family and community. They also offer a research process which, while undoubtedly continuing to privilege the researcher, employs tools which facilitate reflexivity and can offer a first step towards democratizing the research relationship.

Research in the field of sport and development needs to go beyond the individual and examine the broader social contexts and offer potential methods of creating a more reflexive research relationship, providing a meaningful engagement with the research subjects that portrays a holistic representation of their lived reality.

Kay and Spaaij (2012) use an ecological model in their overview of three sport for development programmes, with the aim of broadening understandings and examining the impact of family perspectives on participation in sport for development programmes. However in their article, there is still no reference to a quote by a parent or family member. All of the references are from participants, coaches or teachers. This reveals another gap in the research where the individuals that are contacted for research are primarily the participants themselves, the coaches or implementers of the programmes, teachers and other community leaders. However, when discussing the social context and household level impacts of such programmes, it only seems logical that the investigation should include individuals at the household level. Recent research projects with Aboriginal Canadians (Schinke, Yungblut, Blodgtt, Eys, Paltier, Ritchie, & Recollet-Saikkonen, 2010) and Australians (Rynne, 2012) have started to use a more in-depth integrated and participatory approach; however more of this research is needed.

Notwithstanding the multiple critiques listed above, SDP continues to expand and grow, with evidence available for the effects of sport participation in a multiplicity of facets. The remainder of this chapter focuses on four aspects of SDP as they relate to the current research project: health, gender, education and social capital. Each section describes the benefits related to sport participation and the challenges or negative aspects. International and South African examples are used to reveal the complexities of these subsections.

2.4 Health

Physical activity is most obviously linked to personal health and well-being, with a plethora of research on this topic. The definition of health by the World Health Organization (WHO) (1948) 30 is “a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity”. This encompasses the majority of benefits of sport and physical activity lauded internationally: to improve individual fitness, reduce the incidence of chronic disease, discourage the use of alcohol and drugs and improve self-esteem and mental health (SPD IWG, 2006; UN, 2003; UN, 2007). When people live healthier, they spend less on health care and can be more productive at home and at work. The WHO estimates that 1.9 million deaths a year globally are due to physical inactivity including 10-16% of breast, colon and rectal cancers, diabetes mellitus and 22% of ischaemic heart disease (WHO, 2003). It is estimated that 60% of adults internationally are not physically active enough to experience health benefits, especially women, the elderly, the disabled and people from low socio-economic groups (WHO, 2003).

Research has shown that regular physical activity has numerous health benefits, including:  Reduces morbidity due to vascular diseases and diabetes, especially in children (Giannini, Mohn & Chiarelli, 2006);  Prevents hypertension (Warburton, Nicol, & Bredin, 2006);  Reduces risk of colon cancer in males and females (Samad, Taylor, Marshall & Chapman, 2005) and female breast cancer (Warburton, et al., 2006);  Builds and maintains healthy muscles, joints and bones (Warburton, et al., 2006);  Helps to control weight, reducing the chance of obesity (Blair & Church, 2004);  Improves psychological well-being through increased self-esteem (Giannini, et al., 2006);  Reduces stress, anxiety and depression (WHO, 2003; Warburton et al., 2006).  Prevents osteoporosis and hip fractures in women, for which they are more susceptible (Sabo, Miller, Farrell, Melnick & Barnes, 1999).

Regarding mental health, individuals with higher levels of physical activity demonstrate lower levels of depression in adolescence and adulthood (Vail, 2005). Physical activity has been associated with feelings of self-determination, autonomy and choice, perceived physical competence and self-efficacy, hope and optimism for the future (Weiss & Wiese-Bjornstal, 2009). Physical activity has been shown to improve nerve growth and blood flow in the brain, which leads to a greater capacity for knowledge, increased focus, reduce impulsivity and improved memory (SDP IWG, 2008).

In addition to direct health benefits, NGOs and governmental organisations often use sport events and programmes as a platform for raising awareness on specific health issues, such as HIV and AIDS. Spectators are a captive audience for health messages and campaigns, which can be incorporated at an event, such as getting tested for HIV, handing out mosquito nets or

31 child immunizations for various diseases such as measles and polio (SDP IWG, 2008; UNOSDP, 2011).

Sport programmes and events have been shown to provide post-trauma psychological relief and opportunities for inclusion in Iran (Kunz, 2009) and Israel (Schulenkorf & Sugden, 2011). It is important in these situations that the coaches or implementers of the programmes are well- trained, as the rehabilitation of children through the programme is reliant on their capabilities (Kunz, 2009).

In the South African context, Frantz (2006) found that physical inactivity among teenagers in the Western Cape was associated with other risky health behaviours such as drinking alcohol, obesity, smoking and hypertension and should be considered a public health concern in the community. In the province of KwaZulu Natal, South Africa, a comparative study between people engaging in regular physical activity and non-exercisers found that those exercising regularly believed they had more autonomy, positive personal relationships, self-acceptance, personal growth and environmental mastery than non-exercisers (Edwards, Ngcobo, Edwards & Palavar, 2005). The role of the coach or implementer is important to ensure that there is a transfer of life skills from the sport setting to everyday life; this needs to be deliberate and planned (Camiré, Trudel & Forneris, 2012).

Although sport participation is mostly beneficial, there are some potential dangers. The increased pressure of being physically fit can lead to eating disorders. Excessive physical activity can lead to delayed physical development. Both of these problems can result in disrupted menstrual cycles and decreased hormone secretion, including oestrogen which is important in maintaining strong bone density (Nattiv, Loucks, Manore, Sanborn, Sundgot- Borgen & Warren, 2007). The combination of eating disorders, disrupted menstrual cycles and increased risk of osteoporosis due to participation in sports is referred to as the “female athlete triad” (IOC Medical Commission Working Group on Women in Sport, 2005; Nattiv, et al., 2007).

There are some health risks from sport participation, including overexertion, violence by players or spectators, hazardous playing conditions (i.e. rocks or glass on a field) and lack of proper equipment leading to injury (SDP IWG, 2008). Athletes may also use performance-enhancing drugs which have multiple harmful side-effects (SDP IWG, 2008), not to mention the impact on their participation in competitions and the harm to their reputation if they are caught. Despite the positive mental health correlations with physical activity listed above, there can be mental health problems associated with excessive exercise, including muscle dysmorphia (where weightlifters or bodybuilders believe they are weak and skinny irrespective of their physical muscles) (Peluso & de Andrade, 2005). Anabolic-androgenic steroids can lead to increased irritability, aggressive 32 behaviours and substance addictions, while over-training and high-intensity training can lead to mood disturbances, sleep disorders, loss of appetite, reduced libido and depression (estimated from 7-20% for elite athletes during training season) (Peluso & de Andrade, 2005).

Participation in physical activity, particularly team sports, has been associated with a decrease in some risky health behaviours, including substance abuse and risky sexual behaviours (Jones-Palm & Palm, 2005). While other risky health behaviours, such as binge drinking, are reportedly higher among team sport participants (Jones-Palm & Palm, 2005). The impacts of sport programmes and participation are influenced by numerous variables and what is positive for one individual can be detrimental for another.

2.5 Gender

Goal three of the MDGs is to promote gender equity and empower women, another commonly stated area for sport impact in local contexts. In addition to the health benefits discussed above, sport can offer opportunities for women to challenge gender stereotypes in their communities and to gain self-esteem leading to self-assertion, leadership and management opportunities and skills (UN, 2007). Through participation in sport, women and girls may achieve more freedom of movement and engage more in the school and community where they live (UN, 2007).

Women are at greater risk of sexual abuse and experience the repercussions of teenage pregnancy more personally than men. Research from the USA found that girls who participate in sport become sexually active later in life due to the increase sense of ownership, enhanced self-confidence and respect for their bodies (Sabo et al., 1999; Erkut, Sumru & Tracy, 2005). Sport participation for girls enhances their body image, increases their confidence, decreases dropping out of school and reduces depression (Jones-Palm & Palm, 2005). Women in developing countries may also use their bodies as a means to gain financial or material assets (Forde, 2008). In Forde’s research with girls in Kilifi, Kenya she found that in the context of poverty there seemed to be a direct link between the need for basic hygienic products such as sanitary pads, soap and clothes and the girls’ sexual activity (Forde, 2008). More research is needed to understand the associations between poverty, education and physical activities for girls in the South African and African context.

Since tournaments and events capture the attention of large groups of people, they provide opportunities for media coverage, guest speakers and advertisements to promote specific messages. Sport can therefore be a site for advocacy and awareness in terms of issues that

33 specifically impact women, such as violence against women, HIV and AIDS, sexual harassment and structural inequalities (Fasting et al., 2007; Fasting & Brakenridge, 2009; UN, 2007).

Claiming public spaces for female participation in sports can directly challenge gender norms and change perceptions about women’s sports in communities (Forde, 2008; Meier, 2005). Women and girls who participate in sports that are traditionally viewed as male domains challenge gender norms in their communities regarding what females are capable of doing. Gender norms are the product of ingrained hegemonic ideals that are not usually conscious. As women learn to play and excel in these sports, they demonstrate that they are able to succeed in the same arena as men. For instance, the Mathare Youth Sports Association (MYSA) in Nairobi, Kenya used football as a place to share gender roles traditionally associated with men and women, including washing the jerseys, managing the equipment, looking after younger children and maintaining the field (Brady, 2005).

When girls or women witness the success of other female athletes, it can be a source of inspiration and encouragement. High profile professional athletes can provide positive (or at times negative) examples of what is needed to achieve goals in a specific sport or in sport in general. For instance, the 2007 Women’s International Boxing Federation Intercontinental Junior Lightweight champion from Zambia, Esther Phiri, is an inspiration to other girls and women to participate in boxing or other male dominated sports such as rugby, cricket or football (Meier & Saavedra, 2011). As a role model, successful athletes like Phiri or South African Caster Semenye, 800m world champion, are able to demonstrate the choices, behaviours and actions that are required to reach the same level of accomplishment, as well as devalue actions and behaviours that would restrict achievement (Meier & Saavedra, 2011). When boys witness the success of female athletes it often leads to realisations that women can play too, which can influence their gender biases and behaviours (Brady & Banu Khan, 2002; Meier, 2005).

The lack of visible female role models is furthermore exacerbated due to imbalances in media coverage of women’s sports. In a study conducted by Meier (2005) in Zambia, 61% of female respondents could not identify any sport idols; only 19% mentioned a female role model. Conversely, only 13% boys could not think of a sports idol and none mentioned a woman (Meier, 2005). Media biases in newspaper sports coverage are similarly found in South Africa where Serra (2005) found that 86.5% of newspaper sports coverage during the 2004 Olympics focused on men, compared to 13.5% that focused on women. In a similar study, Goslin (2008) reported that 86.3% of newspaper articles were about male sports, 7.4% were on men and women, 2.1% were neutral and 4.2% were focused on women. A newspaper media study conducted in 2010 during the African Women’s Championships in South Africa had slightly

34 more articles about women, where 9.7% of the 932 sports articles in eight national newspapers focused on women (Ogunniyi & Burnett, 2012).

Acquiring new skills, abilities and knowledge empowers girls and women to express themselves in new ways at school, in sport and at home, building respect from their family members (Weiss & Wiese-Bjornstal, 2009), as was the case for women in India (Kay, 2009). In South Africa Pelak (2005b) found that female football teams provided a space for networking and solidarity, as well as mentorship for younger players, within a context of complex social relations, such as ethnicity, race, class and gender.

Participation in sport for girls and women may require special concessions and support from family and household members, especially as women generally have more domestic duties and time restrictions than men (Meier, 2005; UN, 2007). In South Africa, women experience a variety of domestic expectations, although there is a slight trend towards changes in gender role norms with more opportunities for women in public and private spheres (Mantell et al., 2009) (see chapter three, section 3.4.1.1, page 60, for a detailed discussion on this issue). Women in South Africa, as across the globe, are not a homogeneous group; there are vast differences according to age, race, class and geographical location (i.e. rural or urban), which impact on their opportunities, agency, responsibilities and social norms. Not all women experience this freedom, with many women, particularly those living in rural areas, having more domestic responsibilities compared to men (Mantell et al., 2009). Religion also affects sport participation. Muslim women have been the focus of numerous studies, revealing challenges regarding proper attire, training and match venues, power relationships between women and men and gender segregation (Kay, 2006; Walseth & Fasting, 2003) The restricted opportunities may be understood by research participants as ‘normal’, ‘natural’ and regarded as culturally or religiously appropriate (Lynch & Nowosenetz, 2009). More specific constraints for participation in sport for women in South Africa are explored in chapter four.

2.6 Education

As discussed above, sport impacts every area of life, especially the aspect of education, both formally and informally. Participation in sport and physical education has been linked with increased academic achievement, school attendance and the retention of information (Suhrcke & de Paz Nieves, 2011; UNOSDP, 2011). Teachers in South Africa report an increase in school attendance rates when sports are offered at the school. One teacher testified that there are 17% more pupils who attend school when there is sport at the school (Burnett & Hollander, 2006).

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Research has furthermore found that academic performance improves when children receive longer hours of sport in their school day (Sallis, McKenzie, Kolody, Lewis, Marshall & Rosengard, 1999). Increased physical activity has positive correlations with improved concentration, memory and classroom behaviour, which lead to improved academic performance (Trost, 2007; Trudeau & Shepard, 2008). Physical activity has positive effects on cognition and brain functionality, as well as improvements on molecular and cellular systems which results in enhanced academic achievements (Hillman, Erikson & Kramer, 2008). In a longitudinal study lasting six years, from kindergarten to grade five, Carlson et al. (2008) found that higher quantities of physical education for girls resulted in improvements in their academic performance in mathematics and reading, however, there was no significant change with the boys. The difference between the boys and girls may be related to the boys being more fit on the baseline measurements due to being physically active outside of physical education classes (Carlson et al., 2008). Videon (2002) found that after controlling for the tendency for better students to be involved in sports, there was still a positive correlation between sport participation and academic results.

The social skills learned in sport can have positive effects on school experiences and improve results by creating a positive environment for learning. Social skills that can be fostered in the sport arena include respect, self-confidence, fair play and inclusion, discipline and focus (UNOSDP, 2011).

There have been many studies that have shown positive correlations between academic performance and athletic involvement. However, the evidence has yet to demonstrate which aspect is the cause and which aspect is the effect (Bailey, Bloodworth & McNamee, 2007). More experimental research designs are required to understand the causal links between the two factors. Critical voices question if there are other factors involved such as economic standing, family background and support or community structures (Coalter, 2007).

Kay (2009:1187) reported that sport participation in school for girls in India reduced learning inhibiting barriers between teachers and students. She quotes the school principals: Once you are doing sport you are free, ... even the teacher comes out from their own kind of shell and kind of mixes with the students so the gap between the student and the teacher is different, yes. [School Principal, Deepalaya]

[Sport] plays a very important role; one factor is getting across the bridge between the teacher and the student. Then it makes the learning also fun, yes, because it is not very structured like in a classroom setting so we definitely see children learn better also. [School Principal, Deepalaya]

Although Kay does not reflect on these quotes in detail, there are a few poignant aspects that the quotes articulate. First of all, the teachers position themselves more informally to break 36 down the social barriers of power. The teacher then becomes more approachable, making the learning process fun and crossing intergenerational bridges. A similar situation was found in South Africa with the Active Community Clubs programme, where social distance was reduced between child as participant and adult as presenter and authority figure (Burnett, 2001a).

In South Africa, Physical Education is not a compulsory subject in the public school system; it is integrated within the Life Orientation curriculum and often not taken seriously or taught by knowledgeable educators (Rajput & van Deventer, 2010). Currently 30-60 minutes of physical activity are required per week in Life Orientation, however, this is far below the international recommendation of 30-60 minutes of physical activity per day (Naidoo, Coopoo, Lambert & Draper, 2009).

There is a dearth of research on how physical activity (or lack thereof) in South African schools affects learning and learners. The majority of articles cite how the removal of the subject of physical education in 2004 has coincided with an increase of obesity and ill-health among learners (Draper et al., 2010), as well as a decrease in academic performance (Sanders, 2010). Some schools provide extracurricular sport, but due to a lack of resources these opportunities are limited (Sanders, 2010). There is a lack of research being conducted on the impacts on school sport on academic performance in South Africa.

Although South Africa is a signatory on numerous international declarations, such as the UN Millennium Declaration (UNMD) in 2000 and the Olympic Truce, there is a lack of action in the schools as the practices rarely go beyond the policies (van Deventer, 2008). The maintenance of the status quo and the game of politics, through lack of action, is “killing our children literally and figuratively” according to van Deventer (2008:1). It is on this basis and a general lack of physical and financial resources that the situation for physical activity and health in South Africa should be understood (chapter four describes the South African context in detail).

2.7 Social mobility and social capital

The topic of social mobility and social capital formation through sport continues to be popular among researchers despite challenges of measurement, evaluation and directional causation. According to Bourdieu (1990), social mobility is the movement of an individual from one level to another in a stratified social system. This movement can be inter- or intra-generational where individuals can move to a different social class than their parents, or move to a different social standing within their same generation (Bell, 2000). Movement within a social system is based on the activation of three types of capital: economic, social and cultural, with physical or embodied capital as a subset of cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1986). The potential for an individual 37 to obtain social mobility is affected their social environment, education, family, geographical location and regional economy (Spaaij, 2009). For the purposes of this thesis the most important types of capital are social and physical capital and the ways in which they can be translated into potential for social mobility.

Social capital is a resource generated in and through social networks or “relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition” (Bourdieu, 1996:248). It is found in relationships with other individuals or collective groups of individuals (Coleman, 2003). This resource can be mobilised to accomplish other purposes, such as securing employment or accessing information regarding other physical and financial resources (Bourdieu, 1996; Coleman, 2003). When individuals gain access to new social groups or opportunities for potential financial gain through their social networks they are achieving social mobility.

Social capital requires trust between actors and the social environment and the extent of obligations held between parties (Putnam refers to this as norms of reciprocity) (Coleman, 2003; Putnam, 2000). For example, effective norms are those that impact the reduction of crime or provide rewards for high educational achievement and prescriptive norms are those that encourage collective versus individual action (Coleman, 2003).

There are three main types of social capital: bridging, bonding and linking. Bridging social capital is inclusive, extends across different social groups, is outward focused and beneficial for linking to external individuals, groups or assets and diffuse information (Putnam, 2000). Bonding social capital, in contrast, is inward looking, reinforces group identities (sometimes at the cost of excluding others), provides support within the group and improves group/self-identity and in-group loyalty (Putnam, 2000). Groups can incorporate bridging and bonding capital by bonding across some social categories and bridging across other categories. Linking social capital is gained through accessing resources and personal connections through being part of an organisation which actively recruits external strategic partners to mobilise social capital by ‘linking’ the individuals with the needed resources (Burnett, 2006).

Physical or embodied capital is gained through the accumulation of norms, practices and culture that express a particular class location and symbolic value through an individual’s physical self (Bourdieu, 1986; Schilling, 1991). This can be transmitted through the processes of socialisation as well as through physical activities and sports. The notion of social mobility has been applied to many diverse fields of study, most related to this current study is the connections to sport, health and poverty.

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2.7.1 Sport participation

Ottensen, Jeppesen and Krustrup (2010) used Putnam’s theory of social capital to study the social bonds created during a 16 week physical activity intervention for 50 inactive women in Denmark. The women could either participate in football or running twice a week. The analysis was based on stories told by the participants during interviews and focus groups, where ‘I’ stories helped to increase bonding social capital within the two groups by creating trust and shared status, ‘we’ stories built unity and solidarity within the groups and was stronger with the football participants who shared more collective experiences through the team sport. In contrast ‘they’ stories were used in both groups to highlight the differences in the other group of participants. Ottensen et al. (2010) argue that social capital created through sports activities, requires time to develop relationships and networks and a group that is not too big or too small in order to allow the development of both bridging and bonding social capital. Walseth (2008) examined relationships between immigrant women playing football in Norway based on Putnam’s (2000) differentiation of bridging and bonding social capital and discovered that the individuals bonded in some areas (team building and immigrant status) and formed bridging capital in other aspects (ethnicity).

An important factor in bonding between groups, or the lack thereof, is the insider-outsider status or established-outsider relations as discussed in the figurations theory by Dunning (2002) and Mansfield (2002). According to these authors there is a strong connection between an increased amount of power related to someone who is established as an insider in a particular context compared to individuals who are new to a context. Dunning (2002) explained how research by Elias in 1965 showed the only difference between two groups of men living in a community was the length of time they had lived there with group cohesion being greater in the ‘established’ group leading to greater access to positions of power in local politics. Mansfield’s (2002) research was with women in aerobics exercise classes that revealed a clear distinction between the ‘established’ members of the classes and the ‘outsider’ or new members in the way they talked about themselves and others. This was in relation to their familiarity with the class as well as their skill levels (Mansfield, 2002). These two examples illustrate the power of established-outsider relations and therefore the need to overcome inertia in order to change these well-established patterns.

Participation in sport has been shown to improve educational outcomes and length of time remaining in school. Mackin and Walther (2011) found that African American and white men who participated in sport spent more years in school compared to men who did not participate in sport. There was a higher probability for sportsmen of all racial groups studied, African American, Hispanic and white, to earn a degree compared men of the same racial groups who 39 did not participate in sport. The conclusions of this study state that “sport participation positively affects social mobility” (Mackin & Walther, 2011: 686). Research by May (2009) argues that sport participation for young black men has a positive effect on their ability to earn a high school diploma and avoid deviant activities, which can lead to more education opportunities such as trade school, college or university.

In South Africa, there are a variety of exclusionary factors that divide communities: rural/urban, class, ethnicity, gender, age, race, nationality, etc. For instance, since the end of apartheid the influx of foreigners, particularly from other African countries, has correlated with a rise of hostility towards these migrants (Crush, 2001; Harris, 2002). This hostility has been termed ‘xenophobia’ and has at times resulted in violence, abuse and in 2008 erupted with the death of 62 individuals and displacement of 100,000 (Vromans, Schweitzer, Knoetze & Kagee, 2011). Additionally, due to the racial segregation and history of South Africa, social and sporting practices remain racially divided for the most part with strong identification with class, race and ethnic identities (Bekker & Leildé, 2003; Booth, 1998; Pelak, 2005a, 2005b). SDP programmes run by organisations such as Football 4 Peace and Right to Play in conflict ridden areas provide evidence that sport participation that integrates people from different backgrounds (Schulenkorf & Sugden, 2011; Sugden, 2010). The process of reconciliation in South Africa is on-going. Symbolic reconciliation through international sporting events such as hosting and winning the 1995 Rugby World Cup and hosting the 2010 FIFA World Cup provided a temporary respite from daily social divisions as people from different races, tribes, nations and classes came together to celebrate sport (Höglund & Sunderberg, 2008; Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2011). Yet the critiques of the long term benefits of the proclaimed legacies of such mega-events are widespread as promises for improved facilities, increased economic resources, and social reconciliation failed to manifest (Cornelissen, Bob & Swart, 2011). The racial quota policies to integrate national sports teams have been met with mixed reactions and limited results (Höglund & Sunderberg, 2008). There have been a few SDP organisations, such as Kicking for Peace and Altus Sport that have provided opportunities for cross-racial sport interactions, which have led to peace building and social transformation but limited sustained integration (Keim, 2008). However, most SDP programmes in South Africa are aimed at the lower class, black population. This can potentially address variances between the rural and the urban populations or between migrants to South Africa and locals, however they are unable to address inter-racial conflict, discrimination or segregation with other groups within South Africa.

2.7.2 Health

International studies have linked social capital formation, social networks and improved health. Kawachi, Kennedy and Glass (1999) demonstrated that social capital can encourage positive 40 health behaviours and prevent deviant behaviour through positive peer pressure which creates a form of social control that promotes positive actions and increased self-esteem. Wahl, Bergland and Løyland (2010) described the association between social capital and coping perspectives, mental health and self-esteem related to improved quality of life in Norway. In South Korea, Han, Kim & Lee (2012) reported that social capital in the form of network sources and organisational participation was positively associated with self-reported good or very good health. Sampson, Raudenbush and Earls (1997) argue that the presence of community efficacy measures through levels of trust, social control (adherence to social norms) and cohesion (networks of generalised reciprocity) are a predictor of lower rates of violence. These reports demonstrate that as social capital increases there are improvements associated with physical, mental and social health.

2.7.3 Poverty

Burnett (2006) studied a sport for development programme in the Eastern Cape, South Africa in terms of building social capital. She found that there was a variety of aspects that contributed to increased social capital, including acquiring social and emotional skills that increased perceived status and employability of volunteers. Research in the Netherlands by Spaaij (2009) found that some participants in the Sport Steward Program were able to find secure employment, better housing or increased financial stability. Some participants gained access to education with the aim that it will translate into social mobility in the future (Spaaij, 2009). However, there were other participants that did not create any new forms of social or economic capital through the program. Social capital gained through sport participation can therefore lead to social mobility, which ideally will lead to acquiring other forms of capital and a reduction of poverty.

When using the creation of social capital as a means to reduce poverty, caution needs to be exercised according to du Toit, Skuse & Cousins (2007). In their article focused on ethnographic research in the Eastern Cape, South Africa, the authors highlight how social capital has become an ambiguous term in the development lexicon. Social capital is closely intertwined with power relations and it is important to understand the power dynamics to understand the complexity of social capital and access to it in a particular context (du Toit et al., 2007). Since social capital is connected to social hierarchy and struggle, it is therefore related to creating and reinforcing social inequalities, since all forms of capital are unevenly distributed within society in relation to social position (Bourdieu, 1996).

Spaaij (2009) cautions the blanket use of social capital as the answer to social regeneration problems as he demonstrates how sport for development programmes can be viewed as neoliberal policies of social control and regulation. Jarvie (2003) continues the critique of social

41 capital and sport by arguing that sport can contribute positively to creating communities, however it cannot be responsible for sustaining the sense of community, citizenship or reinforcing social capital within the same communities. Coalter (2007) calls for caution in utilising sport on its own to solve society’s ills. Social capital can be achieved through gaining information and getting connected to networks of individuals through participation in sports organisations. However, there may be other contributing factors to the connections between social trust and sport participation that leads to social capital, such as membership demographics of the organisation or individual personalities within the power structures of the organisation rather than participation in sport organisations in general (Coalter, 2007).

Methodologically, tracking social capital formation is very challenging and requires longitudinal research projects (Coalter, 2007; Coakley, 2011). It is very difficult to separate the influence of sport participation from the other social influences in a person’s life and attribute certain changes to specific programmes (Coakley, 2011).

2.8 Summary

This chapter has demonstrated the complex and at times controversial intersection of sport and development. Although this thesis is not specifically focused on international development and NGOs, the ideologies and connections between sport, morality, personal and community development arose continually during the research. It is therefore important to understand the roots of these ideologies and recognise that they are not new, but reincarnations of principles and figurations that have been in existence for centuries through examples such as muscular Christianity and Olympism.

Sport-for-development or SDP as a field of investigation, programme intervention and international focus has become more prominent in the twenty-first century as governments, NGOs and international agencies such as the UN promote the use of sport to achieve national and international development goals such as the MDGs. These agencies and organisations are using the ‘universal appeal’ of sport as a fun, entertaining activity to engage with a wide variety of audiences with the aim to incorporate other less entertaining aspects of life such as personal health and well-being.

Despite the critiques, there is scholarly evidence of the benefits of sport participation on health, gender relations, education and social mobility, especially if research is sought from the fields of physical education, leisure studies and sport feminism. Academics have highlighted the risks associated with sport in these areas, the difficulties in proving causal relationships and the dearth of substantiated research in some areas. 42

Academics have raised caution regarding the idealistic claims of changed lives, improved economies and pro-social behaviours. This has resulted in multiple calls for more rigorous, longitudinal and in-depth research regarding the causal relationships and aspects that are involved in making a programme successful or creating complexities and challenges that result in less than ideal, desired or expected results (Darnell & Hayhurst, 2012; Levermore & Beacom, 2012; Lindsey & Grattan, 2012).

Chapter six provides an overview of the perceptions of the research participants in this study to the benefits, challenges and opportunities provided when they or their significant others participated in female football in South Africa. The following chapter presents a background regarding socialisation, sport and gender, examining the modes, factors and individuals that are considered influential in encouraging or discouraging sport participation for women.

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3. SOCIALISATION

3.1 Introduction

Individuals do not arrive in the world at birth and automatically know how to act appropriately in their social context. Instead, they are socialised through a process where values, behaviours, language and images inform them of how to think, act and speak in their specific social world. The social world is a complex environment affected by individual interactions, structural relationships, networks and change over time. The process of changing human relationships (which goes beyond personal relationships to meso and macro levels of interrelatedness) is complex, interdependent, dynamic and power-based (Murphy, Sheard, & Waddington, 2000).

The processes of dynamic relationships are known as figurations, based on the theory by Norbert Elias and expanded upon by Eric Dunning (Elias & Dunning, 1986). Figurations are historical trends and ideologies that shape the social world, such as industrialisation, globalisation and sport development (Murphy, et al., 2000).

A feminist figurational perspective is used to examine hegemonic masculinities, sport and masculinity, heteronormativity, and sexuality in sport. Following these macro level understandings of society, this chapter will continue to investigate the meso level processes of socialisation by describing four socialisation theories which impact on socialisation processes that occur in families and institutions such as schools and professional occupations. Sport and socialisation is discussed at both the process level of socialisation into and through sport, and at the individual level of personal effects from participation and reciprocal effects on significant others.

Socialisation in general “is the process by which people acquire the behaviours and beliefs of the social world … in which they live” (Arnett, 1995: 618). Individuals are influenced by socialising agents, who are primarily significant others (close family members, peers, teachers or coaches) that influence individuals in terms of the way they think, reason and behave (Wharton, 2012). Socialisation is not a unidirectional process, but an active and interactive process with the social world and other individuals (Coakley, 2003). This is important in understanding how individuals learn to understand and identify themselves and make decisions about how to interact with their families, communities and cultures. There are multiple sites of socialisation, four of which are discussed in this chapter: family, education, professional occupations and sport.

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3.2 Feminist figurational approach

As discussed in section 1.4.1 (pages 5 to 6), feminism has experienced many changes over the years. Feminism in general is a collection of theories that emphasise the analysis of gender as a category of personal and collective experience (Birrell, 2000). Gender is multi-faceted and multi-dimensional, consisting of cultures, symbols, identities, practices and structures (Faulkner, 2007). Feminism and figurational theories can be synthesised in relation to sport in a feminist figurational approach (Mansfield, 2002). In this section the development and stages of feminism are outlined, followed by the relation between feminism, figurational theory and sport.

Scholars have distinguished three ‘waves’ of feminism each with a slightly different focus leading to different outcomes. The first wave of feminism occurred in the mid-nineteenth century and continued into the early twentieth century by establishing women’s basic political rights and highlighting the inconsistent and unequal treatment towards women, particularly in the USA (Bem, 1993). The second wave of feminism began in the 1960s and focused on discriminatory practices towards women relating to pay disparities, restricted numbers of women in positions of power and in certain occupational spaces (Bem, 1993). The predominant form of feminism of that time was liberal feminism that aimed for women to have equal access in all areas of life (Hargreaves, 2004). This second wave of feminism was based on the understanding that sex and gender are two distinct categories yet should still be considered equal (Caudwell, 2011).

In the third wave of feminism from the 1980s and 1990s, the concentration shifted from access and participation to post-modern theories that destabilised the sex-gender distinction. This radical or critical feminism understood structures, such as sport, as sites of masculine hegemony and patriarchal practice where increasing participation was not sufficient for altering well-established patterns of discrimination and hegemony (Birrell, 2000; Caudwell, 2011). This third wave of feminism is promoted by critical feminist cultural studies and problematizes the homogenisation of women as one common group, rather there are differences between women relating to access to resources and opportunities based on race, class, age, ethnicity and ability (Birrell, 2000; Caudwell, 2011). There is a problem with a simple linear progression when discussing the development of feminism in three waves, as the process was more dynamic, interrelated and complex with the last stage being influenced by post-structuralism, post- modernism and post-feminism (Caudwell, 2011).

Feminism and figurational theories combine to analyse processes of gender power relations to understand the institutions and relationships that reinforce and challenge gender disparities (Mansfield, 2002). The figurational understandings of power are important in this analysis in 45 three areas: i) power is relational and partial, where no individual or group has complete power over another individual or group, ii) power networks are fluid and dynamic, changing over time, iii) power is multi-dimensional, consisting of elements of economic, political, cultural, ethnic, age and gender power (Mansfield, 2002).

Through this feminist figurational theory, it is evident that sport is an important location within reinforce gender relations through hegemonic ideologies concerning gender identities, hegemonic masculinity and perceptions of the body, sexuality and the physical self (Birrell, 2000). As highlighted in the previous chapter, sport has been understood as an important means of socialisation in the enculturation of young men with the proper characteristics to be positively-contributing citizens. This is evidenced through muscular Christianity, the promotion of gentlemanly characteristics in the English public school system and the development of the Olympic Games (Ladd & Mathisen, 1999; Lucas, 1976). These activities were considered recreation and only for boys and men; even the Olympics began as a male-only event (Renson, 2009).

However, since power is relational, partial and dynamic, sport can be a site to resist hegemonic masculinity, where alternative gender and sport identities are created and manifested (Hall, 2002; Hargreaves, 2004). Sport can be a site to promote or welcome alternative sexualities beyond heteronormativity (Elling & Janssens, 2009; Mennesson & Clément, 2003). These nuances and dynamics are discussed in sections 3.2.1, to 3.2.4 below, beginning with a more thorough discussion of hegemonic masculinity, the connection between sport and masculinity and sexualities in sport.

3.2.1 Hegemonic masculinities

Out of the second and third waves of feminism came an understanding that not all men and women are treated equally, but there is a system of gender practices that legitimises patriarchy, guaranteeing the dominance of some men and the subordination of women and other men (Connell, 2005). It is not a clear-cut dominance of all men over all women; hegemony is more complex, a concept derived from Gramsci’s theories related to class relations (1971), where one group in society claims and maintains a position of leadership and dominance over other groups (Donaldson, 1993). Hegemonic masculinity is interrelated with other social divisions, including class, race and age. This leads to the existence of ‘marginalised masculinities’ as some people are subordinated to the hegemonic form of masculinity in a particular society due to their different ethnicity, age, class or sexuality (Connell, 2005).

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An important aspect of hegemony is the complicit acceptance of the domination by those in the subordinate position, as the domination appears to be institutionalised through a “corporate display” and is created through claims of advantage more often than direct violent or physical displays of superiority (Connell, 2005:77). To maintain the dominant/subordinate separation differences between the two groups are understood as ‘natural’, inevitable, innate and inescapable, encapsulated in power/knowledge relations between individuals and groups of people (Paechter, 2007). However, this does not mean that it is self-producing or a-historical, but it is a historical process that is open to challenges and requires effort to sustain, which usually involves policing of men and excluding or discrediting women (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005).

Organisations and institutions are influential in producing and reproducing gender and gender inequalities. Institutions are viewed as the sites where cultural beliefs are propagated. Since institutions are often large and difficult to identify the leader or head, they appear to be self- perpetuating and unable to be opposed (Wharton, 2012). This is important for hegemonic masculinity as gender is considered to be embedded within social structures and institutions and often considered ‘natural’ in society.

Institutions are argued to be gendered if they have been organised by men, dominated by men and are symbolically interpreted by men. Most of the time, these institutions are treated as ‘gender-neutral’ (Wharton, 2012). Acker (1990) was one of the first feminist scholars to develop a theory of gendered organisations. She argues that gender segregation of work and income inequality are products of gendered organisational practices. Organisations also produce aspects of gender identity, invent and disseminate cultural images of gender (Acker, 1990). Gender is fundamental and inherent within organisations as they are sites for practising gender within their operations, structures and processes (Crawford & Pini, 2011).

There are norms associated with this dominance masculinity. Lindsey (2011) lists nine traditionally masculine norms: i. Anti-feminine – stigmatisation of feminine characteristics. ii. Interpersonal – avoidance of being vulnerable and revealing insecurities. iii. Success or status – men are driven to succeed at all costs and display their families as trophies of that success. iv. Gendered occupations – men are threatened by women entering the workforce and tend to protect the positions they feel belong to them; men desire to dominate in the workforce, be the primary ‘bread winner’ and gain self-esteem in doing so. v. Intellectual success – men need to demonstrate intellectual superiority over women; it is women’s job that should be interrupted for child care and home-making purposes. 47

vi. Toughness – boys should be strong, confident, brave, independent and self-reliant. vii. Aggression – marks manliness through daring, courage and revenge. viii. School violence – a combination of hyper-masculinity, toughness and aggression that is exhibited in the school yard through bullying, fighting and murder. This can translate to other social and institutional contexts such as domestic and gang violence. ix. Sexual prowess – men are seen as primarily sexual beings judged according to their sexual exploits; masculinity is seen as biological rather than social; sexual performance confirms masculinity and sexual success equates to overall success in life.

These are norms, which are usually unreachable and no individuals displays all nine characteristics (Connell, 2005). However, they still remain ideals that most men are measured against and judged according to their degree of attainment as a ‘real man’.

In order for there to be a dominant masculinity, there must be marginal or alternative masculinities. Lindsey (2011) only lists one alternative masculinity norm that is becoming more evident in North America. This is referred to as the tenderness norm where the rigid traditional masculinity is rejected, freeing the man to display sensitivity and tenderness and accept more egalitarian relationships with women. Men who identify with this norm are considered ‘sensitive guys’ in a positive manner (Linsdey, 2011).

In addition to a hegemonic masculinity there is a corresponding, although not hegemonic, dominant femininity. This ideal of femininity is culturally specific, although with the increasingly globalised world, there are some similarities between locations. For instance, the dominant femininity is considered to be heterosexual, care giving, emotionally expressive and domestically inclined (Lynch & Nowosenetz, 2009). The following section, 3.2.2, examines the specifics of hegemonic masculinity as it pertains to sports.

3.2.2 Sport and masculinity

Sport is a powerful institution that constructs and maintains a masculine hegemony (Bryson, 1994). Sport is considered an institution because it includes a variety of individuals – participants, coaches, fans, officials – as well as local, national and international organisations, governing bodies and corporations. This institution is gendered because it creates and reinforces beliefs about gender differences and inequalities through offering different opportunities for men and women to be involved in sport and different levels of resources provided to men and women (Wharton, 2012). Sport supports hegemonic masculinity through associating idealised masculinity with valuable and visible display of physical skills, and often an aggressive/violent/forceful masculinity, as displayed in contact sports such as rugby, ice hockey 48 and wrestling (Bryson, 1994). Sport is closely associated with masculine characteristics such as courage, strength and violence (Aitchison, 2006; Hickey, 2008).

Participation patterns are changing as more women are getting involved in sport overall and particularly in previously male dominated sports such as those listed above. In the USA, there was a large increase in women participating in collegiate sport since the introduction of Title IX in 1972 (Edwards, 2010). However, it was found that corresponding with the increase of women’s sport in number and profile, there was a decrease in the number of women that were coaching these same teams (Hovden, 2010). This decrease is due to the relative power and prestige that is associated with these positions and reflexive of the processes of changing power relations that are sometimes unexpected when policies are implemented that are meant to improve the power relations between men and women in sport (Mansfield, 2000; Hovden, 2010).

In association with the number of male coaches is an assumption of the conduct of coaches that aligns with hegemonic masculinity. For instance, Fasting and Brakenridge (2009) describe how female athletes experience sexual harassment from coaches in situations where the coaches are unaware of the offensive nature of their actions, which is described within a context laden with power dynamics between coach and athlete. The authors suggest that there should be more training programmes educating coaches on matters of sexual harassment and abuse (Fasting & Brakenridge, 2009). Gender issues should be mainstreamed into all aspects of coach education and training and there should be codes of conduct that are followed by coaches to ensure the reduction of sexual harassment (Fasting & Brakenridge, 2009). An increase of female coaches would provide a shift in perspectives regarding harassment; however other power dynamics and approaches to coaching correspondingly need to shift to provide room for more female coaches (Hovden, 2012).

Female participation and coach involvement are part of the sport structures that remain a bastion of male power and dominance. This is evident internationally through the predominance of men as executives or administrators for federations, governing bodies, clubs and team (Talbot, 2002). These male dominated institutions have “their own long established procedures and practices, created in the main by all-male groups for all-male sports, [that] actually prevent women from making the contribution which their sports participation warrants” (Talbot, 2002:282). As preserves of male power and dominance, these sport structures can be seen as mechanisms to protect that dominance and secure the privileges created through that dominance and thus carries a strong incentive to maintain power (Pfister et al., 2002).

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One method to maintain the balance of power is to control or mediate the knowledge surrounding the institutional structure. For instance, Shaw and Slack (2002:88) based their research on theories developed by Foucault to analyse gendered power dynamics, arguing that “interactions between masculine and feminine discourses are relational, constantly shifting and resistance is inherent within them”. These discourses and expressions of masculine and feminine are socially and historically constructed and understood as expressions of knowledge in terms of what is acceptable feminine and masculine behaviour (Shaw & Slack, 2002). Their research revealed the assumption that men were ‘naturally’ inclined to have the knowledge required to be a successful coach and be able to win prestigious events (Shaw & Slack, 2002). Therefore it is both structural and cultural influences that produce, legitimise and reproduce gender inequalities in sport organisations depending on the specific context the sport exists within (Aitchison, 2005).

It is not only governing bodies that reinforce the institutional hegemony of masculine sport, but media also contributes to the creation and reinforcement of various social beliefs (Messner, 2007). The role models and media images children see influence their choices of sport participation (Coakley, 2003). Messner (2007) concluded that media as part of society in the USA portrayed female athletes differently than male athletes, which led to the reification of societal norms regarding male and female athletes and their bodies. Hardin and Greer (2009) demonstrated the influence of media regarding socialisation into gender-appropriate sports in their research with school children’s reactions to a variety of media images of professional male and female athletes.

Media houses are dominated by male editors and decision-makers entrenched in patriarchal values, especially in the sports departments, which leads to disproportionate coverage of men’s sports (and certain men’s sports) (Lowe Morna & Rama, 2009). The traditional portrayal of female athletes in the media focuses on women as mothers, wives or girlfriends, (i.e. heterosexual) with a concentration on women’s personal life rather than on her sport accomplishments. Females are often referred to in childish ways projecting them as vulnerable and weak, incapable of succeeding in physical endeavours (Wensing & Bruce, 2003). Women’s bodies tend to be sexualised with a focus on their physical ‘assets’ in order to appeal to the male gaze. Serra (2005) found that female athletes in South Africa were portrayed stereotypically by being referred to as supportive, caring and graceful with a focus on their beauty and femininity with sexual innuendo.

Heywood and Dworkin (2003) found this is shifting with an increase of media images of female athletes as powerful, strong and robust. In South Africa, media coverage on women’s football during the 2010 African Women’s Championships reinforced national discourses of a Pan- 50

African renaissance of power and the emergence of African ethnicity, as well as some references to vulnerability and oppression (Ogunniyi & Burnett, 2012).

From a critical feminist perspective, solely increasing the number of women in positions of power is not enough; changing ideologies and perceptions about having women in administration and as coaches is crucial for authentic change to take place (Birrell, 2000). For instance, there needs to be a change in the leadership approach and the definition of what it means to be a good coach, with more flexibility in the job hours and less nepotism to create opportunities for women to succeed in positions of influence (Hovden, 2012).

3.2.3 Heteronormativity

In connection with hegemonic masculinity is an assumption of heterosexuality (Jackson & Scott, 2010). There are a variety of theories and approaches used to investigate issues of sexuality. One of the more recent theories relevant to this research is queer theory, which goes beyond politics of identity common in gay and lesbian studies to engage in politics of resistance, difference and challenge (Caudwell, 2006). Queer theory deconstructs norms of sexuality and critiques the dominant heteronormative discourse (Caudwell, 2006). Within queer theory, scholars critique a homogenous queer population that is white, middle-upper class and from Northern countries whose primary aim is to gain access to heteronormative institutions of neoliberal economies and privileges, which forms a type of ‘homonormativity’ (King, 2008). This is argued to omit the complex interrelation of cultural dimensions and power dynamics present within the queer population and reduce the importance of challenging social norms such as economic distribution and militarism (King, 2009).

Gender and sexuality are closely connected. Sexuality is a social construct that orders erotic life, encompasses desires, practices and identities associated with the erotic, not only related to ‘sex acts’ or sexual identities, but also related to feelings, relationships and sexual identification by individuals and others (Jackson & Scott, 2010). Gender and sexuality are inseparable; they are products of culture and society and thus important in maintaining power relations (Tamale, 2011). Gender provides the lens to interpret sexuality, yet both gender and sexuality are impacted by history, class, age, religion, ethnicity, culture and disability (Tamale, 2011). At the same time, “gender is a socially constructed expression of sexuality” (Lock, 2003: 400). Gender and sexuality is most closely associated in heterosexuality, yet feminism and queer theory have shown this association is not necessarily ‘natural’. Heterosexuality goes beyond sexual relations to include gendered social relations and practices “embedded in non-sexual aspects of social life” (Jackson & Scott, 2010:2).

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Sexuality is closely related to institutional power dynamics, whereby there is greater emphasis and power conferred to men over women, public over private affairs and heterosexuality over other sexualities (Hall, 1996). Sexuality can be used to resist powerful structures through using seduction to undermine authority or reaffirm the policies and practices through creating restrictions on participation by individuals aligning with certain sexualities (Hall, 1996). Thus it is important to examine the structural and organisational processes regarding sexuality to understand its power dynamics and social context.

This topic of interest could be referred to in the singular as ‘sexuality’ which emphasises the sphere of human and social activity and field of sociological inquiry highlighting the importance of gender and institutionalised heterosexuality in the social order (Jackson & Scott, 2010). While most recently, the topic is referred to in the plural as ‘sexualities’ relating to the spectrum and variety of sexual practices, lifestyles and identities (Jackson & Scott, 2010).

There is a rich history relating to sexuality in Africa that existed prior to colonialism, modernity and the recent discourses of human rights, which do not always lead to true freedom, but often reinforce conservative and repressive sexual representations (Lewis, 2011). There have been diverse cultural understandings and practices of gender and sexuality that transcended current power dynamics, dichotomies and hierarchies, although repressive and coercive practices and constructions of gender and sexuality existed prior to colonialism (Lewis, 2011).

Perspectives regarding sexuality are incorporated with gender role socialisation embedded within traditional cultural and religious discourses (Bem, 1993: Bhana, 2012). As described above, heterosexual practices are based on power and privilege that normalise sexual relations between and man and a woman, with other forms of sexuality considered ‘deviant’ (Bhana, 2012). When individuals transgress the sexual norms they encounter a variety of results, including harassment, ostracisation and in some countries legal persecution.

On the African continent there is a variety of understandings, beliefs and levels of acceptability regarding sexual practices. The International Lesbian and Gay Association (ILGA) provide a list of responses to homosexuality in Africa. For instance, in Uganda it is illegal to practice homosexuality, with a consequence of life imprisonment if convicted (ILGA, 2000). Zambia, Cameroon and Zimbabwe also consider homosexuality illegal resulting in jail terms from six months to seven years (ILGA, 2000). South Africa, on the other hand has a very liberal and open constitutional stance where same-sex marriages are legal. However, there is often a difference between judicial laws and cultural beliefs, whereby even in the countries that legally accept same-sex marriages, not all communities consent to open homosexual relationships. For instance, in South Africa there is an increasing pattern of “corrective rapes” perpetrated 52 against lesbian women, particularly in black townships, by men claiming it is a form of punishment and way to ‘cure’ the women of being lesbians (Martin, Kelly, Turquet & Ross, 2009). In extreme cases, the rape leads to murder, as was the case for national football player and open lesbian, Eudy Simelane, who was murdered on 28 April 2008 (Haugaa Engh, 2010a). In the trial for this rape and murder case, one of the men responsible was found guilty and charged with 32 years in prison, however the judge pronounced that the sexual orientation of Simelane had “no significance” in the murder (Martin et al., 2009). The national newspaper, City Press, reports that 10 lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex people were murdered in South Africa in June and July 2012, as it recounted the murder of a 25 year old lesbian who was murdered on 23 September 2012 (Sidimba, 2012).

3.2.4 Sexuality in sport

“Sport spaces are symbolically connected to sexuality – as conceived spaces ... in gender specific ways” (Elling & Janssens, 2009). As discussed above, sexuality and gender are closely linked. The hegemonic masculine ideologies that have been transmitted regarding sport participation from Victorian times and the development of modern sport have their roots in muscular Christianity and a norm of heterosexuality (Ladd & Mathisen, 1999; Renson, 2009).

When gender roles and the limits of masculinity and femininity are questioned through sport participation, the next step is generally to question the sport participants’ sexuality as well (Lock, 2003). This means that women who participate in sport are often labelled as “dykes” or “lesbians” regardless of their actual sexual orientation (Adams, et al., 2005; Kane & LaVoi, 2007). Cahn (1993) has shown the association between sport participation for women and being labelled as ‘mannish’ or lesbian is not new, but can be traced back to the 1930s. In the 1950s heterosexual women were afraid of participating in sports due to the image of female athletes as lesbians. However, the stereotype that female athletes are lesbians provides a safe space for lesbian or questioning women, a practice that continues from the 1950s to the present (Cahn, 1994; Elling & Janssens, 2009).

One of the arguments of the connection between sport and sexuality is that women who participate in traditionally masculine sports are viewed as ‘pseudo-men’ or non-authentic women, which places them in a position of liminality, where they are not fully male due to their biological bodies, but are not fully female due to the physical engagement with a masculine sport, which calls their identity and sexuality into question (Cox & Thompson, 2001; Lock, 2003). Mennesson and Clément (2003) demonstrated that women participating in traditional ‘male’ team sports have a communal and homosocial nature that is more accepting and can be protective of homosexual relations, which they term ‘homosociability’. The networks and

53 relations formed in the female soccer teams in their study were often described as a ‘second family’, a protected environment that was sheltered from the external taboo of homosexuality, which in turn accepted and validated alternative sexualities (Mennesson & Clément, 2003).

These stereotypes regarding homosexuality and sport participation may have some cognisance with reality, but not as closely related as some people believe. Research conducted in the Netherlands challenges the assumed pattern of practice that lesbians are ‘more athletic’ than heterosexual women, but demonstrated that both groups of women are equally likely to participate in mainstream club sports (Elling & Janssens, 2009). The research shows that lesbian women are over represented in traditional masculine sports, such as football, while there are non-heterosexual women participating in many individual sports (Elling & Janssens, 2009).

The stereotype that female sport participation equals homosexuality leads female athletes to over-emphasise their femininity and heterosexuality by having long hair, getting their hair done, wearing make-up, jewellery and ‘girly’ clothes and being seen with a boyfriend (Adams, et al., 2005; Haugaa Engh, 2010a). Haugaa Engh (2010a) found that during adolescence women in South Africa were encouraged to participate in more gender appropriate sports such as netball and hockey. These ‘feminine’ appropriate sports tend to be viewed as more gentle, graceful and aesthetically pleasing (Jones & Greer, 2011) and it is assumed that all the participants are heterosexual, despite recent research revealing otherwise (Elling & Janssens, 2009).

Another pattern of behaviour found within women’s rugby in the USA was ‘defensive othering’ where female rugby players would reinforce stereotypical labels about rugby players being ‘butch’, ‘dykes’ and ‘lesbians’ when referring to other players, but considered themselves as exceptional cases that did not fit these labels but were instead heterosexual and feminine (Ezzell, 2009). This research revealed that there is no escaping the connection between sports, gender identity and sexualities. The processes leading to these apparently ‘natural’ associations are examined in the following section on socialisation.

3.3 Socialisation theories

Gender role socialisation occurs from a very young age. From birth, individuals are identified as male or female and therefore treated in a specific way informed by their culture, family traditions and beliefs. Depending on the theoretical basis of their understanding, scholars attributed more weight to individuals, social context, institutions or a combination of these aspects, as to how individuals identify themselves according to a specific gender and how this impacts their interactions with their social world. Gender role socialisation is the process whereby individuals 54 learn the appropriate masculine or feminine behaviours according to the culture they live in associated with their biological sex of male or female (Lindsey, 2011).

Paechter (2007:12) defines ‘masculinities’ and ‘femininities’ as the “ways we, through our behaviour and attitudes, actions, thoughts and dispositions, demonstrate, to ourselves and others, how we are male or female”. This is an embodied process as it is related to the assigned sex given to a child when he/she is born and interactive with the cultural practices of gender in the local culture (Connell, 2005). Gender is interrelated with other social structures such as race, age, nationality, sexuality and class, creating layers of identity and affecting individuals in a range of ways (Connell, 2005). Masculinity and femininity are performed identities, active states, that change according to the time and place of enactment based on the choice of identification and its demonstration (Butler, 1990).

Historically, masculinity and femininity were distinct categories linked with the biological classification of men and women. This was termed as sex or gender roles and was the set of expectations that men or women enacted in relation to their biological sex (Lindsey, 2011). These expectations were understood to be well-defined, internalised and contributed positively to social stability and health (Connell, 2005). Gender roles refer to socially defined divisions of labour, which are compared to gender identities that are an individual’s perception and experience of her/his own gender (Zosuls, Miller, Ruble, Martin & Fabes, 2011). Sex roles were considered to fall into two distinct biological categories according to male and female, which are polarised and considered natural (Connell, 2005). However, scholars and activists since the 1970s have refuted this dichotomy and argued that social influences produce and create the perceived differences (Zosuls et al., 2011). Masculinity and femininity are complex, ordered through social practice, dynamic and interrelated. They are socially produced, but also open to internal contradiction and disruption (Connell, 2005).

The primary socialisation theory that is utilised in this thesis is social cognitive theory which developed in response to and as a combination of social learning theory and cognitive development theory (Wharton, 2012). Social cognitive theory is considered to be a comprehensive framework as the basis for interdisciplinary research focused on gender role socialisation, especially when combined with a symbolic interaction perspective (Lindsey, 2011). This section describes these four aspects of socialisation theory: 3.3.1: social learning theory, 3.3.2: cognitive development theory, 3.3.3: social cognitive theory and 3.3.4: symbolic interactionism.

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3.3.1 Social learning theory

According to the social learning theory, gender roles are learned through positive and negative reinforcements, where appropriate behaviour is rewarded and inappropriate behaviour is punished (Mischel, 1970). This can be done explicitly, but is more often transmitted through observation and modelling, which may appear to be spontaneous, but as appropriate actions are encouraged behavioural patterns become habits, especially as children emulate their same- sex parent (Bandura & Walters, 1963; Lindsey, 2011). Socialising agents are usually significant others, such as parents, siblings, peers and teachers who are influential in transmitting cultural beliefs and behaviours to children (Arnett, 1995). As these agents treat female and male children differently, gender-typed behaviour is learned and accepted (Lindsey, 2011).

Social learning theory is critiqued for viewing children as passive recipients that are simply moulded by socialising agents without an agency of their own, in a unidirectional transfer of cultural beliefs and required behaviours. It fails to account for social change, child birth order or the influence of subcultures within a society that may influence how children understand the world around them, reason and behave (Wharton, 2012).

3.3.2 Cognitive development theory

According to the cognitive development theory, children are active in understanding themselves and the world around them. Once children understand gender meaning from the external world, they construct an appropriate identity that connects their own membership within a sex category and the social meanings attached to that membership (Bem, 1993; Howard, 2000). The foundation for this theory was the work of Jean Piaget (1950) which argued that a child’s mind develops through interaction with the environment that is associated with specific behaviours, according to the child’s perception of the situation. The child is active in structuring and interpreting the world around them, which becomes more complex as the child ages and is related to gender-specific behaviour, according to Piaget (James, 2001). Children learn their gender roles to the degree that they understand the world around them, which first occurs by understanding themselves (Kohlberg, 1966).

Children are able to identify their own gender and that of the people around them by the time they are three years old and have a firm understanding that they will remain that gender by the time they are six (Lindsey, 2011). Research has shown that children choose specific games, toys and friendships based on their beliefs about their own gender identity and the gender group they belong to (Martin & Ruble, 2004). Children recognise there are different expectations for males and females and then comply with these expectations. According to Kohlberg (1966:67) 56 a boy would reason as follows: “I am a boy, therefore I want to do boy things, therefore the opportunity to do boy things (and to gain approval for doing them) is rewarding”.

A sub-set of cognitive development theory is ‘gender schema theory’, which argues that where gender distinctions are strongly reinforced, gender schemas or cognitive structures are formed that are used to organise and perceive the external world (Bem, 1993). Children use these gendered lenses to understand the world around them and process new information. These understandings are produced and reproduced throughout an individual’s life, as Bem states: “The gendered personality is more than a particular collection of masculine or feminine traits; it is also a way of looking at reality that produces and reproduces those traits during a life-time of self-construction” (1993:154).

Research has shown that gender attitudes are formed by individual attributes such as biological sex, age and birth order, as well as parent’s gender attitudes and sibling sex (Crouter, Whiteman, McHale & Osgood, 2007). There is a transmission of attitudes about gender from children to parents. Crouter et al., (2007) found that parents who had traditional gender attitudes (compared to flexible gender attitudes) had children that exhibited more traditional gender attitudes. Firstborn children modelled the gender views of their parents, while second born children were more influenced by older siblings (Crouter et al., 2007). Boys with brothers and parents with traditional gender views had more traditional views, while girls with older brothers and traditional parents had the most traditional attitudes in adolescence; yet girls with older brothers and less traditional parents had the least traditional attitudes (Crouter, et al., 2007).

Gender schemas explain how people develop gender identities based on the cognitive structures formed throughout their lives, while they can furthermore explain how gender stereotypes can change over time through the introduction of alternative cognitive structures (Lindsey, 2011). For instance, boys that consider reading to be a feminine activity, based on a traditional gender schema, can receive a book that expresses a different gender schema emphasising alternative characteristics more closely related to masculine qualities and are therefore encouraged to change their behaviour (Sokal, Katz, Adkins, Gladu, Jackson-Davis & Kussin, 2005).

A common gender schema apparent throughout the world is ‘androcentrism’, which is the perception that masculinity and males are superior to femininity and females (Bem, 1993). In this perspective, it is more acceptable for women to display masculine characteristics than men to display feminine characteristics. Bem (1993) argues that androcentrism is harmful to men and women as the definition of a ‘real man’ is unattainable and gender-boundary crossing men

57 are stigmatised, while women continually receive messages that they are inferior and less valuable at the individual level of lived realities.

3.3.3 Social cognitive theory

Wharton (2012) argues that social learning and cognitive development theories are not mutually exclusive and can be combined to provide a more well-rounded description of the socialisation process. Social learning theory focuses on relationships between children and socialising agents, while cognitive development concentrates on how children make sense of the world around them (Bandura, 1986, 2001). Social cognitive theory combines both perspectives by investigating how children acquire their gender roles and the systems of modelling and reinforcement that are involved in learning gender roles (Bussey & Bandura, 1999). An important difference to cognitive development theory is that children are able to differentiate between the sexes based on observation before they are able to identify themselves as male or female (Bandura & Bussey, 2004).

Bandura and Bussey explain that gender socialisation involves observational knowledge, behaviour regulated based on that knowledge and self-reflection evaluating the behaviour (Bussey & Bandura, 1999; Bandura & Bussey, 2004). For instance, girls and boys usually choose role models of their same gender, however when girls are asked to choose their sports role models they often choose men. This is argued to be because sport continues to be seen as a male domain influenced primarily by men, which makes women outsiders and strengthens their gender stereotypes (Adriaanse & Crosswhite, 2008). However, it reveals that male sports stars are covered more in the media and more well-known than female role models (Heywood & Dworkin, 2003).

Social cognitive theory is considered to be a comprehensive framework as the basis for interdisciplinary research focused on gender role socialisation, especially when combined with a symbolic interaction perspective (described below) (Lindsey, 2011). Similar to figurational theory, social cognitive theory argues that there is not a duality between individual agency and social systems, consequently, there is a dynamic relationship between individuals and socio- structural influences (Bandura & Bussey, 2004). Social cognitive theory is used in this thesis to examine the connections between gender socialisation within the families of female football players as well as how they interacted with the external influences and internalised a variety of behaviours and attitudes.

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3.3.4 Symbolic interactionism

Symbolic interactionism is a theory that was first termed by Herbert Blumer (1969) and based on the concepts developed by George Herbert Mead (1990, [1962]) that individuals are understood as being inseparable from society as each interacts with the other. There are three core premises of symbolic interactionism: i. “Human beings act towards things on the basis of meanings that the things have for them. ii. The meaning of such things is derived from, or arises out of, the social interaction that one has with others. iii. These meanings are handled in, and modified through, an interpretive process used by the person in dealing with the things he or she encounters” (Blumer, 1969:2). In other words, the actions of individuals are based on their interpretations and meanings associated with a specific situation or encounter. These interpretations and meanings are developed through interactions with other people and internal conversations or mental processes relating to an event or situation (Mead, 1990, [1962]; Jeon, 2004). These interactions occur through symbolic interaction, whereby interaction with self and others forms a particular perspective that defines the situation and subsequent actions (Burbank & Martins, 2009). Burbank and Martins (2009:29) state, “Symbols are socially created and used to represent shared meanings among members of societies and/or cultural groups”.

The interactionist perspective on sport socialisation implies that athletes are active participants with their external world, where individual decisions are based on previous interactions with other people and social structures and have the possibility of producing, reproducing or changing their social world (Coakley & Pike, 2009). In order to understand this interpretive and interactive world, researchers need to actively engage with their research participants to try and comprehend the meanings from their perspective, for example, using participant observation as a method (Jeon, 2004).

3.4 Socialisation processes

As indicated above, there are numerous processes and avenues for gender role socialisation when employing a social cognitive theory where the individual interacts with the social world including institutions, such as media, family, education and sport. This section examines the role of the various socialising agents or institutions in influencing gender and sport identity. Three areas in particular are investigated: 3.4.1: family, 3.4.2: institutional spaces and 3.4.3: sport.

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3.4.1 Families

The family is the primary means of socialisation as it has the greatest influence on a child from the time s/he is born. Family members learned specific practices during their own process of socialisation that are transmitted to their children and siblings, reflecting the expectations of the society within which the family lives and grew up, and the dominant cultural belief system of which they are a part (Arnett, 1995). Extended family members are included in the process of socialisation, although the extent to which varies between locations and within a particular society (Schinke et al., 2010). This can be a direct influence as family members interact with the children, especially when living together, as well as an indirect influence through guiding parental behaviours (Arnett, 1995). Older siblings, especially the eldest female, often play an important role in non-Western societies, as they are responsible for a large part of caring for younger siblings. In Western societies, and increasingly in non-Western societies, the extended family have less interactions with children and therefore have less impact on their socialisation, children spend more time outside the family with peers, child-care workers and in the school system (Arnett, 1995).

Three aspects of family socialisation practices that are explored below are household gender roles, childhood play activities and as an extension to childhood play activities a specific focus on the development of tomboys in relation to the development of a sport identity.

3.4.1.1 Gender roles in the household setting

One of the most prominent areas of gender role differentiation is within households and the division of labour between household members. This is the first realm of socialisation for children and where they see the behaviour they will internalise, evaluate and most often imitate (Bandura & Bussey, 2004). Gender roles differ across locations and over history; however, there are some ‘traditional’ roles that are common in the majority of places. The division between the tasks assigned to men and to women are one of the first structures identified by anthropologists and other social scientists when studying a new social group (Connell, 2009).

Most commonly, women are responsible for private household duties, such as childcare, cooking and cleaning, whereas men are responsible for more ‘public’ space duties, such as cleaning the yard, caring for the vehicle (if there is one) and representing the household in community matters (Kroska, 2003). In Western, capitalist societies the division of labour between men and women is closely related to ideas of masculinity and femininity (Connell, 2009). This division is based on the types of jobs and the social standing or cultural meaning associated to them, which is based on beliefs about the nature of men and women (Holter, 60

2005). For instance, in the public economy, the realm of men, labour is bought and sold and makes a profit, compared to the private home realm of women where labour is done for love or mutual obligation, as a gift (Holter, 2005; Kroska, 2003). Public and private spheres cannot always be separated in such a dichotomous manner, as this division is not the case in all places for all families. There are differences evident according to household composition, child birth order and spacing, socio-economic means, cultural values and individual differences, such as personality. There is also evidence that overall social values are able to shift and change along with household trends and individual thoughts, choices and behaviours.

Research from the USA has revealed that there are differences in socialisation dynamics between social classes and racial groups with an interrelation between these various social markers. For instance, boys and girls from middle-class homes have more egalitarian gender views. Families who transition to higher socio-economic levels, tend to embrace more traditional gender roles (Xiao, 2000; Davis & Pearce, 2007). Within three generations of Asian- American family migration, their strict patriarchal practices shift, whereby boys and girls exhibit less traditional gender roles (Farley & Alba, 2002). Research on African-Americans has had contradictory results, with some studies showing less rigid gender roles where females have high levels of self-esteem and high achievement motivation and males contribute more to housework and childcare (Buckley & Carter, 2005; Varga & Gee, 2010). Other studies have found traditional gender roles being transmitted and behaviours closely monitored, for instance regarding female sexuality (Townsend, 2008). It was found that in homes where the father was absent and the income was lower, daughters took up more masculine roles and sons adapted less masculine roles (Mandara, Murray & Joyner, 2005).

In a study on constructions of gender in science, engineering and technology studies in South Africa, the majority of students revealed traditional, patriarchal and conservative ideologies among female and male tertiary students (Lynch & Nowosenetz, 2009). For instance, the majority of research participants commented that women are more suited to domestic duties, such as childcare and the female students agreed that women would sacrifice their career to get married and care for the children (Lynch & Nowosenetz, 2009). In the same study there were a few students who believed gender roles were shifting, and that it was important, practical and more balanced for the men to become more involved in caring for the children and cooking (Lynch & Nowosenetz, 2009).

Sideris (2004) highlights how gender roles are changing in rural South Africa, where, despite being a stronghold of traditional patriarchal values and practices, some men are changing their attitudes towards more equal division of household labour and control of finances. Morrell and Jewkes (2011) examined three groups of men in South Africa that are classified as ‘men who 61 care’ through their personal, voluntary or professional lives. These men are unusual because they are found in professions that are dominated by women (e.g. teaching, nursing, social work), they are primary care givers or volunteer or work for NGO organisations involved in gender sensitive projects such as child welfare, HIV and AIDS support or gender equity (Morrell & Jewkes, 2011). There are a variety of reasons provided as to how or why the changes in both of these studies have taken place. For instance, in some cases there were situations during childhood that left an impression on how not to act towards women (i.e. not abuse them) or there were opportunities provided during childhood to embrace or detest certain gender equitable practices (Morrell & Jewkes, 2011; Sideris, 2004). Sometimes the choices were out of necessity and circumstances where the men were forced to care for siblings or grandparents, while in other circumstances a compassionate elder demonstrated an ethic of care that was emulated (Morrell & Jewkes, 2011; Sideris, 2004).

There have been changes in gender roles over the past fifty years, as women have spent less time doing housework and men’s time doing housework has increased, although women still spend more time than men (Sayer, Bianchi & Robinson, 2004). Since the Second World War and increased industrialisation, there has been a dramatic increase in mother’s participation rates in paid work away from home (Sayer et al., 2004). This demonstrates a figurational shift based on the acceptable gender roles in the public and private spheres of society (Dunning, 2002).

Concurring with research from the USA, the amount of time spent on housework varied according to employment status for men and women (full-time doing less than part-time or unemployed) and marital status (married men doing less than unmarried men and married women doing more than unmarried women) (Gauthier, Smeeding & Furstenberg, 2004). Coltrane (1989) found that in families where domestic work and childcare are shared between parents, there is a more equitable view of men and women in general, compared to families that have less sharing of domestic duties. This demonstrates that there is a correlation between conceptions of gender and household division of labour, whereby the meaning of gender is expressed, confirmed and at times transformed through household labour practices (Coltrane, 1989). These household gender roles are passed on to children in the house, as they tend to imitate the activities and behaviours modelled to them. This follows the social cognitive theory of socialisation (Bandura & Bussey, 2004) and evidenced in the activities, toys and behaviours encouraged and discouraged in the household and as discussed in the following section, 3.4.1.2.

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3.4.1.2 Childhood play activities

It is common sense knowledge that from the moment a child is born and a sex is assigned based on particular biological features of the child, her/his particular toys, colours of clothing and room decorations that are encouraged are based on the distinction between males and females. This is one of the first modes of socialisation that a child will have in forming a gender identity and will impact how she/he interacts with the social world.

Studies since the 1970s show that parents describe male and female infants differently. For example females were described as softer, smaller and more attentive than males despite being the same size (Lindsey, 2011). Other researchers (Leaper, Anderson & Sanders, 1998; Maccoby & Jacklin, 1974) have found differences in the ways parents treat male and female children. Some areas of difference are specific toys, games, play styles and childhood activities. Parents more often gave dolls to girls and balls to boys, while parents played rougher with boys due to these activity-oriented toys (Morrongiello & Hogg, 2004). Toys are gender specific from new-born to adolescence, separated according to colour and type. Toys aimed at females are generally pink or pastel coloured, while bold blues and reds are for boys’ toys. Boys’ toys are usually related to leisure activities, technology, cars, trains and action figures, compared to housework, care or beauty-focused toys for girls, such as house-sets, dolls and cosmetics (Francis, 2010; Lindsey, 2011). Children begin to select these gender specific toys by the time they are two years old and reject toys that are designed for the opposite gender (Lindsey, 2011).

In addition to toys, songs and games transmit specific meanings of gender and sexuality to new generations of children, as found among the Miskitu in Nicaragua (Minks, 2008). For instance, a common childhood song performed by both boys and girls involves singing and acting out a girl primping her hair in preparation to meet her sailor in the first verse, then shaking her hips on the street corner in the second verse. This illustrates the embodiment of femininity through actions to attract a partner, yet in negative actions that may have a detrimental effect on a girl’s reputation in the second verse (Minks, 2008). In South Africa, many young girls like to participate in rope skipping, singing games with rhythm, clapping or chanting while boys are more involved in physically active, chasing or competitive games (Roux, 2006).

Additionally, mothers and fathers have been shown to parent differently (Leaper et al., 1998; Raley & Bianchi, 2006). Mothers are reported to talk more with their daughters than their sons, while mothers talk more with either child than fathers (Leaper et al., 1998). Mothers are reported to spend equal amounts of time with their sons and daughters, while fathers tend to spend more time with their sons (Raley & Bianchi, 2006). The family composition also has an 63 impact on the amount of time fathers spend with their family, when there are only boys in the family, fathers spend more time with their sons and doing childcare (Wharton, 2012). Fathers tend to use more physical punishment and discipline with their sons and react more severely if they find their sons engaged in cross-gender-typed play (Wharton, 2012). Using Bem’s (1993) gender schema perspective, this severe reaction could be understood as part of androcentrism, where it is more acceptable for females to cross into male-typed activities than for males to cross into female-typed activities (the relation to sport participation is discussed in section 3.4.1.3 Tomboy behaviour). These ‘tomboy’ like behaviours are acceptable for a period of time, but then the child is assumed to grow out of the stage (Arnett, 1995; Haugaa Engh, 2010a).

The play styles of boys and girls are different; boys tend to play more complex, competitive and rule-governed games with multiple positions and many participants, while girls play more ordered games in smaller groups that are more focused on cooperation than competition and take up less space (Lindsey, 2011). Girls who do not participate in sports have the potential to lose strength, bone density and have increased rates of obesity (Cherney & London, 2006), although other factors such as poor nutrition or genetic make-up can also affect the physiological development of young girls.

Colwell and Lindsey (2005) demonstrated that boys and girls that engaged in sex-same play were better liked by their peers. Alexander and Hines (1994) found that boys aged four to eight were more attracted to boys’ play style and would chose girls who played in a more masculine manner more than boys that played in a feminine manner. Boys who participate in ‘rough and tumble’ play are better accepted by their peers than girls that engage in ‘rough and tumble’ play (Colwell & Lindsey, 2005).

It was found that primary school girls were better able to cross gender boundaries in the cafeteria and on the playground to spend time with boys, than for boys to join girls’ activities (Lindsey, 2011). However, there is an age when it becomes less acceptable for women to be acting ‘like boys’, external to the gender role expectations according to their biological sex and should be preparing to be wives and mothers (Arnett, 1995; Haugaa Engh, 2010a; Jeanes, 2005).

3.4.1.3 Tomboy behaviour

As discussed in section 3.4.1.2, it is more acceptable for girls to take part in masculine activities, conduct themselves in a masculine manner and play with traditionally masculine toys, than it is for boys to engage with feminine activities, mannerisms or toys (Lindsey, 2011; Wharton, 2012). Girls who engage in masculine designated activities are often labelled tomboys, a characteristic 64 that is associated with participation in sports that are described as active, physical and are considered to demonstrate masculinity (Kane & LaVoi, 2007).

Adams, Schmitke & Franklin (2005:29) define tomboy as “preadolescent girls who enjoy climbing trees, playing with frogs, being best friends with boys and playing boys at their own games”. In their study on high school female athletes in the USA, some girls who did not want to be labelled as ‘girly girls’ for displaying overtly feminine behaviours or clothing, re- appropriated the term tomboy to be more ambiguous and a positive identifier (Adams et al., 2005). Their definition of tomboy was girls that “can play sport, have a boyfriend or not, resist girly markers like makeup and ribbons, skirt questions about sexual identity and still find acceptance with their peers” (Adams et al., 2005:29).

Similarly to the study by Adams et al. (2005), Ruth Jeanes conducted her PhD thesis research with 13 English girls aged 10 to 11 years old examining the effect of football participation on the girls’ gender identities (Jeanes, 2005; Jeanes & Kay, 2007). The girls in this study used the terms ‘girly girl’ and ‘tomboy’ as in the American study and identified others at either end of the spectrum. However, when the girls had to define themselves, they had more difficulty, combining descriptors from both ends of the spectrum and were more flexible in their definitions (Jeanes, 2005). The girls acknowledged the connection between football and masculinity, but neither this connection nor their personal participation affected their construction of their own femininity, rather it gave them an opportunity to express different parts of their identity, using football as a tool to move between ‘girly girl’ and ‘tomboy’ (Jeanes, 2005).

A recent study conducted in England focused on the definition and practice of being a tomboy and revealed a nuanced and complex situation where parents and teachers had a clear-cut understanding that defined tomboys as girls who were physically active, determined, had exclusively male friends and engaged with male activities (Paechter & Clark, 2007). The students in the study had a more complex and varied understanding of a tomboy, with multiple characteristics for classifying a tomboy. These characteristics included: playing football (especially being fanatical about supporting a team), being physically aggressive and getting into trouble, having physical confidence, speaking ‘like a boy’, spending time with boys, being interested in ‘boy stuff’ (i.e. sports, Pokemon, car racing), wearing certain clothes or having a masculine physical appearance (Paechter & Clark, 2007). None of these characteristics on their own identified a tomboy, but girls identified as tomboys had relative amounts of some of these characteristics. It was possible to be considered partially a tomboy, or a tomboy in some ways and still a ‘girly girl’ in other ways (Paechter & Clark, 2007).

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Giuliano et al. (2000) found that childhood play activities were determinants of athletic involvement as adults, particularly within non-traditional female sports. Girls who played with games and toys that were considered masculine, played in predominantly male or mixed gender groups as children and considered themselves tomboys, were more likely to become varsity athletes and become involved in non-traditional female sports such as football as adults (Giuliano et al., 2000).

In South Africa, Haugaa Engh (2010a) found that the female football players embrace and boast about their identity as ‘tomboys’, particularly in their childhood, as they identified being a tomboy with spending time with boys, enjoying football and being less ‘girly’ than other girls. However as they reached puberty, they were expected to grow out of being a tomboy and play a more feminine appropriate sport (such as hockey or netball). If they did not change their participation patterns and continued to identify as a tomboy, they were seen to transgress heterosexual norms and in turn were seen as homosexual (Haugaa Engh, 2010a).

These studies demonstrate the complexity of gender and sport identities, which are interrelated with other social processes. Gender and sport identities can be contradictory, leading to female athletes emphasising their femininity or heterosexuality, both on and off the field. Embracing a ‘tomboy’ identity can have a positive correlation with female sport participation beyond childhood. The following section moves away from a direct sport focus to examine the institutional gender roles found in education and professional occupations.

3.4.2 Institutional gender roles

In additional to gender roles being important for functioning households, in traditional or progressive families, there are gender roles that are evident in many social, political and civil institutions. These gender roles tend to be the most difficult to change as there is a strong cultural incentive to maintain the hegemony by those in charge or those benefiting from the current institution, as discussed in sections 3.2.1 and 3.2.2 (pages 47 and 48 respectively) (Acker, 1990). Large corporations and governments maintain policies and practices that have been in place for decades and are difficult to change, even if they do not correlate with their employees’ personal practices and beliefs (Wharton, 2012). This maintains a structural ‘lag’ that is disconnected to daily life, yet also impacts daily life as individuals interact with institutions and policies (Wharton, 2012). In addition to the institutions of sport and media discussed in section 3.2.2 (page 48), two further institutions that produce and reproduce gender roles are investigated in this section: education (3.4.2.1) and professional occupations (3.4.2.2).

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3.4.2.1 Education

As children age, peer interaction and educational influences at school becomes more influential than the family in terms of socialisation (Arnett, 1995). Socialisation patterns change as children age, with more importance shifting from the parents to peers and coaches in the early teenage years (Greendorfer, 1983). There continues to be an interaction of influences by family members, since processes interact, and there is integration between the values of the families, schools and wider community (Arnett, 1995). However, during adolescence, peers and coaches become more influential socialisers (Hardman, 1997).

Rajput (2011) describes how the sporting identities of provincial athletes are influenced by their peers at school, both as being a role model, as well as contributing to their personal pride. Research by Kunesh, Hasbrook and Lewthwaite (1992) found that the peer group was an important site of socialisation for sixth grade girls who were negatively influenced against participating in school sport due to the fear of comments by the boys in their school classes. They conclude that “female physicality is constructed as subordinate to male physicality while male dominance in formal sport is established, maintained and reinforced” (Kunesh et al., 1992:394). Therefore school environments have a potentially strong influence on how individuals view themselves and in which activities they choose to participate.

At the tertiary level, there is a male dominance in particular educational domains (e.g. science, engineering, technology and mathematics), which is related to more men working in certain professions (e.g. engineering, military, mechanics). Smeding (2012) demonstrated that women in Southern France studying engineering had weaker implicit gender stereotypes than other students, meaning that they associated both men and women with the fields of science, technology, engineering and mathematics, rather than restricting these fields to men alone.

In South Africa, research revealed that the fields of science, engineering and technology are considered to have a masculine identity (Lynch & Nowosenetz, 2009). Some of the tertiary students in the study argued that the increased number of women coming into these three educational arenas is detrimental to men, as the women are assuming too much power, encroaching on the men’s positions and the promotion of ‘gender equity’ is a tactic that women are using to gain power (Lynch & Nowosenetz, 2009). The traditional gender roles of women caring for children and the home while men are the main providers were understood to provide stability for individuals, families and society as a whole and therefore there was reluctance for them to change with potential instability as a result (Lynch & Nowosenetz, 2009).

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3.4.2.2 Professional occupations

It is well documented that men occupy more positions of power and influence in businesses and government, while more women occupy secretarial and lower level administration positions (Lindsey, 2011; Lowe Morna & Rama, 2009). This division can be related to the gendered practices and meanings associated with various types of work that follows the patterns evident in the educational fields discussed in section 3.4.2.1 (page 67).

Connell (2009:57) states that “work is a material practice in which bodies are deployed and consumed, and gender meanings arise from this materiality”. For instance, industrial labour, such as construction, coal mining and steel making are considered physically demanding, risky and difficult, which reinforces masculine identities of the ‘hard man’ (Johnston & McIVor, 2004). Bodies are used for labour, but also consumed through injury, fatigue and sometimes death (Connell, 2009; Johnston & McIvor, 2004). The danger faced and strength required to accept these positions is equated with demonstrating masculinity through the physical body (Connell, 2009), although it likewise leads to destroying the health and earning capacity of the men, which is detrimental to the masculine ideal of being a provider (Johnston & McIvor, 2004).

Faulkner (2007) discusses the common gendered discourse in engineering with a binary that constructs men and masculinity as technical and more competent in technical skill dominant careers compared to women and femininity as social and more suited to careers that focus on social connectivity and social interaction. However, Faulkner (2007) points out that the reality of engineering is a combination of technical and social expertise; in order to increase the number of women in the field of engineering she suggests that there needs to be a more heterogeneous understanding of gender and of engineering.

The majority of governments around the world are dominated by men (although there are some notable exceptions such as the British Queen). Government is an important and influential aspect of institutional control, as the ruling individuals and parties have the ability to dictate and change policies and procedures that structure social life in a particular location. Political institutions tend to be designed, operated and controlled by men, which facilitates the emergence of more men into politics and suppresses women’s advancement (Visvanathan, 2012). Even when women become politicians there is differentiation according to the portfolios they receive and the ministries they are responsible for (i.e. in ‘nurturing roles’ such as health, education and welfare), with men gaining access to higher Ministerial positions and women given periphery roles (Crawford & Pini, 2011). The nurturing roles are perceived to be more ‘natural’ for females than males, whereas male officials often receive portfolios that reflect more

68 masculine characteristics such as strength, control and aggression (i.e. military, police, transportation, security, defence) (Crawford & Pini, 2011).

There have been numerous initiatives and international declarations with the aim of increasing the percentage of women serving in governmental capacities in executive, legislative or judiciary positions. In some countries this has been effective. South Africa, for instance, currently (from 2009-2014) has 45% representation of women in the National Assembly and four of the nine provinces have female premiers (Mbola, 2010). Of the 34 South African cabinet ministers, 14 are women (41%), with some working in stereotypical ministries such as education, social development and women, children and people with disabilities (Crawford & Pini, 2011; GCIS, 2012). However, there are other women who are responsible for other non-traditional female portfolios, such as defence, science and technology, mineral resources and international relations (GCIS, 2012).

Despite these measures, the ANC is still viewed as a patriarchal institution, as the South African ambassador to Italy, Thenjiwe Mtintso (2012) describes: Women and men in the ANC should recognise the internal workings of patriarchy that threaten gender equality. … The ANC is a patriarchal organisation, particularly because patriarchy, the amoeba and lizard it is, adapts to any system or organ, taking its form, shape and colours. It spreads through and coexists with that organ, progressive as it may be. It has successfully done that in the ANC.

One of the reasons Mtintso (2012) ascribes the designation of patriarchy to the ANC is the fact that women have been lacking as presidential candidates, the reason for which, she describes, is due to the fact that out of the 18 provincial chairs and secretaries of the ANC, there are no women. These representatives are responsible for promoting presidential candidates and influencing the outcome at election conferences (Mtintso, 2012).

Increasing numbers is not enough according to a critical feminist perspective, but policies and practices must change correspondingly. South Africa has a very progressive constitution with equality for men and women as a core value. Yet, there is still a gap between policy and practice, as South Africa maintains a high rape, domestic violence and abuse against women record (Govender, 2005; Hassim, 2005; van der Westhuizen, 2005).

In terms of the sports sector, very few women are able to become professional athletes or coaches. The challenges of female coaches have been discussed above in terms of decreased positions since Title IX and other restrictive mind sets or practices that reduce the opportunities available for women (Bridgeman, 2012; Edwards, 2010; Hovden, 2012). Travers (2008) refers to the inequality in professional sports as ‘economic gender injustice’, since lucrative

69 professional sports are exclusively for men, revealing an occupational segregation. In sports where there are professional female athletes, their salaries are significantly less than corresponding male athletes (Travers, 2008).

3.4.3 Socialisation and sport

In addition to the institutions of family, education and professional occupations, sport can provide opportunities for socialisation both in terms of socialisation into sport and socialisation through sport. Participation in sport works to form an individual sporting identity, where self- recognition combines with social recognition (Stryker, 1980; Weiss, 2001). Weiss (2001:393) uses a symbolic interactionist perspective to argue that sport is a system that provides “social validation and acknowledgement by others” through social symbols such as scores, records, goals and images that communicate social values, norms and principles. Stryker (1980) discusses the reciprocal relationship between an individual’s perception of self and the influence of the self on society. Personal identity is constantly shifting and changing through interactions with others, over time and according to specific contexts (Weiss, 2001). Coakley (2003) stresses the role of the ‘self’ in interpreting their identity as an athlete through their personal roles, successes and aspirations. Individuals can have multiple identities, or facets of their identity that can complement or conflict, for instance the identities of student and athlete may be in conflict (Burnett, 2010b; Wiess, 2001), or there may be conflict between a woman’s gender and sport identities.

This sporting identity is developed through various stages, in relation to the stages of socialisation into sport. Macphail & Kirk (2006) define three stages of sport socialisation based on the model by Côté and Hay (2002): sampling, specialising and investing. During the sampling stage children participate in multiple sports, with a focus on playing for fun and enjoyment, rather than competitive practices and games. After the sampling phase athletes can become specialised where individuals begin to train more deliberately and focus on fewer sports, or they can enter a recreational stage where they continue to participate for excitement and fun (Macphail & Kirk, 2006). Finally, the investment phase involves focusing on one sport, where athletes enter committed and intensive training and are competing to win. This is not necessarily a linear progression and individuals can enter the recreational stage at any time or drop out at any stage (Macphail & Kirk, 2006). Sport socialisation is an interactive process were athletes have agency to choose their sport(s) of choice, how they act in accordance with the norms associated with that sport, as well as a reciprocal effect by the participant on their significant others due to their own participation (i.e. the coach, peers, family) (Coakley & Pike, 2009).

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There are numerous correlations between socialisation and sport, with two main articulations; socialisation into sport and socialisation through sport. At times, it is challenging to differentiate these two aspects as there are many overlapping characteristics. This section examines three phases or stages of sport socialisation. The first, socialisation into sport, includes initiation influences and the associated gender role socialisation encouraging participation in particular sports. Secondly, socialisation through sport incorporates sport continuation and parental support as well as a brief reminder of the potential effects of participation. Finally, reciprocal socialisation focuses on the effects of participation on parents and siblings including reverse- dependency behaviours, changes in relationships, behaviours and thought-patterns.

3.4.3.1 Socialisation into sport

There are a number of ways that parents influence children’s beliefs and participation in sport. A primary role of parents and other socialising agents is to be role models both in their personal participation and sport history, as well as in direct, hands-on mentoring or skills transfer (Fredricks & Eccles, 2005; Schinke et al., 2010). Secondly, parents and socialising agents enable participation through emotional support, determining direction, managing schedules, providing finances, transport and encouragement (Fredricks & Eccles, 2005; Schinke et al., 2010). Parents assist children in interpreting their experiences in sport and helping the children to make sense of their emotions, abilities and opportunities (Fredricks & Eccles, 2005).

Sports play a significant part in gender role socialisation where children are exposed to certain activities, encouraged to select activities that are gender appropriate and exhibit “self-selection away from activities labelled as inappropriate” (Greendorfer, 1983: 138). The socialisation of women into sport is complicated, especially since patterns of influence are not as strong and consistent from multiple social sources as for men, but are more subtle, implicit, diffuse and difficult to trace, making it hard to make generalisations and conclusions around specific socialisation patterns (Greendorfer, 1983). Sport is primarily a masculine, public domain with men being more commonly socialised into roles of visibility, participation and administration, where they are seen more often in positions of authority and in the media (Adriaanse & Crosswhite, 2008; Hardin & Greer, 2009; Talbot, 2002; Vaughter, Sahd & Vozzola, 1994).

Since sport is still dominated by men, males are generally the primary socialisers for women getting involved in sport, although the causal directionality is still unknown (Giuliano, Popp & Knight, 2000; Hardin & Greer, 2009). Past studies have not been conclusive as to who in the family is the most influential. Some found the father to be the most important (Greendorfer, 1983; Guilano et al., 2000), while for others it was the same-sex parent or older sibling who held the most sway (Jambor, 1999, Videon, 2002). 71

Children are positively influenced when parents participate in sport. In research from the USA on female coaches from the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) First Division (highest level of university sport competition), it was found that almost all the participants had one or both parents that participated in competitive sports in high school and/or college (Dixon, Warner & Bruening, 2008). The women became interested in sport through their parents’ participation and sport became a normal family activity (Dixon et al., 2008). Research by Shakib and Dunbar (2004) revealed that 64% of girls in their study reported that their mother participated in sport, compared to 32% of the boys who reported that their mother participated. Of both the boys and girls, 68% reported that their father participated in sport. In general the father’s sport participation was more visible through trophies displayed or the continued participation in sport, whereas mother’s participation was revealed later and usually through conversations after the girls began their own participation (Shakib & Dunbar, 2004). In this second study, it could be that more of the girls’ mothers participated in sport, making it more acceptable for the girls, or perhaps, the boys were just unaware of their mother’s participation as they had not discussed it previously. The educational status of the parents was not a factor in this study.

In both of these cases, appropriate actions were modelled and reinforced through seeing parents participate in sport or discussing the sport participation, which is an important component of the social cognitive theory of socialisation (Bandura & Bussey, 2004; Bussey & Bandura, 1999). Symbolic interactionism is evident in these examples as through discussion about the sport and display of sport paraphernalia, particular symbolic meanings are given to sport participation, which leads to interpretive encounters with the objects or ideas and affects decisions made to engage with the same or similar activities themselves (Blumer, 1969; Mead, 1990, [1962]).

Parents are important in enabling children to participate in sport. They provide opportunities for children to participate by enrolling them in programmes and teams, purchasing equipment and taking time to teach the children the skills of the sport (Fredricks & Eccles, 2005; Schinke et al., 2010). Research has found that parents encourage sport participation relatively more for boys than girls and provide their male children with more opportunities to participate (Fredricks & Eccles, 2005). Parents also support participation by attending games/matches, providing transport to games and practices, managing the players’ schedule and providing the needed finances to participate (Dixon et al., 2008; Schinke et al., 2010; Wheeler, 2011). These roles tend to be gendered, as research has found that more men are involved as coaches and managers of the teams, while women are generally responsible for transportation and other logistical duties such as laundry of dirty uniforms and arranging payment for league fees or 72 lessons (Raudsepp, 2006; Palomo-Nieto et al., 2011). The women’s labour associated with enabling family members to participate in sport is often overlooked, under-valued and exploited (Thompson, 1999).

Peers are important socialisers encouraging individuals of approximately their own age, especially in the teenage years to participate in sport. Beets, Banda, Erwin and Beighle (2011) used photographs taken by children and found that the children spent most of their time playing with other children, close to their age. In the focus groups of the research, the children engaged in these peer activities almost daily (Beets et al., 2011). The enjoyment of participation with peers is a primary motivator for many children to get involved in sports and physical activity, both in school and out of school (Beets et al., 2011; Macphail & Kirk, 2006; Rajput, 2011). Rajput (2011: 8) describes a variety of positive facets of peer interaction on a team, such as strong camaraderie, personal relationships, having a ’team bond’ and feeling like ‘a family’. Peers can discourage participation, as described by Kunesh et al. (1992), where girls avoided physical activities in school due to critique from their male classmates.

The majority of research on socialisation patterns in sport is based on white middle to upper class families from North America and Europe. As highlighted above, these families are able to provide transportation to games and practices, purchase equipment, finance the participation, watch games regularly and assist with the coaching or managing of the teams (Wheeler, 2011). There are a few exceptions to the majority; a study by Schinke et al. (2010) focused on the lower socioeconomic strata in a Canadian Aboriginal Reserve provides an alternative situation where sport participation was supported not only by the immediate family, but also by the extended family. Aunts, uncles and grandparents would assist with transportation, while cousins would assist with coaching and hands-on role modelling (Schinke et al., 2010). In these contexts of lower socioeconomic status as is the case in South African football, lack of affordable, safe and reliable transport is a challenge, as parents or family members often do not have a private vehicle at their disposal and public transport must be used (Saavedra, 2007).

It is not just the sport involvement of the parents that influences children’s participation, household composition and the significant others available have a strong impact as well. Individual socialisation is impacted by the social systems in the family and wider society such as economic status in a dynamic manner (Bandura & Bussey, 2004). Kay and Spaaij (2011) describe the important difference extended families and kinship networks that are focused more on communal rather than individual understandings of social interaction play in many non- Western societies. Their cross-cultural study examined socialisation effects on sport participation for sport in development initiatives in Brazil, India and Zambia, demonstrating that

73 families can be the source of the problems being addressed, obstacles for participation or may support the participation (Kay & Spaaij, 2011).

The family context is important in terms of composition, power relations, size, living arrangements, poverty level, marriage and gender practices and the family’s role in the community. The family can be a source of the problem through a lack of parenting and child abuse. Obstacles for child participation through the families include: children required as earners or domestic carers, low educational attainment of the parents and pressures to ensure one person does not succeed disproportionately to others. Some families encourage participation through attending activities, being volunteers in the organisation, learning from the children and influencing the wider community (Kay & Spaaij, 2011). This research did not incorporate the views of the parents, but provided mediates experiences from the participants, teachers or programme implementers, providing a reductionist perspective of the context.

Therefore, although the majority of studies have focused on white, middle to upper class, two parent families, there are similarities in alternative contexts. Important factors that are consistent throughout a variety of contexts is parental encouragement, improved child-parent relationships and engagement, being a role model and enabling participation (Kay & Spaaij, 2011; Schinke et al., 2010). These are important systems of modelling and reinforcement of ideals and beliefs as children are provided with examples of sport participation, which are reinforced through the physical, financial and emotional support of their parents or extended family members (Bussey & Bandura, 1999). According to the social cognitive theory, the process of modelling and reinforcement does not occur in a vacuum; there are other social structures that have an effect on the socialisation, such as sport institutions and physical infrastructure that provide safe spaces to participate or safe and affordable modes of transport to get to practices and games (Kay & Spaaij, 2011). Individuals are interactive in the process of socialisation and make choices to participate or not and in which sports to participate (Greendorfer, 1983). Individuals are furthermore impacted by their participation in sport, as described in the following section, socialisation through sport (section 3.4.3.2).

3.4.3.2 Socialisation through sport

Children are encouraged to continue participating in sport for many of the same reasons as when they initially got involved. Socialisation into and through sport is bolstered when parents interpret their children’s experiences in sport, making participation normalised and acceptable (Dixon et al., 2008), thus reinforcing the values regarding sport participation (Bandura & Bussey, 2004). This is particularly the case in encouraging sport participation for girls. In the research by Dixon et al. (2008:551), the female coaches mentioned how their parents, but 74 especially their mothers “created an atmosphere in which sport participation was appropriate for girls”. In many of these cases, the mothers themselves had been discouraged from sport participation as it was not appropriate when they were growing up, but they were in turn more adamant about encouraging their daughters to take the opportunities they did not have (Diacin, 2009; Dixon et al., 2008). The interpretation of sport experiences is important in encouraging the girls to continue participating, especially when they are told that they are talented and their participation is valuable (Thompson, 1999). The socialising impacts of the parents in these cases lasted long after childhood and were foundational for their children’s life-long participation in sport and their choice of sport as a career (Dixon et al., 2008).

The importance of the female being the role model and primary encouraging factor in the case studies above reiterates the value of same-sex role models, which is able to shift the figuration that women’s participation in sport makes them outsiders and challenges gender stereotypes (Adriaanse & Crosswhite, 2008). According to the cognitive development and social cognitive theories, children are able to differentiate between males and females and choose activities and play groups based on their understanding of the appropriate actions of other males or females (Martin & Ruble, 2004; Bandura & Bussey, 2004). In this case, as the mothers are modelling or reinforcing different values and opportunities than mainstream sport, the female athletes are able to make decisions that are possibly in conflict with the hegemonic ideologies (Dixon et al., 2008).

There are limited studies regarding sport socialisation on the diversity of people and children who are participating in sport internationally. Sporting contexts vary significantly throughout the world, within countries, districts and even communities. In South Africa for instance, the sporting experience for the majority of the population coming from a disadvantaged background is vastly different than the experiences of those coming from an affluent background. In middle to upper class households parents have a strong presence in their children’s sporting experiences as they attend and transport their children to most of the matches (Dorsch, Smith & McDonough, 2009). In contrast, in South African football, most parents/guardians do not attend matches due to long working hours and financial struggles, which leaves the teams and coaches with the responsibility of transporting players to practices and matches. However, even in these environments with limited financial resources, there are similarities to other gendered patterns in sport. Burnett (2004) found that fathers were the primary facilitator of their children's sport experiences and operated in an advisory capacity in the household, whereas mothers took the position of an emotional supporter in a nurturing role.

As discussed in chapter two, there are numerous ways that individuals are affected when they participate in sports. Many of these effects are beneficial, such as improved physical, mental 75 and social health, better academic performance, improved self-esteem and development of leadership qualities. There are also some negative effects of sport participation, including potential increase of binge drinking, over-exertion and eating disorders. These are examples of how individuals are socialised through sport and encouraged to change their behaviours based on interactions with peers, parents, coaches or other socialising agents.

3.4.3.3 Reciprocal socialisation

This final section on socialisation and sport focuses on the significant others, who are usually considered the socialising agents. Most socialisation theories focus on the individual being socialised rather than examining the interactive effects on the socialising agent as well. Bandura and Bussey (2004) do not explicitly discuss the effects of socialisation on the socialising agent regarding the social cognitive theory. However, in symbolic interactionism (Blumer, 1969; Mead, 1990 [1962]), the interactions between self and others, as well as internal conversations and mental processes, define the situations and subsequent actions and therefore the process of socialisation is more circular rather that uni-directional (Burbank & Martins, 2009).

Although most of the articles on sport socialisation have focused on the children and participants, there are a few studies that have examined the reciprocal socialisation effects on the players’ families (Diacin, 2009; Dorsch et al., 2009). Research by Dorsch et al. (2009) is the most extensive relating to the reciprocal socialisation effect on parents from middle to upper class socioeconomic status when their children participate in organised sport. Their research revealed four categories of changes for the parents: behaviour, cognition, affect and relationships.

In terms of behaviour, Dorsch et al. (2009) found that parents became more involved in sport, including being volunteer coaches, learning a new sport, supporting their child and sacrificing their time. Diacin (2009) provides an example of when a daughter started playing basketball her mother became interested in the sport and they watched games live and on television together. Interactions between children and parents during sporting activities can have an impact on the parenting styles of the parents, whereby the parents would change the way they spoke to the child based on the achievements of her/him, or her/his responses to the parent’s comments (Holt, Tamminen, Black, Mandigo & Fox, 2009). For instance, one mother commented on the side lines, not realising her son could hear her, “ah come on [son], you can run a little harder and get that ball”, the boy turned around and told his mom he was trying his best. This made the mother regret the way she spoke to her son and decide not to make such comments again (Holt et al., 2009: 54). 76

In terms of cognitive changes, parents’ levels of awareness of and knowledge about the sport increased. Parents were also made aware of the ‘proper’ behaviour expected for parents who become involved as spectators in their children’s games (Dorsch et al., 2009). Parents adapted their goals to match those of the children, raising or lowering their expectations based on the child’s level of ambition (Holt et al., 2009; Dorsch et al., 2009).

Dorsch et al. (2009) examined the emotional responses of parents as their children participated in football. They categorised the emotions into three groups: emotional connection to sport, emotional management and reactive emotional experiences. These emotions were not static, but differed at various stages of involvement and included frustration, anger, guilt, resentment, pride and embarrassment (Dorsch et al., 2009). The parents took cues from their children at times as to how to manage their reactions in certain situations, especially those parents who had less sport experience themselves (Dorsch et al., 2009). Parents can experience high levels of stress from the high level of commitment required to support their child’s sport participation. Some examples of the stresses, from a case study in competitive tennis from the UK, include financial, social and personal investments into the child’s sport, and being able to cope with the demands of competitive sport such as psychological, developmental and logistical support required by their children (Harwood & Knight, 2009). One of the stressors reported was reduced time for the parents to complete domestic chores (Harwood & Knight, 2009), however, the article did not discuss how these stressors were addressed.

Parents can become overly emotionally attached to their child’s participation and exhibit reverse dependency where the parents try to live their own dreams and aspirations through their children (Cumming & Ewing, 2002). In these situations the parent’s self-worth is reliant on the success of her/his child, which places undue stress on children in recreational and elite level sports (Cumming & Ewing, 2002). Often this pressure leads to parents behaving inappropriately and in a disorderly fashion for youth sports (in extreme cases leading to violence, abuse and controlling behaviours towards coaches, athletes, officials and other spectators) and a fixation on winning and losing (Cumming & Ewing, 2002).

The final area of reciprocal socialisation is changes in parental relationships, which includes communication patterns, parent-child relationships and parent-peer relationships (Dorsch et al., 2009). Sport created new opportunities for communication between parents and children and changed the communication style utilised, which in turn improved the relationship between the parent and children (Dorsch et al., 2009). Hendley (2004) found that both parents and children enjoyed discussing their sport together and formed a bond between them, improving their relationship. Being involved in their children’s sport activities provided opportunities for the 77 parents to meet other families in the community and network with other parents (Dorsch et al., 2009). Diacin (2009) found that the daughter’s basketball participation brought the mother into a new group of peers when she went to watch her daughter play.

This section reveals that socialising agents are affected during the socialisation process as they interact with the symbolic meanings and actions around sport (Blumer, 1969; Burbank & Martins, 2009). There can be positive and negative socialisation for parents with children participating in sports. None of the articles discussed changes in siblings or other family members except Harwood and Knight (2009), who noted that non-participating siblings felt left- out or resentful towards their participating siblings. Schinke et al. (2009) mention how siblings and extended family members were involved as role models and assisted with transportation, but did not discuss how they felt about these interactions or if this involvement resulted in any changes in their daily lives. There is a lack of discussion on how sport participation affects domestic duties in the household and how gender roles may adjust in these activities to allow individuals (especially females) to participate.

3.5 Summary

Socialisation is both part of broad macro level figurations that shift over time and affect multiple levels of existence, as well as meso and micro level processes, personal interactions and cognitive development. Using a feminist figurational approach to examine these processes and dynamic power interactions from a gendered lens reveals inequalities in structures and institutions. Institutions include intimate groups of individuals in families, as well as larger social groupings that form professional associations, educational systems and sport.

Hegemonic masculinity is present in all spheres of society as a taken-for-granted understanding of how gender roles and interactions should occur based on assumed superiority of some men over other men and women. This hegemony is promoted through many social institutions, with sport as an important socialiser and institution to promote masculine characteristics and ideals. Feminist figurational theory and critical feminist studies emphasise that hegemonic power is not static, and ideologies can be resisted and shifted as subordinate hegemonies oppose the dominant hegemony.

Another aspect of masculine hegemony is the dominance of heterosexuality, also referred to as heteronormativity, where individuals who practice heterosexual relationships are given higher status compared to other sexualities. This is reinforced through media accounts, particularly in sport, as heterosexual relationships receive more media coverage and women are often portrayed as sexual objects rather than athletes. These accounts are shifting as female 78 participation in sport increases and media houses are beginning to portray women more as accomplished athletes rather than side line cheerleaders.

This chapter reviewed four different theories related to socialisation; social learning theory, cognitive development theory, social cognitive theory and symbolic interactionism. Using figurational theory as it links to social cognitive and interactionist theories, it is evident that there are multiple influences that interact with each other in a multi-directional fashion. Individuals are influenced by socialising agents such as parents, peers, educators and coaches, as well as by the structures and institutions their social world operates within. However, individuals are not static, but dynamic, active agents that influence socialising agents and social structures.

One of the primary roles of socialisation is to teach children to associate with appropriate masculinity or femininity according to their biological sex. These norms of masculinity and femininity affect multiple areas of social and domestic life, including the division of labour in the home and institutional gender roles in education, professional occupations and sport. These norms are changing; nevertheless, there are strongly held beliefs, policies and structures that benefit the men who maintain power, particularly in the institutions, and changing these structures is a difficult and long process.

Childhood play activities are often gendered and have an influence on future participation in sport as well as individual identities, in terms of reference to tomboys. Sport participation is strongly influenced both by family socialisation factors as well as social structures and institutions. This chapter examined how families, peers and coaches influence girls’ initiation into sport through role modelling, providing opportunities, logistical support, finances and encouragement, as well as how families, peers and coaches are important in the continued participation and involvement in sport from childhood to adulthood. Girls who participate in sport are often labelled tomboys or label themselves as tomboys. This is both an indicator of positive identification with more masculine behaviours, as well as continued participation in non- traditional female sports into post-secondary education and adulthood.

Socialisation is an important factor in how individuals view various aspects of their identity, including gender and sexuality. Sport participation is an interactive process, whereby socialisation into sport is part of gender identity formation, while participation in sport is likewise a form of socialisation into a variety of other acceptable and appropriate actions. Sport participation can have an interactive effect on the socialising agents, when symbolic meanings are transformed due to interactions with the participant’s experiences, behaviours and discussions.

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The following chapter provides an overview and background of the context for this study, examining the history of South Africa from pre-colonial to post-apartheid times in terms of political developments and sporting practices. The social inequality that mires the current landscape of South Africa is described in depth, investigating the economic, infrastructure and social influences and impacts of the context of poverty. The following chapter additionally extends the discussion on gender and sport with more details pertaining to the history of women’s sport internationally and within South Africa and the current structure of women’s football in South Africa.

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4. CONTEXT AND BACKGROUND

4.1 Introduction

South Africa has had a tumultuous and diverse past, with a variety of population groups living through a history of colonialism, apartheid and democracy. In each period of its history there have been successes and failures, challenges and triumphs guided by the dominant ideologies and political structures. People from different tribes, races and cultures have often fought amongst themselves to gain what they believed to be rightfully theirs (Worden, 2007). The different tribes occasionally fought together against a common foe, as was the case during the time before Colonialism and in the fight against apartheid towards democracy (Worden, 2007).

Divisions in society have not always been according to race, tribe or background. Class and socio-economic standing have similarly been important in determining the opportunities available to individuals or groups. Social strata continues to be influential in resource access in the South Africa of the 21st century, with the multiple manifestations of poverty, evident throughout the country in terms of poor infrastructure, housing, education, health care and gendered vulnerability.

Sport and physical activity have been an important element of South Africa’s cultural heritage throughout its history. Indigenous physical activities from pre-colonial times included sports such as Xhosa ox-racing and Zulu stick fighting. The colonial era brought European sports such as rugby, cricket and football which were used to acculturate the locals. During apartheid, sport was used to reinforce and resist dominant ideologies. More recently, the 2010 FIFA World Cup showcased technological and infrastructural progress and the coming of age of a new democracy (Alegi & Bolsmann, 2010). Through all the figurations (local, national and global), sport is celebrated, promoted and used as a means to educate, acculturate and reinforce certain ideologies.

In this chapter, the focus is on the history of South Africa and women’s football. This chapter begins by describing the South African history in terms of politics and sport in four time periods: Pre-Colonial and Colonial; Independence; Apartheid; and Democracy. The second part of the chapter examines the current socio-economic status of South Africa. The final section of the chapter presents the history of women’s football, both internationally and in South Africa, as well as the current structure of women’s football in South Africa. This provides an understanding of the context that surrounds the study participants and their participation in women’s football.

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4.2 South Africa

South Africa has had a complex and volatile history. The history could be broken into four broad time periods: i) pre-colonial (prior to 1650s) with South African hunter-gatherers, Khoikhoi pastoralists and Bantu-speaking farmers settling on various parts of the land; ii) colonial (1650s to 1910) with settlers arriving through the Dutch East India Company from 1652, as well as from other European countries such as England and France; iii) independence (1910 to 1948); apartheid (1948 to 1994); and iv) democracy (1994 to present). Various legislative and political practices reinforced class and racial differences from colonial to apartheid eras (Morris, 2000; Taylor & Shaw, 1998). The system of apartheid with its segregation, racial politics, suppression and violence was exceptionally damaging for the majority of the population, leaving scars in the nation that are still present nearly twenty years after it was officially abolished in 1994.

One of the lasting legacies has been a society deeply divided by socio-economic inequalities, affecting infrastructure (including education, housing and sport), economic factors (unemployment, under-employment and welfare dependency), health and health care (from unhealthy living conditions and diseases such as HIV and AIDS) and social relations (household composition, gender and vulnerability) (Meredith, 2011). These inequalities of society are intertwined and the lack of provision of one resource affects the conditions in the other resources. For instance, a high rate of deaths from HIV and AIDS leads to more orphaned children living in different household situations (SAIRR, 2010). Poverty is a complex condition that is manifested in all of these areas, but affects people in different ways. For some people poverty is a stumbling block that hinders them from accomplishing their goals, while others see the context that creates their personal situation or the conditions in their community as an incentive and inspiration for changing the status quo.

Sport has always been a part of South African society, as a symbol of unity and pride, a site for resistance and discrimination and a reflection of the prominent political practices and ideologies in the nation (Booth, 1998). The dominant ideologies of the time, particularly of the ruling party, are translated into specific policies that guide the structures, practices and practicalities of sport access, opportunities and participation. For instance, sporting bodies were prominent in both the reinforcement of, and resistance to, apartheid practices (Nauright, 1997; van der Merwe, 2007).

Many sources provide a thorough historical and political overview of South Africa from pre- colonial times to the present (Lester, 1998; Omer-Cooper, 1989; Worden, 2007). For the purpose of this thesis a brief background is provided focusing first on the political and sport history of South Africa, being followed by an examination of current and persistent social 82 inequalities, and concluding with the history and current status and structure of women sport internationally as well as women’s football in South Africa specifically.

4.2.1 Politics and sports

4.2.1.1 Pre-colonial and colonial era

General history South Africa as it is known now has long been a land of conquest, warfare and political turmoil. An important year marking the start of the colonial settlement was 1652 when the Dutch East Indian Company (VOC) established a station at Table Bay, which is now Cape Town (Booth, 1998; Worden, 2007). Conflict between the settlers and the local Khoikhoi began in 1659 with disputes over land and cattle. These conflicts spread to other ethnic groups as the settlers moved east and north in search of land and freedom from debt in the Cape. In the following centuries they would battle with the San, Xhosa, Zulu, Sotho, Griqua, Tswana and Pedi (Lester, 1998; Worden, 2007). A more aggressive process of colonial conquest began in the 1870s as the British sought control of numerous African settler colonies. Between the 1870s and 1890s, the British annexed or conquered Basutoland, Bechuanaland, Griqualand West, the South African Republic in the Transvaal and the Transkei. The Pedi and Zulu were defeated after prolonged conflict and their lands came under the control of the imperial government (Worden, 2007).

The final conflict before the formation of the South African Union was the South African (Anglo- Boer) War from 1899-1902 in which the English fought the Boers (Dutch descendants, also referred to as Afrikaners). The war was long and destructive, with tens of thousands of casualties, including 22,000 British troops, 30,000 farmsteads, 26,000 Afrikaner women and children and 14,000 African internees (Worden, 2007). Black South Africans played an important role in the British victory as they fought alongside the British, were messengers, transport drivers and scouts. Some black South Africans, however, were drafted to fight for the Afrikaners (Pampallis, 1991).

Residential segregation, pass laws and acts dictating the ownership of land began prior to the formation of the Union of South Africa. Pass laws began in 1760s in the Cape where Khoikhoi and slaves had to carry passes from their employers in order to prove that they were not fugitives (Booth, 1998; Pampallis, 1991). In 1828 these pass laws were removed and slavery ended in 1834. However the pass laws were adjusted to be focused on African employees (Worden, 2007). Similar pass laws existed in Natal where African migrant workers were required to carry passes to be allowed in the city (Omer-Cooper, 1989). Residential segregation 83 originated in Cape Town in 1901 with the need to quarantine dock workers who had been exposed to the bubonic plague through their work at the port (Worden, 2007). These dock workers were moved to the outskirts of town, as were a similar group of people in Port Elizabeth. In Durban and Pietermaritzburg, labourers were either provided worker’s barracks in the towns or forced to live in settlements on the outskirts of town (Lester, 1998). Fears of social unrest in Durban and Pietermaritzburg in 1906 led to segregated barracks for African residents (Worden, 2007).

The presence of sport Sport and physical activity has been a prominent part of the South African society prior to colonisation, when stick fighting and ox-racing were popular forms of activity among the Zulu and Xhosa (Alegi, 2004; van der Merwe, 2007). During the colonial period, European sports such as football, rugby, cricket, boxing, netball and tennis were introduced (van der Merwe, 2007). Along with these sports came European gendered ideologies associated with sport and ‘muscular Christianity’ aimed at teaching gentlemanly behaviours and values into the male colonial subjects through sport and recreation in schools (Archer & Bouillon, 1982; Badenhorst, 2004). Not all sports were used for the same purposes. In the early 1800s, cricket was used to assimilate the locals into British culture, providing a place where the British and locals could play together, but remain separated after the match (Booth, 1998). Rugby, on the other hand, was used to maintain the unity of the colonialists and keep them dominant and separated from other races (Booth, 1998). International travel for sports dates back to the late 1800s with rugby tours to New Zealand, South African cyclist Laurens Meintjies travelling to England and the United States of America in 1893 and 1894 and the Blignaut brothers representing the South African Athletics Association in England in 1894 and 1895 (van der Merwe, 2007).

4.2.1.2 Independence

General history The end of the Anglo-Boer war and subsequent land ‘resettlement’ of the Afrikaner farmers ensured the Africans were used for wage labour in the mines, and paved the way for Afrikaner self-governing parliaments in the Transvaal and Free State. These governments joined with those that had previously been established in the Cape and Natal to become the Union of South Africa in 1910 (Omer-Cooper, 1989; Pampallis, 1991). White supremacy was ingrained in the new constitution and it was only in the Cape where class considerations were above race (Worden, 2007).

Over the next fifty years, these practices of segregation would become more entrenched and legislated, starting with the Mines and Works Act in 1911, which required workers in skilled 84 positions to hold a ‘certificate of competency’ that in practice was only held by whites, effectively enforcing a colour bar in mine related work (Worden, 2007). The Natives Land Act soon followed in 1913, which restricted blacks from owning new freehold land outside of designated ‘reserve’ areas (Morris, 2000). The Natives (Urban Areas) Act of 1923 focused on residential segregation in urban municipalities, denying Africans property rights within the urban centres and was one of the most telling antecedents of segregation leading to apartheid (Lester, 1998; Omer-Cooper, 1989). Education in the Cape was first segregated in 1685 when the Dutch East India Company established a separate slave school to educate the non-Whites (Leonie, 1965). After the Dutch influence, the missionaries and the British had a strong influence on how education in the region developed (Leonie, 1965). The 1905 School Board Act in Cape Town separated white and coloured students in government schools (Worden, 2007). These patterns continued until the end of apartheid.

In the 1940s there was fear by the white ruling class that with a continual influx of African migrant labour into the cities, segregation was collapsing, pass laws were relaxing and black protests were increasing (Lester, 1998). In response to these fears, the National Party proposed increased labour control, residential segregation and consolidation of native reserves through a system of apartheid and it was on this basis that they won the 1948 election (Worden, 2007).

Sport activities When the Union of South Africa received independence in 1910, provincial and national organised sporting bodies were controlled by white leaders and clubs (van der Merwe, 2007). Sport was seen as a means of bringing unity between the Afrikaners and the English, although in practice matches between the two ruling groups were filled with tension and rivalry (Booth, 1998). Sport reflected the distinct political views of the British and the Afrikaners. Rugby exemplified this as it was part of the British imperialistic policies, while at the same time representing the Afrikaners nationalism and ethnicity (Archer & Bouillon, 1982).

Government officials, such as Graham Ballenden, manager of the Johannesburg municipal Native Affairs Department, used sports such as football as an instrument to control, pacify and distract the urban black Africans in particular from the political landscape of their surroundings (Booth, 1998). The black Africans were not as naïve as was assumed. They used the provision of social services such as recreation parks and sports clubs as a way to give urban Africans a voice and legitimatise their place in the city (Booth, 1998).

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4.2.1.3 Apartheid

General history Racial classification became paramount through apartheid, where it was mandatory that everyone was classified into four racial groups: Native (Bantu), European (White), Coloured and Indian (Asian) through the Population Registration Act of 1950 (Pampallis, 1991). This legislated classification was the ‘cornerstone’ of apartheid and particularly to the apartheid policy of separate development, according to a speech by the Minister of the Interior, Mr. S.L. Muller in 1969 (West, 1988). Although legislated, the categories were difficult to define clearly. Numerous amendments were issued changing the precise wording as to how each population group was defined (West, 1988).

Further ‘apartheid rules’ legislated segregation including: the Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act (1949), prohibiting marriage between whites and non-whites and the Immorality Act (1950), barring extra-marital sexual contact between whites and non-whites (Pampallis, 1991). Residential segregation was made more comprehensive in 1950 with the Group Areas Act and the 1954 Natives Residential Act. Both Acts led to the forced removal of hundreds of thousands of businesses and homes to ‘townships’ such as Soweto from areas such as Sophiatown and Alexandra in Johannesburg (Pampallis, 1991). In Cape Town, tens of thousands of residents in District Six were relocated to townships on the outskirts of the city (Worden, 2007). Natives were relocated to ‘homelands’ or ‘reserves’ according to their tribal background, with the aim of each ‘homeland’ to become its own independent nation (Lester, 1998).

The Separate Amenities Act (1953) segregated all public facilities, including cinemas, restaurants and transport (Worden, 2007). It correspondingly affected the sports realm where certain facilities were designated for specific racial groups restricting racial mixing and disadvantaging the lower classes (Gemmel, 2007). Schools were affected by the Bantu Education Act (1953) through segregation and the control of African schools by the Department of Native Affairs, which took control from missionary institutions and implemented a separate curriculum from the white schools, stressing ‘Bantu culture’ which “deliberately prepared students for little more than manual labour” (Worden, 2007:106). The Prime Minister at the time, Hendrik Verwoerd, stated that it was absurd that the ‘Bantu child’ would learn skills that would give them the expectation of equality as an adult and therefore these children needed to only learn the skills they would need to live in a segregated society and serve their community (Booth, 1998; Hurwitz, 1964). This Act was extended in 1959 with the University Education Act restricting certain population groups to particular universities and colleges (Pampallis, 1991). The three ‘tribal’ universities were separated by language – Fort Hare for Xhosa, Ngoye for Zulu 86 and Swazi and Turfloop for Sotho and all other African languages; while the Indians were restricted to Westville University College in Durban and Coloureds were required to attend the University of the Western Cape (Archer & Bouillon, 1982). These Bantu Universities would later become sites of resistance to apartheid, particularly the University of Western Cape and the University of Fort Hare.

The National Party remained in power for 66 divisive years, throughout which many forms of resistance and conflict occurred. Homes were destroyed, populations were forcibly relocated, political activists were arrested, detained and killed. Despite knowledge of forced removals and legal policies restricting and segregating the land non-white South Africans could live on, there was a continual influx of people from the rural areas into the urban centres looking for employment (Field, 1998; Morris, 2000; Robins, 2002). Migrant workers living in the ‘homelands’ or reserves, could not make a viable living in the rural areas and chose to move into the urban areas, often with their families, despite the restrictive Acts in place (Wilson & Ramphele, 1989).

Through plans to establish order, sanitation and control over the non-white populations, single people (mostly male migrant labourers) were moved into hostels, while families were moved to new communities, called ‘townships’. The expected established housing turned out to be empty lands or the shell of a house without doors, floors, electricity, inside toilets or a ceiling (Field, 1998; Morris, 2000). These hostels and townships or ‘informal settlements’, were synonymous with overcrowding, poor sanitation and a rise in various health problems (Wilson & Ramphele, 1989; Worden, 2007). As word of the poor conditions got back to the original residents of the area and more people migrated in, there was a strong resistance to the removals. Instead the corrugated iron shacks within the townships became prolific (Robins, 2002).

Regardless of the government plans for urban planning, the townships around Johannesburg and Cape Town were overcrowded, unhealthy and highly susceptible to floods and fires (Field, 1998; Robins, 2002). Although poverty was evident before these housing shortages and the segregation laws of apartheid, Wilson and Ramphele (1989) argue that apartheid was an intensification of processes leading to the poverty of millions of South Africans that had begun 300 years earlier. Through the entrenchment of white power and privilege, segregation affected all levels of society, in so far as the non-white population was continually dispossessed, received poor education, lived in despicable housing conditions and had their freedom of movement, organisation and speech removed (Wilson & Ramphele, 1989). The manifestations of poverty are multi-faceted, encompassing poor living conditions, which give rise to various health problems including tuberculosis, cholera and dysentery; substandard education leading to problems of unemployment; and labour restrictions determining wage rates and working 87 conditions (Robins, 2002; Wilson & Ramphele, 1989). The current situation can be understood in the wake of these manifestations and is examined in depth in the subsequent section.

Sport during apartheid During apartheid, sport was another means to control the population through restricting and monitoring their movement and keeping the racial groups segregated (Booth, 1998). The racial segregation in society and sport that began during colonial times was intensified during apartheid as certain political laws such as the Group Areas Act, the Separate Amenities Act and Pass Laws, restricted movement, prescribed team composition and segregated access to facilities along racial categorisations (Archer & Bouillon, 1982; Nauright, 1997).

These laws of segregation were supported through the National Party Sports Policy, announced by Minister of Home Affairs, Dr. T.E. Donges in 1956, which included racial separation of sport organisation, no mixed race teams representing the country, no mixed teams within the country and the avoidance of mixed teams from abroad coming to South Africa (Booth, 1998; van der Merwe, 2007). This created obvious problems for visiting teams, generating the most notable conflicts regarding rugby tours with New Zealand, where Maori players (indigenous New Zealanders) were not allowed to participate in South Africa because they were considered ‘coloured’ (van der Merwe, 2007).

Sport facilities and structured opportunities were unequally distributed throughout the country, reflecting the general distribution of resources (Archer & Bouillon, 1982). In urban areas, children who attended school could take part in soccer, netball, rugby or athletics, while those not attending school played street games such as stone throwing and marbles (Booth, 1998). In the rural areas and homelands sport facilities were non-existent, which was parallel to the lack of education and medical provisions in these areas as well. Sports facilities that did exist were often financed through the sale of alcohol in the local municipality (Archer & Bouillon, 1982).

African sport received its financing from the Bantu Sport and Recreation Fund after 1973, although by 1976 their funding fell to R69,000 (Archer & Bouillon, 1982). Research from the 1980s in Pietermaritzburg, Natal demonstrates the disparities where 72% of all sports facilities were owned by white schools and football was the only sport where whites did not own the majority of the facilities (Booth, 1998). Considering that only 20% of the population was white, this inequality is even more apparent. Additionally the fields that were counted in the black areas were rough, unfenced, unmarked, covered with stones and other impediments, lacking grass and without amenities such as change rooms, toilets or spectator cover (Booth, 1998). This lack in facilities mirrors the lack of funding overall received by the schools (Archer & 88

Bouillon, 1982). In 1986, white pupils received four times the finances than black pupils living in urban areas and nine times more than the finances reaching black pupils in the homelands (Booth, 1998). In terms of spending on sport in particular, a report from 1983 revealed that R9.84 was allocated per white child compared to R0.41 per black child (Booth, 1998). These disparities were recognised and only served to fuel the fire of discontent within the country and lead to movements of resistance, both in society as a whole and in sport in particular.

Access to sport at the school level was similarly segregated according to the level of education and racial categorisation, with few sporting opportunities available in the Bantu Education schools, compared to regular physical education classes, quality facilities, private coaches and extracurricular options in a variety of sports in the White governed Model-C schools (Booth, 1998). Physical educational was perceived as a means to transmit the political and ideological views of the apartheid state, prepare the pupils for physical labour and military involvement (Rajput & van Deventer, 2010). However, in the government-run Bantu education schools there were challenges of malnutrition, strikes and the struggle against apartheid which led to high rates of student drop-outs, failures and the need to focus on ‘making up’ time lost rather than providing extra-curricular physical activities or curricular physical education (Rajput & van Deventer, 2010).

4.2.1.4 Resistance to apartheid

General history It was in the informal settlements that both peaceful and violent protests originated as mass mobilisations against the policies and actions of the state. The resistance included riots, bus boycotts, school boycotts and stayaways (strikes where workers do not go to work) (Field, 1998; Morris, 2000; Worden, 2007). The apartheid government continued to use force, leading to a massacre in Sharpeville (1960), resulting in the deaths of 69 people and wounding of 180. After this massacre, the strikes and stayaways intensified and the government was forced to declare a State of Emergency leading to the detainment of African National Congress (ANC) and Pan African Congress (PAC) leaders and the banning of both organisations (Worden, 2007). The State of Emergency was removed in August 1960 (Pampallis, 1991), but led to the General Law Amendment Act in 1963 which allowed police to detain individuals without charge and put them in solitary confinement (Worden, 2007). State oppression and mass resistance continued throughout the 1970s and 1980s with the 1976 Soweto riots. Twenty-five years after the Sharpeville massacre, in 1985 on Sharpeville Day in Uitenhage, Eastern Cape, police fired on a funeral procession and killed twenty people (Morris, 2000; Worden, 2007). This again led to the government declaring a State of Emergency in July of 1985, which lasted until 1990 (with a brief break in 1986) (Worden, 2007). 89

Political resistance and opposition to apartheid were occurring internationally and within the African continent. A declining national economy due to a depreciating gold price caused an increased dependence on International Monetary Fund (IMF) loans, soaring inflation and unemployment, which all led to the weakening power of apartheid (Morris, 2000; Worden, 2007). Political winds shifted in 1989 when the National Party Prime Minister, P.W. Botha was replaced by F.W. de Klerk, who in February 1990 removed the ban on the ANC, the PAC and the South African Communist Party (SACP) and released Nelson Mandela from jail, beginning the process of negotiation towards the end of apartheid (Bonner & Nieftagodien, 2008; Taylor & Shaw, 1998). This political shift, however, did not mean an immediate reprieve from the previous violence and oppression. Instead, between 1990 and 1994, over 16,000 people died in violent encounters, including 1250 in massacres, 300 in train attacks and 119 in political assassinations (Taylor & Shaw, 1998).

Resistance to apartheid was not restricted to the political realm. Sport organisations both within South Africa and internationally had a significant influence on loosening the hold of apartheid. Starting in the 1940s national federations and associations began to protest the segregated policies of national sport associations (van der Merwe, 2007). From 1960 there was mounting pressure from the International Olympic Committee to ban South Africa from the Olympics. It was not until 1970, however, that they were officially banned (Nauright, 1997). An international boycott was coordinated by the Commonwealth Games Federation in 1977 (Guelke, 1993). The South African Non-Racial Olympic Committee (SANROC) was instrumental in organising boycotts internationally (Nauright, 1997) and tried to create racial unity within the national sporting bodies with their slogan, ‘no normal sport in an abnormal society’ (Merrett, 2003).

During this transition period, feminism was gaining increased attention. In April 1992 the Women’s National Coalition was launched, with members from over 60 other national organisations and 13 regional coalitions (Bonnin, Deacon, Morreell & Robinson, 1998). The diversity among the group along racial, religious, political and class lines was advantageous in being able to put forth a representative voice for women across the nation. It was also detrimental at times when accusations came that one group was not representing the voices of another, or was too dominant over another (such as the dominant ANC or Zulu women over women from the PAC or Pedi) (Bonnin et al., 1998). Being able to put differences aside and see the commonalities between the variety of women supported their cause, as women from different political groups realised their aspirations were similar and they were fighting against the same masculine ideologies (Bonnin et al., 1998). Some gains were achieved, by getting a (somewhat) united voice for women to be heard in the political realm, as well as providing a platform for women from different backgrounds to voice their opinions, although there were still 90 differences of opinions that arose among class, ethnic, racial and political categories (Bonnin et al., 1998; Mvimbi, 2009).

Sports as part of resistance Resistance to this segregation within South Africa began in the 1940s and 1950s by many national Associations and Federations, including the South African Weightlifting Association, the South African Soccer Federation, Body Building Federation and the Cricket Control Board (Booth, 1998; van der Merwe, 2007). The International Table Tennis Federation was the first to allow the non-racial South African Table Tennis Board to affiliate instead of the white led South African Table Tennis Union in 1947 (Keech & Houlihan, 1999). In 1956 the International Table Tennis federation was the first to expel the white South African Union from membership (Kidd, 1991). International sporting organisations joined in the resistance by boycotting sporting tours from South Africa (Bose, 1994) and prohibiting South Africa’s participation in international Associations and tournaments. Not all sporting codes joined the resistance at first. After Table Tennis, other federations were slow in following suit. South Africa was expelled from boxing in 1968, wrestling, canoeing and cycling in 1970, weightlifting in 1972, swimming in 1973, soccer and track and field in 1976, basketball in 1980, handball in 1982 and tennis in 1989 (Kidd, 1991). In other sports South Africa’s status was unclear, restricted, or had voting rights only (Kidd, 1991).

Starting in 1960, there was pressure for the International Olympic Committee (IOC) to ban South Africa from the IOC and Olympics. This pressure came from non-racial organisations within South Africa such as the South African Sports Association (SASA), the first non racial sports organisation which formed the South African Non-Racial Olympic Committee (SANROC) and the South African Council on Sports (SACOS) (Keech & Houlihan, 1999). Organisations and individuals that had fled South Africa due to persecution were also pressuring the IOC from other countries (Booth, 1998). The president of SACOS from 1977 to 1981, Hassan Howa was the person who first coined the slogan, ‘no normal sport in an abnormal society’ (Booth, 1998).

South Africa competed in 1960, but not in 1964 or 1968 due to failure to comply with the Olympic Protocol in 1964 and because of threats to boycott the 1968 Olympics by 32 African and ten other countries from around the world (van der Merwe, 2007). In 1970 South Africa was officially expelled from the IOC (Kidd, 1991; Nauright, 1997). The Commonwealth Games Federation ratified a more coordinated boycott against South Africa on 24 June 1977 called the Gleneagles Agreement or Commonwealth Statement on Apartheid (Guelke, 1993; van der Merwe, 2007). This agreement stated that Commonwealth countries would discourage contact or competition by members of their country with sport organisations, teams or individuals from South Africa (Keech & Houlihan, 1999). Although the UN was slow in their actions, the United 91

Nations’ Committee Against Apartheid Sport drew up a list of teams and individuals that visited South Africa in 1981 that were to be prohibited entry in other countries (Booth, 1998). Although not all countries adhered to this prohibition, many sports people refused to play in South Africa for fear of being banned from competitions in other places.

Some sports were used as sites of resistance and mobilisation against the apartheid regime. After the Sharpeville massacre in 1960 the ANC and the PAC were banned, leaving sports and organisations such as SASA as one of the last areas providing opportunities for protest (Keech & Houlihan, 1999).

As in the political realm, major changes transpired when the bans on the ANC, PAC and SACP were removed by F.W. de Klerk in February 1990, leading to the formation of non-racial organising committees in Olympic and non-Olympic sports and the lifting of international sporting boycotts in 1991 and 1992 (Booth, 1998). South Africa was re-admitted to the IOC in July 1991 and attended the Olympics again in Barcelona in 1992, although they competed without a national anthem or flag and some spectators were seen waving the old tri-coloured flag (Masao, 1992; van der Merwe, 2007).

One of the conditions upon which South Africa was re-admitted to the IOC was that there would be a restructuring of SA Sport to be racially inclusive both in administration and participation. The protests of the non-racial National Sports Congress (NSC) forced negotiations to occur, although there were significant disagreements between NSC and the other non-racial organisation SACOS (Booth, 1998). Although sports were now organised by non-racial bodies, the disagreements and defections between the NSC and SACOS caused disunity among the movement and the transformation was anything but smooth (Booth, 1998).

In terms of the fall of apartheid, it is argued that the sports boycott was the most effective anti- apartheid sanction (Kidd, 1991). Keech & Houlihan (1999) argue that the sports campaigns were more of a first step in raising awareness and opposition to apartheid; while the financial and trade sanctions were more successful. In either vein of argumentation, it is important to recognise the valuable contribution sport had in bringing the issue of apartheid to the international consciousness.

4.2.1.5 Democracy

General history It was not until 1994 that the first democratic elections occurred and Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress (ANC) won with a landslide victory (Bonner & Nieftagodien, 2008). Since 92

1994 South Africa has been led by three ANC presidents: Nelson Mandela (1994 – 1999), Thabo Mbeki (1999 – 2009) and Jacob Zuma (2009 – present), each with a slightly different approach and perspective on various political matters. Mandela had a focus on reconciliation and created a unified nation. This was facilitated through the new political policies, such as the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), as well as the promotion of the National Rugby team, the Springboks, during the 1995 Rugby World Cup hosted by South Africa (Meredith, 2011).

The ANC under Mandela instituted a liberal constitution in 1996, including a Freedom Charter that provided freedom to blacks and whites alike, and commissions to protect gender and human rights (Worden, 2007). The main political programme of the ANC once they had secured authority of the national parliament was called the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) with the main aims to redress the inequalities of the past and build the nation through redistribution of wealth. There are six basic principles of the RDP: integration and sustainability, people-driven, peace and security, nation building, meeting basic needs and building infrastructure and democratisation (Republic of South Africa, RSA, 1994). The RDP White paper’s final tenet is to empower women, youth, rural and disabled people. In terms of women it states, “women often represent the poorest, most exploited and most marginalised sector of our society” (RSA, 1994:41). The fact that women are included specifically in these documents is a positive reflection of the women’s movements discussed above. However, the principles of racial integration, economic regeneration and the establishment of democracy have taken the primary focus, notwithstanding the goal “to build a democratic, non-racial and non- sexist future” (RSA, 1994:7).

It was soon recognised that the RDP was not producing the desired results and in 1997 a new policy, the Growth, Employment and Redistribution Policy (GEAR) was implemented by Mbeki, acting under Mandela. The aim of GEAR was to promote job creation, entice foreign investment and improve economic growth through free market capitalism, privatisation and reduced government spending on social development in line with international economic policies of neo- liberalism (van der Waal, 2008; Worden, 2007). Although this plan was more promising and brought about some progress in terms of economics, it also restricted government spending on social development, which had detrimental effects on the country’s poor majority.

When Mbeki took office, his concentration remained on transforming and promoting black businesses and a black middle class through a programme of Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) and affirmative action (Meredith, 2011). Mbeki improved foreign investment, yet is all too well known for his controversial standpoint on HIV and AIDS. He denied the mainstream understandings of the virus and the need for treatment and action campaigns. Mbeki questioned 93 if HIV existed, if it was linked to AIDS and accused anti-AIDS activists of using biological warfare to test toxic drugs on South African people (Meredith, 2011). On the other hand, Mbeki was well known, and critiqued, for his promotion of Pan-Africanism and an African Renaissance (Bongmba, 2004), and contributing largely to the successful bidding for South Africa to host the 2010 FIFA World Cup (Meredith, 2011). Despite scandals, accusations and trials on a plethora of charges, including corruption, money laundering, fraud and rape, Jacob Zuma was able to win the 2007 ANC party elections and went on to become South Africa’s third President since apartheid in 2009 (Meredith, 2011).

Sports after apartheid Post-apartheid sports continued to reflect the dominant political ideologies and served as a symbol of national unity and nation building. South Africa was now considered the ‘rainbow nation’ and the 1996 Olympic medallists were called the ‘rainbow warriors’ (Merrett, 2003). Winning the Rugby World Cup in 1995 was used to promote the new rainbow nation as Nelson Mandela handed the trophy to Springboks captain Francois Pienaar (Booth, 1998; Farquharson & Majorbanks, 2003). The nationalist focus on unity, racial transformation and nation building has continued in the Sport and Recreation South Africa policies since 1994, as politicians have capitalised on the popularity of rugby, cricket and football to implement quotas to ensure a racially diverse sport representation. This racial transformation, however, continues to sideline issues of gender, preserving the underlying male hegemony that has become so evident in sport policies and practices.

Despite the quota system and affirmative action in sport, the racial divide persisted and in some cases intensified under the banner of nation building. The focus on sports such as rugby and football as an expression of the new South Africa, reinforced a masculine and violent identity, linked to the ideologies promoted in the militarised state, associated closely with violence in law and resistance (Bonnin et al., 1998). In referring to Bafana Bafana (the senior male national football team), Bonnin et al. (1998:119) state: “they are considered prime examples of virile manliness and are worshipped and lionised for succeeding in a white-dominated society where many African men are deeply alienated by unemployment and challenges to their traditional authority”. War-like metaphors and the identification of sports teams by strong, aggressive animals such as Bulls, Sharks, Lions, etc. demonstrates the prominent position sport holds in reinforcing dominant ideologies of what an ideal man is considered to be.

After the ANC came into power, their Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), included sport as a priority to be included in development projects across the nation in order to compensate for past inequalities, predominantly in terms of redressing racial inequalities (Nauright, 1997). The role of sport is discussed as a means to develop human resources: “sport 94 will have a significant role in the development of young people ... Youth, especially young women, will be enabled to play a full role in reconstruction and development” (RSA, 1994: 8). The RDP informed the “White Paper on Sports and Recreation”, which was condensed in 1998 and had four main objectives: increasing participation, raising the profile of sport, maximising international sporting success and using sport to combat crime (NDSR, 1998). Other tenets of the White Paper were affirmative action to redress the inequalities of the past and an emphasis on women and girls through continued support and training (NDSR, 1998).

Sports such as hockey, rugby, tennis and swimming have a large percentage of white participants. Cricket is dominated by white and Indian men, while football, on the other hand is dominated by the black majority of the population (Struwig, 2008). This is partly due to the history of football, which was used as a site for resistance and political gatherings during apartheid, and was seen as one of the few locations where there was freedom of movement, action and speech (Alegi, 2004; Hargreaves, 1997). Football was not always dominated by black South Africans; it was popular among white males prior to democracy as well. However, as the administration was experience various structural changes, the white population became less interested and began to become less involved (Bolsmann, 2010)

The new “Road Map for Optimal Performance” and strategic plan by Sport and Recreation South Africa (SRSA, 2011b) for 2011 to 2015 is a more inclusive plan that includes a focus on disadvantaged and marginalised groups such as women, girls, youth, pensioners and people with disabilities through mass participation. However the prominent objective continues to be transformation (although a definition of what type of transformation is not provided, the assumption is racial transformation). The new plan has ten objectives: transformation, school sport, institutional mechanisms, mass mobilisation, recreation, funding, high performance sport, effective and efficient administrative support, well governed sport and recreation community, and inter- and intra-governmental cooperation. These ten objectives aim to be achieved through 5 programmes: administration, sport support services (through sport and recreation, club development, education and training and scientific support), mass participation (in communities and schools), international liaison and events and facilities coordination (through planning and advocacy and technical support) (SRSA, 2011b). Another new addition to this plan is the integration of NGOs as service providers and as a source of advocacy using sports to promote messages against violence or in preventing HIV and AIDS.

Although women have become more visible in the political realm in South Africa, they are still marginalised in many other realms, including sport. In 2008, 30% of women participated in sport in South Africa, compared to 55% of men (Struwig, 2008). A variety of constraints continue to limit women`s participation, including: dominant patriarchal ideologies regarding 95 gender roles and responsibilities leading to lack of leisure time; lack of sufficient facilities, transport and sponsorship available for women; and fears of safety in traveling to or from trainings or games and during trainings (Burnett, 2001b). South African women are not a homogenous group and some groups (predominantly those from a higher economic class and white race) are less affected by these constraints (Hargreaves, 1997).

Black women continue to form the majority of the lower classes. Despite a recent shift in ideologies and socio-economic upward mobility of a minority of the black population, black women are still restricted by ’’traditional and colonial forms of patriarchy’’ which dictates the types of behaviour or actions that are appropriate (Hargreaves, 1997: 202). There have been some forms of resistance, and realms of sport exist where women of mixed racial backgrounds have been able to make progress. One area in particular in South Africa is netball; while it does not challenge gendered ideas of sport since it is classified as a woman’s sport and is feminine in its uniform design with short skirts and blouses, it does create a unique space for women, black women in particular, to control top decision-making positions (Pelak, 2005a, 2009).

4.2.2 Social inequality and the context of poverty

Despite South Africa having a democratically elected government where all citizens have had the opportunity to vote since 1994, and notwithstanding the aims of the ANC government to build a non-racial, non-sexist, democratic, economically prosperous and peaceful nation (RSA, 1994) as enshrined in the 1996 constitution (Worden, 2007), the remnants of apartheid and centuries of oppression prior to apartheid endure. There are various facets that can be examined to review the current state of poverty, however this section focuses on three dimensions: economic (poverty levels, unemployment, welfare and inequality), infrastructure (housing, health care, education and sport) and social (household composition, gendered dimensions of poverty and vulnerability).

4.2.2.1 Economic life

There are many ways to determine socio-economic status or levels of poverty, with the two most common approaches being absolute and relative poverty. Absolute poverty is having an income that is less than the calculated income level considered the minimum required to maintain life, most commonly on $1 or $2 a day. As of 2008 in South Africa the amount was R515 per month (SAIRR, 2010). According to this measurement, 68% of African women and 60% of African men in South Africa were considered poor as of 2008 (SAIRR, 2010). Relative poverty is a comparison of the individual or household to others in the society, according to their ability to live in the ways that are customary, encouraged or approved in their society through 96 the diet they have, the activities they participate in or their living conditions (SPII, 2007; Townsend, 1979). In South Africa this means that the income varies each year and depends on the household size. In 2009 42% of South Africans and 49.5% of black South Africans were considered relatively poor (SAIRR, 2010).

One of the main contributors to poverty levels is a lack of employment or underemployment. On the eve of democracy, in 1994 the official unemployment rate was 33%, while most of the unemployed had no training or skills that would help them obtain a permanent position. Half of the economically active population worked informally as street vendors, domestic workers or backyard business owners (Meredith, 2011). As of 2010, the South African unemployment rate was 32.4% (SAIRR, 2010). Relevant for this study, unemployment was 30.4% in Gauteng and 22.0% in Western Cape (SAIRR, 2010). In September 2012 the national unemployment rate had increased to 36.2% (SAIRR, 2012). There continues to be an increase in the number of people leaving secondary school, of whom less than 7% will acquire jobs in the formal sector. In some rural areas, unemployment rates are as high as 95% (Meredith, 2011).

This also leads to a high proportion of South Africans receiving social welfare grants. As of 2011, there were 15.4 million beneficiaries of social grants in South Africa, 10.7 million of which are for the Child Support Grant (Patel, Hochfeld, Moodley & Mutwali, 2012). Mbeki boasted of a healthy society that was able to provide welfare grants for a sufficient number of citizens (Meredith, 2011). However, on the other side of the provision, a dependency is created. Patel et al. (2012) have shown that the Child Support Grant in particular, reaches the poorest proportion of society and is essential for the women and families to survive. Welfare grants for pensioners are equally important, as pensions can provide an average of 1/5 of a household income and sometimes significantly more than that (Wilson & Ramphele, 1989), leading to many individuals and households relying on these grants for survival. Of the beneficiaries that receive the Child Support Grant, the largest percentage (33.5%) also rely on pensions and disability grants as their other source of income (Patel et al., 2012). In terms of the Foster Child Grant, R710 a month in 2010, given to caregivers looking after children whose parents have died, the number of recipients has increased 88% between 2005 and 2009. In 2009, 511,479 grants were provided (Holburn & Eddy, 2011).

When the ANC came into power, one of their main aims was to redress the huge wealth disparity, where the Whites counted for 13% of the population but earned 61% of the nation’s income (Meredith, 2011). The ANC has not been able to eliminate the inequalities. In fact it has increased as South Africa is currently the most economically unequal country in the world according to the Gini coefficient (Pressly, 2009). This is partly due to the increase of ‘black diamonds’ created through BEE, which provided opportunities for a minority of black business 97 men and some women to penetrate the top levels of business, creating a new economic and social elite (van der Waal, 2008).

4.2.2.2 Infrastructure development

Economic challenges go hand in hand with infrastructural disruptions, which affect the provision of housing, health care, education and sport. As stated above, one of the downfalls of apartheid was a failing economy. This meant that the ANC inherited a government that required the use of 92% of its income for debt repayment and current expenses, leaving a mere 8% for spending on all the promised new developments (Meredith, 2011). The inherited infrastructure was planned to promote the interests of the white minority, with separate education systems, hospitals, housing areas and sports facilities connected with these designated living areas or schools. Changing these systems and structures was a daunting task for the 1994 ANC government and remains daunting 18 years after the end of apartheid. Five important aspects of infrastructure that affect sport participation are examined in greater detail below, namely: transportation, housing, health care, education and sports facilities.

Transportation An important aspect of the nation’s infrastructure is the roads and transportation system. In South Africa, there are a number of ways to get from one location to another, primarily by air, rail or road. On the roads there are private vehicles, buses, ‘taxis’ (mini-buses) and meter taxis. Depending on the distance travelled the cost of public transit changes. In Cape Town there is a reliable system of trains that can transport you from the outskirts of the city to the city centre or vice versa. There is a system of buses and ‘taxis’ that may require you to transfer one or more times to get to your desired destination. Each transfer requires another fare. In Johannesburg and Gauteng the rail system is not as reliable and not used as often. Public transit users rely more on the buses and ‘taxis’ to get from one side of the city to the other. A few public transit initiatives were put in place in Gauteng for the 2010 FIFA World Cup, including the rapid train, Gautrain, which goes from downtown Johannesburg to Hatfield in Pretoria and the Rea Vaya, of which only one of three routes has been completed as of June 2012.

The majority of South Africans use the ‘taxis’ or mini-buses to get them from home to work or whatever their destination is. They often travel for long periods of time or wait in long queues before even beginning their journey. They can spend up to four hours a day travelling, which significantly decreases their time at home spent with their families. The reason for these long trips can be traced back to the pre-apartheid and apartheid policies removing Africans from the city centres and relocating them to the outskirts of the city, dramatically increasing their transport time and costs. 98

Housing The ANC promises of equality, prosperity and basic services such as housing, electricity, water and sewage systems for all citizens has yet to be fully achieved in 2012, when many people are still living in conditions the same, or worse, as during apartheid (SAIRR, 2010). President Mbeki announced great progress in 2005, stating that 10 million people received access to drinking water and over 2 million housing subsidies had been granted (not all built), while social grants were being distributed to a large number of people (van der Waal, 2008). Comparing 1994 to 2011, South Africa’s population has increased by 10 million people. In 1994 22 million lacked adequate sanitation, 12 million lacked safe water and almost 20 million lived below the poverty line. In 2011, the statistics have improved, but remained dire as 18 million lack adequate sanitation, 5 million lack clean water, 7 million live below the poverty line, over 3 million live in informal settlements and the crime rate is one of the world’s highest (Meredith, 2011). This demonstrates that despite economic and social progress, the poverty statistics in South Africa in 2012 remain dismal. The context and manifestations of poverty will be examined in more detail in the following section.

The ANC promised new houses to all of the population, however this dream has become a reality for only a minority of South African citizens. As of 2009 there was a housing backlog of 2,154,000 houses in South Africa (615,000 in Gauteng and 305,000 in Western Cape), while 88,447 houses were under construction and 160,403 were completed (SAIRR, 2010). Most of the players in this study and of football nationally come from townships or informal settlements (called ‘locations’ by locals), some which have been established since the early 1900s and others that were more recently created in the 1990s (Morris, 2000; Robins, 2002). Some of the locations have permanent houses, while others are filled with tin shacks. According to the 2009/2010 South African Survey (SAIRR, 2010), 18.8% of households in Johannesburg and 15.5% of households in Cape Town live in informal dwellings (see figure 1 below). Even in the townships with permanent concrete houses, tin shack additions or rooms in back and side yards are common. In Johannesburg 8.4% of households live in backyard informal dwellings, while the figure is 6.2% in Cape Town (SAIRR, 2010).

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Figure 1: Informal dwelling in South Africa

Health Care Having such a large percentage of the population living in informal dwellings, where overcrowding is a common problem, many health concerns arise. These include lack of proper sanitation, clean water, ablutions and refuse clean up (Robins, 2002). Accessing suitable and quality health care is correspondingly a challenge.

Another health concern in South Africa is the HIV prevalence rate, which was 11.8% in 2010, while 49.6% of the deaths in 2010 were related to AIDS (SAIRR, 2010). HIV and AIDS cases in South Africa account for 17% of the HIV and AIDS cases internationally, which contributes to the high number of orphans in the country (SAIRR, 2010). There are 859,000 double orphans (both parents are deceased) in South Africa, 2,468,000 paternal orphans and 624,000 maternal orphans (Holburn & Eddy, 2011). According to UNICEF, in 2007 2,500,000 children lost one or both parents due to all causes, while half of these cases were the result of AIDS (Holburn & Eddy, 2011).

Both HIV infection and teenage pregnancy are related to alcohol abuse and the subsequent prevalence of unprotected sex (Cavazos-Rehg, Krauss, Spitznagel, Schootman, Cottler & Bierut, 2011; Cook & Clark, 2005; Pitpitan, Kalichman, Eaton, Sikkema, Watt & Skinner, 2012). Teenage pregnancy is another problematic issue in South Africa. As of 2008 24.4% of women aged 15-19 are mothers or have ever been pregnant (SAIRR, 2012). The proportion of teenage pregnancies is slightly lower in Gauteng with 19.4% and 15.3% in Western Cape (SAIRR, 100

2010). Although the fertility rate among 15-19 year olds has dropped from 124 births per 1,000 women in 1989 to 58 in 2008, 50,000 learners became pregnant while in school in 2007, an increase of 151% from 2003 (Holburn & Eddy, 2011). Some people argue that this increase leads to an increased dependency on the Child Support Grant (CSG). However, the teenage fertility rate has actually declined since the introduction of the CSG (Holburn & Eddy, 2011). Part of the discrepancy between these statistics is that school teenage pregnancy has become more visible. Previously, expectant mothers would drop out of school and not return; while in more recent years the young women have been encouraged to return to school. Teenage pregnancy leads to challenges linked to education, unemployment, household composition and other social concerns detailed below.

Education As described in section 4.2.1.3 above (page 86), one of the most damaging policies during apartheid was the Bantu Education Act of 1953 that placed the administration of education for black Africans under the control of the Department of Native Affairs (Hurwitz, 1964). Not only did this administration have less funding for the schools, they were given a separate curriculum that was aimed at only providing the skills deemed necessary for living in a state of servitude (Booth, 1998; Worden, 2007). In the years to follow this act, control of Indian and Coloured education systems would be segregated and run by the House of Representatives (HoR) and the House of Delegates (HoD) respectively (Roodt, 2011).

The legacy of this segregation remains today and is noticeable in terms of access to resources, level of education, pass rates and access to extracurricular activities such as sports. Although schools are now multi-racial, there are still differences in funding available to private, former Model-C schools (which were run by the White administration and were semi-private) and to government schools that were formally considered the African schools and were run and funded entirely by the Department of Native Affairs (Roodt, 2010; Worden, 2007). The funding patterns continue with former Model-C schools still operating with better resources and management than the schools funded entirely by the Department of Education (Roodt, 2010).

The academic success of the schools reflects the resources and management that the schools receive. In the education system overall, high school graduation rates and the number of students being eligible for post-secondary school education is poor. In 2009, only 60.7% of final year students passed their exams, with only 19% meeting the minimal requirements for university admission (Roodt, 2010). African (black) students fared even worse, with only 10.9% of African students in 2007 being eligible for university and 13.4% in 2008 (Roodt, 2010). The pass rates have improved in the last two years, with 67.8% pass rate in 2010 and 70.2% in 2011 (Motshekga, 2012). However, these percentages are still considered high since 101 candidates require 40% in three subjects and 30% in three subjects in order to pass (Admin, 2010). The SAIRR assert that the pass rate is actually lower when the drop-out rate is considered, since only 36% of the 920,716 students who were in grade 11 in 2007 completed their matric in 2008 (333,681 students) (Nkgafela, 2009).

The pass rate to leave high school varies significantly between these types of schools, as well as between the different provinces in South Africa. In 2010, Western Cape had the highest pass rate of 82.9%. In Gauteng 81.1% of matriculants passed, whereas the Eastern Cape had the lowest pass rate of 58.1% (Motshakga, 2012). After the 2010 results, Roodt (2011) argued that it is the school that students attend that makes the most difference in terms of results, with former Model-C schools producing much higher pass rates than public schools. Model-C schools were previously run by the white apartheid government and were semi-private, they are still semi-private and provide a higher standard of education than schools that are currently funded primarily by the government. For example, in 2009, 88% of Africans in former Model-C schools passed matric, compared to a 55% pass rate for black Africans in all schools (including the former Model-C schools) (Roodt, 2011).

The resources available to the schools are reflected in the sporting facilities, equipment, coaching and administration provided to organise and participate in sport for the learners. The public schools, where the majority of football players attend, lack sufficient educational resources, and resources for sports are often viewed as an unnecessary extra expense. Most public schools in urban areas do not even have a playground for the students to use during breaks, while very few have a useable sports ground were practices or games can take place. School sport is dependent on teachers or volunteers to coach, which results in the schools only offering sport according to teacher expertise, which restricts the options available for the learners (Komphela, 2010).

Other social problems such as unemployment, poor study environments, drug abuse and teenage pregnancy also negatively impact school attendance and performance. Teenage pregnancy is associated with high rates of drop-out. In 2007 49,636 learners became pregnant, while in 2008 the birth rate for 15-19 year olds was 58 out of a 1000 (Holburn & Eddy, 2011). On the other hand, learners who feel less attached to their school have a higher tendency of dropping out and then becoming pregnant (Strassburg, 2010). Sport is one approach that has been shown to improve school attendance, academic retention and to contribute to the development of valuable social skills (UNOSDP, 2011). It has been demonstrated that female athletes become sexually active at an older age (UN, 2007).

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4.2.2.3 Social life

The social aspect of existence is dependent on the previous two sections discussed: economic and infrastructure. An individual’s social life is affected by their economic status and that of their family and community, as well as the infrastructural support they receive and are able to access. These components affect the household composition and lead to gendered vulnerability levels.

Household composition The economic situation, poor infrastructure (including education, health care and housing) all lead to a variety of struggles within the household. High unemployment, migrant labour and crime targeting young males lead to a lack of responsibility and absence of the male population. In South Africa, almost half of the children who have a father do not live with their father (Holburn, 2012). It has been demonstrated that children who grow up without a father were more likely to be aggressive, suffer from depression and anxiety, have lower academic performance, have problems with relationships, become pregnant, get married early and get divorced more often (Holburn, 2012). The composition of the family has lasting impacts on the children, which is more often detrimental when both parents are not present.

The high rates of teenage pregnancy, HIV and AIDS and absent fathers result in a high percentage of single parent households and extended families caring for the children of their siblings or their grandchildren (Holburn, 2012). Currently in South Africa 40% of children live in single-parent households, 33% live with both biological parents and 20% are orphans (Holburn, 2012). Most of these single parent or extended households are run by women, who have a higher rate of poverty than men. In the research conducted by Patel et al. (2012), they found that of the households receiving the Child Support Grant, 52% were female-headed compared to 37.5% male-headed and 10.3% that were headed by both females and males. In South Africa and many other countries, women are the most vulnerable to acts of violence, poverty and the effects of poverty in terms of health, educational opportunities, as well as sport opportunities.

Households in South Africa are fluid and dynamic, usually overcrowded with multiple people sharing one room or one bed. Children move regularly between households and between the rural and urban areas depending on who has the resources to care for them (Ross, 2010). The context of poverty leads to these children being passed from household to household that scholars have referred to them as ‘football children’ (Loening, 1992).

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Gendered vulnerability There are four main groups of people that are considered particularly vulnerable in South Africa: children, women, the elderly and people who have a disability (Wilson & Ramphele, 1989). Many times individuals from each of these categories can be found living in the same household where a grandmother is taking care of her grandchildren in a house primarily consisting of women and children. High mortality rates among men working in dangerous jobs, such as in the mines, as well as high crime rates which leads to numerous widows who must take full responsibility for the household (Wilson & Ramphele, 1989).

In many ways, South Africa is a land of disparities. In terms of gender equity and equality, South Africa has one of the highest percentages of women in parliament, yet conversely one of the highest percentages of rape and teenage pregnancy (Update, 2010). At the moment, South Africa’s progressive constitution promotes gender equality and women have seen tangible gains in terms of participation, representation and recognition (Hassim, 2005; Govender, 2005; van der Westhuizen, 2005). Women were elected for 45% of the National Assembly in 2009 and as five of the nine provincial premiers (Mbola, 2010). Of the national cabinet ministers, 41% are women (14 out of 34), responsible for a variety of portfolios (GCIS, 2012). In Gauteng, 45.2% of provincial legislature was held by women, while the Western Cape has the lowest proportion with 33.3% of seats held by women. At the local level, the figures are similar with 44.6% in Gauteng (n=391/877) and 32.8% in Western Cape (n=245/748) (SAIRR, 2010). The diversity of statistics demonstrates the heterogeneity in women’s progression throughout the country.

However, the female representation has not carried over into all the spheres of society. Political representation does not always mean equality in power within parliament or freedom from patriarchal ideologies. Women may have access to political leadership, but this does not carry over to other realms of leadership including the corporate or sporting sectors, which men continue to dominate. Men continue to hold on to their traditional positions of power in sporting institutions, especially football, where they are bolstered by embedded hegemonic norms, processes, structures and procedures that are difficult to transform (Pfister et al., 2002; Talbot, 2002). Further discussion on the role of sport in South Africa and the development of women’s role in sporting institutions is discussed later in this chapter.

Sexual abuse and rape continues to affect a large portion of South African women. Despite having the highest proportion of women in parliament from 1999 to 2007, South Africa had the worst rates of violence against women (Moffett, 2008). According to a report by Gender Links in 2011, 51.3% of women in Gauteng have experienced emotional, economic, physical or sexual violence in their lifetime, while 75.5% of men admitted to committing at least one of these forms of violence towards women (Machisa, Jewkes, Lowe Morna, & Rama, 2011). The same report 104 states that out of every 13 people surveyed in Gauteng, one had experienced non-partner rape, while only one in 25 rapes were reported to the police (Machisa et al., 2011). Sexual violence was experienced by 25.3% of the women and 37.4% of men admitted to sexually abusing someone in their lifetime. This was the third most prevalent type of violence, after emotional and physical violence (Machisa et al., 2011). Throughout South Africa, at least one in three women experience rape in their lifetime and one in four women experience domestic violence (Moffett, 2008).

Both in dealing with economic, political and social issues, race takes centre stage over gender. Moffett (2008: 111) argues that the post-apartheid focus on the legacy of racial inequality spills into discussions and accusations surrounding rape and sexual violence, blaming apartheid and migrant labour for emasculating men and bringing a ‘crisis of masculinity’. She argues that it goes beyond apartheid since South Africa has a long history of patriarchal social structures, be they colonial, apartheid, missionary or traditional African. Therefore, regardless of the advances in equality for women in some public spheres, the patriarchal history remains entrenched in the private sphere and at times is increased in order for dominant males to maintain a level of assertiveness in at least one realm of their reality, leading in turn to the increase in sexual and domestic abuse (Moffett, 2008). The violence towards women as well as high rates of teenage pregnancies and single mother families has created a society with a face of poverty that is primarily female.

The context of poverty with single parent or extended family households, poor housing, lack of quality education and high unemployment make participation in sport even more difficult. When families are struggling to meet their basic needs, extra expenses such as sport equipment, participation fees and travel costs can be out of the question. In the education system, where learners are often introduced to sport, there is barely enough funding for textbooks, leaving extracurricular activities such as sports to the responsibility of outside organisations (NGOs), limiting sporting options or neglecting sport completely (Komphela, 2010). The following section shifts focus slightly to women’s sport, first internationally, then specifically in South Africa, with an overview of women’s football history and current administrative structures and opportunities available.

4.3 Women’s football - ‘herstory’

4.3.1 Women’s sport internationally

Women’s participation in sport internationally has increased since the 1970s, with a major boost coming from legislation such as Title IX signed in 1972 in the United States, which regulated 105 gender equity in terms of participation opportunities and access to funding (Edwards, 2010). There have been many international conferences on gender and sport resulting in numerous declarations, resolutions and platforms, most notably the 1994 Brighton Declaration on Women and Sport. This inaugural declaration calls for gender equality in sport in terms of sports facilities, resources, coaches, administrators, education, training and development to address gender inequalities and increased information and research to be produced on women and sport (UN, 2007). South Africa is a signatory to the Brighton Declaration which should result in steps towards greater gender equality within South African sport, however as discussed above, there are still glaring disparities.

Since 1994 the International Working Group on Women and Sport (IWG) has met together every four years, producing a legacy document at each conference. In 1998, the second conference was held in Windhoek, Namibia and resulted in the Windhoek Call for Action. The Montreal Toolkit was produced in 2002 out of Montreal, Canada. In Kumamoto, Japan, the 2006 Kumamoto Commitment to Collaboration was birthed (Adriaanse, Ryan & Morgan, 2010). International collaboration regarding women’s sport has occurred on a greater scale since the 1998 Windhoek Call for Action with a rise of organisations such as Women Sport International (WSI) and the International Association of Physical Education and Sport for Girls and Women (IAPESGW) (White & Scoretz, 2002).

Through these organisations best practices are shared, governments are lobbied and women’s sport is supported. Their focus in general is that of liberal feminism, seeking equality in sport access, participation and administration (Hargreaves, 2004). However, as critical feminists argue, the bases of the male strongholds in sport are found in masculine hegemony and are difficult to change (Birrell, 2000). This means that the influence of the international treaties and declarations is limited. Penetrating the male strongholds of sport administration, coaching and media recognition continues to frustrate sports’ women across the world.

Even when the international declarations are taken up by individual countries, the praxis of the legislation is still in its infancy. For example, quota systems in some Scandinavian countries, such as Norway, have encouraged an increased number of women on administration boards. However, as Hovden (2010) records, not all sports boards comply with these regulations and those that do keep women in entry level positions, while men maintain positions of true power and authority. In 1996 the German Sports Confederation made a similar amendment to its statutes, mandating that the proportion of women on divisional and national boards be at least equal to the percentage of women in their overall membership (Pfister & Radtke, 2009). However, in 2003 the percentages of women on governing bodies remained below 20% while

106 the highest executive bodies of the national sports federations had only 9% representation of women (Pfister & Radtke, 2009).

Despite these obstacles against the participation of women in positions of power and leadership in football, there are a growing number of women who are willing to fight their way into the powerhouses of men. White and Kay (2006) found that there has been a considerable increase of women filling senior sports administration posts in the United Kingdom. This was most noticeable in the British Olympic Association (BOA), where 21% of the organisation was women, with women as President, Director and 12 of the Vice-Presidents of the British Olympic Foundation (White & Kay, 2006). However the representation of women on national governing committees differed according to the type of sport. Traditional female sports such as hockey and netball had 45% representation of women, neutral sports such as tennis and swimming had over 50% representation of women, while traditional male sports such as rugby and football had a mere 10% female representation (White & Kay, 2006).

The percentage of women within international sport administration continues to be low. In 2008 only 12.7 per cent of Commissions, 6.7 per cent of Executive Board members and 14.5 per cent of General Members within the International Olympic Committee (IOC) were women (IOC, 2008). In May 2012, FIFA appointed Lydia Nsekera, the Burundian Football Association President as the first woman to serve on their 25 person executive committee (CNN, 2012). Despite this new appointment, the Chairperson and Deputy Chairperson for the Committee for Women’s Football and the FIFA Women’s World Cup are both men, although 15 of the 16 members (93.7%) are women and one of the two special advisors is a woman (FIFA.com, 2012). This has improved since 2010, when 9 of the 13 members (69.2%) of the Women’s Committee were women (FIFA.com, 2010a). Included on the women’s committee are four women from Africa (Egypt, Burundi, Senegal and Liberia) (FIFA.com, 2012).

Participation figures alone do not represent gender equality. Even increased numbers of women in decision-making boards are inadequate to challenge the hegemonic ideology. Women need to be represented fairly in terms of positions of authority and power in the public domain, by individuals who promote the heterogeneous needs of women, have their recommendations put into action and receive media coverage worthy of the positions and responsibilities they hold.

4.3.2 International women’s football

Women’s football has been played in Europe since the early 1900s. Although women were banned in many places from public participation, renegade leagues and individuals persisted 107

(Pfister, 2003; Pfister et al., 2002; Skille, 2008; Williams, 2003). The first recorded game of women’s football was in 1888 in Scotland (Williams, 2003). In England, football has been played since the late 19th century, but was put in a very difficult situation when in 1921 the English Football Association passed a resolution discouraging women from football participation and restricting their access to facilities (Pfister et al., 2002). In Norway, female football is recorded from the 1920s and 30s, but only became a serious sporting pursuit in the 1970s and is now considered a symbol of women’s liberation (Skille, 2008). The German Deutscher Fuβball-Bund (DFB) banned their clubs from establishing women’s teams in 1955, hindering the progress of women’s football at the time (Pfister, 2003). Most of these bans and restrictions were based on the beliefs that women were vulnerable, weak and their bodies were not made for playing physically demanding sports such as football (Pfister, 2003).

At the professional level, there are very few leagues around the world. In the USA, there have been two attempts at a professional league, the most recent, that operated from 2009 to 2011 attracted top female players from around the world, including the most prolific Women’s Footballer of the Year, Marta from Brazil. In January 2012 the league announced it had suspended the 2012 season due to a lawsuit with one of their owners, however in May 2012, the league announced that it was terminating its operations completely (Dure, 2012b). Although the league was not forthcoming with the reasons behind their decision, the owners have lost several million dollars in the past three years due to poor game attendance and “miniscule television ratings” (Futternam, 2012). Dure (2012a) reports that there is still discussion of another professional league rising up, but there are still questions why a professional women’s league cannot be sustained in a country where millions of girls play football/soccer and the national team continues to excel on the international stage.

In 2011 England launched a semi-professional league with eight teams, but only four members of the team are paid £20,000 a year to ensure there is sufficient revenue to sustain the league (Yew, 2011). In Sweden, the Damallsvenskan was started in 1988 with 12 clubs nation-wide, and is often considered the top women’s league in the world (Eade, 2008; Svenskfotball, 2012). There are also professional teams in Germany, Norway, Russia, Denmark, Finland and Iceland (Soccerway, 2012). Finding out details about these leagues through the internet is difficult, reflecting the lack of media coverage for women’s sport and women’s football internationally.

With the rise of women’s sport internationally, women’s football more specifically has held a prominent place both in competitions and in research. In terms of international competitions, the Women’s World Cup at the senior level began in 1991, while the U-20 level was inaugurated in 2002. The first U-17 Women’s World Cup was held in 2008 (FIFA, 2012). The 2011 Women’s World Cup was watched by more people around the world than any previous 108

Women’s World Cup, with broadcasting rights provided by FIFA to over 200 territories, including 23 territories in the Middle East and North Africa (FIFA, 2011). Records were broken for television audiences around the world, with over 17 million viewers in Germany watching the Germany-Japan quarterfinal, and a peak audience of 21.1 million viewers in the USA. Fifteen million Japanese watched Japan beat the USA in the final (FIFA, 2011). This is the second highest daytime audience in US cable history – trailing only the 2011 Rose Bowl. While in Japan the viewership was 50% higher than the audience for the Men’s 2010 World Cup final (FIFA, 2011).

FIFA conducted research regarding the Women’s World Cup in Germany and in 15 countries around the world in 2011. They found that women’s football is gaining acceptance internationally with 85% of respondents in 9 of the 15 countries agreed that football is good for women to participate in (FIFA, 2011). In South Africa, 78% of the respondents agreed that it is acceptable for women to participate, while in France 97% of the respondents agreed. The lowest support for women’s football was in China at 52% agreement (FIFA, 2011). It is viewed as an appropriate sport because it is attractive (57%), modern (56%), entertaining, fun (both 55%) and of good quality (53%) (FIFA, 2011).

Most of the research on women’s football is centred in Europe and North America and increasingly in Asia, Australia-Oceania, the Middle East and Africa. Prominent themes include: media coverage (Hardin & Greer, 2009), participation histories (Pfister et al., 2002), socialisation patterns (Giuliano, Popp & Knight, 2000), sexuality and gender identity (Caudwell, 1999; Jeanes, 2005, 2011), among other topics of interest related to public debate.

There has been significantly less research on women’s football in Africa, although there have been some valuable contributions by Saavedra (2003) regarding Nigeria, Senegal and South Africa, Hargreaves (1997, 2000), Jones (2003) and Pelak (2005b, 2009) in South Africa and Brady and Banu Khan in Kenya (Brady, 1998; 2005; Brady & Banu Khan, 2002). The research in Africa has focused more on the history of women’s football, structural challenges and successes in terms of patriarchal ideologies and racial divisions (Jones, 2003; Pelak, 2009). More recent research coming out of South Africa has examined nuances in the sport, including sponsorship (Mills, 2010) and the embodiment of femininity/masculinity (Haugaa Engh, 2010a; Rubin, 2009). These research projects and articles have highlighted many issues, however there are many more countries and topics to cover in the future.

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4.3.3 In the shadows of the 2010 FIFA World Cup

The FIFA World Cup 2010 brought the world’s attention to South Africa and football to the attention of all South Africans. Although men’s football had centre stage, women’s football also received increased attention, through a proliferation of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) focused on equality through sport. Multiple ‘legacy projects’ arose by Sport and Recreation South Africa (SRSA) and FIFA, aiming to increase participation levels and leave tangible benefits at the grassroots level after the mega-event.

Shortly after the FIFA men’s World Cup in 2010, a few high profile women’s tournaments received media coverage in the aftermath and continued euphoria created from hosting a successful World Cup. From 5 to 25 September 2010, Trinidad and Tobago hosted the women’s under-17 World Cup. This was the first World Cup South African women qualified for. Although the team did not advance past the first round, they attained international experience and increased media coverage. Shortly after that, South Africa hosted the African Women’s Championships (AWC), which served as the African qualifiers for the 2011 Women’s World Cup. This was held from 31 October to 14 November 2010, where South Africa narrowly missed the finals and finished third. Nigeria and Equatorial Guinea finished in the first two positions and represented the continent in the 2011 World Cup held in Germany from 26 June to 17 July 2011.

While the primary focus of the World Cup was on elite level sport, there was a resurgent emphasis on mass participation and particularly on the plethora of ‘legacy projects’ coming in the wake of major sporting events globally (Campbell, 2010). Internationally, Sport for Development and Peace and the impetus for sport to address the Millennium Development Goals (UN, 2003) has put increased pressure on major sporting events to go beyond providing sport to address local or international issues that can be related to sport. FIFA had at least five major legacy campaigns that they promoted during the 2010 World Cup, focused on infrastructure (building pitches), education, health, training and supporting local and international tournaments (FIFA, 2010; FIFA.com, 2010b and c). The South African SRSA had their own legacy projects; most notable was the aim to build 52 artificial pitches, one in each SAFA region (FIFA, 2009). These legacies fit into the National Strategic Plan and other policies already in place, such as increasing participation and raising the profile of sports, but did not focus on gender (SRSA, 2007b, 2009). Most of the projects focused on social justice through bringing equality based on economics and race, which left issues of gender on the sidelines.

Although gender equality was not a prominent aim of the legacy projects, it is a main part of the sport and development tenets and Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) promoted by NGOs 110 and international funders such as GIZ and USAID, while still an endnote for most of the SRSA projects (SRSA, 2011b). Thus in the wake of the World Cup legacies, women did receive some benefits, albeit limited. Most of the legacies and remnants of the World Cup did not affect individuals or families/households on a personal level; however, a few larger scale differences were noted. One of the noticeable benefits was an increase of interest in football, leading to a new women’s club starting in the Johannesburg location of this study. The increase of tournaments connected with the promotion of the World Cup was beneficial for the Cape Town U-15 team in particular, through the provision of opportunities for some girls to travel to other provinces to compete. However, since these tournaments did not continue beyond 2010, their benefits are restricted and the legacy is limited.

In addition to the legacy projects of the FIFA 2010 World Cup, the infrastructure built, such as stadiums and transportation systems like the Gautrain have left a legacy of their own that have left the majority of poor women on the side lines. The stadiums are considered by many as ‘white elephants’ that cost R15 billion to build and will cost anywhere from R2.5 million (Royal Bafokeng, Northwest) to R30 million (Soccer City, Gauteng) per year to maintain (Cooper, 2010; Donnelly, Gossmann, & Harbour, 2010). The national female team had the opportunity to play in Soccer City (now the FNB Stadium) in Johannesburg for a friendly match against Ghana on 21 March 2012. Originally they were supposed to play in a local stadium in Soweto, but when that stadium was closed for renovations just before the game, SAFA made an announcement that the game would be played in the previous World Cup FNB stadium (SAFA, 2012). Shortly after that, another message came that they would play in a smaller stadium than the first one. Even on the morning of the match it was unclear where the game was being held (personal experience).

It was obvious that the FIFA 2010 World Cup was focused on the profit aspect of the tournament, despite the multiple legacy projects and the influx of finances for local NGOs working with projects associated with football. However in the wake of the elite tournament, however, the difference on the ground has not changed significantly.

4.3.4 South African women’s football

Women’s football in South Africa has a rich history, with early accounts of the Mother City Girls playing curtain raisers in 1962 against high school boys and mixed men’s teams in Cape Town (Drum, 1962). Although these games were used primarily for entertainment value by the male administrations, the women valued the games in terms of opportunities to show that they were skilful and able to play football at that time (Drum, 1962). From the Cape, the sport moved inland and is currently enjoyed by over 10,500 women nationally (in SAFA leagues alone). 111

Officially, women’s football in South Africa started as a separate structure to men’s football. In 1974 the South Africa Women’s Football Association (SAWFA) was autonomous from the racially segregated male structures (Pelak, 2009). SAWFA was restructured in 1992 to incorporate South African Women’s Soccer Association (SAWSA), which was comprised of predominately black township teams (Naidoo & Muholi, 2010). Two years later, in 1994, the racially segregated men’s organisations united to form the South African Football Association (SAFA). Through this merger, SAWFA became associated with SAFA, but still operated separately (Pelak, 2009).

Problems arose with SAWFA being associated with SAFA, as the men running SAFA used threats, intimidation, sexual harassment and abuse to control the women’s game and the female players and administrators associated with South African football (Naidoo & Muholi, 2010). The Pickard Commission came as a result of this extortion and abuse, which the women trusted would be beneficial. SAWFA instead was disbanded and became a sub-committee within SAFA giving control and fiscal responsibility entirely to a male-led governing body (Pelak, 2009). This essentially took away the women’s voice and control over their own affairs (Naidoo & Muholi, 2010), trends that have remained to the present. Women have continued to fight for their voice and support within SAFA structures. Not all of the voices have been equally beneficial, however, as some have continued to put female athletes in a narrow box that restricts their individuality and the desires of the majority (Haugaa Engh, 2010b).

In terms of access to resources and opportunities, women in South Africa continue to lag behind men, especially in terms of football. In the schools there are no annual tournaments for girls, whereas there are at least five tournaments for the boys sponsored by companies such as Danon (dairy), MTN (telecommunications), Chappies (sweets), Coca-Cola (soft drinks) and Milo (energiser drinks). During 2010, there was an organised World Cup knock-out tournament that included two ages of boys and girls respectively. This was a rare occurrence where the boys and girls were given equal prominence from the start of the tournament.

All of the schools in this study had long and well established boys’ leagues for soccer, whereas the girls’ leagues were still sporadic and remained peripheral. The boys’ teams practiced regularly, whereas the girls only practiced just before a game was scheduled. At the national level, the disparities are even more noticeable, with a professional league for the men, but not for the women. Recently, in qualifying for the 2012 Olympics, Banyana Banyana, the national senior women’s team received their first bonus, of R500,000 to be split between the players (Moleme, 2012a). However, this still pales in comparison to the R20 million bonus offered to Bafana Bafana if they qualified for the African Nations Cup [which they failed to receive] (Moleme, 2012a). Previously, the women’s national teams would only gather once or twice a 112 year immediately before a tournament to attend a week-long training camp, however in preparation for the 2012 Olympics, the women were sponsored for a 13 day training camp in Brazil playing friendly matches against Argentina, Peru and Chile from 10 – 13 February 2012 (Barnes, 2012). Banyana Banyana followed up their Brazilian training camp with a tournament in Cyprus (24-28 February) and in April they travelled to Germany for another training camp (Barnes, 2012). In June 2012, some Banyana Banyana players refused to train as they said the last time they were paid was three months prior, at which time they had been receiving R500 daily allowances, R4,000 for a draw and R5,000 for a win (Moleme, 2012b). The City Press article from 10 June 2012 reported a senior player stating, “We have not been paid since March and we feel it’s unfair to women. I doubt Bafana Bafana are ever treated like this” (Moleme, 2012b:14). The players feel that as women they are being treated with less respect, but desire to be treated equally.

Although the national women’s team started in 1993, a national league for women only began in 2001 when the national insurance company Sanlam partnered with SAFA to form the National Women’s League (Saavedra, 2004). This league had more than 300 teams and the top provincial teams competed yearly in the Sanlam Halala Cup (Saavedra, 2004). Sanlam sponsored the league for four years, followed by Vodacom (an international telecommunications company) that continued the sponsorship until 2008. In 2008, when the Vodacom sponsorship ended, the league was put on hold for one season until the national petroleum company, Sasol, came on board in 2009. The Sasol contract included 40 million rand for the provincial leagues from 2009 to 2012 and 10 million rand for the national women’s teams (Gsport, 2009). Other sponsors have supported the women’s national teams for specific events, such as FNB sponsoring the U-17 women as they went to the World Cup in Trinidad and Tobago in 2010 (interview with Fran Hilton-Smith).

There are a few prominent female figures in administration including Fran Hilton-Smith, Desiree Ellis and Natascha Tsichalis. However even women’s football continues to be dominated by male referees, technical officials, administrators, coaches and managers (Clark, 2011). Since 2001, the club options for women have increased dramatically. Section 4.3.5 describes the different leagues and administration structures that govern those leagues, while reviewing what opportunities are available for women to participate in football in South Africa.

4.3.5 Current national women’s football structure

Despite fewer opportunities for women to participate in football in South Africa compared to men, there are still a variety of opportunities for girls wanting to play football socially or competitively at various levels. There are two main avenues for football participation – SAFA 113 and the schools (primary, secondary and university). In the SAFA structure there are regional, provincial and national teams, supported by Local Football Associations (LFAs) and clubs (see figure two). Some opportunities exist at some primary and secondary schools and all South African universities (although not all campuses).

The pinnacle of opportunity for female football players in South Africa are the three national teams, U-17 (Bantwana), U-20 (Basetsana) and senior (Banyana Banyana) (see figure 2 below). The majority of the players are chosen from the Sasol league teams, although some have come from the Absa league and a few are currently playing at Universities in North America or semi-professional leagues in Europe. A core of the U-17 players are housed and educated at the High Performance Centre in Pretoria, linked to the University of Pretoria, which allows them to train together consistently throughout the year, while catering to the unique needs of a student-athlete in terms of nutrition and education (Burnett, 2010b). Staying together for extended periods of time helps them bond together as a team and play in a more unified manner (Rajput, 2011).

Banyana Banyana

U20 - Baesetsana & U17 - Bantwana

SASOL - 9 Provincial leagues (16 teams each)

ABSA - 52 Regional leagues (12 teams each)

Local Football Associations (from the 52 regions and 9 provinces)

Clubs

Figure 2: SAFA women’s football structure - 2012

The national teams have been relatively successful in the past few years, with the U-17 being the first women’s team to qualify for a World Cup in September 2010. The senior team finished third in the African Women’s Championships at the end of 2010, narrowly missing a spot in the 2011 Women`s World Cup, but compensated in the next qualifiers by securing a position in the 2012 London Olympics. 114

Most of the players on the national teams come from the elite level, provincial leagues, sponsored by Sasol (a national petroleum company). In each of the 9 Sasol leagues there are 16 teams, at the end of their season the bottom team in each province is demoted to the regional Absa sponsored league. The Sasol league is the highest level of team competition that is available in South Africa at the moment and the national play-offs usually receive television coverage. Despite many years of a promises for a professional women`s league, there are only two known teams that are able to provide some stipend to their players for participating and could be considered at least semi-professional.

Below the Sasol league are the Absa (a leading South African bank) sponsored regional leagues, which operate in each of the 52 SAFA regions in the country, with approximately 12 teams in each region. At the end of each season, the top team from each region plays off against the other regions in their province (the number of regions differs in each province, with 6 regions each in Johannesburg and Cape Town) and the winner is promoted to the Sasol league.

In addition to these two SAFA managed leagues, there are non-SAFA affiliated or ‘renegade’ leagues in some cities. There is one in Johannesburg known as the Rand Central League as it is operated by the Rand Central LFA and in Cape Town there is the Tygerberg League, operated out of the Tygerberg LFA. The players from these teams do not have to register with SAFA and therefore players in these leagues are not eligible to play for the national teams. This has led to problems in the past, according to the Cape Town Women’s Chairperson, but he insisted that a solution was reached so that the national team could utilise the best players from the region, whatever league they played in.

In terms of structures and administration, each team is part of a club that has an executive committee. Every club is affiliated with to a Local Football Association. Most LFAs have their own league, which is mostly for boys and men’s teams with a range of divisions from U-9 to over 35. Some clubs have multiple teams of boys and girls that play in multiple age groups or leagues in the LFAs, however most of the clubs with women’s teams only have one or two teams, compared to clubs that have mostly men’s teams and can have teams in U-9, U-11, U- 13, U-15, U-17, U-19 and senior levels. The men’s teams usually play in LFA leagues and may have a senior team that has progressed to a higher division, of which there are three levels: the regional league sponsored by South African Breweries (SAB); the provincial league sponsored by Vodacom; and the national league (Professional Soccer League – PSL) sponsored by Absa and Castle.

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In some LFAs there are girls that play on boys’ teams, while others have a full girls’ team that plays against the boys’ teams. For both of the locations in this research, the girls’ team that played in the Absa league also played in the LFA. The team in Cape Town actually had two teams, U-13 and U-15 in their LFA, while the team in Johannesburg only had one team that played in the U-13 boys division. Most boys’ leagues that accommodate girls allow the girls to play in a younger division by two years (a 15 year old girl can play in the U-13 boys’ division). This provides some compensation for differences in skill levels but some participants (boys and girls) find this concession unfair.

The second avenue for sport participation is through the primary, secondary and university schools across the country (see figure 3). Some schools across the country have teams. However, this is inconsistent within and between suburbs and cities and participation statistics are unknown. Some schools only provide teams for the one or two tournaments that are offered by the South African Schools Football Association (SASFA) or by School Sport Mass Participation Programme (SSMPP). Other schools have leagues that are run by NGOs and are not always regular, while some have leagues that run through school administration or SASFA.

Universities (USSA)

Secondary Schools (NGOs/SASFA)

Primary Schools (NGOs/SASFA)

Figure 3: South African schools’ football structure - 2012

In the two locations for this study, there were organised leagues for the secondary schools, one organised by SASFA and the other organised by an NGO. In the primary schools both leagues were run by NGOs, although in Johannesburg the league started very late in 2010, since the primary school girls were omitted in the first draft of the schedule. In Johannesburg, all of the primary schools were included, however in Cape Town, only a selected number of schools were involved. One of the schools in Johannesburg was coached by a former Professional Soccer League (PSL) player and he did not wait for the NGO league. Instead, he registered his girls’ team in a league operating in a nearby suburb to ensure their confirmed participation.

Continuing in the school system, South African universities offer another opportunity to participate in football, although only a small percentage of South Africans gain entry to tertiary 116 education. University sport is run by University Sport South Africa (USSA) and women’s football is offered at all of the country’s 23 universities (Burnett, 2010a). These teams compete provincially for the season, with an annual tournament where the top two teams from each province compete at the National Championships in December. Most of the teams at the universities also compete in the Absa or Sasol leagues on a more regular basis, with some of the universities having teams in both the Absa and Sasol leagues (the University of Johannesburg is one such example).

4.3.5 Leadership in South African women’s football

Administration All of the LFAs are administered by an executive committee and fall under one of the 52 SAFA regions, which are administered by an elected group of individuals from the LFAs. Each of the regions fall under the provincial executive committee (PEC) and the provinces come under the national executive committee (NEC). In Western Cape (where Cape Town is situated), a new Provincial Women`s Committee was started in 2010 with Lutfeyah Abrahams chosen as the Chair.

In both SAFA Johannesburg and SAFA Cape Town, there are no women on the regional executive committees and therefore the Chairperson of the regional Women’s Committees are both men, severely limiting the decision-making power of women. In Cape Town, there is a designated Women’s Committee that was selected by the Women’s Committee Chair, Mr. Alexander, incorporating many of the experienced women running the Absa and Sasol league teams in the region. In Johannesburg, there is no women’s committee, only a member of the regional executive who has the portfolio for women and children’s development. The responsibilities of this member are unclear as he does not even attend the Absa women’s league meetings hosted by SAFA Johannesburg (personal observation). The Absa league is run by the SAFA regional executive, while the Sasol league is administered centrally in Gauteng, with representatives in each province.

Since its inception, the SAFA leadership has been predominantly comprised of men, with the Chairperson of the Women’s Committee often being the only woman on the SAFA National Executive Committee (NEC). The current leadership and structure was elected in 2009 and will remain until 2013 (SAFA, 2010). This committee includes two women among the forty member SAFA NEC. The women were absent from senior administrative positions such as CEO or President, while both held specific portfolios: one was the Women’s Committee Chairperson and the other was a representative from the Professional Soccer League (PSL) (SAFA, 2010).

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The 40 SAFA NEC members are responsible for 15 standing committees, including the women’s committee. The SAFA Women’s Committee has been chaired by a number of women with significant experience managing both men's and women’s football, including Ria Ledwaba, Natasha Tsichlas and presently Nomsa Mhlangu. The Committee consists of 12 women from across South Africa (SAFA, 2010), nominated by various individuals within the SAFA NEC and chosen due to their known experience and knowledge of women’s football in the country.

Women’s football is supported by influential women such as Fran Hilton-Smith, who is currently the SAFA women’s football technical director. Hilton-Smith has been an promoter of women`s football in South Africa for many years as a past national coach, manager, founder and current administrator for the High Performance Centre in Pretoria.

Currently it is more difficult for women to get positions of influence in South African and international sport organisations, as women are generally scrutinised at a higher level than men, as described by SAFA Women’s Committee Chairwoman: Whenever we go to elections, it’s easier to elect men than electing women because when you speak of a woman you then get told you must bring a woman of calibre but when they are men I’m not too sure they are men of calibre. I believe that as women we are capable, but the unfortunate part is that before my credentials are looked at as a person, my gender is analysed. If we could move away from female/ male and just be human beings in existence it would really help.

Since gender is analysed before credentials it is more difficult for women to hold positions of power and influence. Women’s decisions are questioned more, despite having more experience than men at times. The Chairwoman described the role of culture in decisions made and behaviours towards women. It’s a daily battle . . . It’s all about how people perceive women in general, you know we are in a patriarchal society and our cultures as well tend to dictate on how people will behave towards you.

Even though there are a few women that have been able to reach the top levels, patriarchal structures and ideologies are large obstacles for increased numbers of women to become influential as administrators in South African football.

Coaching Although there are a few highly qualified female coaches in South Africa, top level coaching jobs are more commonly given to men. In the national teams, the U-20 team is the only team coached by a woman, Cheryl Boates, while the senior team is coached by Joseph Mkhonza and the U-17 is coached by Ephraim Mashaba (as of June 2012). There are no specific statistics regarding the number of female coaches for the provincial and regional teams. In SAFA

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Johannesburg there were three female coaches from the 12 teams in 2011, while in Cape Town there were four female coaches from the 12 teams.

In this study, three of the four coaches were male, with the one female coach being an assistant in Cape Town. In the schools, only two of the sports masters or teachers involved in women’s football were women; the other nine were men. This male dominance in coaching reiterates the discussion in chapter three above, that described the bastion of male power in coaching and administrative positions (Talbot, 2002). Men are considered to have the ‘natural’ knowledge and abilities regarding sport and are therefore considered to be better coaches (Shaw & Slack, 2002). Hovden (2012) has demonstrated that although other structural and ideological constraints are considered un-gendered, they continue to preference men over women.

Media There is a dearth of research focused on media coverage of women’s sport in South Africa. Pamela Serra (2005) examined three newspapers (Beeld, The Sowetan, The Star) from April to September 2004 and found that 86.5% of the sports coverage was on men compared to 13.5% of articles that focused on women. In a similar study from South Africa, five newspapers were coded (Beeld, The Sowetan, Sunday Times, Rapport, and The Citizen) for three months in 2006. Similar statistics were found whereby 86.3% of articles were about male sports, 7.4% covered both male and females in the same article, 2.1% were neutral articles and 4.2% were on females (Goslin, 2008:299-309). During the 2010 African Women’s Championships in South Africa, 89.4% of the 932 articles were about men, 9.7% (n=90) were about women and 1.0% were about both (Ogunniyi & Burnett, 2012).

In an international report by the Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP) 2010, sport coverage was grouped with celebrity and arts and females had only 38% of the coverage internationally (Macharia, O'Connor & Ndangan, 2010). When the reports were more regionally specific they found only 6% of print media in Africa and South Africa covered women in the celebrity, arts and media and sports category (GMMP, 2010b, GMMP, 2010a). In Africa, women were represented as a sportsperson, athlete, player, coach or referee only 3% (GMMP, 2010a).

It was found that women are significantly underrepresented working in media houses and as reporters for print, radio and television. In the Southern African region 41% of employees in media houses are women, while 50% of employees in South Africa are women (Lowe Morna and Rama, 2009). This statistic is misleading however, as women are found predominately in support positions compared to executive positions (35% in senior management) as well as in part-time or non-permanent positions (61%) compared to men (39%) (Lowe Morna and Rama, 2009). In sports reporting South Africa was more equal than in Southern Africa with 40% of 119 sports reporters in South Africa being female and only 24% in Southern Africa (Lowe Morna and Rama, 2009). In research focused on Johannesburg, Serra and Burnett (2007) found that from three of the dominant South African newspapers, there were 33 male and 2 female sport journalists and editors.

If the support for women’s football is measured in terms of the media coverage received, then this support has a lot of room for improvement. The messages women receive regarding the recognition and media coverage of the sport they play is still primarily masculine with men as the centre feature. On Sunday 3 June 2012 both national senior teams played at the same venue, the men playing at 15:00 and the women at 19:00, the national television station SABC1, broadcast the men’s match live with extensive commentary, while broadcast of the women’s match was delayed until 23:00 (personal observation). The following day, 4 June 2012, one of the local newspapers, the Sowetan, reported on the Bafana Bafana 1-1 draw against Ethiopia using almost the entire back page, while the Banyana Banyana match, also a draw, 1-1 against Nigeria (their best result thus far) was not even mentioned.

4.4 Summary

Understanding the background and history of South African politics, social inequalities, sport and women’s football is important to appreciate the current context. South Africa has an infamous past, moving to apartheid rule in the aftermath of colonialism. Although the apartheid government did not start out violent or destructive, force was required to enforce the laws that it created mostly on the basis of racial groups, which led to even more violence and protests from the people who were being controlled against their will. Apartheid has left a deep scar on the psychological, economic and physical landscape of South Africa and South Africans, that affects all areas of society.

The imposed divisions in society along racial lines affected the lives of many, increasing poverty levels, destroying families and separating education opportunities, physical activities and living conditions. The separation of resources, suburbs and schools continues to this day, although there is more racial mixing than previously. In the current democratic dispensation, the black majority are still the poorest ethnic group in the country with 68% of women and 60% of men considered poor. The black African population is also disadvantaged in terms of housing, with high percentages living in cramped informal settlements. Inadequate education levels and a dearth of opportunities continue to disadvantage the public schools where the majority of the black population attends. All of these factors impact the opportunities for sport and participation in women’s football as the majority of participants live in this context.

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Sport was detrimentally affected during apartheid as access to sport facilities and professional associations was restricted and divided according to race. However, sport was an important site of resistance against the apartheid government, through national and international boycotts, as well as a site to gather together politically and organise against the apartheid policies. African leaders and the Supreme Council for Sport in Africa lobbied for South Africa’s exclusion from the Olympic Games and international competitions. After apartheid, sport continued to reflect the dominant ideologies of the government. The governmental policies of racial inclusion, quota systems such as BEE and nation building became prominent discourses. Through this focus, gender equality has been left to the side in most sporting spheres and women retain a marginal position in terms of funding, media coverage and administrative positions.

Gender inequalities are not found only in South Africa, but internationally. Women in sport worldwide continue to fight for recognition, publicity, funding and administrative positions. Despite numerous declarations, commitments and calls for action, little progress has been made. Participation rates have increased significantly and there are more women permeating the upper levels of elite sport (i.e. Olympic participation rates, frequency of FIFA women’s World Cups). However, there needs to be a substantial shift in ideologies for women to truly be equal.

In South Africa, women’s football has been played since at least the 1960s when the Mother City Ladies team would play curtain raisers with local boys’ teams in Cape Town (Drum, 1962). The national women’s team only started in 1993 and organised, sponsored leagues followed in 2001. Currently there are two leagues organised by SAFA, at the provincial and regional levels as well as leagues in schools, universities and some ‘renegade’ leagues which are run through Local Football Associations. Three national women’s teams continue to out-perform their male counterparts, although they still receive considerably less media coverage and compensation for their successes. Women’s football in South Africa has come a long way since the 1960s but significant changes are still required in terms of decision making and professional opportunities.

Following this understanding of the context of women’s football in South Africa, chapter five will describe the research methods used in this project. The following chapter will explain how the study provided opportunities for a select group of female football players and their families, school-mates and community members to discuss their views on the effects of football participation. It is important that the background preceded the research methodology so that there is an understanding that the foundation of this research lies within past research, contextual history and current ideologies, all of which informed the choice of methods used to stimulate this academic and social investigation.

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5. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

5.1 Introduction

Using an ethnographic and mixed methods approach, this research focused on comprehensive case studies augmented by semi-structured interviews, focus groups and questionnaires. This in-depth project took place in Cape Town and Johannesburg with a total of 526 participants (see tables three and four). The qualitative methods included semi-structured interviews with 81 individuals and 33 focus groups. They were supported by insider observation of countless games and practices. Questionnaires completed by 427 respondents form the basis of the quantitative portion of the research, although other quantitative data was garnered through creating profile and data matrices during the coding process of the qualitative data (Bernard & Ryan, 2010).

5.2 Methods

In more recent years, the value of a mixed methods approach has become more recognised as qualitative researchers embrace quantitative techniques and quantitative researchers expand their tools to include qualitative methods (Bernard & Ryan, 2010). Using a diversity of methods brings the advantages of various disciplines to improve and widen the scope of a research project (Creswell, 2003). In that vein, this research used a variety of methods to collect a rich amount of data. A mixed methods approach emphasises the importance of triangulation to enrich the research data and improve the validity and trustworthiness of the research through revealing competing or alternative perspectives, and justification of emerging themes (Creswell, 2003; Fielding, 2009). Qualitative, ethnographic data was the central focus of this research, utilising a literature study, focus groups, questionnaires, insider observation and comprehensive case studies through semi-structured interviews. The quantitative aspects of questionnaires, profile and data matrices provided a wider, community perspective and verified the qualitative data.

To begin the research process, a detailed literature study was carried out to discover the current themes relating to women’s football in South Africa and internationally. The literature review helped to establish the areas to focus on in the interviews, focus groups and questionnaires.

Pilot studies were conducted both for the ‘comprehensive’ case studies and for the questionnaires. Pilot studies are important in qualitative investigations to familiarise the researcher with the research site and test the methods and procedures to be used in the project (Thomas & Nelson, 2001). For quantitative questionnaires, a pilot study is essential to ensure 122 that the format, content and length of the questionnaire is understandable, the participants are answering the questions in the expected manner and the instructions given to participants are adequate (Thomas, Nelson & Silverman, 2011). Details of the pilot studies are described in section 5.3 below (page 126).

Qualitative ‘comprehensive’ case studies form the core of this research. Case studies examine one individual or topic in depth in order to provide information on this topic to possibly inform other cases that are similar (Thomas et al., 2011). These comprehensive case studies are more in-depth than the usual case studies by focusing on the relationships between participants in order to understand each of the cases studied more thoroughly. This is an extension on the familiar semi-structured interview to interview the desired participants, as well as their significant others to ensure that the data collected is verified and triangulated by multiple individuals discussing the same topic (Creswell, 2003). Significant others are described as individuals that are important to a person through (among other influences) influencing their self-esteem and behaviour through socialisation (Mead, 1990; Ritzer, 2007; Sullivan, 1940). Carrying out semi- structured interviews with the significant others in an individual’s life offers multiple perspectives to form a greater depth of understanding about that individual and their experiences revealing aspects that the individual may not be able to see or articulate on their own.

The semi-structured interview is the foundation of these comprehensive case studies, where an interview guide was followed with a list of questions and topics to cover, but not always in the same order with the same words in every interview (Bernard & Ryan, 2010) (see Annexure C for copies of the interview guides). This provides more flexibility in the interview and gives the interviewee more control regarding the flow of the interview. The interviewer is still able to guide the questions so that the same themes are addressed throughout the research to allow for comparison between interviews (Bernard & Ryan, 2010). Semi-structured interviews provide the opportunity for the researcher to probe and ask for clarifications within the interview as necessary (Bernard, 2002). Asking the same questions to the different participants improves the validity and reliability of the data as the information is verified and confirmed between family members or other significant others (Creswell, 2003). Reliability of the data collected is improved by choosing similar groups of participants, conducting the interviews in the same time frame and in a location where the participants felt comfortable. These interviews occurred most commonly in the participant’s houses, but also at the soccer field (away from other people for privacy), school or in the researcher’s car on a few occasions (Thomas & Nelson, 2001).

The second method used was focus groups, which use group interaction and discussion focused on a specific topic as a means to collect data (Morgan, 1996). They are useful to gather together people from a similar background to get a range of responses on the same 123 topic. Their strength lies in the idea that discussions and behaviours can be stimulated that would not occur in a one-on-one setting, allowing the group to explore similarities and differences in their opinions (Bernard & Ryan, 2010). Montell (1999) discusses the opportunity to strengthen feminist research through focus groups highlighting their benefits of being more egalitarian and providing a less exploitative dynamic. The focus group can also have an impact on the participants who may leave the session with a new consciousness or feeling of empowerment (Montell, 1999).

In this research the focus groups were used to talk to the younger players (U-15 years old) and the primary school students to get a deeper understanding of how girls that play football were perceived in the schools by their peers. Another theme raised in the focus groups was the changes noticed by the students in the female football players since they started playing. The focus groups were clustered in terms of sport participation and gender with the aim that the participants would feel more comfortable being among peers that they were familiar with and more willing to talk than in an individual interview. There was furthermore the hope that the participants would learn something new from the discussions.

Questionnaires were used twice during this research to capture broader trends and understandings at a community level (Scheyvens & Storey, 2003). Questionnaires were used at the start of the school focus groups to obtain basic information about the participants and get them to start thinking about the topic (Bernard & Ryan, 2010). A second set of questionnaires were conducted in the communities surrounding the eight schools chosen for the focus groups (four schools in each location). A pilot study of the questionnaire was conducted during the 2010 FIFA World Cup in July 2010 at the Football for Hope Festival and was adjusted to create the final version of the questionnaire. The final questionnaire used the African Women’s Championships (the African women’s qualifiers for the 2011 World Cup) as the basis for finding out the perceptions of community members towards girls and women that play football in South Africa and their knowledge of football in the location (see Annexure B for examples of the questionnaires).

Insider observation refers to the researcher being closely related to the subject area and location. Using insider observation was relevant for this research because the researcher had personal experience in South African women’s football as a coach and player from 2007 to 2012. She also played football in Canada prior to coming to South Africa at school, recreational and competitive club levels, as well as coaching at the recreational club level. Being able to understand the context and sharing similar experiences with the participants helped to establish rapport, an important part of the research process to ensure participants feel comfortable and give reliable information (Thomas et al., 2011). This was done by attending practices, games 124 and spending time watching other games with the different teams. Each team was observed during at least one game and two practices, although the U-15 Johannesburg team was observed more during U-15 tournaments where the researcher was coaching another team.

5.2.1 Validity of research findings

Creswell (2003) discusses eight strategies for affirming the validity, accuracy and trustworthiness of qualitative research. The methods used for this research involved both quantitative and qualitative instruments; however, the primary mode of data collection and presentation is qualitative. This thesis utilized seven of Creswell’s (2003) eight strategies, as described in the following bullets.  All of the methods used during the various phases of this research amalgamated to create the rich, thick descriptions found in the results sections of this thesis. The findings are presented with quantitative and qualitative support.  The use of multiple sources and participants triangulates the data and justifies the themes that emerged from numerous accounts.  Opposing, negative or discrepant information is presented to demonstrate the variety of perspectives that are not always in agreement.  The researcher familiarity with the context, through spending a prolonged time in the field, supports a trustworthy account of the experiences of female football players in South Africa.  Spending prolonged time in the field, while also being an outsider and individual of perceived power, creates a particular bias in perspective and the presentation of findings. Hopefully this has been clearly defined so that the reader can understand the particular bias of the author.  To confirm the validity of the results, sections of the findings were presented to a few members of the community that participated in the research for feedback.  Discussions with peers conducting similar research in South Africa or who were familiar with the context verified the data gathered as similar to the specific context with which they were involved.

The length of the thesis remains a limitation to providing the reader with all the data and examples collected. It is the aim of the researcher that the findings presented will communicate the context, reality and complexity of women’s football from the perspectives of the players, coaches, and significant others. The multiple stages of data collection were important to gather these multiple perspectives and were each essential to provide the narratives found in the results chapters.

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5.3 Procedures

There were eight stages of data collection incorporating the variety of research methods. The stages of research overlapped at times, due to travelling between two cities and the availability of individuals. Data collection started in February 2010 and was completed in August 2011 (see table two).

Table 2: Time frame and research methods Time Group Methods Number February – Pilot study – University of ‘Comprehensive’ semi- N=22 March 2010 Johannesburg (UJ) structured interviews Interviews, focus groups May 2010 Cape Town primary schools N=118 and questionnaires July 2010 Pilot - Community Questionnaires N=25 Focus group and August – Johannesburg U-15 team and ‘comprehensive’ semi- N=25 October 2010 significant others and administration structured interviews September – Cape Town U-15 and senior team and ‘Comprehensive’ semi- N= 42 November 2010 significant others and administrators structured interviews October – Interviews, focus groups Johannesburg primary schools N=151 November 2010 and questionnaires November 2010 Community Questionnaires N=169 July – August Johannesburg senior team and ‘Comprehensive’ semi- N=20 2011 significant others structured interviews

The University of Johannesburg female football teams were drawn on for a pilot study of the comprehensive case studies. This occurred in February 2010 when five players of the first and second University teams agreed to participate in the pilot study. Following their interviews, the significant others were contacted and interviews were scheduled at their homes during February and March, resulting in 22 additional semi-structured interviews. During this stage of research, the interview guide was refined through adjusting the questions asked, specifically adding more questions about family relationships and activities outside of football, as well as adding questions about the challenges and opportunities that arose from the player’s participation in football. The procedures of contacting the participants, arranging and conducting the interviews were honed, including consolidating the participant information forms and improving the methods of meeting family members for interviews.

The pilot study that informed the design of the questionnaires for the community members was conducted during the 2010 Men’s FIFA World Cup in July 2010 at the Football For Hope Festival in Alexandra, Gauteng, South Africa (see Appendix B for copies of the questionnaires). Open ended questions from the initial questionnaire were transferred to close ended questions in the final questionnaire used for this research. The wording for the questions was adjusted to

126 ensure full understanding and that the answers received aligned with the desired research objectives.

Following the pilot studies, two locations were chosen as comparative sites for the club teams and contact was made with the coaches of these teams. A research assistant was chosen in each location as someone who knew the local context and would assist with logistical support and translation during interviews and focus groups with non-English speakers. There are potential challenges associated with using a translator, including changing the information to suit what they think is desired, preventing embarrassing information from becoming public or omitting information they believe is irrelevant (Scheyvens & Storey, 2003). However, these risks were minimized by thoroughly discussing the research objectives, reviewing the interview and focus group questions beforehand, and the researcher and assistants working together to review the results of the interview or focus group directly after they were conducted (Scheyvens & Storey, 2003). The translators and research assistants were chosen from the local community based on their knowledge of the local girls’ soccer teams and command of English and local languages. The researcher had basic understanding of the local languages (IsiXhosa and IsiZulu) so that when translation was occurring, the researcher could check that the key concepts were being conveyed, or ask for clarification. This stated, the majority of research participants were able to speak English, if not fluently and comfortably, with enough fluency that a conversation was possible. When the interviews were being transcribed it was noted when a sentence or phrase was translated and this only occurred during six of the fifty-five interviews with household members, family and friends.

Contact was made at the eight chosen schools with visits to the headmaster. After the initial contact with the headmaster, interviews occurred with at least one individual per school, most commonly with the sports master, but sports assistants (being employed through the Sport and Recreation South Africa Mass Participation Programme) or football coaches were also interviewed (n=11).

These interviews were followed by focus groups at the schools. In Cape Town the focus groups were conducted in May 2010, while the focus groups in Johannesburg were conducted in October and November 2010 due to the disruption of the World Cup followed by a teachers’ strike that affected the school administration and access to the schools. At all of the schools, consent forms were sent home with the learners to receive permission from their parent or guardian and they could only participate if the consent forms were returned (at times that resulted in less numbers than requested) (see Annexure A for copies of the consent forms). A research assistant was utilised in both locations to assist with translation and organisation of the research participants. 127

At the beginning of each focus group questionnaires were handed out to all the participants to complete. This helped to gather consistent data from all the participants and help them to start thinking about the topic the researcher and participants would discuss without being influenced by the opinions of the researcher or other participants (Bernard & Ryan, 2010) (see Annexure B for examples of the questionnaire). After the questionnaires were completed, the participants, researcher and translator sat together to conduct the focus group, while an attendance sheet was passed around. This resulted in three records of the participants: the questionnaires, attendance sheets and consent forms, verifying the participant numbers. Research and sport assistants helped to administer the focus groups and provide translation when necessary. At times, participants were asked to work in groups of two to four and write down their answers for some questions before they were discussed with the group, especially if the group started out quietly. These written sheets were typed and included in the interview transcriptions.

Once the focus groups were completed the interviews with the players and their significant others took place. The coaches in each location were contacted, in Cape Town the coach of the club was also the coach at one of the schools. The coaches were interviewed and meetings were set up to meet the teams, observe practices and games. A focus group was conducted with representatives from the U-15 team in Johannesburg (n=9 out of approximately 20), and a sample from the team in Cape Town had already been included in the school focus groups.

After establishing a rapport with the team members, volunteers were asked from each of the teams. For the U-15 teams, the volunteers’ parents or guardians were contacted and interviews were arranged. A research assistant in each location was present for the majority of these interviews, unless it was established that the interviewee was able to speak sufficient English. For the senior teams, interviews were conducted with the players first, who provided contact details through which the parents and significant others were then contacted. Most of these interviews did not require research assistants for translation and were conducted by the researchers alone. Household and individual demographic and sport history was collected during all of the interviews and used to create profile matrices later during analysis (see Annexure D for copies of the demographics form).

All of the interviews and focus groups were digitally voice recorded and then transcribed verbatim. The transcriptions were transferred into the qualitative data analysis programme, Atlas.ti 6.2 for coding and analysis. For all of the families, detailed family information was collected during the interviews, to be compared with the interview content for validity.

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Each school where the focus groups were conducted served as the starting point for collecting the community questionnaires using systematic sampling. At each site, two to four researchers started at the entrance to the school and went in opposite directions, visiting approximately every third house. At each location the survey was either administered by the researcher, an assistant, or in some cases the participant insisted and completed the questionnaire themselves. Once all the questionnaires were completed they were compiled and entered into SPSS 20 for analysis.

5.4 Sample

The two locations that formed the comparison for this study were chosen due to the known variety of levels of football participation available for girls and women in the locations. Johannesburg and Cape Town are the two most populous cities in South Africa and both have rich histories of women’s soccer. In each city one township (which the locals call a ‘location’) was chosen with the knowledge that it has football for girls in the schools, at the regional and provincial level and there were clubs that had teams at multiple levels. These locations were chosen because they have similar demographics and would ideally provide a collective voice. Having two different locations offers the potential to bring out comparisons and contrasts of experiences, according to location, age group, level of participation and so on, increasing the validity of the information gathered (Creswell, 2003).

Within each location a purposive sample of four primary schools was chosen that had girls’ football teams and represented a geographical spread of the community (Bernard & Ryan, 2010). A combination of head masters, sports masters, or sports assistants were met at each of the schools and permission was granted by the headmasters or principals of each school before any students were contacted. The sports masters are teachers from the school that are in charge of sport. Sports assistants are employed by the government and have a monthly stipend to assist with organising sport at the school. Interviews with at least one coach, sports master, or sports assistant occurred at each school (n=11), following which the focus groups were arranged. It was requested that four groups of students were organised for four separate focus groups, divided according to their sport participation and gender. The aim was for ten football girls, ten netball girls, ten girls that do not play sports and twelve boys (four football boys, four boys that played other sports and four boys that do not participate in sport). As is common in research, the actual groups did not have the exact same demographics (see table three for details). The composition of the focus groups was chosen in order to have three different types of comparisons to the female football players. From all the focus groups the aim was to gather two types of information. First of all, sport socialisation patterns were examined to determine differences between the various demographic groups. Secondly, perceptions of 129

female football players were gathered in order to understand the challenges and benefits of playing football for the individual, family and peers from the perception of the different peer groups. Therefore the aim was to garner the perspectives of the three different groups (female netball players, female non-athletes and males) to compare to the female football players responses.

Table 3: Research participants – schools1 Social Cape Town Johannesburg Total institutions Schools

Joe Chris Focus Groups Isiseko Shomang Vusumoya Luyolo Sivile Yomelela Slovo Hani Football girls 11 9 6 8 7 7 10 7 31 Netball girls 8 3 5* 7 10 12 10 20 52 Non-sport girls 5 4 1* 4 4 7 8 8 27 Boys (football, other sport and 7 9 15 10 10 11 5 10 36 no sport) Subtotal 31 25 27 29 31 37 33 45 146 112 146 258

Interviews

Teachers 1 2 2 1 1 1 2 1 11 Subtotal 6 5 11

Questionnaires

School Focus 31 25 27 29 31 37 33 45 258 Groups Subtotal 112 146 258

Questionnaires

Community 20 21 21 20 22 20 22 23 169 Subtotal 82 87 427

Total 200** 238** 438** Participants * The netball and non-sport girls in Shomang were combined. ** Since the school focus group participants and questionnaire respondents were the same individuals they were only counted once.

To get the community perspective on women’s football and find out their level of knowledge and awareness of women’s football in their community and country, a community questionnaire was administered with the help of four research assistants. A total of 169 questionnaires were collected from a minimum of 20 individuals around the four chosen schools in each location. These questionnaires were gathered using systematic sampling where two research assistants and the researchers set out in different directions from each school and visited approximately

1 All names of schools, locations and individuals have been changed for confidentiality purposes. 130 every third home (if no one suitable or willing was found at the home, the next home was visited) until they gathered six or seven questionnaires each. The questionnaires were administered by the research assistant or researchers, who translated the questions if a participant did not speak English. To ensure the reliability of the questionnaires conducted by the research assistants, a few sample questionnaires were conducted and reviewed by the researcher to make sure the data being collected was thorough and all the questions were understood. Questionnaires were given to the students at the beginning of each focus group, with a total of 258 school questionnaires gathered (see table three above).

Within these two locations, a club was chosen (purposeful sample) that had the equivalent of an U-15 or development team that played in the regional Absa sponsored league and a senior or first team that played in the provincial Sasol sponsored league. In Johannesburg, just after the research participants had been contacted the team divided into two different clubs and the senior team was interviewed from one club that consisted of both an Absa and a Sasol team, while the U-15 team was interviewed from the other club. Although this made the administration more difficult, it did not have a noticeable impact on the results of the study. Therefore there were five teams (two Sasol and three Absa) and three clubs (two in Johannesburg and one in Cape Town) from which the players and families volunteered. Ten players in Cape Town and eleven players in Johannesburg volunteered to participate in the research. The U-15 teams took part in a group interview (n=9 in Cape Town, who were part of the school focus groups, n=9 in Johannesburg). After the focus groups, five players in Cape Town and six players in Johannesburg volunteered to participate in the research and provided the contact details of the parents and/or siblings (n=22) who were contacted and interviews were arranged. For the senior teams, the players (n=10) were interviewed first and then the significant others (n=26).

In order to gain a thorough understanding of the club context and administration of women’s football in South Africa, a selective sample of administrators were interviewed. This sampling was based on the structure of women’s football as described in section 4.3.5 (page 113) and included the following categories of individuals.  Four coaches, three males who were also the club founders and CEOs, and one female junior coach.  A representative from each of the two Local Football Associations that the clubs were part of.  One regional SAFA committee member from the regions the teams were within.  No Gauteng provincial representatives were interviewed, while two Cape Town provincial members were interviewed.  Finally, two National Executive Committee (NEC) members, who were situated in Johannesburg, were interviewed. 131

This resulted in a total of four administrators in Cape Town and four in Johannesburg (see table four).

Table 4: Research participants – clubs Cape Town Johannesburg Total Clubs

Interviews U-15 Senior Admin U-15 Senior Admin

Players (Individual interview) 0 5 0 0 5 0 10 Players (Focus group 9 0 0 9 0 0 18 participants) Significant others 10 12 0 12 14 0 48 Coaches 1 1 0 1 1 0 4 Administrators (SAFA or LFA) 0 0 4 0 0 4 9 Subtotal 20 18 4 22 20 4 88 Totals 42 46 88

The research participants from the clubs and the schools displayed specific demographics that impacted on the data collected. The following section examines the sample characteristics that are particular to this research group, going into detail in seven demographic areas.

5.4.1 Sample characteristics

Detailed participant and household information was collected through the interviews, with the assistance of forms completed at the beginning of the interviews with the players or initial family member (see Appendix D for a copy of the form). In successive interviews the details provided were checked to validate or clarify the information given. The information included variables such as: demographics, family composition, socio-economic, family history and participation history. In this section the following biographic data is discussed: age and gender, education and employment experience, geographic background, sport participation, significant others, household composition and household socio-economic status.

5.4.1.1 Age and gender

Participant’s age is important because it may have an impact on the number of years a player has participated in football, as well as to the amount of opportunities players have had throughout their lifetime to participate in football. The age range of the participants is from 10 to 30 years old, with the average age of 15.9 years. The U-15 teams have players from 10 to 15 years old with a mode of 13 and an average of 12.5 years, whereas the senior teams have players from 16 to 30 years of age, with a mode of 17 and an average of 19.6 years (see figure four). 132

Figure 4: Player age distribution

For the school focus groups, the average age was 12.6 years, with the majority of learners 13 years old (n=100, 39%), 36% (n=92) were 12 years old, 11% (n=27) were 10 or 11 years old and 15% (n=39) were 14-16 years old. Most of the learners were in grade seven (n=152, 59%), while 23% (n=59) were in grade six, 10% (n=25) were in grades eight and nine, and 9% (n=22) were in grades four and five.

The respondents of the questionnaires in the communities expectedly had a wider range of ages, with the average age of 34 years old, 15% were under 20 (n=26), 34% (n=57) were 20-29 years old, 18% (n=31) were 30-39 years old, 15% (n=25) were 40-49 years, 10% were 50-59 years old and 9% (n=11) were 60 years or older.

There was close to equal numbers of men and women that responded to the questionnaires with two more men (n=84, 51%) compared to women (n=82, 49%). The age and gender distribution was fairly even (see figure five), with the main differences being more women between the ages of 40 and 49 (n=16, men n=9) and more men that were 60 years and older (n=9, women n=2).

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Figure 5: Community age and gender distribution

This large age spread and even gender distribution for the community questionnaire allows for a greater community voice, cutting across age groups and gender differences. The details of the differences in their responses to the questionnaires are explained in chapters six to eight below.

5.4.1.2 Education and employment experience

The education and employment experience level is reflective of the age range of the groups of players, with a total of 10 primary school students (all from U-15 teams, Cape Town n=5 and Johannesburg n=5). There were eight secondary school students (one from the U-15 teams and the rest from the senior teams) (6 from Johannesburg, 2 from Cape Town). High school in South Africa starts in grade eight, the grade in which the one U-15 player was enrolled during the interviews. The other two categories were from the senior team from Cape Town, with two unemployed participants and one employed participant. It should be noted here that the two unemployed players were playing for the national women’s team, Banyana Banyana, at the time of research and were getting some remuneration for their participation in the team, and thus may be considered partially employed.

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5.4.1.3 Geographic background

In South Africa, the majority of opportunities for women to play football are found in the urban areas, with limited opportunities in the rural areas. This is due partially to the lack of facilities in the rural areas, the deeper traditional ideologies present and the greater distance between houses and communities leading to difficulties in transport to training and matches.

The majority of participants in this research were born and raised in the urban areas, however a few spent part of their primary school years in the rural areas and were able to provide a different perspective or comparison between the two geographical locations. Overall, eighteen players (86%) were raised in the urban areas (U-15, n=9; senior, n=9), three players (14%) were initially raised in a rural area and then moved to the urban areas when they were in senior primary school (U-15, n=2; senior, n=1). Distinguishing the age that the player moved to the urban areas is important because if they were only born or were very young in the rural areas, the differences in terms of sport participation are negligible.

This geographic history shows that the research is predominantly presented by an ‘urban voice’, although there is a minority group that has had experience in the rural areas. In the results section below the differences in opportunities and exposure to women’s football in these two locations are discussed.

5.4.1.4 Sport participation

Following an inductive approach, players are clustered by their playing history and current level. The history of each of the players was examined and grouped together. As expected from the sample design, there was a range of experience: from players that recently started to play in the last two years (n=3), to players that currently play for the national team (n=5). In the middle categories, there were four players that played informally as a child, but only joined a team in the past two years, players that have played in the Absa league for over two years and played informally as a child (n=7) and players that currently play in the Sasol league and played informally as a child (n=2).

In terms of differentiations according to age differences, the younger players have been playing for fewer years and at a lower level. In the U-15 teams, two players started playing in the past two years with no prior experience, while three started playing in a team in the past two years, but previously played informally. The majority played informally to start, but have played for more than two years in the Absa league (n=6, 86%).

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There is a wider spread in participation levels in the senior teams, with one player each starting in the past two years, one playing socially as a child and started in the past two years and one playing socially to start but have played for more than two years in the Absa league. Two senior players play in the Sasol league only, while five (50%) have played in the national team as well as the Sasol team.

The experience level of the players in Johannesburg is relatively lower than that of the Cape Town players, with more players that started relatively recently in Johannesburg and less players to reach the higher level of participation, compared to Cape Town where the players have been playing for longer and have reached a higher level.

The patterns in the above data reveal what could be expected in terms of age distribution in that there are more U-15 players that started recently in the past two years and have not reached the Sasol or national levels, while the senior players are older and have had longer to reach a higher level of play. The differences between locations could be associated with the close link that the team in Cape Town has to a local primary school where the girls start playing at a young age and are promoted into the club teams. In Johannesburg, the school football was established more recently than in Cape Town leading to the trend that more players have started playing in Johannesburg in the past two years. The players in Cape Town have played for longer than players in Johannesburg, which was reflected in the higher standard of the team, that consistently finished in the top three positions in the Sasol league in the past three years, whereas the team in Johannesburg has yet to finish in the top three positions, consistently finishing in the middle to the bottom of the log standings.

5.4.1.5 Significant others

For each participant a detailed list of their household and family members was collected, resulting in information for a total of 122 individuals. These were divided into eight categories (see figure six), reflective of the extended families constructions within South Africa where the prime caregivers are considered to be immediate family members (i.e. aunts and uncles can be considered mothers and fathers) and cousins are considered siblings (Holburn & Eddy. 2011; Ziehl, 2001). The family member that was listed the most often was the mother, aunt or grandmother, reflecting discussion in chapter four regarding the predominance of female household heads, where only 30.7% of children have fathers that live with them (SAIRR, 2010). For 50.2% of South African children, their fathers are absent, the remaining 12.8% of children have deceased fathers (SAIRR, 2010). This situation leads to the necessity of a category combining the various male ‘father’ figures in the players’ lives, including uncles, mother’s boyfriends or husbands. Another challenge to marriage in South Africa, especially among the 136 black African population, is the paying of bride price or lobola where a man has to pay his bride’s family an arranged amount of money, cattle and/or objects in order for her to be released for marriage (Machisa et al., 2011). This custom is maintained and reflects the gendered division of labour, where an exchange takes place to compensate the family for their loss of labour with capital to be able to pay lobola for gaining a bride into their family. The bride traditionally goes to live with the groom’s family and her children are the property of his family (Amoateng et al., 2004). This is reflected in figure six below where there are fewer male father figures than players and 12 less than the female family heads.

Figure 6: Significant others

The mother/aunt/grandmother was the most common (n=28, 23%), the 21 players were the second most common (17%), while the older males had 16 individuals (13%) for both father/uncle/mother’s boyfriend/fiancé/husband and older brother/cousin. There were 14 older sisters/cousins (12%) and equal numbers of younger siblings with 11 younger brothers/cousins and younger sisters/cousins (9%). While the least common was the category of niece/nephew (n=5, 4%). Of all the significant others, there was a fairly even distribution between age categories, with the majority between 10 and 19 years (n=36, 30%). The average age was 26.2 years, with a minimum age of two months old and the oldest at 67 years old (see figure seven).

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Figure 7: Significant other age groups

Of the significant others that were interviewed, the average age was 38 years, with an age range of 17 to 67 years old. The age distribution for the significant others reflected the large number of parents or guardians interviewed. The largest proportion of interviewees were between the ages of 40 and 49 (n=15, 31%), with 22% between 30 and 39 (n=11), 20% between 20 and 29 (n=10), 18% over 50 (n=9) and 8% 19 and younger (n=4). The gender distribution is biased towards the women, as above for all the significant others. There were 30 women (61%) and 19 men (39%) interviewed of the significant others, with the highest frequency of women between 40 and 49 years of age (n=10) (see figure eight).

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Figure 8: Age and gender distribution of significant others interviewed

There were no males below the age of 20 that were interviewed due to no males of that age group being available (or were too young) (see figure eight above). There were the same number of men in each category from 20 to 49 years old (n=5 respectively). There was a greater range of women, with four under 20, slowly increasing to the highest number of women between 40 and 49 years (n=10). This distribution more closely reflects the age range of the players and the importance of significant others that are females that are closer to their age that are in their peer group.

5.4.1.6 Household composition

In the above category, the player or first interviewee listed all the immediate family and household members, however not all of these people lived with the participants at the time of the interview. Some family members live in other cities and may have never lived with the player, but still have an influence on the player’s life to some extent. Household composition anywhere in the world is a complex topic with a variety of structures being common or not as common. The South African family has been fragmented for over a century as a result of apartheid, migrant labour and more recently an increase in teenage pregnancies and high death 139 rates caused by HIV and AIDS (Budlender & Lund, 2011; Holburn & Eddy, 2011). This leads to many single headed houses, extended families raising family member’s children and grandmothers raising their children’s children (Amoateng et al., 2004; Ziehl, 2001).

In the South Africa Survey 2009/2010 (SAIRR, 2010) there are nine categories of households. Four of those categories were found in this sample: couple and children (n=9, 43%); single parent (n=5, 24%); (household) head and other relatives (n=4, 19%); and single parent and other relatives (n=3, 14%). Table four shows the comparison between the sample household compositions and those found nationally in South Africa (SAIRR, 2010). The couple and children can be described as a nuclear family, while the head and other relatives consist of orphaned children. Two of the households caring for orphans are extended with grandparents present, while all the households with single parents and other relatives are also extended families.

Table 5: Household composition of players South African Sample Household members Sample Frequency Per cent* Per cent Couple and children 17.7% 9 42.9% Single parent 10.2% 5 23.8% Head and other relatives 12.1% 4 19.0% Single parent and other 17.3% 3 14.3% relatives Total 57.3%* 21 100.0% * The remaining 42.7% are from other categories that were not found in this sample (SAIRR, 2010).

It is clear that the research sample reflects the national household compositions. Of the couples, five were the parents of the participant, whereas in the remaining four houses, it was the mother’s boyfriend, fiancé, or husband (not the player’s father). Of the single parent households, only one was due to a deceased mother, the rest were due to absent fathers (n=7, 33%). These figures are similar to the South African statistics that measure 11.5% of children with deceased fathers, 45.8% with absent fathers and 38.7% with present fathers (SAIRR, 2010). The household compositions were relatively equal between the locations in all categories except one additional household in Johannesburg for the couple and children due to the extra participant.

Family compositions can also be classified as extended, nuclear or single parent households. There were a total of five families in which three generations of family members lived together in one household in an extended arrangement with cousins often growing up as brothers and sisters. Six families were single parent households in which the mother or father lived alone 140 with their children. The most common family arrangement was the nuclear family wherein the mother and father lived with their children. This includes single mothers who were living with a new boyfriend or husband that may or may not be the biological father of the children.

The following four diagrams (figures 9 – 12) illustrate the household composition for the senior and U-15 team in each location. The diagrams are all labelled with the player as the reference point (ego) and the key of terms in the top right hand corner. The keys refer to the following details:  Family members that are not current residents in the player’s household are colourless in the diagram.  Ovals or rectangles with a diagonal line across them signify the mother or father has passed away.  The name of the player is at the heading of each household.  Lines between ovals and rectangles signify connections through birth or marriage.  Individuals with a star beside their letter were interviewed during this research.

These arrangements are snap shots of the households and not necessarily permanent, as these families are fluid and flexible, with changes occurring on a regular basis depending on resource availability and the facility of household members to produce income (Ross, 2010). The first diagram illustrates the five households from the senior team in Johannesburg that took part in this research.

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Figure 9: Johannesburg senior team - households

Figure 9 reveals the three types of household compositions in this sample. There is only one nuclear family with two children and a mother and father (Zongile), although extended family members live within walking distance. Two of the households included extended family members: one was a single mother living with her mother, siblings and their children; in the other the player and her sister were orphans being cared for by their aunt, uncle and grandmother. Their aunt was expected to soon be married and out of the house, thereby changing the structures of support significantly. The player and her sister had recently moved from the rural area where their grandmother had been caring for them. The grandmother was getting too old to maintain the same level of care and the family wanted the girls to have a better education in the city, so they had all moved to live with the extended family in Johannesburg.

The final two households were headed by single mothers; one cared for the child of her deceased sister, and in the other the mother and daughter lived together in close proximity to

142 extended family members, of whom an older female cousin was interviewed. The single mother household in which Duduzile belonged, other cousins, their girlfriends and children lived on the same family plot. None of the adults living on the property were employed at the time of the research. Only her younger male cousin, female cousin and aunt lived in the house on the plot, while the others lived in informal dwellings scattered around the property. Duduzile spent most of her time in Pretoria as she had a scholarship to the High Performance Centre (HPC).

The following figure illustrates the household arrangements in the U-15 sample of players in Johannesburg, with a noticeably different pattern from that of the senior team. Five of the households in this section of the sample are nuclear, and one is a single mother headed household.

Figure 10: Johannesburg U-15 team - households

In the younger Johannesburg households, there are no orphans and only one single mother, with one step-father. All of the families would be considered nuclear, since they consist of children living with their parents and no extended family members living in the home, although 143 one of Hlengiwe’s older brothers was in fact a cousin. These households reflect the growing number of nuclear households in South Africa as the younger generation of families are moving away from their extended family members in the rural areas and continuing the urban migration to look for employment (DSD, 2012).

The following diagram, figure 11, illustrates the households of the five senior team members in Cape Town that were part of this research. They demonstrate the fragmented nature of many South African households with divorced or separated parents, deceased mothers and a variety of living arrangements.

Figure 11: Cape Town senior team - households

In Cape Town there was a mixture of extended, nuclear and single parent households; three players had lost their mothers, two of whom were living with extended family members, while 144 one was living with a single father. Two of the households had experienced divorce (diagonal line between mother and father in figure 11). From one of these households, the player was living with a friend, the father lived with her younger siblings and the mother lived alone. The final household in this category was a single mother. Since the families in this group of players had older children, some of the siblings had moved out on their own with their children, as in the case of Zamile. Her older sister lived in Bloemfontein with her boyfriend’s extended family and their children. The fragmentation of households in South Africa has an impact on the domestic duties required of the remaining household members, as well as the pressures on the single mothers or fathers to provide for their children.

The final diagram of the households in this study illustrates the families of five of the U-15 players in Cape Town. These families were a mixture of nuclear and extended families; in the extended families the grandmother was the head of the household and a single mother or multiple single women generated income to support the family.

Figure 12: Cape Town U-15 team - households

The participants from the U-15 team in Cape Town had a mixture of household compositions, whereby two families included single mothers and grandmothers, one of which housed two other daughters of the grandmother. The other three households were nuclear families in which the player was living with her mother and her mother’s boyfriend. In Olwethu’s family her older

145 two siblings had moved out of the house and Nozizwe’s older sister had a daughter that lived with the family.

When comparing the different age groups, there is an evident pattern where the majority of families with couples and children were from the U-15 teams (n=7, 78%) and all of the orphans were from the senior teams (see table five above). Orphans are unfortunately a growing population group in South Africa, with a total of 800 000 orphans as of 2011, which is 4.3% of the population (SAIRR, 2012). In this sample 19% (n=4) of the players were orphans where both of their parents were deceased. The household composition, varying according to member’s age, employment status, gender and number of individuals overall impacts on the socio-economic status of the household, which in turn affects sport participation and household duties.

5.4.1.7 Socio-economic status

For this research, data about housing and employment was gathered rather than income, since income is a very personal question. In inductive approach was used based on construction of relative poverty as discussed by Townsend (1979) that compares individuals in society to each other based on household size, living conditions and standards, diet and activities such as employment. Therefore for this purpose, the socio-economic status was based on housing, employment and family composition, determining the following three categories: very poor (both or one guardian unemployed, single mother, informal dwelling); low to medium poverty (both guardians working, live in informal dwelling, semidetached or house on shared land); and medium poverty (both guardians working, or one is working enough to provide, live in own house on own land). The breakdown according to age group, location and total participants is seen in table six below.

Table 6: Socio-economic levels for households Cape Total Total Poverty Level U-15 Senior Johannesburg Town Number Per Cent Very poor 8 6 7 7 14 67% Low to medium poverty 3 1 4 0 4 19% Medium poverty 0 3 0 3 3 14%

From these figures, it can be seen that the majority of households are considered very poor (67%), compared to four households in the low to medium poverty (19%) and three in medium poverty levels (14%). The socio-economic differences per location are found primarily in the first two categories, where in Johannesburg there were 4 households with low to medium levels of poverty and no households with medium poverty. Households in Cape Town had a slightly

146 higher socio-economic level with zero households with low to medium poverty and three households with medium poverty. All of these demographic characteristics were important factors in the socialisation of the players and the effects of which are discussed in the results chapters six, seven and eight.

5.5 Coding and analysis

Two computer-aided analysis programmes were utilised for the coding and analysis of the data; one qualitative computer programme, Atlas.ti 6.2 and one quantitative computer programme, SPSS 20. Computer programmes are advantageous for both of these types of research data because they are able to store, locate and manage large amounts of data that would take significantly longer and be much harder to manager manually (Dey, 1993). Computer-aided qualitative data analysis software increases the rigor of a research project, by making the information easier to access and keep together without being corrupted (Babbie & Mouton, 2001).

Coding refers to the process of giving a section of qualitative data (a word, phrase, sentence, paragraph or more) a particular label (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Labels can be exclusive, where each section of data can only receive one label, or inclusive, where each section of data can receive more than one label (Dey, 1993). For this research, the decision was made to have inclusive codes, which generates significantly more data, as it allows the data to fit into more than one category.

The process of coding is essentially a system of categorising. There are three main approaches to coding data, an inductive method, a deductive method and a middle approach. The inductive method discovers themes and categories solely by examining the data collected, creating codes from the data directly, then creating second level codes that categorise patterns and themes that arise from the first level codes (Miles & Huberman, 1994). This method is most commonly used in grounded theory for research fields where very little is known and theories have not yet been developed (Babbie & Mouton, 2001). This process results in rich, thick data and the patterns and categories that emerge during multiple levels of coding form the basis for new theories inductively established.

The second approach to coding data is deductive where a list of codes is developed prior to examining the data. The code list is developed before the coding begins based on key themes and ideas in the relevant literature and is adjusted and expanded during the coding process (Dey, 1993). Approaching the data with pre-conceived categories is most useful when the

147 researcher already has a good idea of what the data will present and the field of study is at a more developed stage (Dey, 1993).

The middle approach is more flexible and incorporates both inductive and deductive methods, incorporating a prior list of categories from previous data sets or relevant literature and allowing codes, categories and themes to emerge from the data (Dey, 1993). This is the approach that was utilised for this research. An inductive method was used to code and analyse the data collected during the pilot study with the University of Johannesburg students and their significant others. The data was coded first descriptively, with first level codes and then read over to find themes between the codes, creating second level codes (Miles & Huberman, 1994). This code list formed the basis for the coding of the main study.

Before continuing on to code the main set of data, the relevant literature in sociology, feminism, sport and development, and sport studies were reviewed to ensure that the themes that had emerged aligned with current theoretical categories (Dey, 1993). A revised set of codes was then entered into the Atlas.ti programme and coloured coded for easier management of the codes.

For coding the transcriptions a ‘bit-by-bit’ approach was taken where the interviews were read in their entirety and all of the information was coded in some form (Dey, 1993). This resulted in a large amount of data. In order to make it more useable for analysis, the coded sections were reviewed again, deleting the sections that were less relevant or not as rich as the other sections. This provided another level of rigor in the research, as the results of the codes were reviewed and adjusted to verify the data and produce a reliable set of information to be used for writing the thesis (de Wit & Erasmus, 2005).

To form a synthesis between the qualitative and quantitative paradigms, the qualitative data was taken one step further, whereby some categories and codes were quantified according to theme, forming a profile or data matrix (Bernard & Ryan, 2010) and entered into the quantitative data analysis software SPSS. By reducing the large amounts of data coded into a profile or data matrix, it is easier to see patterns and themes that are present and to discover if certain comparisons are statistically relevant (Bernard & Ryan, 2010).

The quantitative data gathered from the questionnaires was coded according to the location they were collected from, then all the data was entered into a template created in Microsoft Excel. The completed Excel document was then imported into SPSS and processed. The open-ended questions and additional information provided by the respondents was transcribed. The information was then coded to find categories and themes to compare to the other types of 148 data collected. After all the coding and analysis had taken place there was one set of coded qualitative data with 97 documents, 187 codes and 3613 quotations (see Appendix E for the complete list of codes). The quantitative data was divided into four distinct documents in SPSS that were analysed using frequencies and cross-tabulations, which compare the results between categories creating tables and graphs for further analysis.

5.6 Ethical considerations

Ethical considerations are important in any research that involves other people, especially if children are involved, as in this case. Before the research started, it was approved by the Ethics Committee for the Faculty of Health Sciences at the University of Johannesburg. Although no major harm was foreseeable resulting from this research, all information that is gathered has the possibility of unethical use, especially when one considers unequal power relations and political objectives that are often found in sport and development organisations, governments and sports federations. Permission to undertake the research was received from all administration (SAFA, clubs, coaches and schools) before the research began.

The researcher acknowledges her privileged position based on her education, race, country of origin (Canada) and age, which can influence the responses and behaviours of participants and fellow researchers (Scheyvens & Storey, 2003). A participatory and personal interaction with the research assistants and participants helps to decrease this power dynamic, but it will never be eliminated entirely.

Information forms detailing the research to be conducted and its purpose were given to the participants and consent forms were collected ensuring permission was obtained before collecting interview data (see Appendix A for copies of consent forms to the different participants). Since there are a number of occasions where children were involved, consent was garnered from a parent or care-giver. If these were not received, the child was not allowed to participate.

All information collected will be protected by the researcher and not made public unless permission is received to do so. In order to protect confidentiality, all locations, schools, clubs and individuals will be referred to using pseudonyms except where permission was granted in situations where there is only one person and their confidentiality is difficult to hide and important to note (for instance the Chair of the SAFA National Women’s Committee).

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5.7 Summary

An ethnographic and mixed methods approach, coupled with the theoretical perspectives of critical feminist cultural studies and interactionist socialisation, laid the foundation for this research project aimed at investigating the impacts of female football participation on individuals, families and communities. A mixed methods approach used multiple data collection methods to triangulate the information gathered, adding depth and comparability between significant others discussing the same football player, as well as comparisons between different individuals, locations and other demographic characteristics.

Qualitative data included ‘comprehensive’ case studies using interviews of female football players and their significant others, focus groups with primary school students and insider observation of practices and games. These detailed collections provided a thick ethnographic description of women’s football in two locations augmented by interviews with administrators from each location and from SAFA national. The combination of quantitative and qualitative data used in this research increases the reliability of the data as it allows a comparison between different types of data collected on the same themes (Creswell, 2003). The diversity of methods provided substantial supporting evidence to the themes that arose.

The strategy followed to collect the data aimed at creating a relationship of trust and mutual understanding so that participants would be willing to contribute in a meaningful manner. Going between Cape Town and Johannesburg ensured that the researcher maintained relationships with the teams in the two locations over a longer period of time to gain a greater understanding of the intricacies of the situations.

The sample had a wide range of participants providing a variety of perspectives on the same theme. The focus groups in the primary schools provided a peer perspective of girls playing football, from girls playing netball and girls not participating in any sport, as well as boys from a variety of sport backgrounds. These focus groups helped to describe the context of the U-15 players and create an understanding of the effects of playing sports in general and football in particular on individual lives and communities.

The variety of backgrounds, geographical histories, playing experience, household compositions, socio-economic statuses, ages and education or employment levels demonstrate the demographics of a proportion of female football players. It does not account for all South African female players, as the rural voice and that from a higher socio-economic status are not present.

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The quantitative data was provided through the questionnaires conducted with the primary school focus group participants, as well as questionnaires conducted in the communities around the primary schools. The perspectives of community members through these questionnaires provided a wider perspective revealing the knowledge of individuals not directly connected to women’s football.

The data was collected, compiled, coded and analysed to reveal a variety of themes that are investigated in depth in the following three chapters. These themes were reflected upon within a critical feminist framework based on the aim to unearth hegemonic ideologies and understand the interactions between structures, individuals, ideologies and agency. In order to go into depth with the specifics of the sample according to socialisation patterns, social development and gender identity, the next three chapters will compare and contrast the data collected based on the demographics described in this chapter.

The data collection culminated in a series of results demonstrating the lived realities of twenty- one female football players, their significant others and peers. The following three chapters will examine three aspects of the research providing the results as well as a discussion on each theme. The three chapters are: i) female football and social development; ii) reciprocal sport socialisation; and iii) gender and sexuality in South African women’s football.

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6. FEMALE FOOTBALL AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT

6.1 Introduction

Scholars, government officials and practitioners have highlighted numerous areas through which individuals benefit from sport participation, including physical, mental and social well- being (SDP IWG, 2006; UN, 2007) (see chapter two). It is evident that these benefits from sport are not automatic, as there are numerous critiques, challenges and a variety of outcomes that are possible from participation (Coakley, 2011; Coalter, 2007) (see chapter two). This chapter examines sport and social development, first by exploring some of the challenges of poverty relating to sport participation then by examining three themes of benefits through participation. The theme of socialisation (chapter three) is integrated through exploring a selection of ways that the participants have been affected positively through their involvement in football. Of the many benefits for participation described by literature and emerging from the data analysis of this study, three main categories are discussed in this section. The areas of benefits through socialisation processes relating to football participation that are considered include: 6.3.1: avoiding deviant behaviours, 6.3.2: improving inter-gender relationships and 6.3.3: educational opportunities and performance. These benefits lead to building social, physical and cultural capital that can transfer to potential social mobility and changes in social and economic status.

The theoretical basis for the chapter lies in critical feminist studies. Critical feminist studies are similar to radical feminism but goes beyond seeking liberty for women and equal numbers of participants, to critiquing systems and structures of power that result in the unequal statistics. At the basis of this inequality are structural patterns of dominance based on class, gender, age and ethnicity (Gramsci, 1971; Connell, 2005). These patterns of dominance are understood as hegemony, with the current hegemonic masculinity legitimising patriarchy and power for some groups of men over women and other groups of men. Sport is seen as a site to emphasise and reinforce social values associated with dominant masculinity (Aitchison, 2006; Bryson, 1994; Hickey, 2008). Feminist scholars have demonstrated how sport can be a site of resistance to these hegemonic norms and a location where changes are beginning to occur. This includes: the way women are portrayed in the media (Heywood & Dworkin, 2003); the opportunities available for women and women being viewed as positive role models (Meier & Saavedra, 2011); and women challenging heterosexual norms of participation (Elling & Janssens, 2009).

Many of the discussions that follow in this chapter have class differences as their context. The challenges discussed would not affect individuals living in wealth and prosperity. Struggles for quality education, sufficient space for recreation and access to quality sports facilities are not a consideration for the upper class in South Africa or in other countries around the world.

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Although problems of alcohol abuse, drug abuse, teenage pregnancy and gang involvement are pertinent in all social-economic strata, they are more common at the lowest level as individuals become dejected with their low socioeconomic position in society and turn to substance abuse, stealing and gang involvement (Kretzman, 2012; Pitpitan et al., 2012). It is therefore on this basis and the context of South Africa as described in chapter four that this chapter builds on, examining the challenges and potential benefits associated with sport participation in the lowest socio-economic strata of South Africa.

6.2 Challenges to participation

There are many challenges associated with poverty correlated with sport participation beyond the obvious lack of finances. Financial instability leads to numerous other problems including lack of resources, poor nutrition, health care, education, housing and time consuming domestic duties. Funding sport programmes and facilities is a challenge cited by sports administrators and coaches in the context of poverty. These two problems relating to the lack of resources, financial and physical, are likewise pertinent in the school setting. Where there is potential for providing sport opportunities, a lack of resources in the government schools reduces the possible provision. Three areas of challenges are elaborated upon below, namely, 6.2.1: financial resources, 6.2.2: physical resources and 6.2.3: school opportunities.

6.2.1 Financial resources

Economic status can be based on numerous factors. For the purpose of this study it was based on two factors, parent/guardian employment status and household dwelling (see chapter five, section 5.4.1.7, page 146). The majority of the participants in this sample come from households that can be classified as having very low socio-economic status (SES) (n=14, 67%), where a single mother is living in an informal dwelling or one or both of the guardians are unemployed. Four participants live in households that have low socio-economic status where both guardians work, but the family lives in an informal dwelling, semi-detached house or house on shared land. The remaining three participants live in a house on their own land; both guardians work or one works with a satisfactory level of income and can be considered in medium socio-economic status (see tables seven and eight).

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Table 7: Employment, housing and socio-economic status (SES) in Johannesburg Pseudonym Location Father figure Mother figure Housing SES Lorato Johannesburg Unemployed Filing clerk Informal dwelling Very low Azariah Johannesburg N/A Domestic worker Informal dwelling Very low Lindiwe Johannesburg (Separated) Assembly worker Informal dwelling Very low Butchery Vuyelwa Johannesburg N/A Informal dwelling Very low assistant House on own Duduzile Johannesburg N/A Unemployed Very low property Zongile Johannesburg Fork lift driver Unemployed Informal dwelling Very low Ria Johannesburg Writer/producer Unemployed Informal dwelling Very low Nomawethu Johannesburg Gardener General worker Informal dwelling Low Semi-detached Hlengiwe Johannesburg Barber Cleaner Low house Semi-detached Phumeza Johannesburg Merchandising Merchandising Low house Semi-detached Anisha Johannesburg Gardener Nurse Low house

From the cases in Johannesburg (see table seven), it is evident that all the households are classified as having either low or very low socio-economic status. Although Duduzile’s household has a house on their own property, they are still classified as having very low SES because no one in the household is currently working. The property that their house is on has been in the family for decades and is where the current adults grew up as children. Therefore they do not pay rent or a mortgage for the house and only cover the cost of water and electricity.

Another pattern evident in the Johannesburg location was the prevalence of single mothers with four women raising their children alone. Lindiwe’s parents do not live together and they were never married. Her father visits occasionally, but his financial support to the family is limited. Additionally, four of the parents/guardians are unemployed, meaning they have no formal occupation. Many of them still engage in the informal sector, by selling snacks close to their child’s school (Lorato’s father) or helping neighbours with their washing (Duduzile’s aunt), in order to earn a small income to provide for their families.

There is a similar pattern of poverty due to poor employment and household dwellings in Cape Town (see table eight). Although there are varying levels of poverty in this sample from Cape Town, all participants lived in township locations and experienced many aspects of financial struggles. Out of the ten cases in Cape Town, four are single mothers, with one single father. Three parents/guardians are unemployed, while four others are working in very lowing paying occupations, namely domestic workers and gardeners.

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Table 8: Employment, housing and socio-economic status (SES) in Cape Town Pseudonym Location Father figure Mother figure Housing SES Parking Yoliswa Cape Town Unemployed Informal dwelling Very low marking Nozizwe Cape Town Civics engineer Housekeeping Informal dwelling Very low Zoleka Cape Town N/A Nurse Informal dwelling Very low Olwethu Cape Town Unemployed Domestic worker Informal dwelling Very low Khanyesile Cape Town N/A Nurse Informal dwelling Very low Ayanda Cape Town N/A Domestic worker Informal dwelling Very low Semi-detached Zamile Cape Town N/A Domestic worker Very low house House on own Lulama Cape Town Gardener N/A Medium property Insurance Semi-detached Xolile Cape Town Unemployed Medium broker house Self-employed House on own Jamila Cape Town Designer/tailor Medium (construction) property

Domestic workers and gardeners are among the lowest paid occupations in South Africa. According to the South African Department of Labour (Republic of South Africa, 2011), the minimum wages for domestic workers and gardeners from December 2011 to November 2012 is differentiated depending on the number of hours worked per week. For working more than 27 hours a week the minimum wage is R8.34 ($US 0.95, 0.73€) per hour, R375.19 ($US 42.76, 33.05€) per week or R1625.70 ($US 185.30, 143.20€) per month. If the individual works for 27 hours or less, the minimum wage they can earn is R9.85 ($US 1.12, 0.87€) per hour, R265.94 ($US 30.31, 23.43€) per week or R1152.32 ($US 131.38, 101.52€) per month (Republic of South Africa, 2011).

Another source of income for some families is maintenance or child grants for orphaned children. For instance, Duduzile’s aunt receives R750 ($US 85.69, 66.21€) per month for caring for Duduzile. The grant referred to in this instance is the Foster Child Grant, this grant is designated for caregivers who are responsible for orphaned children and was provided to 511,479 beneficiaries in 2009 (Holburn & Eddy, 2011). Recent studies have shown that the Child Support Grant is the most common grant provided by the South African government, reaching 10.7 million beneficiaries (Patel et al., 2012). These grants reach the poorest South African citizens and are often essential for their survival. As demonstrated in Duduzile’s case, this can frequently be the only stable income for a family.

Additional aspects to take into consideration when looking at socioeconomic status are the costs of daily life, transportation, schooling, electricity and food. In regards to the cost of living, one mother said she spent R150 ($US 17.11, 13.22€) a week on transportation to get to work and back, another mother said she spent R1000 ($US 114.10, 88.16€) a month on

155 transportation. School fees for the children range from R100 ($US 11.41, 8.82€) to R675 ($US 77.05, 59.52 €) per month, or more depending on the school. All schools in South Africa except the poorest of the poor require some school fees, although there is an option for parents to apply to be exempted from paying fees. Electricity costs around R200 ($US 22.83, 17.64€) a month and the cost of food varies. Some families explained that there are times when there is not enough money for food and the family eats porridge for multiple days in a row. There was a feeding scheme available at all of the schools in this sample, however, the children that qualify for the feeding scheme are designated as the poorest of the poor. This classification results in a stigma attached to using the feeding scheme, so not everyone is willing to use it despite their hunger. In 2012 the system was changed so that all the school children were able to attend the feeding scheme, thus eliminating the corresponding stigma. Since the research for this study was conducted in 2010 and 2011, the change had not yet taken place.

It is apparent that many of these families are in situations of socio-economic vulnerability, with unstable employment at low wages and piece jobs. They are living from month to month and do not always know how they will cover the necessary expenses such as school fees, electricity and food. They are living for mere survival or subsistence and having extra finances for sport participation is often limited.

These families all live in informal dwellings or semi-detached houses that are in close propinquity to other households in the community, with the dwelling of at least one neighbour attached to the side of their dwelling. The following four photos give a small indication of what South African townships look like. The main roads are paved, with small dirt pathways or driveways leading to additional properties. In order to get to the entrance to one family’s dwelling, you may have to pass through the yards of numerous other community members. Inside these dwellings there is sometimes only one room where the whole family (i.e. mother, father and their two or more children) sleep, eat and relax.

The context of informal dwellings and township living was described in section 4.2.2.2 (page 98). In these locations, some of the houses are made of concrete and brick, however, many more are constructed out of corrugated iron sheets, wood and other found materials. They are very close together, with a high risk of fire due to the kerosene or open fires used for light and heat (see figures nine to eleven). Zongile’s family experienced this first hand when they returned from Christmas with their extended family to find their shack had been burnt to the ground, apparently due to an electrical short.

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Figure 13: Township dwellings, an aerial view http://smkhize.wordpress.com/2010/07/06/3-things-that-south-africans-dont-like-hearing-about-during-the-2010-soccer-world-cup/

Figure 14: Township dwellings, dirt paths between shacks http://onestep4ward.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/08/Soweto-Township1.jpg

Figure 15: Paths between shacks http://todaysworthymention.blogspot.com/2012_07 _01_archive.html

Figure 16: Street view of township life http://funkydoodledonkey.blogspot.com/2011_02_01_archive.html

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Each dwelling does not have a yard but there are small communal spaces where people gather. Even the semi-detached houses are generally close together, with non-existent or very small spaces for children to play. This pushes the children to play ‘in the street’, where there are limited spaces for recreation, except on the side streets where the traffic is less frequent than on the main roads. This results in children spending their time on street corners, in front of shops, in shebeens (home based pubs or liquor stores) or at the local sports pitches.

This research is located within this context of poverty and lack of adequate housing, where there is a lack of positive, open and safe spaces for children to play. Sports grounds with adult supervision are one of the few positive spaces where children can go for recreation.

Financial strain on sport participation In twelve of the interviews conducted with players and significant others and eleven of the administrators and coaches, financial challenges were mentioned directly. In terms of sport participation, financial constraints affect the ability of the family to pay for equipment, travel and food. This includes basic nutrition required for expending extra energy during daily physical activity, as well as special events such as tournaments and away games.

One coach in Johannesburg commented that players sometimes come to practice hungry, which affects their ability to train, “Sometimes they lack food when they come to football, then you may put too much pressure on them during training and she ends up rejecting football, so it’s good to know where she comes from”. This quote reveals the responsibility for the coaches to understand the background and context of their players, to mediate the demands of football and make sure they retain the players. Hunger is a challenge that is revisited in section 6.2.3 (page 163) in regards to challenges that keep girls from participating at school.

Azariah’s mother from Johannesburg stated: If I have money and then they go for somewhere, I just give her something. But for me, I don’t have nothing to help because I’m not working, it’s only three days. ‘I know I’d like to help you, but I don’t have nothing (sic.)’.2

This single mother struggled to have adequate family finances to supply their basic needs. Even though she worked piece jobs as a domestic worker (see table seven above), the income was low and the work was not full-time, so she considered herself ‘not working’ at all. In this study, it was the single mothers who most commonly complained about lacking finances to sufficiently support their daughter’s needs.

2 Direct quote are reproduced verbatim. Grammatical errors have not been corrected. 158

In many of these situations, the coach is left to support the players to ensure that they are able to participate, even if their family cannot support them economically. For instance, Ria’s brother said: Challenges? Not that I know of. Except for the fact that sometimes she requires so much assistance financially that it hurts, you know. And sometimes she can’t go, you know or sometimes she goes because the coach assisted us and all that.

Ria’s brother had trouble at first thinking of challenges associated with sport participation, but then remembered how much it costs for transport and personal equipment. Therefore, in order for Ria to participate the family requires the coach’s assistance to cover all the costs. Due to the high levels of unemployment and poverty within the teams, transport usually becomes the responsibility of the coach or club. Coaches will recognise particularly needy players and support them with personal equipment (such as shin guards and football boots).

6.2.2 Physical resources

Living in an area of poverty affects access to the physical resources of facilities. In the communities where the majority of participants play football there are limited facilities to accommodate them and the facilities that do exist are dominated by males. Access to sports facilities was segregated during apartheid and many of these legacies persist. Although there were challenges in accessing facilities with sufficient space in both locations, the problem was more acute in the Cape Town location compared to the Johannesburg location.

Cape Town Facilities in Cape Town location were particularly problematic as there were only three fields that the Local Football Association (LFA) was able to use as two other fields were being renovated at the time of data collection. In this LFA there are 20 registered clubs that all have at least two teams. The LFA Chairman described the situation: Now look at the scenery of where the LFA that we are in charge of, it consists of around about to be precise we’ve got 20 clubs. The divisions in U-9, U-12, U- 14, U-17, senior division. That we are currently having. Now all those 20 clubs, the majority of them, they’ve got all those divisions.

When these figures are calculated, that is an average of five teams in each of the twenty clubs, resulting in one hundred teams on three fields. Of these clubs, only two were female clubs, one club had two teams, while the other female club had three teams that means there are five female teams overall compared to ninety-five male teams. This is certainly a skewed ratio and the competition for the fields is unsurprising.

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The calculation of available fields does not include the school grounds, as these are usually not available for use by community members. The school grounds are often just an open field or space available for play. The club in Cape Town that this research focused on was associated with a school and was therefore able to use the school field. However, the school ground was of poor quality, uneven, rocky and littered with broken glass despite the attempts by the players to clean it before practice. It was unfenced and thus allowed local pedestrians, cattle and goats to roam freely (see figure 17).

Figure 17: Cow with school football field in background

These inadequate facilities can be traced back to the legacies of apartheid and the disparity of resource allocation between different communities based on race and class. As the school teacher/coach stated: I think there are still scars of apartheid in the townships, the fields that we have, you can see this school, what kind of a field we have ... you can look there, I mean you can’t play football, but we try.

Although the teacher recognised that the field at his school was in disrepair, it was still better than no field at all and therefore still used as best as possible.

Access to fields was the biggest complaint of the Cape Town coach as he struggled to get a reliable, quality space to train his female teams. When we play our league games, we need to draw our own lines. We have to put the nets ourselves. And organise everything, whereas we are under them,

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we are members of the association, but they don’t treat us like that. ... We are a big team here when it comes to soccer and we don’t even have a place to train. And when we try to get a space there and they are busy chasing us out.

When this coach did find space for the senior team to train, it was at the perimeter of a pitch with no poles and a narrow space to run. Since this space was on the periphery of one of the fields under repair, they often got chased away from it.

When the Cape Town team got space for matches, they had to prepare the grounds themselves, responsibilities that are supposed to lie with the local government or LFA. The implication in the above quote is that the LFA would help the other clubs, especially the male clubs with these aspects of line markings and hanging nets as well as not being chased away from training grounds, but not the female clubs. This situation is more nuanced and complex as described by the LFA Chairman who explained how the small number of grounds meant that the LFA could not provide any team with a place to practise in order to maintain the standard of the few fields for the matches. However, the LFA struggles to get the municipality to maintain the fields, as it is their responsibility. They even took their facility struggles to the mayor of Cape Town at the time, Helen Zille, “We wrote a letter to her. She never responded to our letter. We’ve been trying to get them involved, the councillors, which they are failing themselves”. There are many political struggles around class and ethnicity and the legacies of apartheid persist.

In Cape Town there are a number of schools that have sports grounds and soccer fields. Some are in the condition described above, while others are restricted to school use only and not available for community clubs. The LFA Chairman described how the club he is associated with established a partnership with a local school and a local development trust. The partnership then approached the Department of Education to put grass on the field and environmental affairs to put a bore hole on the premises to ensure that it stayed green and lush. According to him, this has been successful so far, as his club has a new pitch to practise on at a local school. He suggests the process as a possible solution to the challenge of facilities in their location. The Department of Education has put new grass at a few other schools in the area; however the clubs have struggled to get access.

Although partnerships between schools and clubs is a good idea that could be potentially beneficial to both parties, there are many concerns from the schools regarding possible vandalism and crime perpetuated on their grounds after school hours and they would prefer locking the gates to reduce this risk. Applying for government funding usually involves a large amount of paper work and applicants need to know who to talk to about what or where to find the various different application forms. Having a structured club with a functioning executive is 161 often a requirement that not all clubs have. These are further challenges for clubs who are already overwhelmed administratively. In addition to the knowledge base and time required by the club administration, there are often layers of red tape and bureaucracy that need to be navigated in order to reach the desired goal. The South African government is often criticised for its poor service delivery, corruption and inability to follow through on government promises of resource provision (Managa, 2012). This is no different in terms of resources for sport.

Johannesburg In Johannesburg the situation is slightly different. The female teams do have access to fields; however there are a similar number of teams as in Cape Town. There are ninety-five men’s teams, plus four women’s teams and only six facilities. The female club teams have had to move to different fields because other teams (usually boys’ or men’s teams) have taken over the space they used to train in. One of the women’s clubs practices with their two teams on a field with three male teams at the same time, resulting in two teams on a quarter of a field. This is very restrictive in trying to conduct proper training sessions. Vuyelwa commented, “We don’t have a training ground, because where we are training is a very small pitch. ... It’s very bad because we have boys training there”. Since the field is so small and shared with too many other teams, especially boys’ teams, Vuyelwa does not even consider it a proper training ground.

Sometimes being the only girls’ team practicing on the same field with boys’ teams is beneficial and they occasionally train with the boys. As one coach from Johannesburg stated, “Most of the time the people that used that facilities it was boys teams only, so we were the only ladies soccer team that was practicing with the boys”. A second girls’ team coach in the same location explained how the community treated them when the girls were playing on the fields: “You can see that they are not supporting, because sometimes they used to boo at us, ‘Ah come on girls! Get out of the field!’ Until we prove to them that hey, we are good in football”. In this public space, the women are considered out of place and must prove their right to be there, something other male teams would not be required to do, as the assumed ownership of the public space is male.

All of the fields used by the teams in Johannesburg had changing facilities and washrooms. Although facilities were present, at one of the training grounds the building was usually locked and the boys and girls changed on the side lines before and after practice. Spectator seating was present at all fields except one. The field without stands is the one most often used by the younger teams. Here spectators would just sit or stand at the edges of the field or the slight embankment. This field had very little grass as it was over-used and the field slopes to one side allowing over-kicked balls to easily roll far down a hill. 162

During the research period, an annual tournament was held in Johannesburg. This allowed the female teams who reached the semi-finals and finals in the tournament to play in the local stadium. For the rest of the year, the stadium was reserved for the club teams that play in the women’s provincial league and the local men’s league. In this location there were no school grounds that were accessible for club teams; in fact the school teams were fighting to use the same community fields. There were a large number of clubs and teams in the Johannesburg location. This placed high demand on the six community fields especially over weekends, when the girls’ teams also needed to play matches.

6.2.3 Educational opportunities

The final challenge discussed is opportunities through the educational system. There were eight schools in the two locations that participated in this study. Out of the eight schools, eleven teachers, sports masters or sports assistants were interviewed. Four of the club coaches were also involved in the schools, one was a teacher and the other three volunteered by occasionally coaching the school teams. The two issues discussed previously regarding finances and facilities correspondingly apply to schools. Public schools lack the budget for equipment and transportation, have inadequate space for grounds or have grounds that are not maintained and become dangerous since they are often uneven, full of stones, broken glass or garbage.

In addition to the lack of financial and physical resources, teachers highlighted a lack of resources including food, information and ‘man power’, coaches with the knowledge and skills needed to coach effectively.

The Director of Sport in Cape Town stated the challenge of finances and employment: You find that it is becoming a struggle to run sport without funds and people don’t always, maybe because of poverty or maybe because of unemployment, even good administrators, you will lose them, they will fall off the system, because they will always ask what is in there for me. You know? So for us, funds play a very crucial role in trying to deliver sport.

According to the Director, finances and sufficient staff are crucial for sport delivery, however the situation of unemployment and poverty remain a challenge. Prior to 2012, there was no line allocation in the school budget for sports, each school had to use funds designated for other means to pay for school transport, equipment or kit (uniforms), at the discretion of the school principals (Burnett & Hollander, 2006; Singh & Burnett, 2002). At the no or low fee schools, this meant that there was no additional funding for sport facilities, equipment or transport (Singh & Burnett, 2002). In this context, poverty contributed to teachers and administrators leaving the school system for better opportunities elsewhere, leaving the schools short of staff. 163

The teachers recognised how the lack of staff affects sporting opportunities for students. A teacher in Johannesburg stated, I always sometimes say this and it doesn’t go over well, when I tell them at school, you see we can’t take all the sports because we don’t have that man power, but if you take the sports that you know, you know, we can’t take rugby, when someone from outside offers that he will be assisting, it’s fine we can do that. But we can’t take it to run with it ourselves, because we don’t have man power.

There are not enough teachers that have the expertise or willingness to coach the teams. Part of the challenge of not having enough willing teachers is the imbalance between male and female teachers. As the Johannesburg teacher above shared his experiences, he stated that at his school there are only seven male teachers and twenty female teachers, who usually lack the knowledge to coach, especially in the male dominated sports such as cricket or rugby.

In these cases where there is a lack of personnel to coach the teams, the boys’ teams seem to get preference, as all of the eight schools in this study had multiple boys’ soccer teams, but most only had one girls’ team that rarely practised. In total, according to the sports masters and sports assistants, in Cape Town, there were four girls’ teams and nine boys’ teams (see table nine). There were seven girls’ teams in the Johannesburg location (four teams reported at Sivile Senior Primary School) while there were thirteen boys’ teams (see table ten). Therefore out of the football teams there were twice as many boys’ football teams as girls’ teams.

The female football players from Chris Hani Primary School commented about this lack of sports coaches as their coach also coached cricket, volleyball and athletics. Their discussion went as follows: S - I think it’s all about gender because of, if ever he doesn’t have enough time for girls and has enough time for boys. So it won’t be fair for us girls, S - Because of sexism. S - Because at the end of the day, we are all going to play competitions and there will always be a winner and if ever we want to win, we must also go to gym. Train. So if ever we won’t train, we won’t [win]. There’s nothing like not training and then we won’t win the cup. C - So the boys are still training? S - Yes! S - Do you know where ground one is? They always train there. S - Like now. S - But us, they [the coaches] don’t have time for us.

As these girls state, the male coach does not have time to coach them as he is too busy coaching multiple teams. They link this to gender and sexism against women and conclude the discussion with a dejected statement, ‘but us, they don’t have time for us’. This implies that the girls feel that they are less important than the boys, feeling rejected and left out. This is in line

164 with international findings regarding the position of women’s sports being superseded by men’s sports (Talbot, 2002).

There are more opportunities for boys’ soccer, as there are regular leagues in both locations at primary schools organised by the South African Schools Football Association (SASFA). In Johannesburg, the girls’ league was run by a local NGO, however when they first made the schedule they omitted the primary school girls. In Cape Town the primary school league was being run by a local NGO, but league play was inconsistent, with poor communication and few matches, as some schools reported only one or two games in the previous season, while they should have played at least six. The boys teams had multiple tournaments they could attend, the boys at Chris Hani Primary reported participating in five tournaments in the past year. There were seven different tournaments for the boys reported by the sports masters and assistants, the majority of these tournaments are sponsored by national or international corporations, such as: Milo, Danone, Coca-Cola, Discovery, McDonald’s, Chappies and MTN. Conversely there were three tournaments reported that were for both boys and girls – two of which were organised by the government in connection with the 2010 World Cup. The girls’ football coach at Luyolo Primary School was the only one to report a girls’ only tournament, a 6-aside tournament sponsored by Spur, a national restaurant chain. Luyolo Primary was the only school to play in a league with previous Model-C schools (white apartheid government funded, see section 4.2.2.2, page 101) in a neighbouring community. This could be a result of the coach’s past experience as a professional player and was eager to provide equal opportunities for the girls and the boys.

Football is just one of the sports available at the schools in Cape Town and Johannesburg. Overall there was a large variation between sports offered in two locations and between individual schools within each location. In Cape Town there was a total of 34 teams available to participate in, 14 for the girls and 20 for the boys (see table nine). Table 9: Sport offered at the sample Cape Town primary schools Isiseko Joe Slovo Shomang Vusumoya Total Sport G B G B G B G B G B Soccer 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 4 4 9 Netball 1 1 1 3 0 Athletics 1 1 1 1 1 1 3 3 Cricket 1 1 0 2 Rugby 1 1 0 2 Basketball 1 1 1 1 Chess 1 1 1 1 Handball 1 1 1 1 Table tennis 1 1 1 1 Totals 4 6 3 3 2 2 5 9 14 20 165

There were some unique sports available at some schools, for instance Joe Slovo offered chess. It is debateable whether chess should be classified as a sport; however it is in the South African school system. Isiseko had handball (although it was only offered in 2008) and Vusumoya offered basketball and table tennis. Shomang in Cape Town offered the fewest number of sports, with only netball and football available at their school.

The schools in Johannesburg offered a total of 71 teams to join, 33 for the girls and 38 for the boys (see table 10). Table 10: Sport offered at the sample Johannesburg primary schools Chris Hani Luyolo Sivile Yomela Total Sport G B G B G B G B G B Soccer 1 2 1 5 4 4 1 2 7 13 Netball 1 1 4 1 7 0 Athletics 1 1 1 1 1 1 3 3 Cricket 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 Rugby 1 1 1 0 3 Cross country 1 1 1 2 1 Indigenous 2 2 games 1 1 1 1 Volley ball 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 4 Basketball 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 3 4 Hockey 1 1 1 1 Tag rugby 1 1 1 1 Tennis 1 1 1 1 Chess 1 1 1 1 Totals 7 8 4 10 17 13 5 7 33 38

The only school in Johannesburg that offered sports unique to their school was Sivile that offered hockey, tag rugby, tennis and chess. The majority of the sports were offered for both girls and boys, with the exceptions of netball, which was only available for girls. Cricket and rugby were only available for boys, except for cricket in Sivile, where cricket was also available for the girls. The reasons for almost double the number of sports available in Johannesburg compared to Cape Town are most likely associated with the presence of School Sport Mass Participation Programme (SSMPP) sport assistants who were active in three of the four Johannesburg schools and not active in any of the Cape Town schools. The sport assistants had more time and resources designated for sport and could therefore organise more opportunities for students both within and between schools.

Despite the opportunities to participate in numerous after school sports, there are children that chose not to join a team. There are a few reasons for this choice, children either need to go home and complete domestic duties, or they lack the nutrition needed to be confident to

166 participate. A teacher from Johannesburg knew that there were girls in his school that were part of the local club teams, but did not want to participate in the school team. He gives one possible reason for this: Because I know most of them they don’t want to play at school, but then you find that they are playing in the local teams and they are very good. But they don’t want to play here. ... Some of them they are shy. Some of them, you know they don’t have food during break, when after school they have to practise on empty stomach. Yeah, the only way is to run away.

Due to lack of food at home, many of these schools offered feeding schemes which provide the children with at least one meal a day. However, many children are embarrassed to attend these schemes and still go hungry and therefore want to return home after school to try and find something to eat. These players will then go to training later, after they have had something to eat and have energised their bodies.

Despite all of these challenges, at the schools and in local clubs more girls are coming out to participate in sports overall, particularly in football. This participation leads to many benefits three of which are described in the following section.

6.3 Benefits of participation

Regardless of the obstacles described previously in terms of financial, physical and educational resources; the female footballers in this study still experienced benefits of participation, as noted by the players, their significant others and peers. During the coding stage of the data analysis, six main categories were formulated relating to the benefits derived from participation in football for the females (see figure 18). Three levels of benefits were revealed, personal, family and community. At the personal level the benefits were further categorised into physical, social and psychological aspects. These areas of socialisation through sport are inter-related rendering it difficult to separate the discussion on these aspects.

Figure 18: Benefits of participation 167

Three main areas of benefits are discussed that are most closely associated with each of the three aspects of personal benefits. The first area to be examined is deviance avoidance, which is linked with social behaviours and psychological choices, but has the most direct effect on physical consequences such as teenage pregnancy, HIV and AIDS, smoking and binge drinking. It is also related to personal safety and the use of safe spaces for young girls. Secondly, as an extension of the first area, inter-gender relationships are discussed, focusing on the social benefits for girls to establish healthy relationships with boys and develop self- esteem and self- efficacy. Finally, educational advantages are explored, focusing on the psychological benefits of sport participation, while including discussions on social, cultural and financial capital gained through sport that influence classroom behaviours and educational opportunities.

6.3.1 Deviance avoidance

This section first examines the popular perception that football and other extracurricular activities are important because they keep youth busy and ‘off the streets’. As discussed is section 6.2.1 (page 158), there are scarce recreational spaces for children to play, resulting in children literally playing in the streets, hanging around street corners or in the small free spaces between cramped houses. These small spaces can lead to mischievous or deviant behaviours, including bullying, stealing or getting involved in gangs (Kretzman, 2012). Therefore, a common saying is that these children are ‘in the streets’ and being able to participate in structured sports activities with adult supervision ‘keeps them off the streets’.

When players or household members were asked about the benefits of playing football for the player or family, 76% of the interviewees mentioned staying off the streets in some dimension. While the importance of staying off the streets was mentioned by 48% of administrators, coaches and sports assistants. This was a common distinction between girls that play football and other girls that do not participate.

The ideology that sport can contribute positively to South African society and reduce social ills has been in the public discourse and political propaganda since democracy. The popular saying “a child in sport is a child out of court” was coined by the South African Minister of Sport and Recreation in the late 1990s, Steve Tshwete (SRSA, 2011a). This is repeated in SRSA documents (e.g. SRSA, 2012) and in popular discourse (Burnett, 2012b).

Within the topic of deviance avoidance numerous benefits of physical activity were mentioned. Two broad categories are examined using quotes from the interviews and primary school focus groups. These include: an antidote to deviance through keeping busy, having a safe space to 168 play football and stay out of trouble or harm; and avoidance of anti-social behaviours such as substance abuse, pregnancy or sexual diseases.

Antidote to deviance There is a common perception that sport participation helps youth stay busy and keeps them off the streets, since the football pitch is a safe space for children to play and spend their free time, especially because adult supervision is present. Of the community questionnaire respondents, 81.3% (n=135) agreed that football kept the girls busy and off the streets. For the players and household members, this general category was the most frequently mentioned during interviews.

For instance, Zongile’s father described how he does not worry about her when he is at work because he knows where she is: I‘m so very proud because she’s not loving the streets. She always busy, you know. Even if I’m at work I don’t panic ... maybe we stop 4 o’clock at work, maybe they ask me to do overtime to 8 o’clock I can’t do it because I keep on panicking, but now I know where she is, I keep on working no problem.

Previously Zongile’s father would worry about taking overtime at work, which would mean he would come home later and would not know what his daughter would be doing during that time. Now, knowing Zongile is at football gives him peace. Her football participation is a source of pride because he does not worry that she will do something (i.e. get involved in negative behaviours or become pregnant) that may affect the family’s reputation.

Similarly, Hlengiwe’s mother says knowing where her daughter is puts “less stress on us as a parent because at her age, children get outside. They come home late. You don’t know where they are”. Now the family knows that Hlengiwe is at the training grounds and immediately after training she comes home and helps with the household chores, does her homework and goes to sleep. Knowing she is at training brings peace of mind to her parents.

Olwethu’s father shared related sentiments, “If you play soccer you’ll never have time for things that happen in the outside, you always focus on your football”. It is the focus on a productive activity, as echoed by many individuals that can keep the players on the “right path and can change the lives of people ... it can keep children off the street ... it plays a very significant role” according to the Director of Sport for the City of Cape Town. Football participation offers an alternative activity to being in the streets. It is a positive distraction that provides a productive pastime in contrast to other deviant activities youth can be involved with in the streets.

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Part of the reason why keeping the players off the street brings a peace of mind for parents is that the football pitch and training grounds are seen as a safe space compared to the unknown of the ‘streets’. The following comments from family members illustrate this opinion: I want her to keep playing. Because she’s safe when she’s playing, she’s not going around with these girls, going to taverns. She’s always here in the house. When she’s not here, she at the club. Lindiwe’s Mother, Johannesburg

Because when she’s out we don’t have to stress about her safety. We know that wherever she is she’s safe. Vuyelwa’s Cousin, Johannesburg

It’s alright that she plays football because it keeps her safe and away from bad things that happen around here. ... Here kids get raped and kids disappear, but when we know that she’s in the field we know that she’s safe there. Zoleka’s Mother, Cape Town

It keeps her safe. All the time she is protected with the soccer. Lulama’s Father, Cape Town

Safety is of utmost concern for parents when they work late and cannot keep their children within arms’ length at all times. Being able to keep your children away from these dangers and give them a better chance in life is desired by most parents, and encouraging their participation in sports is one avenue to achieve this aim.

Avoidance of anti-social behaviours The two most prevalent problems for young women in the South African townships are alcohol abuse and teenage pregnancy (Holburn & Eddy, 2011; SAIRR, 2011). These lead to many other problems, the biggest of which is dropping out of school. Playing football is seen as a type of refuge from these issues, although it does not completely eliminate the chance of getting involved with alcohol or boys.

Household members frequently discussed the differences between behaviours of girls that play football compared to girls who do not play: Let’s say that the girls that are not participating in sport at all, because there are a lot, they end up being lefted [sic] with rape charges against them. They abusing alcohol, they having kids at an early age. They are uncontrollable. ... But then if you know that there’s something after school that will make you to be busy, I don’t think that you’ll do the very same thing that they’ll do. Because you can’t go to gym drunk. That’s impossible. You thinking, what will my coach say? My coach will tell my dad. My coach will tell my mom. Lindiwe’s Father, Johannesburg

Lindiwe’s father compared his daughter to other girls in the community, who get drunk, raped and become pregnant. It is the presence of another authority figure reinforcing positive social norms that makes sport a positive activity that is encouraged and can make a difference in the girls’ actions and decisions. 170

Some of the siblings and parents compared the players to other girls in the same grade at school or past friends of the player. Lulama’s sister compared Lulama to her peers, some of whom dropped out of school due to pregnancy. It’s a good thing because some of her friends or some of the people she started off with, they’ve got babies here, in the same age that she is. Babies. Some of them dropped out of school, some of them are drinking too much. So I must say, it’s a positive side of her because if maybe she didn’t go for soccer maybe she would have had a baby of her own or some of those bad things. Lulama’s Sister, Cape Town

As Lulama’s sister considers the alternative lifestyles and consequences experienced by other girls in the community, she is satisfied with the choices Lulama made to play football.

Hlengiwe’s mother also compared her daughter to the other girls in the community, who were behaving in socially unacceptable ways. Because you see a group of girls, who’s not doing nothing. Standing in the corner, with boys, they are either drinking or they are smoking. And then the early pregnancy comes from that results. But if the children are doing something like singing or whatever, there is less chances of getting pregnancy (sic). Hlengiwe’s Mother, Johannesburg

Obviously smoking does not lead directly to pregnancy. However, drinking alcohol has been shown to decrease inhibitions and reduce decision making abilities, which can lead to unprotected sex, which in turn increases the prevalence of HIV infection and undesired pregnancies (Cavazos-Rehg et al., 2011; Pitpitan, et al., 2012). Hlengiwe’s mother reasons that it is not just football, but other activities, such as choir, that can be productive pastimes. This has been shown by Cook (2008), who argues that it is not only sports that are beneficial to youth, but any extra-curricular activity, including performing arts and academic clubs. These activities promote productive rather than destructive behaviours.

Some parents reflected on their past and the positive influence sport had when they were growing up as an example of how they would like their daughter to behave. In myself, because I was so strong, yeah, I was so strong and then I saw that, when maybe I play with the boys, ne? … You know the boys, they are strong? So and also I was not involved in dating and I was not focusing on boyfriends. Zoleka’s Mother, Cape Town

Zoleka’s mother used her own example from when she played football in her youth to describe how playing football with boys made her stronger. Her involvement in football meant she was not focused on dating or becoming romantically involved with boys. This reflects the international findings that girls who play sports become sexually active later in life (Sabo et al., 1999; Erkut et al., 2005). Section 6.3.2 (page 174) examines the positive inter-gender relationships that can come from football participation. 171

One of the coaches from Johannesburg described the concerns of parents, the fact that their daughters are away from home for so long or so late. When it comes to parents, like, the parents of these girls, most it’s senior parents, they phone me and fight with me over the phone. ‘Where are our girls? Where are our babies? Why are you taking them?’ But I understand, the reason being they have to be protective. But usually what I do, I ... explain to them that the girls when they are with me, they are ok, they are on the safer side. ... I’m trying to get these girls away from the street, away from bad substances and keeping them away from early pregnancy because if they’ve got nothing to do, obviously they go with boys, they go boozing, smoking, getting involved in bad things.

The coach concurs with the fears of the parents of what else the girls could be doing if not at football. However, some of the parents are afraid of what may happen when the girls are away from home. Once the coach assured the parents that their daughters were safe with him and the team, they were more appreciative of what he was doing.

The Director of Sport in Cape Town highlighted that the families benefit when their children are involved in structured programmes: Their families, they benefit in that their children do not get caught up in bad habits, I mean as you would know, the Western Cape is rife in drug use, there’s lots of pregnancy, HIV issues, you know. So they are, the youth and the children that are involved in those initiatives are able to escape those influences.

The Chairman of the Cape Town Local Football Association shared a similar point of view: And for a girl to play soccer, at that time that she’s playing soccer at that time that she’s practising for that soccer, there is something that she’s missing, she’s missing booze, she’s missing a boyfriend, she’s being helped in terms of not getting HIV. .... Because our community is getting worse. You see a 13 year old holding a beer - Savana, smoking. You see an 11 year old they are kissing one another in the street. This is how the community has changed.

Drugs, teenage pregnancy and HIV are common problems in South Africa (Hoque, 2011; Pitpitan et al., 2012). When initiatives are provided for the youth, they are given the option of not participating in parties, drugs and alcohol and encouraged to get involved in productive activities instead. As these administrators observed, when the girls play soccer, they ‘miss out’ on these deviant behaviours.

Some of the community questionnaire respondents agreed, “It takes them away from drugs and alcohol” and “They don’t have time to drink”. Therefore participation in football is understood to be a respite from the common challenges in the streets.

The learners from the primary school focus groups agreed with the statements above. Only one focus group from the eight schools did not mention this facet of sport participation. One student from Cape Town stated: 172

They tell us if ever we are playing the sport, continue playing the sport because at the end of the day it’s keeping you away from bad stuff and becoming a gangster because at this stage that we live in peer pressure is so much so I think that they feel sports is another form of a get-away for us.

The other focus group members elaborated on the ‘bad stuff’ as smoking, drugs and drinking. This agrees with the comments by the Chairman above, describing some of the social ills that are already affecting children at the primary school level. In Johannesburg, one student succinctly highlighted the group of deviant behaviours as: “smoking, being pregnant, stealing, HIV, STDs, going to clubs”. This was followed by comments by other students who said playing football “keeps you away from bad things” and “away from the street”. Therefore, in contrast to engaging in these negatively perceived behaviours, the girls who are involved in sports can ‘get- away’ to the safe space of football.

Girls from Shomang Primary School in Cape Town commented on how other teammates have changed their behaviour since joining the sports team: Others they used to smoke, drink and go with their boyfriends out to clubs or something and now they are playing sport, they don’t do that kind of things, they don’t have boyfriends.

Many of these deviant behaviours, such as smoking, drinking, having boyfriends and going to clubs are interrelated and often occur in conjunction. Another focus group participant reflected on personal changes when she started playing football: When I was not playing, I used to drink a lot. But now when I go to matches on Saturday, I just go home and fall asleep … I’m not clubbing.

In this case, the participant used to spend her evenings drinking and clubbing. Now that she is playing football, she only goes to the football field for matches and is tired when she gets home, significantly reducing the time spent in the prior activities.

Boys from Shomang concurred with their fellow female students by stating, “When they are not at the field, they are in the street, then when they are in the street they get pregnant” and “Without soccer the girls they always get a lot of boys and they get pregnant and they can’t go well to school. That’s why they should go in soccer”. The first quote used a metaphorical connection between being in the street and getting pregnant. This is a popular way of saying that spending time with boys on the street corners leads to unsupervised time with the boys, which in turn leads to teenage pregnancy. These boys are acknowledging the importance of sport participation and the difference between girls that play soccer and girls that do not, as well as confirming the link between the streets, pregnancy and school drop outs.

In the focus groups conducted with non-sports participants, there was agreement that sports participants stay away from the dangers of the streets. The focus group participants provided 173 numerous examples of boys and girls that they knew that had changed their actions due to sport participation. However, these participants noted that they did not smoke or drink either, as they recognised that it was bad for their bodies.

The participants mentioned that there were some girls that play sport, but still get involved in ‘bad things’. A few of the interviewees commented that playing football does not mean that you will not get pregnant or have alcohol problems. In fact, those are some of the reasons why individuals end up dropping out of football as well. This is discussed mainly as what is happening “at other clubs” where the girls started to drink. Jamila’s father in Cape Town made mention of this and went on to describe how it is the influence of the coaching staff and the level of discipline in the club that allows situations of alcohol abuse to occur.

Lulama’s sister described the difference between Lulama and other soccer players at her school that bowed to peer pressure from external sources: There were children from Joe Slovo, where she started that were also playing football. But because of peer pressure, I would say, they started drinking and they started to have kids. But she only had friends at soccer and then that’s when she focused on playing only.

So even though other football players got involved with alcohol and became pregnant, pressure to get involved in negative behaviours is perceived to be external to football and viewed as pressure from other settings. Ayanda assented that it is not just about playing football, but there are choices that individuals make, including getting pregnant. “Because I can get pregnant while I’m playing football. I may not get pregnant while I’m not playing football. So the thing is up to you”. She mentioned that playing football keeps you busy which decreases your ability to get involved in other, deviant behaviours, such as smoking, drinking and spending time with boys or older men, which can lead to pregnancy.

This section has revealed many of the general community challenges at the local level, particularly getting into trouble in the streets, including smoking, drinking, HIV and teenage pregnancy. These negative behaviours can lead to dropping out of school and loss of reputation for the family. Participating in football provides opportunities to get out of these potentially risky situations, stay safe and ideally avoid pregnancy and stay in school.

6.3.2 Inter-gender relationships

Section 6.3.1 highlighted that football participation can potentially keep girls from getting pregnant or getting involved with boys. This section examines comments from the interviews that highlight the participants increased self-confidence, their ability to stand up for themselves,

174 and the different types of relationships they have with boys that allowed them to avoid early pregnancy, HIV or AIDS.

Boys as friends Since football is traditionally viewed as a male sport in South Africa and there are limited opportunities for girls to participate, most of the girls in this study starting playing with boys and continued to play football with boys during school breaks, after school, on their streets or in leagues. Having a common interest in football and spending time with the boys on and off the pitch created a level of friendship and mutual understanding between the girls and boys.

For instance, Azariah only recently started playing football on a club team, but has been playing with boys in the street since she was young. Her brother described the difference between her relationships with boys compared to girls who do not play sports with boys: “Those who play soccer, will only have friends with boys. But those who doesn’t play soccer, they’ll look for boys to be like their boyfriends.” Therefore as girls become friends with boys, they do not try to get into romantic relationships, but continue to see their relationship platonically.

In Cape Town, Khanyesile’s mother said that girls who play soccer are tomboys, but this is a good thing, I would love a girl when she grows up to be a tomboy because she goes late to boys. Very late. For boyfriends. Than the normal one. ... There’s just no interest because she’s taking boys as friends. Not as looking at them as the boyfriends.

Since Khanyesile is friends with boys, it will delay the time when she sees them as something more than a friend, an appreciated detail for her mother. Similar to Azariah’s brother, Khanyesile’s mother recognised the importance of friendship with boys rather than romantic relationships that could get her daughter into trouble, including the possibility of pregnancy.

Lulama’s sister stated that when she was a young girl, about 13 years old, she was busy playing with dolls, compared to the 13 year old girls currently who start off in relationships with boys. However, since Lulama was focused on football, she did not care about how she looked or if boys called her. According to her sister, it was only later, when she was about 18 years old, that she started to be concerned or notice boys. Ever since she was growing up ... she didn’t care about how she looks, she just wants to go the gym all the time. Now she’s starting to get the picture that I have to wear some make-up because she’s a bit older now. She doesn’t mind if the men don’t phone. I told her don’t mind about the men because sometimes the men can stop you from your dream, just go forward in life. [In terms of the relationship with boys] she went a bit older, you know, some they start off when they are 13, I’m thinking I was playing with dolls then, but now a days, they start off 13 years. But she started a bit 18, she was starting to notice, oh there is guys watching out there. It’s just soccer to her. 175

A focus on football prevents the girls from trying to get the attention of boys by using make-up or worrying if they will call. This is seen as positive, as girls seem to be getting involved with boys at a younger age, which has led to higher rates of teen pregnancy (Holburn & Eddy, 2011). Lulama’s sister cautioned against letting men steal girl’s dreams, as it is better to go forward and achieve the dreams without being stopped by men, who may have different ideas of how girls should spend their time.

Zongile has had a tragic past being raped twice before moving to Johannesburg. Although her mother thinks she is afraid of men and is now a lesbian due to being raped, Zongile actually takes refuge with boys because girls “talk too much”. Zongile describes how the boys help her in life: “boys they encourage me in life, in what you get at the end if you [are] busy sleeping with [other] boys”. They give her advice on how to deal with other boys and warn her on the dangers that will come from sleeping with them. Although Zongile should be afraid of being with boys due to her past, she has embraced a different relationship with them and avoids the gossip of girls. By being friends with boys, she is actually getting their advice on how to avoid future problems and is receiving some sort of protection, which is positive and will hopefully assist in her future relationships.

Some of the soccer girls from the focus group at Chris Hani Primary School in Johannesburg agreed with Zongile, saying that they prefer to be friends with boys because “Girls, when they don’t have anything to say they will gossip about you. Boys don’t gossip”. Although, some girls disagreed and said that some boys gossip, the general consensus was that boys can be better friends than girls, although sometimes girls can understand girls better. Another girl in the same focus group elaborated on how you could trust boys that are your friends and communicate with them better if they play soccer together: And girls if you play soccer, if you have friends and he’s a boy, it’s easy to communicate with him because you know him, but if you don’t play soccer and you’re a girl who is not playing sport, it’s not easy for you to communicate with that boy who plays soccer.

The comparison is between girls who play soccer and girls who do not play soccer, whereby girls that play soccer are able to have improved relationships with boys that play soccer, as they understand each other and can communicate better.

During a focus group at Shomang Primary school in Cape Town, a boy that plays soccer provided the male perspective of the situation. He says, “You see when they play soccer, I get to knowing them [girls who play soccer at school] and knowing them and then they I’ve had a lot of information about them”. Therefore as the boys get to know the girls they begin to establish

176 an understanding that can be the basis for a healthy relationship based on mutual interests and respect.

Jamila has had similar friend relationships with boys as Zongile, where she spent most of her free time with boys rather than girls. She recounts how the boys treated her: Even if I played with them and I was with them most of the time. But they still treated me as a girl. They still respected me as a girl. ... They treated me as one of their friends. I was friends, like they would tell me things that they won’t tell the other girls. ... For instance, say they wanted to tell me a secret, they will tell me but they won’t tell the next girl because I’m playing with them. So they trusted me.

Jamila earned the respect of the boys by being with them on and off their field. They trusted her and would confide in her. This was different than the relationship they would have with other girls. This relationship extended to other settings, as she explained how they would treat her if they met at a party: Because I was playing with them, they won’t come to me and ask me, don’t you want to be my girlfriend. But if there’s other girls around, they will do that to them.

To complement the comments above, showing that the girls are not interested in boys romantically, Jamila’s case demonstrates how the boys view and treat the football girls differently, as friends rather than girlfriends.

Therefore, through playing soccer together and getting to know and understand each other better, positive, healthy friendships can develop. In these friendships there is mutual trust and confidence, they can tell each other secrets, share advice and will treat each other with respect both on and off the pitch.

Self-esteem In addition to the friendships and healthy relationships with boys formed by female football participants, these women gain other skills to help them navigate social relationships. One of the important skills is gaining self-esteem and self-efficacy, which enables them to stand firm in risky situations. Self-esteem is how an individual feels about their personal worth; while self- efficacy is the confidence an individual has in their ability to achieve a particular outcome (McAuley, Mihalko & Bane, 1997).

Azariah’s brother spoke in this regard when he stated that, “A girl who plays soccer, will behave like a boy”. He agreed that she would stand up to a boy and he had seen the situation, “a lot of times”. Boys are generally believed to be stronger and more confident, therefore when girls participate in activities that are traditionally male; they may learn some of the same skills that boys learn during these activities and react similarly when put under pressure.

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The male students at Shomang Primary School agreed, as one stated, The football is helping girls to have more power. Other girls don’t have power when someone is raped or is …, they don’t have the power to push them away so when they play soccer she is fit and strong.

The boys in this focus group were primarily describing how physically strong the football girls became and would fight back when the boys hit them, with one boy exclaiming, “Ouch! You hit me like a man!” as he recounted a scenario of one of the soccer girls fighting with him. In either case, the women have both the physical and emotional strength to stand up against bullying or abuse and will fight back if the boys try to pick on them or try to rape them.

A more detailed description of this situation came from the perspective of one of the teachers in Cape Town: I’ve seen these girls, I’ve stayed with them in my street, they become friends, they understand the boys, they can speak the terms of the boys, they know the boys what they want, even when they do some advances they know. ... Because these girls who are close to boys, they become streetwise. They know what is needed out there to succeed. Because if you look at them, you find that they are doing stuff that grades, 9s, 10s, 11s, 12s and people will say, that tomboy is doing grade 12, you see, they are succeeding in life, to me. ... It’s about pregnancy, most of the time and those surface things, lower self-esteem. ... Look it’s important that you go to high school, then you have your self-esteem, you have your head high.

In this quote, the teacher describes how the football girls become ‘streetwise’, which he defines as being able to understand the boys, know their language and slang, recognise their advances and know what they really want. By knowing this they can avoid unwanted advances and succeed in life. Success, as explained by the teacher, is not getting pregnant, but staying in school, gaining self-esteem and being able to hold their heads high. Therefore there is pride associated with being streetwise, having self-esteem and knowing how to act around boys.

6.3.3 Educational advantages

As discussed in section 2.7 (page 37), education is an essential mode of social mobility, especially in a country such as South Africa where there is disparity of educational opportunities across regions and classes. Social skills learned through sport, as well as physical fitness improves mental abilities and educational success (Suhrcke & de Paz Nieves, 2011; UNOSDP, 2011). This is echoed by almost half of the household members interviewed (48%) and many administrators, coaches or teachers (38%). Aspects discussed in this section regarding educational advantages include academic performance, positive teacher-student relationships, self-efficacy and access to better education.

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Academic performance As a feature of socialisation through sport, numerous household members and administrators commented that playing football helped the players focus on responsibilities they had at school and home. Occasionally there was a decrease in the player’s ability to concentrate on their school work, however, this often improved after a stern warning from the mother or father stating that if their marks did not improve, they would not be allowed to play football anymore. For example, in Johannesburg, Nomawethu’s mother stated: Then at school, when she started playing, her work went a bit lower and then I told her, if this is going to happen again, I’m going to stop you from going to play soccer. Because you get tired and you don’t do homework nicely. But then this time, she improved. ... Because normally I never see Nomawethu’s report at three. I see one, two, three. One is low. Normally she’s at four. So last time, at March she was at three. But then June it was four again.

Coming home late and tired from football practice means that players sometimes do not have the energy to finish their homework or study at the level they were previously able to do. Nomawethu’s father said “When she’s coming from practice it’s normal for her to be tired”. Making the adjustment to managing her time and making sure she could still focus sufficiently at school took some adjustment, but in the end it was possible.

In Cape Town, Xolile’s mother echoed similar aspects of worry that football could get in the way of school. She stated, “During this report I was not happy with it, I told her, that if the sport disturbs your school work, you must stop sport. But she promised to say, no I’m going to study”. Xolile’s mother noticed that Xolile’s school marks had decreased due to her participation in sport and threatened that Xolile must quit if she could not balance both. However, since football is important, Xolile promised to study harder and her mother allowed her to stay on the team.

A second example from Cape Town, described Lulama, a student in her final year of high school who needed to take more time for her studies. Her sister recalled: It was starting to affect her school in grade 12, so she had to just tone it a bit just for that year. You could tell, she could go to gym because the gym is also good for the mind, so she had to go to the gym, but not as hectic as she normally does, because she had to just concentrate at school so we said, if the soccer fails, you can go for school, because school is very important, but you have to balance this.

In the quote above, Lulama’s sister recognised the value of exercise for impacting on the mind and being beneficial for studying. As long as playing football did not require too much time and take away from studying, it was an accepted and encouraged activity.

Balance and time management are central themes to this discussion. Family members realise that the players love to play and there may be opportunities for them in football, nevertheless, 179 getting a good education is more important. This is especially true in women’s football, where long term employment opportunities are not available for female football players in South Africa. Many of the research participants made reference to this fact; that it is important for women to remain focused on their education as a back-up in case they get injured or if their football career ends.

In the focus group with the non-athletic girls from Luyolo Primary School, a poignant example was provided of how sport can affect a student’s life. There’s this guy who plays cricket, since he started we’ve seen some developments. He isn’t the same guy. He isn’t irresponsible anymore. He does his schoolwork and he even uses his listening skills and always encourages people not to undermine others. He even learned to do things in an appropriate way, learned to study and also teaches his younger brother to play cricket and soccer. The club that he’s into they go to camps and they even get bursaries, get free uniform/kit, others play for big teams that are always shown on TV.

There are evident differences in the lives of successful athletes recognised by peers and community members. These differences can inspire others to behave in similar ways and provide access to social and economic capital for future mobility of the sport participant.

Positive teacher-student relationships While students improve their social behaviours in the classroom, there are benefits for the relationship between teachers and students as well. One aspect of teachers coaching school teams is that it helps to build positive student-teacher relationships. Three different teachers mentioned that when they coach students in their class, the students are more comfortable speaking up in class, asking or answering questions, even if they are incorrect. Burnett (2001a) and Kay (2009) argue that part of the reason for this confidence is the decreased social distance between student and teacher.

One teacher in Cape Town noted the relationship between the increased confidence of the students he coached on the football team and how it related to the classroom: Because I’ve noticed that those who are playing soccer, especially when I’m in class with them, the relationship between them and me, it’s there and also they are, wide awake, maybe it’s because they are more, they are used to see this face, so they don’t feel threatened, or maybe, is he in a bad mood now, or we are always happy, you know. So, yeah, we’ve become to know each other and relate to each other quite well.

Previously the social distance between teacher and pupil produced a threatening environment of fear rather than comfort. By decreasing that distance and providing opportunities outside of the classroom for the teacher to be known; now the pupils understand the teacher on a different level and can detect what type of a mood he is in. Because they have a relationship outside of

180 the classroom, both the teacher and the student have a better understanding of each other, in turn this helps them to relate better, stay awake in class and perform better in their school work.

A teacher from Johannesburg makes the same observation: You see in the classroom I realise they are there, it’s formal, you know and they only know the formal side of you as a teacher, but seeing you outside and trying to coach them and having fun with them and tomorrow you might put his hand up just because he’s able to speak to you now, he’s finding it easier now to speak to you, give you the answer. It might be the wrong answer, but the effort, hey, it’s ok. ... When you play sports I think ... the teachers can recognise you despite, you know the big numbers in class.

As well as breaking the formal social distance, this teacher recognised another benefit, familiarity. In the public, government schools, the classes can have 40 to 50 students, which severely reduces teacher-student interaction and students can easily get lost in the sea of faces. If the students are able to establish a relationship with the teacher outside the classroom it helps them to become noticed and possibly receive extra attention in class.

In Cape Town, Nozizwe’s coach showed extra attention to her because he was simultaneously her school teacher. Nozizwe’s mother threatened to take her daughter out of football as her daughter was struggling in school, however the coach/teacher did not want the girl to stop playing and instead offered to give her extra lessons on weekends in order for Nozizwe to remain on the team. This was a mutually beneficial situation, as Nozizwe got extra help, the mother could be confident of her daughter’s academic progress and the teacher kept a talented player on his team.

Self-efficacy According to teachers that were interviewed, being familiar with the teachers is not the only thing that increases the student-athletes performance in class; playing football in front of a crowd improves the player’s self-esteem and self-efficacy. This translates into being able to stand in front of the class and ask questions or talk. As one teacher in Cape Town stated: Because in sport, it’s competitive, you want to win, so it builds self-esteem because you can play in front of many people, that gives you a courage to stand even in front of many people.

Therefore self-esteem on the pitch is able to translate into self-efficacy in the classroom. This teacher discussed two aspects of participation. The competitive nature of the game leads to confidence building through the desire to win, the need to be focused, strong and persevere in order to achieve victory. Secondly, playing in front of a crowd shows a willingness to be vulnerable to make mistakes, which requires boldness and can easily be transferred to courage to stand in front of the class.

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Girls from Shomang Primary School agreed that playing football in front of an audience helped them at school. The other thing we learn when we play soccer is not to be shy, like sometimes, in the activities you have to stand in front of the class and I’m not shy because you are used to the audience now.

Playing soccer builds confidence and reduces the fear of the classroom audience as the players are used to be watched and scrutinised while they play soccer.

Another Cape Town teacher shared the same view: These girls who play football, because of the environment, they are playing football in stadiums, they are not shy. They are not people who are shy, yes some of them in terms of their character they will not be people who like to speak that much, but if they want something, they stand up and say what they want, that’s confidence, to me that shows confidence, they are not the same, there are those who do not speak that much, but if they want something they have a question, they raise their hand and ask a question. I think it’s because of their environment, they are used to the stadiums.

Gaining confidence by being put in positions of pressure on the football field under the critical eye of spectators gives these players an advantage in the classroom as they are not afraid to stand up and speak or ask questions. This teacher acknowledges that women who participate in football may have a variety of personalities and react differently to situations. Regardless of how naturally shy the participant may be if they have a question in class they are not afraid to stand up and ask.

Access to better education Another area of educational benefit that is available for a select number of talented female footballers is the opportunity to attend the High Performance Centre (HPC) in Pretoria. This school and residence provides first-class secondary school education, comfortable accommodation, quality cafeteria style catering, as well as elite football training. Most of the students housed in the Centre play for the national sports teams. There are 25 female football players at the school each year. They are usually brought in when they are 13 or 14 years old, which allows them enough time to adjust to the different level of schooling that they receive, according to centre manager Fran Hilton-Smith. Most of the student-athletes come from disadvantaged backgrounds, especially those that come from the rural areas and now have to adjust to the standards and expectations of a previous Model-C school.

One of the players in this study, Duduzile, attended the HPC. She described how strict the schedule was with specific times set out for training, studying and attending classes, even bath time was scheduled. Her siblings described the differences between the township schools and 182 those that they considered to be in the suburbs. Her brother said that “In the suburbs there are lots of equipment that [are] used so she’s now also clever when it comes to school”. While her sister described the differences in submitting assignments: She always tells me that they are strict, you have to submit your assignment early. So I think it’s much better. Here we know, let me say, if an assignment is due next week, learners will submit the following week.

Recalling the historical educational disparities during the apartheid era, this distinction is not surprising. The funding differences between the two types of schools relates to school equipment (i.e. science laboratory equipment), as well as sport equipment (Roodt, 2010; Worden, 2007). This provides students in the previous Model-C schools with a better education, improved marks and better future prospects. Duduzile’s sister revealed another difference between the two school systems, submitting assignments. This highlights a lack of structure in the public school system overall and could be a contributing factor in the high failure rates in the government schools (Roodt, 2010). In contrast to the government schools, the previous Model-C schools and the HPC provide opportunities for players to become self- disciplined and manage their time efficiently.

Duduzile described how the school caters for the student-athletes when they have to travel for tournaments or training during the school year. The teachers are willing to give assignments or tests for completion while the students are away or provide extra classes when the student returns. This special treatment allows the student to navigate the potentially conflicting relationship between elite level sports and studies (Burnett, 2010b). This individual attention and peer learning contributes to improved academic results.

So far the students that have gone through the HPC have been particularly successful. The manager of the HPC boasts that all of the students have been given scholarships at national universities where they can continue their education while playing football at the top levels within the country. This opportunity for a higher level of education, both at the secondary and post-secondary school levels, is an incentive for the parents to encourage their daughters to participate. The HPC manager, Hilton-Smith explains: It’s been a huge incentive for parents to let their kids play football because they can now see, wait a minute, there’s a future for my girl. Football, she can get a free education, medical, everything, great five star accommodation at HPC, plus she has an opportunity to study anything she wants, paid for.

Most of the students come from families/households that are not able to afford post-secondary education and the majority of them do not have any family members that have been to university. When a player is able to get a university scholarship due to her football skills, it not

183 only raises the standard of education for the individual, but provides hope for the whole family to get out of their current situation of poverty.

6.4 Discussion

Social mobility is the goal of many young people in South Africa and around the world as they aim to improve their social and financial status compared to their parent’s and the social status with which they began life (Bell, 2000; Bourdieu, 1990). An important aspect of sport participation is the opportunity to gain social and physical capital that could possibly lead to economic capital that could provide social mobility (Mackin & Walther, 2011; May, 2009). The examples in this study support these arguments as well as highlight the challenges found in the social environment, education system, physical resources and regional economy (Spaaij, 2009). This discussion focuses on social mobility relating to female football and social development. Challenges that affect the potential for social mobility through sport are discussed first, highlighting the resources and opportunities available through the local economy, physical sports facilities and educational opportunities. Football participation provides the potential to supersede the challenges through access to cultural, physical or social capital, which ideally can translate into financial capital leading to social mobility. These capital potentials are discussed relating to the three areas of results presented above: deviance avoidance as physical and cultural capital; inter-gender relationships as social capital; and educational advantages as physical, social and cultural capital.

6.4.1 Challenges to social mobility

Section 4.2.2 (page 96) detailed the challenging economic and social context the female football players in this study face on a daily basis. Their potential for social advancement is severely stunted when these challenges are carefully considered. However, individuals are continuously demonstrating the ability to rise out of difficult social and economic situations to achieve great results. Three dominant areas of challenges are discussed in this section, namely: economic poverty, access to facilities, and opportunities through education.

Economic poverty Unemployment and under-employment is a structural problem affecting South Africa. As of September 2012, 36.2% of the South African population was unemployed (SAIRR, 2012). It is estimated that 5 million South Africans receive all or part of their income from the informal sector (Ligthelm, 2006). The high levels of unemployment and employment in the informal sector in this sample were described in tables seven and eight.

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As Kay and Spaaij (2011), highlighted in their research in India, Brazil and Zambia, there are many obstacles that families living in poverty have in terms of allowing their children to participate in sport programmes. Sport participation leads to additional costs such as transport to practices and games, purchasing personal equipment, as well as sending food with the player for games or tournaments. In this context, the children are often required to be additional earners or domestic carers, which takes away from the time that they are able to spend playing sport (Kay and Spaaij, 2011). Taking time for domestic duties was a constraint in some situations, but more basic obstacles such as not having extra money for transport to practices was a more pressing concern (Burnett, 2001b).

The context of poverty can lead to other social problems such as high incidents of alcohol and drug abuse, and violence against women. Drugs, teenage pregnancy and HIV are common problems in South Africa (Hoque, 2011; Pitpitan et al., 2012). These problems are often found together, as young women spend time at shebeens for lack of alternative locations in the community (Pitpitan et al., 2012). Shebeens are an important part of the informal economy in South Africa, as a source of income for many households in informal settlements (Ligthelm, 2006). For instance, in 2004 there was an estimated R4.2 billion ($US 0.5 billion, 0.4 billion €) spent at shebeens in South Africa (Ligthelm, 2006). The estimated HIV prevalence rate for 2010 was 14.7% in Gauteng and 6.1% in the Western Cape, while 55.7% of the deaths in Gauteng and 28.5% of the deaths in Western Cape were attributed to HIV (SAIRR, 2010). Although the presence of shebeens and alcohol abuse do not automatically lead to HIV, when individuals are inebriated they make poor decisions and are more likely to have unprotected sex, which leads to greater risk of contracting HIV, other sexually transmitted diseases or becoming pregnant (Piputan et al., 2012). Women are more vulnerable in this context and can become involved in the practice of exchanging sex for material items, pocket money and alcohol (Forde, 2008; Hoque, 2011; Pitpitan et al., 2012).

In locations within Johannesburg and Cape Town where this study took place, teenage pregnancy and gang involvement are an all too present reality. As of 2008 19.4% of women in Gauteng and 15.3% of women in Western Cape aged 15-19 were mothers or had been pregnant (SAIRR, 2012). A report by Gender Links stated that 51.3% of women in Gauteng had experienced emotional, economic, physical or sexual violence in their lifetime, while 75.5% of men admitted to committing at least one of these forms of violence towards women (Machisa et al., 2011). Sexual harassment and abuse can be common between coaches and players as well (Fasting & Brakenridge, 2009). In 2011, gangs were known to be present at 31 schools in the Western Cape and 63 gang-related shootings occurred on school premises (Kretzmann, 2012).

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In order to protect women from these dangers, their movements and access to spaces becomes restricted. Yet, the facilities they are provided access to are not always of the highest standard or quality and there is competition for those spaces as well. The lack of space in the townships leads to inadequate housing, sanitation and refuse disposal (Wilson & Ramphele, 1989; Worden, 2007). Thus the lack of space for and poor maintenance of sports facilities is inevitable.

Access to facilities Research in Pietermaritzburg from the 1980s reported that football facilities were found primarily in black communities, however these fields were described as rough, unfenced, unmarked, covered with stones or other impediments, lacking grass, without change rooms, toilets or spectator stands (Booth, 1998). In a facilities audit of the national Sport and Recreation Mass Participation Programme (MPP), Burnett and Hollander (2005) found that the majority of the fields available were football fields, however, they were insufficient for the demand, causing them to be over-utilised and poorly maintained. Some of the fields were only an open space without grass or lines and had makeshift poles (Burnett & Hollander, 2005). As seen by the situation in the field sites in Cape Town, little has changed in the past thirty years. There are some fields that are smooth and mostly covered in grass and occasionally marked, although according to the Cape Town coach, the teams have to mark the field themselves. A lack of sufficient fields remains, as well as a lack of provision for change rooms, toilets and spectator stands (Burnett & Hollander, 2005).

In Johannesburg the access to facilities is slightly better than in Cape Town, whereby there are more usable fields and an actual stadium that the women are occasionally allowed to use. There is still animosity among the male community members towards the women using the facilities. However, when the girls demonstrate that they are able to play, they are given relatively more freedom to use the facilities to support their participation than to begin with. This aligns with research conducted by Forde (2008) and Meier (2005), who found that as women claimed public space in their communities, they challenged gender norms and changed perceptions of female sport capabilities. Women require the support of the men controlling the access to these fields in order to acquire the physical, cultural and social skills that will provide the means for social mobility. A cycle of impact is evident: cultural norms restrict women’s access to facilities; some of the men controlling the women’s access have to be willing to put the cultural norms aside to provide the women the opportunity to participate; this demonstrates to other community members that cultural norms can be different and there is potential for women to participate; which can in turn open more opportunities or facilities for participation.

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SRSA recognises the dearth of sporting facilities in the South African communities affects all football players, boys and girls, men and women. In the SRSA 2011 National Sport and Recreation Infrastructure Framework Plan the first goal for facility provision is: To provide appropriate, sustainable sport and recreation infrastructure in order to enable and advance sport and physical activities in communities across the country which has a direct impact in addressing the critical health challenges and contributing to the social cohesion in the communities (SRSA, 2011a: 10).

The second goal is to ensure that all South Africans have access to quality sport and recreation facilities, regardless of their level of participation (SRSA, 2011a). These two goals acknowledge the importance of equal access to quality participation for all South Africans and the opportunities that can be provided to address physical and social issues within the communities. Some of the challenges listed in the SRSA report include vandalism of property, lack of governmental provision for sport and sport facilities, lack of proper management and over utilisation of facilities (SRSA, 2011a). These are the same challenges found during facilities audits by the University of Johannesburg of the Siyadlala Mass Participation Programme (Burnett & Hollander, 2006) and of the City of Twshane (Pretoria) (Singh & Burnett, 2002). The challenges were evident in the two locations of this sample, with insufficient field space, over utilisation of facilities and fear of vandalism.

Despite the policies of SRSA to redress the inequalities in sport by supporting women and girls (NDSR, 1998; SRSA, 2011b), there are still structural challenges in terms of access to facilities. As men continue to dominate structures of power and executive committees their ideologies that are rooted in masculine hegemony will remain and continue to restrict women’s access, reinforcing the existing structural inequalities (Talbot, 2002; Pfister et al., 2002). The older men in particular have access to better fields and often take space away from the few women’s teams and younger boys’ teams in each location.

Opportunities through education Schools are usually the first location to provide opportunities for youth to participate in sports and gain the physical and technical proficiencies for basic motor skills. However, in South Africa, physical education has not been in the school curriculum since 2004 (Draper et al., 2010; Rajput & van Deventer, 2010). Since this study was conducted in 2010 with learners in grades six to seven, this means that the majority of learners have never experienced physical education at school. Since the learners in this study were participating in after school or club sports, they were still gaining many of the benefits associated with physical activity in terms of physical, mental and social health. This questions the findings of Draper et al. (2010) and Sanders (2010) who argue that the lack of physical education has resulted in an increase of obesity, ill-health and poor academic performance. However, since this study did not examine 187 students that were not participating in sports, the evidence is not conclusive. More research is needed to examine the differences between curricular physical education and extra-curricular school sport and their effects on health, weight and academic performance.

Extracurricular sports are neglected in the government schools in South Africa, as they often lack physical, financial and human resources required in order to offer sport (Singh & Burnett, 2002). Despite this neglect, it is notable that there was a wide variation in the number of sports available for boys and girls at the different schools, with the schools in Johannesburg offering over twice as many sports than the schools in Cape Town. This was impressive considering the fact that the schools in Johannesburg did not have their own sports grounds and were dependent on the use of community grounds. In Cape Town, although the schools had their own grounds, fewer sports were available. This lack of teams could be due to the lack of availability of teachers willing to volunteer extra time to coach the teams or the lack of availability of equipment or the level of (dis)organisation of the local leagues, compared to the stability and organisation provided by the SSMPP sport assistants in Johannesburg.

In both locations, there were slightly more teams and sports available for the boys to participate in, although the difference was smaller than expected. This confirms the perspective that sports are still considered a male preserve, especially certain sports that are considered more masculine such as rugby and cricket (Aitchison, 2006; Hickey, 2008). The discussion by teachers and administrators that there is a shortage of skilled teachers that can coach sport due to the small numbers of male teachers emphasises the perception that men are the most appropriate sport coaches, confirmed through the language used in ‘man power’ and use of the pronoun ‘he’ when referring to an external coach. This confirms the mind-set that coaching positions are considered natural for men (Shaw & Slack, 2002). That said, there was an outlier example at Vusumoya Primary School in Cape Town, where a female teacher taught mini- cricket to the boys. This may be viewed as more appropriate for the younger boys, who are lower on the social hierarchy compared to secondary school aged boys. While the predominance of female primary school teachers leads to some women taking on male sporting roles. Komphela (2010) argued that when schools depend on teachers or volunteer coaches, the sports offered at the school are restricted to the available expertise and willingness of those individuals.

On the other hand, there are more sports being offered for both boys and girls at most schools studied, which demonstrates a shift in perspectives about overall sport participation for females (Meier, 2005; UN, 2007). Although all the schools offered football for both boys and girls, the fact that there were often multiple boys’ teams and only one girls’ team revealed the strong bias towards boys’ football in the South African public schools. The second piece of evidence 188 supporting this conclusion is the number of tournaments available for boys’ football compared to girls’ football, in a ratio of 7:3:1 comparing tournaments for boys only, both boys and girls and girls only.

The fact that the girls’ leagues in both locations were organised by a local NGO that was struggling to include the teams and be organised, while the boys’ leagues were organised by SAFSA, indicated the entrenched institution of sport organisation that favours boys’ football compared to girls football. This reveals the organisational and institutional bias towards particular boys’ sports reflexive of hegemonic masculinity that emphasises sports considered to transmit culturally associated masculine values, as football does in South Africa (Bryson, 1994; Talbot, 2002). The high prevalence of opportunities for boys to participate in football demonstrates to both boys and girls that football is the most appropriate sport for boys. This can be detrimental for boys and girls who are interested and talented in other sports as these other sports are neglected in terms of resources and opportunities as well as perceptions of gender appropriate participation.

The restricted opportunities are aligned with culturally appropriate gender norms regarding sport participation as influenced by the community beliefs and government structures providing sport. These challenges and restrictions form the context within which the women’s teams operate. Social norms and structures are not fixed, but can be altered and re-shaped. Moreover, as women continue to participate in sports traditionally dominated by men they challenge the social norms. Social, cultural and physical capital can be found within these situations, which provide the potential for social mobility.

6.4.2 Cultural and physical capital through deviance avoidance

Despite the high incidence of rape, teenage pregnancy, alcohol and drug abuse and gang involvement, there are numerous young girls and boys that are avoiding such negative or deviant behaviours. Bourdieu (1986) discusses how physical or embodied capital expresses symbolic value and class association through the norms, practices and culture that are articulated through a person’s physical being. When youth are encouraged to make decisions avoiding deviant behaviours and embody alternative cultures that are supported through participating in sport they associate themselves with a different set of norms and practices which can lead to upward social mobility.

Through encouraging young women to stay involved in sports and keep away from the deviant behaviours associated with ‘the street’, there is a reinforcement of social norms and values, which come from multiple sources. This makes the socialisation process more salient, 189 according to the social cognitive theory (Bandura & Bussey, 2004). The examples above described the multiple sources, including family support, positive peer pressure, and the authority of coaches or teachers. The players were often compared to other girls in the community, who get drunk and become pregnant, actions that can bring shame and additional financial strain onto the family. Girls who play football have an alternative activity to occupy their time and another authority figure in their lives. This authority figure encourages appropriate behaviour, while instilling a fear of reporting negative or deviant behaviour to the girl’s parents.

Family members had less anxiety and worried less about the players when they were at football, as they recognised the field and team to be a safe space. Despite the possibility of abuse when participating in sport, as the coaches establish relationships with the parents, they become trusted and the parents appreciate the coaches’ efforts to protect their daughters and provide safe spaces for the girls to participate. Linked with socialisation processes and reinforcing positive behaviour is a policing of spaces and behaviours within specific spaces that are deemed appropriate for women and girls (Talbot, 2002). Policing encourages acceptable behaviours in acceptable spaces and stigmatises unacceptable behaviours in undesirable locations, which reinforces cultural and effective norms (Putnam, 2000).

The girls have agency and are able to make decisions on their own (Coakley & Pike, 2009), which leads to some girls still becoming pregnant, getting involved in smoking and drinking alcohol. Even though there is a positive value transfer that occurs from participating in sport and an increase in the resilience of players to external circumstances, there are limits to the impacts of sport in the context of poverty. Nevertheless, despite fears of safety and disreputable behaviour, leading to restrictions of movement, participating in football provides the girls with some freedom of movement through which they can positively contribute to their school and community, by being positive role models and active citizens (UN, 2007).

In addition to acquiring specific cultural and social norms of behaviour through participating in sport, the female participants can use their physical talents and skills to access resources and opportunities otherwise unattainable. This includes: having the coach or club provide shin guards and football boots to players who cannot afford them as was the case for Ria; having opportunities to travel to different communities for games and tournaments, which Azariah needed assistance with; and accessing extra tutoring sessions as provided by Nozizwe’s coach and teacher who wanted to keep her on the team for her physical skills. The talent of these girls, namely Lulama, Duduzile and Ria, as captains of their teams or individuals that have played for the national team, is personal capital that resulted in access to resources to enable their participation, when their families did not have the income for support (Spaaij, 2009). The 190 coaches recognize the physical skills in their players and the potential loss to their team if the player is unable to afford the cost of personal equipment, transportation or parental fears of decreased educational performance. This leads to the additional support for the players to ensure their physical skills are an asset for the team. The bonds within the team evidenced through this support reveals the value of social capital as individuals are appreciated and recognised as important in their peer groups. The team support substantiates the significance of Ubuntu as a social asset by helping people based on their value as a person.

6.4.3 Social capital through inter-gender relationships

The findings relating to sport participation and sexual activity found in these cases are similar to research from the USA, where girls who participate in sport, gained self-confidence, respect for, and ownership of, their bodies, which led to later sexual debut (Sabo et al., 1999; Erkut et al., 2005). Adding to that research, the examples in this study highlight the importance of friendships between boys and girls, where the boys respect the girls, confide in them, give them advice and treat them as a friend on and off the pitch. This can delay the start of sexual activity and result in more positive male-female relationships that could alter gender norms and in the long run change patterns of abuse entrenched in the South African society.

Since the majority of the girls in this study grew up playing football with boys at school and in their community they became part of the same social group and built bonding social capital (Putnam, 2000). Due to this bonding social capital support between members is reinforced which led to the boys becoming respectful and protective of their female friends. The examples of Zongile and Jamila demonstrated this protection as the boys would confide in them, give them advice and treat them differently in social settings such as parties. This differential treatment is desired by the girls who prefer to be treated as equals rather than objects of affection.

The social networks created through friendship with boys could provide additional opportunities for the girls to access sports fields that they would not have as a group of girls. Furthermore, the experience gained through playing with the boys gave the girls physical assets that would assist them in being accepted as a legitimate football player and access the resources discussed in section 6.4.2.

Household members encourage mixed-gender friendship as a celebration of going against common patterns of teenage pregnancy. Encouraging these friendships assumes deviant heterosexual teenage sexual activity (Jackson & Scott, 2010). Through the focus on heterosexuality, the social norms and desired behaviours are reinforced (Bandura & Bussey, 191

2004) and the girls’ bodies and freedom are policed (Bem, 1993; Bhana, 2012). Zongile’s mother was an exception to the norm, as she assumed her daughter was a lesbian due to Zongile’s past negative experiences with men, not her current relationships. There was little discussion of the friendships with boys being linked to the high numbers of lesbians in women’s football, a theme that is explored in greater detail in chapter eight.

6.4.4 Capital gained through educational advantages

The benefits of physical activity for educational experience and performance are numerous, including gaining physical, social and cultural capital, which can lead to social mobility. The connection between physical exercise and mental capabilities has been proven scientifically. Hillman et al. (2008) demonstrate how physical activity leads to improved cognition and brain functionality, positively affecting molecular and cellular systems, improving nerve growth and blood flow to the brain. This improves academic achievements through increasing the brain’s ability to learn new things, focus, make good decisions and recall information stored in memory (Trost, 2007; Trudeau & Shepard, 2008). Videon (2002) found positive correlations between sport participation and academic results. Even though this study did not determine the players’ marks or changes thereof, these qualitative accounts show that despite initial poor school performances, there were no long term negative impacts on education. The players’ marks either returned to their previous level or improved once they were able to adjust to multiple responsibilities and manage their time better.

There are cultural skills associated with participating in sport that positively impact their classroom interactions, which encourages an individual to be responsible, do their schoolwork, to listen and encourage others. They often become role models for younger siblings and inspire people in the community, evidenced by the focus group discussion in the results section, where students gave examples of other athletes who were focused and considered role models in the community. In addition to being more focused and having better time management, the focus group participants reported that students who played sports were more disciplined in class, demonstrated respect, did not argue with their teachers and communicated well with their teachers and fellow students. These skills are instilled in children through socialisation that partially occurs during sport participation and in turn can impact other areas of life (UNOSDP, 2011; Camiré et al., 2012). Sport is only one factor in socialisation with causal links between positive behaviours and sport participation still being debated.

Numerous students and teachers described how sports participants gained confidence to stand in front of the class, ask or answer questions due to being under situations of pressure on the football field. This is related to the research of Weiss and Wiese-Bjornstal (2009), who found 192 that physical activity was positively associated with self-efficacy, self-determination, autonomy and choice. In the future, this confidence can lead to the girls challenging gender stereotypes of women being passive, by being assertive and becoming leaders (UN, 2007).

The process of bridging social capital is exemplified when social barriers between teachers and students are broken down in instances where teachers become coaches of the school teams. This is related to studies from India, where Kay (2009) found that girl’s sport participation reduced learning inhibiting barriers between teachers and students. The formal teacher-student relationship imbues the teacher with the majority of the power and authority creating fear in students and social distance between them according to age, social position and traditional social patterns. As the children were able to get to know the teachers in informal settings, social power dynamics were broken down, making the teacher more approachable, which in turn created a more relaxed, fun learning environment (Kay, 2009). Burnett (2001a) found a similar situation in the Eastern Cape, South Africa, with a local NGO, where participating in sport together decreased the seemingly natural boundary between student participants and adult leaders.

Excelling in sport can provide other opportunities leading to economic or social capital, such as bursaries, free clothing and television coverage. The example of Duduziile gaining access to higher quality secondary school education through her scholarship to the HPC demonstrated the conversion of physical capital into economic capital where her physical skills and abilities provided access to quality education in exchange for her football services on the national and school teams. When she played for the national team, she received a small stipend that brought a small amount of income to the family and assisted with the daily expenses of food and housing. Dudu’s football talent gave her a resource that could be exchanged for access to education and provided recognition and social capital for the family despite their lack of formal income. Through gaining educational resources by attending the HPC, Duduzile and the other players gained skills and knowledge that could lead to employment and social mobility (Coleman, 2003). By ‘linking’ players to universities, the HPC provides access to previously unattainable resources (Burnett, 2006). The social, emotional and personal management skills learned at the HPC can translate into higher social status and perceived employability, as Burnett (2006) observed with volunteers for the Active Community Clubs in the Eastern Cape. Therefore, attending the HPC has multiple benefits: improved education, enhanced social skills and improved social capital leading to better future opportunities and potential social mobility for the player and her family.

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6.5 Summary

Women and girls who participate in football in South Africa encounter a number of difficulties. The biggest obstacles they face in the context of poverty are lack of financial and material resources, access to facilities and opportunities at schools. These challenges are interrelated and particularly apparent in the context of poverty within which the majority of participates live. The women and teams have utilised a number of coping mechanisms such as team cooperation and coach support to overcome these challenges. Other challenges that are present are structural and institutional and require transformations at regional, provincial or national levels in order for equal participation to be evident at the local and individual level.

Despite the challenges that women face, there are numerous benefits for their participation. Three areas of benefits were particularly salient in the interviews and focus groups: keeping busy and out of the streets through providing positive recreational choices, establishing positive inter-gender relationships and accessing educational opportunities.

Deviance avoidance related to expectations of gender roles and the social control of public spaces. Families were concerned about the safety of their daughters in the public spaces as well as fear of social disgrace and financial difficulties if children got involved in negative or deviant social behaviours. Thus gaining access to alternative safe spaces through football participation was encouraged. During this participation positive cultural capital was built and social values were reinforced through control of space and encouragement of appropriate activities.

Social norms of interaction, reinforcing the appropriate age for specific inter-gender relations, encouraged healthy sexual practices and policing of the female body were evident in discussions about boy-girl relationships. Heteronormativity was assumed in many of the cases, but not all, there were some assumptions of alternative sexualities (which is discussed further in chapter eight). There was a transmission of traditional gender roles relating to gender relations and although specific behaviours go against gender norms of childhood activities, their behaviours were still accepted and applauded for their conservative nature, compared to a context of ’transgressional’ teenage pregnancy.

The potential for upward social mobility was evident through the effects of physical activities on building cultural, social and physical capital relating to educational outcomes, interpersonal relationships with peers and teachers. Opportunities for scholarships and bursaries have the potential to raise families out of the context of poverty with the advantage of going to higher quality secondary schools and the possibility of university, often for the first time in the family. 194

Succeeding in the South African government schools is a challenge for boys and girls alike, due to the lack of financial, physical and human resources. Interactions between learners and teachers were positive both for learners who received extra attention, as well as for teachers who were able to establish positive relations and at times ensure a strong athletic team that could lead to school and personal prestige through having a successful team.

This discussion suggests that football participation increases the financial strain on households in situations of economic uncertainty and resource competition. However, it can be a source of social capital and facilitate access to resources as players leverage their talent and success in exchange for financial resources required for participation.

The following chapter examines the processes of reciprocal sport socialisation. The subsequent chapter focuses on socialisation into sport by household members, as well as the effects of parent or sibling sport participation, childhood play activities and household divisions of labour. It explores patterns of how the players are socialised into a sporting identity, as well as how parents and siblings make adjustments within the household to accommodate the player’s participation.

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7. SPORT SOCIALISATION AS A RECIPROCAL PROCESS

7.1 Introduction

Sport socialisation is reciprocal as the effects of the socialisation process have implications for both participants as well as significant others. There are complementary and corresponding changes that occur in both groups of people. Sport initiation and participation involves more than individual contributions and unilateral decision-making. Humans are social beings and therefore their social relationships influence the decisions made and activities chosen. These social dynamics are explained by the social cognitive and interactionist theories of socialisation. According to the social cognitive theory, significant others are influential by demonstrating and reinforcing specific actions, words and choices (Bussey & Bandura, 1999; Bandura & Bussey, 2004). Interactionism argues that individuals are active agents in making decisions and choosing specific actions which subsequently affects other people (Coakley & Pike, 2009). A thorough discussion of these theories and their related ideological basis are found in chapter three, section 3.3 (see page 54). In this section four facets relating to the lived realities and contextuality of sport socialisation are examined. First of all the background details of household composition, childhood play activities and family sport history are discussed. These details form the basis for socialising children into sport, which is the topic of the second section of this chapter, focusing on sport initiation facilitated by significant others as role models and enablers of participation. Encouragement, support and interpretation of experiences are important elements for sport continuation, matters that are addressed in the third section of this chapter. The final section investigates the reciprocal changes that occurred in the significant others and households of the female players, as the households adapted to the female’s participation.

Sport socialisation is more than transitions into a new activity; it includes the acceptance of a new identity and admission into a new community. It is a challenge for some individuals to gain access to the community of sport practice, especially women, and a male proxy or gatekeeper is often necessary. The underlying themes in this chapter are the context of poverty with an associated competition for scarce resources and the movement and interaction between the public sport sphere and the private domestic sphere.

7.2 Background

There are numerous background features that are important in influencing the socialisation of individuals into and through sport. The household composition forms the basis for which individuals are the most influential socialising agents. This composition affects the types of play

196 activities and playmates children choose. The sport history of the socialising agents is a fundamental signifier of the salience of the socialisation process into sport for significant others. The composition and unique intra-household relationships inevitably has direct bearing on socialisation processes, including being introduced to sport and continued participation therein.

7.2.1 Household composition

Chapter five provided a detailed discussion of the family compositions for each player in this study. This section continues to integrate the results and discussion with the important and relevant components of household composition.

As described in chapters four and six, living arrangements can be extremely cramped and crowded in these households, with multiple generations and extended family members living together under one roof or in close proximity (Ross, 2010). This serves to strengthen family ties and options for support in economic, social and relational terms. The closeness of family, as well as friends, neighbours and peers affect the socialisation processes outside of the nuclear family (Schinke et al., 2010).

As the African proverb expresses, “It takes a village to raise a child”. This refers to the collective responsibility in African communities wherein the entire community is involved in raising a child, not only the immediate or extended family. This makes distinguishing between blood relatives and close friends or siblings and cousins difficult as close adult friends are referred to as aunt and uncle and cousins are referred to as brother and sister (Moya, 2012). Communal living links to a collective consciousness and increased value placed on community compared to individual needs, desires and priorities (Khoza, 2006). This means that the success of one family member is considered the success of the whole family.

It is evident that there was a wide diversity of household compositions in the four settings of this research, with two general trends. First of all, the majority of the families live in a nuclear arrangement (43%, n=9). Secondly, many families (24%, n=5) live in an extended family arrangement in the same home. In the nuclear family arrangements, extended family members are still important and often live nearby, but do not live under the same roof. As family members migrate into the cities they move close to where other family members have already settled, providing a social structure similar to that in the rural areas where they can go for support when needed. Children often move between the rural areas where extended family members and grandparents live and the cities where they generally have better educational opportunities. Many single mothers place their children with their grandmothers in the rural areas when they are young. When these children begin upper primary school (grade 4-7), their mothers bring 197 them back to the city. This frees the mothers, who are usually young, to focus on wage earning and sending their income to the extended family, while not having to worry about making arrangements to care for a young child. The extended family members provide a free childcare service that is necessary when income is low, working hours are long and extra income is rare. This was the case for Azariah and Ria in this sample. Ria’s grandmother was at an age at which she needed extra care and moved to the city to be closer to her children. Extended families improve the socio-economic status and chances of survival for the families as there are potential for more people to contribute resources. Grandmothers often care for children as they have the time and availability to care for younger children and can access child care grants from the government.

Regarding the pattern of nuclear families, all of the households in the younger group from Johannesburg and a mixture in the other groups follow this trend. Most of these younger families live in informal dwellings (9 out of 11), while more of the older families live in semi- detached or separate property houses (6 out of 10). This reveals a pattern of income in which the younger families are still beginning their careers and are in the establishing stage of their lives, compared to the older families that have more reliable patterns of income or multiple sources of income, as the older children of these household are also employed. This variety of household compositions has an impact on sport socialisation as different family members are located nearby, within walking distance in the same neighbourhood, and sometimes just a few dwellings down the road. These family members therefore have a greater influence than family members that live at a distance in the rural areas and do not have regular contact with the player. The smaller families result in close relationships within the family whereby individuals are more influential as socialising agents.

7.2.2 Childhood play activities

Household composition impacts on the play activities in which children engage. Children are influenced by the availability of toys and playmates, as well as the attitudes of their parents and older siblings regarding which activities or toys are considered appropriate according to social gender norms (Leaper et al., 1988; Maccoby & Jacklin, 1974). In the South African townships, there are limited resources for toys and structured games. Most girls may have one doll while boys are frequently seen with makeshift balls made of plastic bags and string or toy cars made of wire and tin. The amount of space in which children have to play, as well as if the area is rural or urban areas affects the types of available activities. This is associated with safe play spaces and the appropriateness of playing in the street or in the house. As described in the previous chapter, many dwellings are over-crowded with several siblings having to share one bed, few rooms and no designated play spaces inside the houses. Four of the households in 198

Johannesburg had only one room that served as the kitchen, bedroom and living area, their bathroom was a communal toilet outside the dwelling shared by multiple households. The yard space outside the dwellings was restricted, with more space available in the Cape Town location compared to the Johannesburg location.

Childhood play activities affect participation in future leisure activities. Participation in activities considered more masculine and being labelled as tomboy is associated with participation in non-traditional female sports and continued sport participation into adulthood (Giuliano et al., 2000). This sample confirmed the findings of Giuliano et al. (2000), as the majority of participants engaged with traditional male activities (n=13, 61.9%) or both traditionally masculine and feminine activities (n=4, 19%) in their childhood. Only one participant was involved primarily with traditional female activities. Inconclusive data was collected in the remaining three cases.

Table 11: Childhood play activities Gender coded activities Frequency Per cent Traditional male 13 61.9% Traditional female 1 4.8% Both 4 19.0% Total 18 85.7% Missing 3 14.3% Total 21 100.0%

Traditional male activities were considered to be playing with balls, marbles or physical games. This is similar to international designations of gendered play activities, in that boy’s games involve strategy, competition and physical skills, using large playing spaces and open grounds that do not have to be close to the dwelling (Morrongiello & Hogg, 2004; Francis, 2010). In contrast, traditional female activities include playing with dolls, playing games mimicking parental or household situations, singing songs or engaging with rhythmic or skipping games that require less space and can be contained within safe yards or close to the dwelling (Francis, 2010; Lindsey, 2011; Roux, 2006).

In connection with play activities, the choice of peer playmates has an influence on the choice of activities. Some scholars have shown that peer playmates are chosen based on the activities played and the way in which those activities are played, rather than on the gender of the peer (Colwell & Lindsey, 2005). Six (28.6%) of the girls in this study were described as playing mostly with girls, while two (9.5%) played with both boys and girls, and nine (42.9%) played primarily with boys (see table 12). There was more mixed gender play when the children were younger,

199 with more segregated play as they got older. Many of the girls in this study continued to play with boys when their female peers began to spend time primarily with other girls.

Table 12: Childhood friends Gender Frequency Per cent

Boys 9 42.9% Girls 6 28.6% Both 2 9.5% Total 17 81.0% Missing 4 19.0% Total 21 100.0%

Researchers have found that it is more acceptable for girls to play with boys and engage in traditional male activities than for boys to play with girls in traditional female activities (Colwell & Lindsey, 2005; Lindsey, 2011). There is an age when crossing the gender boundaries becomes less acceptable and girls or boys that continue to traverse these boundaries are labelled as deviant, homosexual or other terms related to non-conformity to social norms (Arnett, 1995; Haugaa Engh, 2010a; Jeanes, 2005).

The activities the young women participated in as children had considerable impact on their physical activity patterns as they matured. One set of players concerned themselves predominantly with traditionally male activities, such as playing sports in the streets, playing marbles or gambling, and played mainly with boys, either their older brothers, cousins or neighbourhood boys. Male activities tend to be focused on competition, challenge and chance, some activities being very physically active team games where groups of boys challenge other groups or individual skill games such as marbles or gambling (Morrongiello & Hogg, 2004; Francis, 2010).

Azariah from Johannesburg has an older brother and an older sister; her sister is ten years older than she is and therefore lived elsewhere when she was growing up. Her mother described that she only has boys as friends. She explained, “Even when she was young, she was playing something like soccer or you play on the ground, you spin the money, for the boys only”. Her brother confirmed that she played only with boys; he said she used to play games like marbles.

Vuyelwa, another player from the senior team in Johannesburg, similarly spent most of her childhood leisure time playing with the boys. However, her cousin explained that it was less

200 about playing with the boys and more about playing the game she loved, which was mostly played by boys: Most of the time people will say, why does she spend most of her time with the guys? You know our mind set, we blacks, we don’t want to think out of the box, then one time I was like, uh uh, she’s spending most of her time with the guys because they are playing soccer together, you can find her playing soccer in the street. That’s the reason why you’ll find her with guys.

Vuyelwa is an only child, but she was raised with her extended family nearby and spent most of her time with a male cousin who was her age. As Vuyelwa described, “Because sometimes I play street soccer with my cousin/brother. Because that’s what we did in Jozi [Johannesburg], play street soccer, train with boys and have fun”. As described above, there are few options for recreational activities for children in the townships of South Africa. Vuyelwa spent most of her childhood playing soccer in the streets. This confirms the research demonstrating that play mates are chosen based on the activities they engage in rather than their gender (Colwell & Lindsey, 2005).

Jamila was the oldest child and spent most of her time as a child with her father, as she was five years old before the family had their second child. Her mother describes Jamila’s childhood activities: Jamila learned to play soccer in the street with the little boys. But she used to fix their bikes and that. Because her father, she had bikes and then she used to watch her father and fix cars and she will do everything because she was the first.

As the oldest child, Jamila spent most of her time with her father, imitating his behaviours and leisure activities (Bandura & Bussey, 2004). First born children, especially daughters, form a close bond with their fathers, where the father treats his daughter in a special way compared to his other children and is more accepting of her behaviour.

Hlengiwe, on the other hand, spent a lot of time as a child singing and dancing, activities that are more associated with girls. Her mother says that most of her friends were girls, although she did get into physical fights with them and Hlengiwe’s mother would often come home to angry parents of other girls that Hlengiwe had beaten up. Fortunately when she began playing football, Hlengiwe did not spend time with girls outside of football, her aggressive behaviour reduced and the fighting was no longer a problem.

In the cases in which the players participated primarily in male designated activities, the player was the oldest child, had older brothers or cousins who were close to their age with whom they spent most of their time. As Crouter et al. (2007) found, first born children modelled the gendered views and behaviours of their parents and second born children were influenced more by older siblings. Although the research by Crouter et al. (2007) was focused on the 201 transmission of gender attitudes, this furthermore relates to acceptable gendered activities, as girls who had older brothers as well as parents with less traditional gender views also exhibited less traditional gender views themselves. The family culture is important and fathers or male guardians and older brothers tend to set the normative tone for the rest of the household.

One of the players who engaged in male and female typed activities played football, which was considered a more male appropriate activity, and enjoyed more feminine activities such as ‘poppies’ (dolls) and simulated household activities. Her sister describes: ‘Poppies’ [she] used to play. When children play that there is a mommy and stuff. She used to play that. But ever since she started the soccer, she used to come at home and go straight to gym. I think that’s the change, that’s when it started. She used to play dolls.

Lulama is the youngest of five children with three older sisters and one older brother. She had many opportunities to participate in a variety of childhood games, influenced by both male and female siblings. Playing house is common among children as they imitate the traditional roles modelled to them in the household (Bandura & Bussey, 2004). When Lulama was young she gravitated towards a mixture of traditional male and female activities, however, as she got older, she was more focused on playing football with male peers in the streets informally and formally with her female football team.

Xolile was raised by her aunt and uncle in Cape Town, as her biological parents both passed away when she was younger. In her extended family there were two female cousins whom she considered sisters, one was four years older and the other was twelve years younger. Xolile’s mother/aunt described how she played with dolls and sewed clothes for them, a pastime that continued in high school. At the same time, she played football with the boys in the street.

It is evident that the socialising agents around the women had a strong impact on the types of activities they participated in and their choice to play football. The girls that were the oldest or only child and had close relationships with their fathers or male cousins or had older brothers, participated in activities that would most commonly be associated with boys, whereas the individuals who had a diversity of older siblings participated in a variety of activities considered typical of males and females. This confirms the findings of Crouter et al. (2007) regarding the salience of birth order in transferring attitudes about gender to younger household members.

7.2.3 Family sport history

Many scholars have discussed the importance of parents and older siblings participating in sport, as an influence on the participation levels of other children (i.e. Dixon et al., 2008; Shakib & Dunbar, 2004). Therefore, it is important to examine the past sport participation patterns in 202

this sample. The significant others in this study are considerably athletic as only 10 out of 49 (20.4%) have not participated in sport during their lives (see table 13). Although more women than men have not participated in sport (seven compared to three), overall the women have still participated in a variety of sports. Most of the significant others, including seven women, played football, or football and other sports (n=18), while more women participated in sports other than football (primarily netball) (16 women, 5 men). Table 13: Sport participation by gender Football (and Other sports Gender No sport Total other sports) only Female 7 23.4% 16 53.3% 7 23.3% 30 Male 11 57.9% 5 26.8% 3 15.8% 19 Totals 18 36.7% 21 42.9% 10 20.4% 49

The high level of participation in sports of the parents and siblings could be one indication of why the girls in this study have remained in football. Family members participated in a variety of sports, reflecting the common sports offered in the township schools and rural areas where many parents grew up. The following table provides an overview of the sport participation of the significant others of each player, organised according to location and player age.

Table 14: Significant other sport participation per player Pseudonym Age Location Father figure Mother figure Siblings/Cousins Phumeza 12 Johannesburg Football Football None Lorato 13 Johannesburg Football None None Nomawethu 13 Johannesburg None Athletics Athletics Azariah 15 Johannesburg N/A Athletics Athletics Hlengiwe 15 Johannesburg Football Netball, football Football Lindiwe 15 Johannesburg Athletics, football Netball Dancing Zongile 17 Johannesburg Football Football Cricket, football Netball, football, Ria 17 Johannesburg Football Netball gymnastics Anisha 18 Johannesburg Football Netball Football Duduzile 18 Johannesburg N/A None Football Tennis, athletics, Vuyelwa 20 Johannesburg Boxing, football Tennis, netball netball Nozizwe 11 Cape Town Rugby Netball Football Zoleka 11 Cape Town N/A Football Football Olwethu 11 Cape Town Football Netball Netball, football Khanyesile 13 Cape Town N/A Netball, tennis Netball, football Yoliswa 13 Cape Town Football Netball None Xolile 16 Cape Town Rugby, tennis Athletics None Zamile 17 Cape Town None None Football Lulama 21 Cape Town Athletics N/A Netball, football Ayanda 22 Cape Town N/A Athletics None Cricket, rugby, Jamila 30 Cape Town Football Football football 203

Table 14 demonstrates the prominence of football and netball as the sports of choice for the player’s parents or guardians (n=16 football, 44%; n=9 netball, 25%). There are also a few examples of other physical activities including athletics, tennis, rugby, cricket and boxing. The sibling/cousins developed a similar pattern, with football (n=12) and netball (n=5) as the most common sports, as well as athletics and cricket, with one sister enjoying dancing and another enjoying gymnastics. In all of the families at least one person participated in sport. In one household, neither the mother nor the father participated in sport, however, the older brother played football. Somewhat surprisingly, only three of the mother figures never participated in any sport. This has a strong influence on the children, as the mothers help to create an environment where playing sport becomes a natural activity that is acceptable for girls as well as boys (Dixon et al., 2008; Shakib & Dunbar, 2004).

7.3 Sport initiation

There are two aspects of socialisation that are associated with family relations and household composition, sport initiation, getting involved in sports and sport continuation, staying involved in sports. Confirming past research (Dixon et al., 2008; Fredricks & Eccles, 2005; Schinke et al., 2010), these case studies demonstrated a variety of significant other influences. Many of the girls started participating due to the involvement in football of their father, mother or both. Older siblings, cousins and neighbourhood friends were also influential. The participation of these significant others was valuable in order to create opportunities for inclusion and access to facilities for the players.

7.3.1 Initiation influences

Parents and older siblings are the most influential socialising agents when children are young (Bandura & Bussey, 2004). In twelve of the households a particular household or family member is credited with being influential in the player’s initiation into football. The most common influence was an older brother or male cousin (n=5), followed by the influence of the father (n=4). Two players were influenced by involvement of both parents, and in one case the mother alone was important. Peers, educators and coaches were influential for sport initiation in five cases. A few examples describing these situations serve to illustrate the effects of different family compositions and birth orders.

Older brother or male cousin as social agent There is a long history of football in the family of Zamile from Cape Town. Her uncle played for one of the Professional Soccer League (PSL) teams, the Bloemfontein Celtics. As a young 204 child she started to play with her uncles, brothers and cousins. She would play in the yard and in community tournaments with her two brothers. Her mother described the situation: Yeah, I think from the birth she was born like she can play football because she like to kick ball, she like to make ball with plastic. She put the plastic, all rubbish, all the plastic and the papers together, she tied them up and then she made the ball. All the time she’s kicking the ball!

Since Zamile was small she would use whatever materials she could find in the house to make a ball. Most young girls play with dolls. Zamile however, chose instead to make her own ball out of plastic, emulating her older brother and the young boys in her community.

Zamile’s brother illustrated how they used to play together: As we were growing up, our mother used to lock the front door and let us play at the back. We would ride our own bicycles at the back and Zamile would be kicking the ball. ... We would take a beer crate we would put it here, to make poles and we would play, she will stand here at the door and watch as me and my friends playing. And some of my friends get tired and stuff, she would get inside. .... And next time she’s playing with us and we are like, no we know that she’s playing soccer.

Even though the older brother did not want to include his younger sister in the games with his friends, she would kick a ball made of plastic around the house and wait for his friends to get tired when they would play in the yard. Eventually they realised that she could contribute to the games and they would allow her to join in. In this situation the girl was not the first choice playmate of the young boys, however, when they needed extra players or a substitute, she was invited to participate.

As the case with the girls who were influenced by older brothers or cousins, Zamile spent most of her time emulating the actions and behaviours of her older brothers. Her (single) mother worked long hours, leaving the older brothers as the primary socialisers. According to the social cognitive theory, children become socialised through observational knowledge, imitation of behaviours observed and self-reflection based on those behaviours (Bussey & Bandura, 1999; Bandura & Bussey, 2004). Relating to sport initiation, this means that as these girls spent most of their time surrounded by older boys, it was the actions and behaviours of those boys that were the most often observed and therefore imitated. In Zamile’s case, she perceived herself as talented enough to participate with the boys and insisted that they allow her to be included in their games.

Father figure as social agent An example of the influence of the father comes from Johannesburg, where Zongile would follow her father everywhere, especially if he was going to play football. Her father explains: She was a difficult child, you know? She never want to walk with her mother. More especially when I’m a soccer player, I’m a sportsman. So when I take 205

my soccer boots, she don’t want to hear anything, she want to follow me. She go with me to the ground, then she can go out [with] me when I come back from the grounds. But when I go there she want to be close to me. When I’m busy playing in the ground, she just run inside and come and play and the game is on! Then we must stop the game and Zongile must be taken out!

According to this narrative, it is evident that there is a very close relationship between father and daughter. She described how she played with the other children during her father’s matches and this led to her playing football with the boys at school. Growing up in a football environment gave Zongile a love for the sport that has sustained as she matured.

In all four of the cases where the father was the primary socialiser into football, the girl was the oldest or only child and the families did not live close to extended family members where male cousins could be an influence. Therefore these girls did not have an older male sibling or cousin to influence them. In all of these cases the girls spent a lot of time when they were small following their fathers to the football field or playing in the yard with their father. These girls therefore observed the love of football that their fathers had.

In some of the cases, extended family members from the rural areas, who were visited during holidays, also had an influence on the girls. They would play together with the extended family members when everyone went home for Christmas or other school holidays. These additional male family members reinforced the behaviours surrounding football participation and created an acceptable environment for females to take part (Bandura & Bussey, 2004).

Influence of both parents/guardians In both families where the mother and father were influential, participation was a family affair. In Johannesburg, Phumeza comes from a long history of football involvement; her grandfather, father and uncles were still involved in the sport. If they were no longer playing, they were involved as administrators or referees. Phumeza’s mother played football, as she said there were not many sporting opportunities in the rural areas where she was raised and she lived next to the grounds, making access and opportunity easy. In Cape Town, Jamila’s parents were both part of the local administration and coached U-9 boys teams, so it was natural that Jamila became part of the team. By the time Jamila was born neither parent were still playing, but they had both participated in their youth. Since women’s football was not popular when her mother was younger, she mainly played friendly matches, rather than in an organised league.

In this case, Jamila’s parents were both involved in coaching and administration. They encouraged Jamila to participate by demonstrating the required skills for participation, as well as giving access to participation. Jamila spent most of her childhood with her father, as she was the oldest child and followed a similar pattern to the players above. However, having her 206 mother involved in football and encouraging her to participate made the socialisation influences more salient (Dixon et al., 2008). There were three other cases in which both parents played football, however in these cases the sport history of the mother was not influential in the daughter’s choice of sport.

Possible reasons for this lack of influence may be the lack of discussion regarding the childhood play activities and sport choices of the mother (Shakib & Dunbar, 2004). Often the participation history of the father figure is much more evident through the display of trophies or photographs of past participation or telling stories about their participation (Shakib & Dunbar, 2004). The strong association with football as a male sport makes it more natural for men to be in the forefront of socialisation into the sport and for women to take a back seat.

Mother as social agent In Cape Town, Zokela’s mother played football when she was younger, even though she left the sport when she completed high school, feeling that she was too old. She saw a lot of advantages when she played, including staying away from boys, not spending time in the streets, and becoming an assertive woman, able to stand up for herself. She encouraged her daughter to participate for the same reasons.

The previous chapter discussion focused on the importance of children having a positive activity to keep them busy, in a safe space and away from the dangers of adolescent life. It is these advantages that influenced Zoleka’s mother to encourage her daughter to participate in sport. As a single mother, there were limited male influences for Zoleka regarding sport participation. Their household was made up of older women (her mother, grandmother and two aunts). Zoleka had two younger male cousins; however since they were younger they did not have a strong influence on her behaviour choices. The age factor was also addressed by Crouter et al. (2007) who reported similar findings regarding the influence of siblings to transmit gender attitudes.

Influence of peers In the cases that were not influenced by family members, the peers or school environment was more pertinent. In these cases the girls were approached by teachers recruiting players for the school teams or an announcement was made that the school needed female football players and the girls decided to participate. The girls came home after they had joined the team and told their parents that they had decided to join the football team. They did not ask permission first, but began to participate on their own with the influence of their peers and teachers.

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Most of these cases were in Johannesburg as the school teams were relatively new and more players were needed. It was through the school teams that the club coach scouted for talent and asked the players to enrol in the club team. Again, they did not ask their parents’ permission first, but only told their parents afterwards that they had joined the community club. For instance, Lorato’s mother recounted how her daughter started playing football: Actually she started at school. And then she came to me, ‘At school they were wanting girls for soccer and I did already join’. ‘You joined and you didn’t ask me?’ ‘I did join Mama, I play at school.’ ‘Ok.’ She continued play at school. Then I hear ‘There’s a guy that came at school, the teachers, they did take us to that guy, so we playing here.’ … Now she’s participating both sides, at school and there [club].

The school was looking for female football players, so Lorato joined and then told her mother about her choice. Shortly after that a club coach was looking for players and the school teacher provided the girls with the opportunity to play in the community as well. Lorato agreed to play on this team, then told her mother, who agreed. This was also the case for two other U-15 girls in Johannesburg, one U-15 girl in Cape Town and one senior player in Cape Town. Participating in club teams provides youth with the opportunity to participate in football for longer than the school season, which only lasts a few months. For girls, playing on a club team provides the opportunity to travel to different communities and gain greater recognition as a player. This is different from boys joining clubs, who stay within their community for their initial participation. This difference is related to the fact that there are multiple boys’ clubs per community while there is usually only one girls’ club that needs to travel further to play games against other teams. For the boys, there is a focus on development and scouting by agents who see talented male football players as a means of income generation and profit if they can groom the boy and later sell him to a professional club. Since the opportunities for women are comparatively limited, the girls are not viewed as commodities as the boys are.

In some cases, the influence of the teachers, peers and coaches worked together with the influence of the family to reinforce the positive choice of football participation. For instance, Ria used to play rugby with her brothers and male peers when she was growing up in rural Mpumalanga. When she came to Johannesburg, she was encouraged by her teacher to start a girl’s football team at their school. Ria described the influence of her teacher, “Because at primary my teacher told me I must start a soccer team girls, because she saw I was a little bit rough and maybe I can play soccer, because I’m stronger”. Ria’s behaviour on the school grounds is what she attributes to her teacher trying to direct her energy into a local sport, as rugby is not available for girls at Ria’s school in Johannesburg.

The interactionist theory of socialisation emphasises the role of multiple factors in influencing individual decisions and behaviours (Blumer, 1969; Coakley & Pike, 2009). In this situation,

208 there were different levels of understanding behaviour by the teacher and player, as well as networks of peers, teachers, coaches and family members that influenced Ria to start football. Once the players are encouraged to start playing a sport, there are various factors that need to be in place to enable their participation and maintain their involvement.

7.3.2 Participation enablement

One of the important roles described in the literature for mother figures is enabling participation through providing fees, transportation, purchasing and washing equipment and other logistical duties (Raudsepp, 2006; Thompson, 1999). This area is the most different in the context of poverty pertinent to this study compared to past research focused on middle to upper class, two parent households. In this study, there was very little support for transportation and purchasing equipment due to the low income levels of the majority of households.

In the previous chapter, section 6.2.1 (page 153), the challenge of finances was discussed, particularly for single parent households, where girls and single mothers are doubly disadvantaged, having lower social standing due to being both female and poor (Pelak, 2005b). This section examines who assists with financial requirements for participation, including transport fees and personal equipment such as football boots, shin guards and gym clothes.

The majority of the families in this study are in the lowest socio-economic strata in South Africa, where they struggle to manage the strains of daily life. Participation in extra activities, such as football, puts an additional strain on the household finances. The families engage in a variety of strategies to ensure that the player can participate. These include borrowing money from friends or neighbours, getting assistance from extended family members, such as grandmothers, aunts, or uncles, as well as the support of the coach. Most often, whoever is in the best financial situation at the time is the most likely to assist.

When asked who supported the player financially or in the purchasing of personal equipment, such as football boots (locally called cogs) or shin guards, seven categories of sponsors were revealed: mother, father, grandmother, brother or sister, aunt or uncle, friends and coaches (see table 15). As individuals could list more than one source of support, there were 42 individuals listed, which is an average of two individuals of support per participant. This demonstrates the need to collectively pool resources and use alternative networks for social and financial support in order to provide the extra financial assistance required for the girl to participate in football.

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Table 15: Significant others as source of financial support Responses Significant Other Percent of cases* N Percent Mother 15 35.7% 71.4% Father 12 28.6% 57.1% Friends 4 9.5% 19.0% Grandmother 3 7.1% 14.3% Brother/sister 3 7.1% 14.3% Aunt/uncle 3 7.1% 14.3% Coach 2 4.8% 9.5% Total 42 100.0% 200.0% * This percentage compares the number of responses (N) to overall cases (n=21) as multiple responses were possible.

The most common individual supporting the player was the mother (n=15, 71.4% of the cases), followed by the father (n=12, 57.1% of the cases). Friends of the parents (two cases) or of the player (two cases) were mentioned four times (19% of the cases). In three cases each (14.3% of the cases), siblings, aunts, uncles or grandmothers were mentioned. Finally, two cases (9.5%) relied on the coach for financial and personal equipment support. In most situations there was a combination of resources collected so that the player could participate.

Since mothers were most consistently present in the families in this study, it not surprising that they were most commonly indicated. In relating the 15 cases to the socio-economic situations of the parents (see tables seven and eight in section 6.2.1, page 153), five mothers were deceased, while four were unemployed and four were domestic workers. This means that there was only one case in which the mother was alive and did not support her daughter; a further seven women were earning a very small income yet still supported their daughters as best as possible.

Lorato’s mother described how she struggled to pay for her own transport to work, school fees for one child and day care for another child, as well as buying food. It was a struggle to pay for transport for her daughter to attend football games with the team, or replace broken boots. Sometimes when the family was desperate, they called Lorato’s grandmother for support. The grandmother agreed as long as the money was going for football. In return, Lorato’s grandmother requested that any medal or award that Lorato received be displayed at her house in the rural area. Lorato’s grandmother argued that this was for safe keeping in case of fire in the township, while at the same time it provided an element of social recognition for the grandmother who was able to showcase and brag about her granddaughter’s successes.

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In the cases where both parents were in the household and working, the financial support was generally shared between the parents. For instance, Nozizwe’s father explained the situation in their household, “We help each other, because I get paid every week and her mother earns at the end of the month, so if she needs something during the week I give to her, she doesn’t have to wait for the month to end”. This described many of the two parent families, whereby whoever had the means when the need was presented, contributed as much as possible. However in five of the two parent households, one of the parents was not working and therefore could not supplement the family income.

Lulama’s sister recounted how one of Lulama’s teammates shared her finances with Lulama in order for her to participate: I remember it was 2000 and something, we were very struggling and she had to go somewhere, ... they were not flying, they used transport and they have to have provision for the road. And we were struggling to even have that for her. But there was her friend, they were playing [on the same team] she said, no, Lulama cannot stay behind while I have something. So they will share whatever they have in order to go and play.

Girls that played together did not want to see their teammates missing games because their family was unable to provide the transportation finances and were willing to share what they had (usually part of their spending money). This brings in the Southern African philosophy of Ubuntu which is an understanding of the interconnectedness of people, whereby one person is considered a person because of other people (Khoza, 2006; Kotzé, 1993). This collective spirit seeks to help and enable community members to work together towards a common goal. On a football team, this means supporting team mates, especially when they are talented and are a key for the success of the team. Lulama was a regular player for the South African national team and was therefore an important part of ensuring her club team had success when they played. Her talent was highly valued and afforded her access to resources that her family would not otherwise be able to afford.

Similarly, the coaches wanted their players to continue to participate and were willing to assist with providing shin guards and boots. This was the case for Duduzile, who was an orphan and none of the adults in her household were working. When Duduzile first started playing football, her brother said she was playing with second hand golf shoes, until the coach gave her proper football boots. When coaches recognised that they had talented players on their team (Duduzile went on to play for the national team), they wanted to make sure they remained on the team. This way, neither the player nor the team suffered due to the player’s family’s financial difficulties.

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In the situation of poverty where financial means are limited, families do not have personal transport and they struggle to make time to attend games as spectators, let alone as volunteer coaches or administrators. Families provided the financial support according to their means, as well as emotional support and encouragement, as are discussed in the following section.

7.4 Sport continuation

It can be difficult to differentiate the facets that cause individuals to join sports and those that encourage players to continue participation. This section discusses two main aspects that are important for players to remain in the sport into which they have been initiated. Firstly, types of encouragement from household members are discussed, including attending matches as spectators, verbal support, bragging rights and displaying the player’s participation paraphernalia. Secondly, the importance of household members to interpret the participation experiences and their socially constructed meanings are discussed.

7.4.1 Encouragement to continue participating

Encouragement for participation is important for players to feel confident in their involvement in the sport of their choice (Dixon et al., 2008; Kay & Spaaij, 2011). This includes attending (or not attending) matches as spectators, verbal encouragement, bragging about the player’s participation and success of their children or siblings and displaying photos, medals or newspaper articles depicting the player’s success as football participants.

Attending matches Having parents or siblings attend matches for boys or girls was uncommon in this study, as only half of the family members had seen the player on the pitch. Twenty-nine (50% of interviewees) fathers, mothers, brothers and sisters or other extended family members had watched the player at least once at the football pitch. In such cases the experiences seemed to be very rewarding.

Lulama’s sister expressed her joy of going to watch Lulama play: S - The other time they were playing amongst teachers, the guys that are coaching them, I think it was two-nil or something, I was watching them, I was fortunately off so I took my chair and watched this outside. The teachers, they gave them a run for their money! The teachers! The ones who are teaching them soccer. But strangely they [the girls] beat them [the teachers]. ... I could tell the teachers were very angry because they are not supposed to be beaten by girls, the girls that they are training them to be soccer stars, so they were quite taken in by shock. … C – Were there other people watching the game?

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S –There were! I live near there, in the former settlement and people there, they love soccer. They were just standing on top of their roofs, just watching the teachers being kicked by girls. So it was quite nice.

Lulama’s sister enjoyed watching the football match and the way the spectators teased the male teachers for losing to a team of girls. She was more observant of the emotional responses of the male teachers, who were angry at having been beaten by their students. The male teachers had many reasons to be angry as they were humbled by girls who should have been less capable of demonstrating football skills, both because they were girls and because they were the students.

There is a growing interest and spectatorship of women’s football. The sports assistant (contracted SRSA employee who assists with organising sport) from Chris Hani and Sivile Primary Schools in Johannesburg commented on how parents and other spectators come out to support the girls’ teams more than the boys’ teams, although the spectators were still few. The sports master at Sivile explained: “I think it is more exciting when the girls are playing. You see, some are not yet good in basics, they just collide [with] each other. So it’s exciting”. This teacher argued that the girls were not as skilled as the boys and therefore their clumsy behaviour on the field provides a source of entertainment for the spectators. This entertainment is negative whereby the girls are seen as a source of ridicule, belittled for their lack of skill and coordination. However, this viewed was not echoed by the players or other spectators, who made more comments about the high skill levels and successes they saw demonstrated when the girls were on the field of play, which drew the spectators.

The sports assistant from Sivile attributed the support to the success of the team. He recounted: “So when they started winning trophies is where, you know the support grew up and up and until, from now if I can announce that the soccer girls are playing, you are going to find half of the school is in the playing field”. Since the girls’ team is winning trophies, the school wants to support the team and many learners will turn up to watch the matches. It did not matter that it was a girls’ team, people want to be part of a winning and successful team or club.

Of the significant others, some attended matches regularly and were committed to the player’s team. For instance, Nozizwe’s father stated, “When I come back [from work] with the transport I tell them to drop me near to the school, so I don’t come straight home but go watch her then come home with her”. In addition to being able to make social connections in the community at the game and build his social capital by engaging with other community members, Nozizwe’s father was performing a protective role as he walked home with his daughter after the game. This helped to ensure her safety while walking home in what could be a potentially dangerous

213 community for young girls to walk alone in the evening. The public space can be perilous for girls who are at risk of rape and abuse by older men and boys.

Not all supporters attended games regularly, of the twenty-nine significant others, six had only attended a match once, or only made it to a game once a year. They conveyed their enjoyment and expressed a desire to attend matches more often, but provided many of the reasons in the following section as to why they were unable to attend more frequently.

Distractions to attendance Although half of the significant others had watched a game or practice, the other half had not. The following table provides ten main reasons provided by significant others explaining why they were unable to attend the games. Some of these reasons are specific to a context of poverty, such as long hours at work, doing domestic duties, as well as games being too far with the implied lack of transportation. Attending matches for some parents was not a priority, as many parents could have taken the opportunity to watch a match but did not make that choice. After asking this question many of the parents said they were intending to go and would go to a game soon, but nevertheless had not yet attended a match and their child had been participating for over a year prior to the interview.

Table 16: Reasons given for not attending matches by significant others Responses Reasons Percent of cases* N Percent Work 10 28.6% 55.6% Busy (friends, reading) 5 14.3% 27.8% Domestic duties 4 11.4% 22.2% Too far 3 8.6% 16.7% Player does not inform/ want 3 8.6% 16.7% No reason 3 8.6% 16.7% Church 2 5.7% 11.1% Not important/ Do not like soccer 2 5.7% 11.1% Studying 2 5.7% 11.1% Other 1 2.9% 5.6% Total 35 100.0% 194.4% * This percentage compares the number of responses (N) to overall cases (n=21) as multiple responses were possible.

Work was the most common reason given for not being able to attend matches (55.6%), followed by being busy with other activities such as reading or spending time with friends (27.8%) and doing domestic duties (22.2%). The most interesting or unexpected reason given by the significant others and players themselves is that the players do not want their family members to attend games. Some had attended previously and embarrassed the player through 214 their actions, shouting or running onto the field when a goal was scored (a common occurrence in township areas or rural African locations).

Zamile said that in addition to her mother working long hours at work and being very busy when not at work, Zamile did not invite her to matches because she says, “I’ll become shy so I won’t focus, I’ll just be focusing on her”. Nomawethu’s mother said “But the thing is she’s scared. I know if I go there, she will not play well. I know. She’s shy”. In both cases, the player or mother thinks that the player will feel shy, and by extension self-conscious, and thus be unable to play in the same manner as usual. The players are afraid of not performing to their parents expectations and receiving criticism at home. Some of the parents are loud and embarrass the child, as Lulama commented about her family when they attended a match and all ran onto the field when a goal was scored or kept calling her name when the ball came close to her. Sometimes the girls prefer to just focus on the game and not worry about the extra pressure of family members at the games.

This is contradictory to the discussion in the previous chapter and the idea that playing football in front of crowds makes participants more confident and able to stand up in front of the class and not be shy in school. Perhaps, there is a difference between being able to play in front of peers and strangers than playing in front of significant others. Especially when significant others are rarely present and therefore it is abnormal and unfamiliar when they do attend.

Not inviting parents to watch games was expressed during the school focus groups as well. Many of the girls in the focus groups said that their parents were working or busy, while others elaborated upon the reasons why they are not invited. At Chris Hani Primary School in Johannesburg, the girls said they did not tell their parents because the games were right after school so they did not have a chance to go home first and tell their parents they were playing. A girl from Sivile Primary School in Johannesburg said she does not play seriously during matches and therefore did not invite her parents. The example from Chris Hani revealed a lack of communication and poor management of the girls’ schedules. Since most parents who work were absent for long hours, children were not expected to tell the parents if they were going somewhere different after school. The children generally still got home at around the same time, before the parent returned from work.

The teachers and coaches agreed that it was very rare for parents to support and watch the games. One coach stated: “I’m not sure if my players are telling them [their parents] they are playing or they are just not coming. I don’t know the reason, but they never turn up”. The sports master from Luyolo Primary School in Johannesburg believed that the parents do not understand or realise the talent of their child or the value of women’s football. One of the 215 coaches from Johannesburg agreed saying that most of the supporters were males and the lack of support could be attributed to supporters not yet understanding women’s football. Women’s football is not seen as a viable income generating activity or source of potential future income and therefore not critical to attend and support.

Some of the other reasons given are revealed by the following quotes. Zongile’s mother stated, “I just like to stay in one place. I become bored to go. Because sometimes I can sit down here, close my door, maybe reading the books”. Zongile’s mother is not interested in attending the games as she finds watching football a boring pastime. This is similar to Zoleka’s mother from Cape Town, who was straight forward about her reason for not attending by stating “I don’t like soccer”. Her daughter playing was not a big enough incentive to go and watch a sport she is not interested in. Hlengiwe’s father stated that he was busy, but immediately after that said that his barber business was going slowly, instead he keeps himself busy by reading books. Hlengiwe’s father discussed how the barber shop business has incurred a lot of competition in the past five years with many new shops that have opened and the clientele is not stable. He keeps busy by reading books while waiting for clients to come and if he was at the field he may miss potential customers. For these parents, the girls’ recreational activities are not seen as a priority for the limited time and energy resources of family members.

Finally, Lindiwe’s father, who did not live with her, came to her community regularly to drink and spend time with his friends. His reason for not watching his daughter play was that he did not have time because he was on call 24 hours a day with his job. He was able to give Lindiwe a lift home from practice at times, but he never arrived early to watch part of the practice. Keeping busy through reading and saying that you do not have time, revealed the low priority status that girls’ football attains in the lives of their family members. However, since watching girls play football is still a new activity and parental support is lacking at all levels of boys and girls football, perhaps it is not an encouraged activity for parents at the community level.

Verbal and emotional support The majority of participants recounted how their significant others encouraged their involvement in football, primarily through verbal support. From the players and significant others, 40 (69%) mentioned being encouraged or encouraging the player to participate and continue to be involved in football. For instance, Lulama’s sister stated: “Since, my mom passed … I’m her biggest fan. I’m rooting for her! So we are support her through all that”. Lulama’s mother was her biggest supporter and watched games regularly. After she passed away, the support was continued by her sisters.

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Lindiwe’s father argued that encouraging a child in sport is more important that enjoying the particular sport that the child has chosen. He provided a notable piece of advice for parents and significant others: The thing is in these days what you can do is, you need to support your child, whatever she’s doing or he’s doing. And you need to be there for your child. ... Don’t judge what type of sports is your son or your daughter is doing. If you don’t like that particular sport, what you have to do is give courage, go there and watch the person and come out and see, come back and see, listen. ... So that’s why I’m always behind Lindiwe.

This narrative argues that transmitting potential values to a child through the support given by a parent is vital for whichever sport the child prefers. Being at the games in person is valuable, however listening to the player and giving them courage to continue participating no matter the outcome of the previous game is just as worthy. This implies a closer personal relationship between the player and her father where there is increased emotional involvement of the father in the participation patterns and involvement of his daughter. Advising and encouraging Lindiwe or other children is seen as a mode of information transference and the information that is being transmitted from father to daughter can be considered valuable, demonstrating the positive parenting of the father.

In Johannesburg, Ria’s uncle commented on how the positive feedback from the community and Ria’s passion made him realise that he needed to support her. He stated: I once watched her playing and following how other people say and what other people say about her, I realise that I have to support her however I’m willing to. Because I’ve realised that she wants to do this, she so passionate about it and she’s not just passionate, she’s also good.

The combination of personal experience, community comments, player passion and talent persuaded him to support Ria in whatever way possible. He recognised that there may be potential value in her talent, either in success or in mitigating risky behaviours.

Ria confirmed this encouragement, as she professed, “they [my family] say that I must play and be serious, maybe I can go somewhere”. There is an underlying hope that playing football might provide a pathway out of poverty into a life of economic security. Being successful in football might gain the player access to a university scholarship, which may lead to greater employment opportunities as discussed in chapter six. Many of the family members and players dream that the player will represent South Africa at the national level. The families of the five players that have represented South Africa cited this achievement as a great source of pride, family worth and bragging rights, as the parents and siblings would announce to their friends and co-workers the times of televised matches. Lulama’s sister recounts how her father would point at the television and proudly state how his daughter was dribbling the ball towards the goal, even when it was not Lulama. 217

Family members would brag about the player’s achievements by displaying medals, photos and newspaper articles depicting the success of the player. Whenever Lorato’s team won and she brought home a medal, her grandmother told Lorato “This is my child. Keep it up! Stay the way you are!” Ten of the significant others described how they displayed the medals and proudly presented certificates and newspaper articles to visitors as often as possible. This created a small ‘wall of fame’ in their household reinforcing the pride and support for the player.

This participation and encouragement makes both the player and the significant others happy and proud of the player. Duduzile’s aunt said that the family fells “happy, happy, happy, happy” about Duduzile playing on the national team.

Support from community members for the player’s participation was evident in the responses to the questionnaires. In the community questionnaires, 84.3% (n=140) respondents indicated that female footballers should continue to participate in football and that it was good for them. While 68.7% (n=114) respondents believed that women’s football was entertaining to watch. Common responses to an open-ended question regarding watching the women play during the African Women’s Championships entailed the following:  The women were talented (66.4%, n=85).  They demonstrated skills (69.5%, n=89).  They played like boys (46.1%, n=59).  It was shocking how good they could play (43.0%, n=55).  They player better than boys (35.9%, n=46).

These statements by the questionnaire respondents demonstrate relatively non-traditional perspectives about female football players and an increased community support for their participation. As Ria’s uncle stated, he was influenced by the comments in the community regarding the talent and skill level of his niece and the community support augmented his encouragement for her to continue participating. Verbal and emotional support is crucial for youth to continue participating in sport at all levels, recreational and elite. This gives them confidence and affirms the positive choices they make (Dixon et al., 2008).

7.4.2 Interpretation of experiences

In addition to receiving verbal and emotional support, when the girls came home from games or practices, they were able to discuss their experiences and performance with their significant others. It became a topic of conversation and players received encouragement or advice for future games. In fifteen of the households, significant others frequently asked the player about

218 her experiences when she was playing and discussed the games together. Lorato provided her parents with a synopsis of the game, the scores, who scored and other relevant details.

When the players lost a game, they often felt disappointed. Some of the parents and guardians were able to help the player feel encouraged and confident about their team and themselves. After a match, Hlengiwe’s father provided valuable advice: Sometimes she tells us she win, sometimes lose, maybe draw. ... When her team did not win, she is worried. ... I tell her another day it will be alright. The days are not the same.

Parental encouragement helped the players to not feel discouraged and to remain involved in the sport. Playing football provided an opportunity for Hlengiwe to have a meaningful conversation with her father, where she could share her team’s successes or struggles on the field and get reassurance that other games will be better. Discussing football enabled conversation between father and daughter where the father could provide advice through a more equal exchange of knowledge compared to the more common mode of instruction given from father to daughter (e.g. telling her to do homework or domestic tasks).

Encouragement could likewise come through a telephone conversation. Duduzile was away at the High Performance Centre and could not come home after each game to discuss the outcome of the match with her family. Instead, she called her aunt, who recalled a conversation as follows: Sometimes she can call me, it went well, we were playing well, but they beat us. And then I said, it’s okay, next time. You can work hard. I told her you can work hard so that you can win. Sometimes you lose, sometimes you win. It’s not always a win.

In the phone call Duduzile expressed disappointment in the outcome of the game. Her aunt provided the needed encouragement and reinforcement that there would be another game and that not all games result in a win. The aunt furthermore inspired her niece to continue to work hard and keep trying to succeed. This encouragement not only motivated the player, but reinforced the notions propagated by other echelons of society that promote the value of hard work, particularly in relation to sport and physical activity. The value of hard work in sport is associated with a sporting ethic focused on competing, making sacrifices and playing with pain in order to achieve success (Hughes & Coakley, 1991).

Discussing games in a practical and theoretical manner, can prepare the players for alternative roles associated with football, such as coach or refereeing. This was the intention of the discussions between Zongile and her father, as he described: That’s why I usually sit down with her and not just explaining her about the practical about the football, I also give her the theory of the ball, so that even if

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she can’t carry on so much, she can sometimes go for coaching, assisting and whatever.

The purpose of this discussion was to facilitate an understanding of the comprehensive sport of football, not merely the playing aspect. By transmitting this knowledge to his daughter, Zongile’s father was encouraging her to keep her future opportunities as wide as possible. He was taking on the role of a mentor and coach to share his wisdom and knowledge about the sport. This is a form of power through the process of information transfer, while also decreasing the social distance between father and daughter by creating a shared interest and topic for conversation.

Ria’s uncle only went to watch her play football once and after the game he had ample advice on how she could improve her performance. I gave her a few tips to say as a defender, consider 1,2,3,4 and all that, I don’t know if maybe her coach would tell her that. But after that she would tell me that, I’ve improved on those points that you told me.

Even in the short amount of time that Ria and her uncle were able to spend together discussing football, Ria was able to learn something that could be applied in a future match. Her uncle’s response to this application demonstrated the pride he felt in being able to convey valuable information. Since the majority of significant others in this sample did not attend matches regularly, they relied on the discussions about the game outcomes and players’ performance to offer advice, consolation and encouragement. The following section examines the changes that occur in household members due to girls’ participation in football.

7.5 Reciprocal socialisation

In addition to the effects of socialisation in and through sports for the participants, changes were evident in family members due to the participation of their significant others. In this section, the changes that have occurred in the family members include: parents and siblings becoming involved in the team; learning new knowledge about football; and changing emotional responses to the participation of their loved one, such as pride and frustration. Secondly, changes in the household are examined, particularly regarding relationships between the participants and their significant others, through changes in discussion patterns, as well as shared activities, such as watching other matches on television. Changes in household duties are analysed, especially exploring the transformations in the domestification of gender roles.

7.5.1 Changes in significant others

Since the significant others in this study were less directly involved in attending matches and participating as coaches or administrators as in previous studies, they were not affected in the

220 same ways (Dorsch et al., 2009; Diacin, 2009). However, one father was involved in assisting with the administration of the U-15 team in Johannesburg. He came from a family that had been involved in coaching and administrating football in South Africa for many years and therefore it had been modelled to him.

The examples in the literature focus on how emotions change while watching and transporting children to games (Dorch et al., 2009). However, since the parents in this study did not transport their children, they were not similarly affected. The parents who attended matches were an anomaly and therefore it was only a few parents that were affected through their game attendance. In this research parents’ emotions were affected through financial stress, as described above and in pride of the players’ abilities and successes (Dorsch et al., 2009; Harwood & Knight, 2009).

Pride in the players’ abilities and accomplishments through football were the most prominent benefit of participation in the interviews with the players and their significant others. In 36 per cent of the interviews (n=21) the theme of family pride arose. Most of the evidence of this pride was described in section 7.4.1 (page 212) on how the significant others encouraged participation. This pride through bragging about their child and displaying medals and photos had an emotional effect on the significant others, who gained a form of symbolic cultural capital leading to higher standing in the community (Bourdieu, 1996; Coleman, 2003). Bragging about their child’s participation and success builds the self-esteem of parents, who consider the successes of their children as a reflection of their own parenting abilities. There is an assumption in the community that the parents have provided the child with advice, knowledge and mentorship; supporting them to get to their current stage of development and success. Therefore the success of the child can be attributed as the success of the parents or guardians, or to the credit of the entire household.

Siblings can also promote their family in the community through the successes of the player. Lulama’s sister called all of her friends when Lulama was on television playing for the national team and made sure they were all watching. Duduzile’s brother was in prison, but was able to watch the games she played in on television and when Dudu gave him the jersey she was wearing on television her brother’s prison mates acknowledged his elevated status with the association of the nationally important sport. Duduzile’s cousin/brother said that the family became known in the community due to Dudu playing on the national team and appearing on television. He said, “Our family is famous. ... because people were talking in the streets, even in the malls, ‘You see this one? This is Dudu’s brother. ... Dudu the soccer player’”. Although he went on to say he wished it was him playing on television he was happy for Dudu’s success and enjoyed the recognition in the community. Dudu’s cousin/sister confirmed her brother’s 221 statements, “Everyone when they see you in the street, they say, ‘Ah! That’s Dudu’s sister!’ and you say, ‘She’s raising the [family] flag!’ ... We are famous in the area. ‘There’s Dudu’s family’”. The association with the family name and Dudu’s presence on television reflected on the entire family who gained recognition within the community for the success of their sister within the community.

Although only one of the significant others was involved in the administration of the player’s team, there were nine others that played football informally with the participant at some point, in the rural communities, streets or back yards. Phumeza’s father describes how he would teach his daughter football drills. Lorato’s father also liked to take a ball and practice with Lorato – just the two of them. Yoliswa’s father taught Yoliswa to kick with both her right and left foot when he noticed she was struggling to kick with her left foot. These times spent together improved the relationship between father and daughter, creating a bond between them.

As described by Dorsch et al. (2009) and Diacin (2009), some significant others gain new knowledge about a sport they were previously unfamiliar with or experience new emotional responses to the success of their daughter’s participation. When Lorato describes her participation to her mother, her mother says, “She does tell me more about the game and I do understand more”. Therefore it is not only by watching games together, but also through discussing personal experiences, that significant others can learn more about the sport.

Watching more football on TV and engaging in discussions about the behaviours, decisions and outcomes observed brought new knowledge and understanding for some family members. This was the case in Cape Town with Lulama’s family, according to her sister, I’ve learned soccer from her. Like we have, like even when the player is playing like, rough in the field, she used to say, no man! No! Like trying to explain why is that guy playing like that. And I don’t know if you understand what I’m saying, but she tried to help us understand.

When penalties were called or referees made decisions, Lulama used those opportunities to teach her sister the rules of football and her interpretation of why certain decisions were made, and whether she agreed with them or not. This is how watching football on TV as a family brought new knowledge and understanding to her family. In this situation, the power relationship between older and younger siblings was reduced as the young sibling could teach the older sibling new information, demonstrating her knowledge and experience in a subject that her older sister was less familiar with.

Involvement in football provides opportunities for parents or guardians to build their pride and self-esteem by appropriating the successes of their children to demonstrate their own positive parenting skills. New topics of conversation decreased social distance and reduced power 222 dynamics between players and their older siblings and parents as the players have knowledge they can share with their elders. These discussions between the player and their significant others can result in closer relationships as there is mutual interest in a topic.

7.5.2 Household changes

There were two main types of changes that occurred in the households of the female football players. The first was improved relationships between the player and other significant others, predominantly through new topics to discuss and shared activities, such as watching football together on television. The second change in the households was allowing the player to participate in football by providing a relief from her regular domestic duties. Both of these changes meant adjustments to unequal power relationships within the family structures through individual interactions. These changes can in turn potentially affect community or society-wide social relationships if enough households change their perspectives and behaviours.

7.5.2.1 Improved relationships

When the girls started playing football, there were changes in their patterns of behaviour and in their significant others’ relationships. With the increased interest in football, some of the girls had new topics to discuss with their fellow household members, and they were more interested in watching football on television. Some of the household members were not interested in watching football before, but due to the interest and excitement of the players, the family members started watching games on television as well.

There were a number of shared activities between players and other household members. During the interviews ten categories of activities were identified as being pivotal in forging social connections between family members (not including playing football together or attending matches). These did not necessarily have to be related to sports participation, but were pertinent to describe collective family activities. The most popular activity families engaged in was watching TV, which occurred in 57.9% (n=11) of the cases (see table 17 below). Shopping was another prevalent pastime for eight households (42.1%), while seven (36.8%) of the household attended church together, six (31.6%) engaged in entertainment (singing, partying, watching movies or playing board games) and six laboured over housework communally. Spending time talking, completing homework, visiting family and enjoying the outdoors were other communal activities.

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Table 17: Communal household activities Responses Percent Activities N Percent of cases* TV 11 19.0% 57.9% Shopping 8 13.8% 42.1% Church 7 12.1% 36.8% Entertainment 6 10.3% 31.6% Housework 6 10.3% 31.6% Talk 5 8.6% 26.3% Homework 4 6.9% 21.1% Visit family 3 5.2% 15.8% Outdoors 3 5.2% 15.8% Dinner 2 3.4% 10.5% Total 55 100.0% 289.5% * This percentage compares the number of responses (N) to overall cases (n=21) as multiple responses were possible.

Another activity that was shared more often since the girls start participating in football is watching football on television together. During the interviews, 55% (n=32) of the players and significant others reported watching football on television communally. In most cases this was a new activity, which allowed individuals to get to know each other in a different way.

For instance, Lindiwe’s father learned something new about his daughter: We did watch football together. But normally, as I’ve said, she’s normally reserved. She’ll not comment on what’s happening. And the funny part, we love the same team, Orlando Pirates, I only realised now that we are on the same team!

Prior to Lindiwe playing football, she would watch football on television with her father, but she was very reserved and quiet. Since playing football she has become more open and will discuss the match with her father. It was only then that they realised that they were supporting the same team in the PSL (Professional Soccer League), the Orlando Pirates. This shared loyalty brought them closer together and changed their relationship by reducing the social distance between the father and daughter, through the recognition of mutual interest and support of the same football team. There was a new topic of discussion other than school and family where there could be a reciprocal exchange of knowledge and experience that reduced the father’s position of power through free communication.

There were other similar examples. Azariah’s brother commented on how he now watched Champion’s League football with his sister and discussed the game, something they did not do before she started playing.

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Ria’s aunt related the changes in their household: Because now we can talk soccer now. In the house. We can start listening to her. How far she wants to go, what is she thinking about soccer. We can sit here as a family and watch soccer. It’s all because of her.

Due to Ria’s involvement in football as a player and spectator, the family now shared a different activity where they could all learn from each other. Khanyesile’s sister considered the increase in football watched on TV as a benefit due to Khanyesile’s influence, as they did not watch it previously. Zongile can now recognise different football players from within South African as well as internationally, according to her father, a demonstration of her knowledge and ability to speak in a culturally relevant manner.

When the national South African women’s team or other women’s games are on television, many of the girls watch with their families. These games serve to inspire both the players and their significant others as they have a source of encouragement and a goal to work towards. Lorato and her mother were watching a women’s tournament on television between different South African provinces when Lorato commented on the nice trophies, her mother responded, “If you tell yourself that one good day, it’s me, Lorato’s going to be in the TV with that cup, it’s going to”. Seeing other women win trophies and being televised will inspire the girls to want to get the trophies and recognition for themselves.

Watching TV together brought up opportunities to learn more about skills or tactics required to succeed in football and a chance to discuss mistakes made by the competing teams. This was an opportunity for the father to provide coaching tips, as in the case of Lorato and her father. When the father and daughter watched games or highlights of games together on TV, they could associate the observations they made about the game on TV to the games and experiences of the daughter. Yoliswa’s father proudly narrated how his daughter was able to analyse the games they watched together and tried to put the tactics into practice during her matches. This helped the daughter to understand how to improve her performance and gave the father an opportunity to transmit his knowledge to his daughter. In many of the households, the parents or guardians are unable to transfer knowledge regarding school work or technology as they do not have the knowledge themselves. Therefore, being able to exhibit expertise in football can be a source of pride and reveal family accomplishment.

Through participation in football, the players engaged in new activities such as watching football on television and discussing the matches. This interest in football provided new opportunities for the girls to develop their relationships with their household members. Improved communication and topics of discussion has been shown internationally as an effect of sport participation on family members (Diacin, 2009; Kay & Spaaij, 2011; Schinke et al., 2010). Past

225 research found that parents and children enjoy discussing sport together; this leads to stronger bonds and improved relationships, whereby the parents and children can understand each other better and be able to discuss the topic with mutual respect (Hendley, 2004).

7.5.2.2 Household duties

Another aspect of importance involving the household that impacts on participation was the management of household duties that the player was expected to do and who in the household assisted in these duties to free the player to play. In South Africa, traditional mind-sets are still common, where it is perceived that the women’s place is in the kitchen or taking care of the domestic duties (Faulkner, 2007; Lynch & Nowosenetz, 2009). Young girls usually have considerably more time constraints concerning household duties than young boys, leaving significantly less time for leisure as they are expected to help with the cooking, cleaning and taking care of younger siblings. Comparably, boys are usually sent out of the home to run off their energy outside and not get in the way while the women are trying to complete the housework. There was also a difference between the urban and rural areas, as in the rural areas the boys were responsible to herd the cattle, which provided them with a responsibility not available in the urban area.

In order for girls to participate in football, they usually needed some assistance with these household duties. The girls in this study could be divided into three categories regarding their household chores: the majority of girls had an older sister or mother that covered her duties (n=11, 52.4%), while five girls (23.8%) did their own chores and the same number had an older brother or father that covered her duties (n=5, 23.8%).

Table 18: Household duties Household members Frequency Per cent Older sister or mother covers duties 11 52.4% Player does usual chores 5 23.8% Older brother or father covers duties 5 23.8% Total 21 100.0%

In 24% of the cases the player was still able to find sufficient time to complete her domestic duties as well as have time to attend practices and games. In many of these cases, there was no other option. The child was the oldest daughter, with siblings that were significantly younger and still unable to assist or the mother was single. Out of necessity the player was able to adapt and fulfil all the necessary duties. For instance, Hlengiwe’s mother stated how she relied on Hlengiwe to help her at home, while she was working the night shift as a cleaner. While her

226 mother was at work, Hlengiwe was responsible for making sure her younger siblings were bathed, fed and did their homework.

While it is not unusual that an older sister or mother takes over the household duties, a shift in mind-set about the division of household duties was apparent in the nearly 25% of the cases where an older brother or father covered the player’s duties. The possible reasons for this shift are discussed in detail below.

Changing gender roles Gender roles are socially constructed and although there are dominant practices and ideologies, these are not static, but do change and shift over time. Changes have been evident internationally and within South Africa in recent times, with more women working long hours and men taking more responsibility in the home (Morrell & Jewkes, 2011; Sayer et al., 2004). There are numerous factors that can be associated with these shifts, including poverty, lower paid employment at great distances from home and the use of public transport, as discussed in section 3.4.1.1 (see pages 60-62). The two main factors that emerged from two studies in South Africa of a changing ethic of care among some South African men, were situations of necessity and inspirational conditions where individuals demonstrated behaviours that went against the dominant hegemonic ideologies which were replicated (Morrel & Jewkes, 2011; Sideris, 2004).

These are the same two situations found in this study leading to changes in household roles. Sometimes this was because of necessity, if the females in the household were busy at work or tired when they returned home from a long day of manual labour, then some tasks that were stereotypically left for women to accomplish are completed by men. In the cases where there are no other female siblings in the house, the brother was the only one left to support the single mother who spent most of her time working. Whereas in other cases, there was a more progressive perspective from the fathers who either enjoyed assisting with the household duties or thought they should be divided equally.

Necessary adjustments In the first circumstances, there were no other female siblings to help the single mother with the household chores. As previously mentioned, Azariah and her brother were living in Johannesburg with their single mother, Azariah was the youngest, but she did not do any chores around the house, according to her brother. At home she doesn’t do her work anymore. To be honest, she doesn’t work. At first she was working before she leaves, but right now, aie! She doesn’t do anything. ... I’m the one. I cook, I clean. ... It’s not fair. But the house must stay clean, we must eat, so I’m the one who cooks. 227

Even though Azariah’s brother did not want to do the household chores and feels it is unfair, he realises that the house must stay clean and the family needs to eat and therefore he is the only one left to make sure these duties are completed. Even if he approached his sister about doing the chores, she got upset and would refuse to talk to him until he apologised.

When the mother described who did the chores in the family, she presented the brother in a more accepting fashion. The conversation went as follows: C - So who then has to do the cleaning? M - Her brother. C - Ok. Her brother does it. M - Yes. C - And what does he think of that? M - No, he says we must leave her. C - Ok, it’s okay, I’ll do the cleaning. M - Yeah. I’ll do the cleaning, she must go.

The brother encouraged his mother to leave his sister so that she could go play football and he would do the cleaning in her place. There are two perspectives of the situation. The brother himself felt that the situation was inequitable that he must do all the chores, but from the mother’s perception her son tolerated the situation, in order to allow his sister to attend football. He was more argumentative with his sister, but simultaneously wanted to support her participation in football and be accommodating for his mother.

In the situation above, there were only three people living in their informal dwelling, the mother, brother and player. When the player was away at football and the mother was busy working, the household duties fell upon the brother, who recognised the need for his assistance, but at the same time rejected the change in gender roles that confirmed his increased participation with traditional feminine duties.

There was a similar situation in Cape Town, where the player was the youngest of three with two brothers (one being her twin) and a single mother. It was the oldest brother who covered Zamile’s chores, as her mother said she was the laziest. Zamile said that while she was away at a tournament, it was her oldest brother who did everything for her, “he was cleaning the house, cooking, doing what I’m supposed to do”. Instead of doing her chores, Zamile often became busy with playing football or made excuses to not finish her responsibilities. As her mother described, “it can stop her cleaning, she can’t clean or doing the washing, doing the household, but the ball come first, football comes first”. Zamile could be too focused on playing football and did not assist in the household as much as her mother and brothers preferred. However, since she was often away at practice, matches or training camps for the national team and their single mother was working long hours at work, the older brother took responsibility and

228 did the necessary chores. This demonstrated the collective nature of the family as well as a democratic perspective of the mother who has instilled some values in her sons that they need to help in the house and not allow the domestic chores to be neglected. These results align with international research by Mandara et al. (2005) which found that in homes with absent fathers and lower incomes, sons adopted more feminine roles in the home.

Liberal ideologies In the second set of cases, the father is willing to help with the household duties as he has a more equal and liberal perspective on gendered household responsibilities. For instance, in Johannesburg, Lorato’s step-father is mainly responsible for the cooking during the week, while his wife cooks on the weekends. He explains: We both [do the cooking and cleaning]. Actually because my wife, she’s working, I can say I’m doing the cooking, the cleaning, even my daughter, sometimes, but I don’t want her to work more than the hours because I know that she has to go to play soccer. Sometimes I clean. I cook, so that’s it. ... If she’s not going to soccer, she cleans, she washes the dishes, I cook.

Since Lorato’s father was unemployed, he had more time during the week than his wife and was willing to help in the house. He liked to cook (he had been employed as a cook previously), but that was not the reason he provided for why he helped in the house. Rather, one of the reasons he would cook was to allow Lorato to go and play football.

The situation for Zongile’s family in Johannesburg was similar, the father assisted with the household duties to allow Zongile to train. As her father explained: Because sometimes her mother is busy doing the washing, so I do the cooking and when she come back, she and her brother, wash the dishes, clean up if the mother wasn’t clean up the house. ... Some of us we must participate, ok, I’ll cook, ok, Zongile just go for training.

This family was equal in their approach to household chores, with everyone in the family cooperating together to maintain the house. They discussed how they have a similar approach when they go to their family home in Mpumalanga and everyone worked together to complete all the responsibilities.

Finally, Jamila in Cape Town was supported by her father and younger brother. Both her mother and father were involved in football themselves, which increased their support for her participation. Jamila explained how they assisted, “my father would sometimes do it himself, but I must assist as well, when they [younger brother and sisters] were smaller, but as they grew up, they started to help ... cleaning the house, washing the [clothes], make food”. Again, the progressive cooperation within the family relieved the oldest daughter of some of her duties and provided the freedom for her to participate in football.

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Overall, the motives of the family members are not as important as the end results of providing an opportunity for the female in the family to participate in sport with more freedom than she would otherwise have (Meier, 2005; UN, 2007). Whether the transformation is due to necessity that stems from a situation of a single parent and older brothers or the family has a more liberal view of household responsibilities, when the male members of the household are willing and able to help with the traditional female duties such as cleaning, cooking and washing, the females are able to participate in football.

7.6 Chapter discussion

The data presented in this chapter is rich in depth and there are many interconnected themes for discussion. Nevertheless, three main themes serve of focus. First of all the context of poverty is discussed through comparing the differences and similarities to past research on sport socialisation. The following two themes are interrelated and involve two opposite spheres, namely the dichotomy of public and private. Public space is considered the domain of men, as is the context of sport (Kroska, 2003). How do women get access to this space? What happens when women infiltrate this male dominated space? The opposite private and domestic sphere is predominantly the domain of women. Are there any changes in the private sphere due to the girls’ participation in football? It is these questions and related topics that are elaborated upon in the following section.

7.6.1 Sport socialisation in the midst of poverty

Poverty is a pervasive and complex phenomenon affecting millions of people around the globe. It is the primary condition informing the daily circumstances of the participants in this study. Limited family resources due to low employment and income levels of the significant others affects the resources that can be diverted to the girl playing football. Families are unable to provide transportation to practices or games. They rely on collective financial support from extended family members, friends and coaches, and rarely attend matches. For the most part, family members lack the time and resources to volunteer as coaches or administrators. This is in contrast to previous research that focused on middle-income families in North America where families provided transportation, financial support, attended matches regularly and were involved as coaches or administrators for their children’s teams (Dorsch, et al., 2009; Fredericks & Eccles, 2005). Kay and Spaaij (2011) highlight the challenges in lower socio-economic contexts, where the children are needed to provide income through trading in the informal economy and completing domestic chores for the family, while education and employment levels are low.

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Significant others miss games in order to maximise their limited possible income, revealing the low priority for recreational girls’ football. Girls’ sport is not viewed as a possible future resource for income generation as boys’ football with professional male football teams in South Africa. Female football, on the other hand, takes the girls away from their domestic duties, a resource in the private sphere, and requires a portion of the limited financial resources to participate. But women’s football can be viewed as an asset in some regards as it keeps the girls away from potential teenage pregnancy and brings recognition and social capital for the family.

Conversely, there are similarities between past research and the socialisation patterns apparent in this context of poverty, in terms of significant others as influential socialising agents through initiation into sport, encouraging participation and assisting to interpret experiences. In the case studies for this research there were four patterns of the socialising agent for initiating participation into football: older brothers or male cousins, fathers, mothers and peers or teachers.

Birth order and household composition had a significant impact on the socialisation patterns in these households (Crouter et al., 2007). In the houses where the player only had older brothers or male cousins, the males were the most influential. When the player was the oldest child, she most often imitated the behavioural patterns of her father. This pattern was evident throughout the age groups and locations. Player’s with mixed gender older siblings or singles mothers were more influenced by their mothers, peers or school teachers (male and female).

Although it is debated in the literature which parent or significant other is the most influential, this research points towards the father and male significant others as the most pertinent. This follows in the understanding of football and sports as an expression of hegemonic masculinity where males remain the predominant role models (Aitchison, 2006; Bryson, 1994; Talbot, 2002). Men are the most visible in playing football in the streets, on the grounds and as players in the families. They are hands-on role models by encouraging the girls to play and playing with them (Schinke et al., 2010), as well as observational role models when the girls went to see them play (Giuliano et al., 2000). The girls then imitated the behaviours of their fathers, brothers or cousins and participated themselves. As their behaviour was encouraged and reinforced it became a part of the daily lives (Bandura & Bussey, 2004).

In three cases the mother was influential, confirming past research by other scholars who argue for the importance of the same-sex parent or older sibling (Jambor, 1999; Videon, 2002). The mothers were influential in creating an environment that was encouraging and conducive for their daughters to participate. As they recognised the benefits of participation for themselves, they desired that their daughters play sports and capitalise on the opportunities they never had, 231 to live the dreams of the mothers. Many of these women had limited opportunities for participation and understood that the opportunities to play on club or school teams and have the option to be chosen to represent the region, province or nation, was something they did not have (Diacin, 2009; Dixon et al., 2008). These women recognised the changing ideologies and greater acceptance of women’s sport in general and football in particular as the influence of feminism has assisted to shift past figurations (Adriaanse & Crosswhite, 2008).

Peers and coaches became more influential for the girls who started playing football at a slightly later stage, when they were already in primary school. These were both male and female friends that were involved in football, especially at the schools where the female team was succeeding (Rajput, 2011). These girls were not influenced by their parent’s sport history and had not started football participation before school. It is understandable that the school environment and their peers would have more influence over the choices they made than the household members. This is consistent with research that shows that as children age, especially during adolescence, peers and coaches have more influence than at an earlier age (Arnett, 1995; Greendorfer, 1983). Other research on sixth grade girls (approximately the same age as in this sample) from the USA demonstrates the persuasive influence of ideologies about female physicality on sport socialisation in schools, where girls who were teased because of their physical appearance lost interest in physical activity (Kunesh et al., 1992). In South Africa, Rajput (2011) found that successful athletes gained self-confidence through interactions with fellow students. In these school situations, some of the female football teams were relatively more successful than the male football teams, which correspondingly brought prestige and pride for the girls who were involved and encouraged their participation.

The significant others were important to encourage continued participation for the players through attending matches on few occasions, but more often providing verbal and emotional support, displaying medals and newspaper clippings, and helping to interpret experiences through discussing matches, and giving advice. Verbal and emotional support affirms the players decisions and gives them confidence to continue participating (Dixon et al., 2008). Discussions about matches provided opportunities for the significant others to reinforce the positive aspects of sport, as well as encourage the continued participation of the players (Bandura & Bussey, 2004; Dixon et al., 2008). Football became a new topic for discussion, which reduced the social distance and changed power dynamics between adults and children by providing a common theme for conversation where they both have knowledge and could exchange ideas and experiences on a more equal level. As in the research by Hendley (2004), both children and parents enjoyed the experience of discussing sport, which helped them to bond and improve their relationship.

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Despite the substantial differences between socialisation patterns among households of different social classes in different countries, there are similarities. The differences are predominantly due to limited finances that restrict their abilities to support players in the same means as upper class families. However regardless of the socio-economic status of the families, significant others provide emotional, verbal and what financial support they can afford to encourage the girls to endure the challenges and maintain their participation.

7.6.2 Public space

The dichotomy between the public and private space is associated with the division between masculine and feminine characteristics (Connell, 2009; Kroska, 2003). In general, the public space is considered the domain of men and masculine characteristics, compared to the feminine association with the private, domestic sphere. As the public space is connected with masculine characteristics, it is also linked with sports (Adriaanse & Crosswhite, 2008). Within the public space, labour is bought and sold (Holter, 2005); therefore the talent of young boys involved in football is perceived as potential future income that can be traded. Male football games in the communities are connected with gambling where each team brings a predetermined amount of money that the victorious team wins.

In order for women to have access to this masculine space, there are three modes of entrance with varying levels of ease of access. First of all, the women had a male enabler that provide them access through socialisation into football through a brother, uncle or father. Secondly, the girls found a loophole of access through the institutional space of school. Finally, women had to try to permeate the border of the public space on their own.

The most common mode of entrance in this study was through male gate keepers, for instance Zamile and Phumeza came from families with professional experience. Zamile’s uncle played for the PSL team, Bloemfontein Celtics. Phumeza’s grandfather, father and uncles have been involved in various levels of football in South Africa as administrators, referees or players. These men provided the access points for the girls to enter the male realm of football. On the local level, Zongile used to follow her father to the field on a regular basis and became familiar with the environment and the other community members accepted her presence based on her father’s proxy. In addition to the tradition of football in Zamile’s family, her older brother’s acceptance of her participation in their backyard, led to an acceptance among the male football fraternity in the community. Xolile’s father did not play himself, but used connections in the public sphere and his position on the school board to get access for his daughter to join the school team even though she did not attend the same school.

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Even in the cases where both the mother and father participated in football and were visible role models, as was the case for Jamila, it was the father that was the primary socialising agent. In Jamila’s case, both of her parents were coaching the U-9 boys’ team that she started playing with, but it was her father that she spent her free time with and whose actions she most closely imitated. In the cases where the mother did participate in football in the past, the mothers were more accepting of the participation of their daughters and were important in encouraging and facilitating their continued involvement in football (Dixon et al., 2008). As females themselves, they were still outsiders and unable to facilitate the girls’ initiation into the male space.

In some cases the girls entered the male space of football through the school, which can be understood as an institutional space that can provide an alternative gate that is more accepting. Lorato began football at school when the coach announced that they needed females to join the team. Ria was also approached by a teacher to join the school team. It was through the school teams that these players were chosen for the club teams and transitioned into the community gendered sport space.

There were no cases within this study where a girl joined the club team on her own, all the players required access through a male family member or the intermediary space of the school teams. This demonstrates the difficulty of women infiltrating the public male space on their own and reinforces the dominance of their position as gate keepers and protectors of the public space (Talbot, 2002).

In some instances, the social capital gained by a skilful girl in the public space provided a reciprocal effect of recognition to the family members. Ria’s uncle only became interested in Ria’s involvement in football through his friends in the community who kept informing him of his niece’s success on the football field. Once he watched her, he thought there might be potential benefits to her participation and decided to support her as he could. Lulama’s sister proclaimed to all of her friends when Lulama was going to be on television and insisted that they watch. Duduzile’s success on the national team brought recognition to the whole family. Her brother/cousin and sister/cousin would hear people talking about her television appearance in the community and proclaimed that now the “family is famous”. Her cousin/sister related the fame to being linked with Dudu who was raising their family flag high for all to see. Duduzile’s brother in prison gained the respect of his cellmates through the display of a jersey that Dudu was seen wearing on television in a game for the women’s national team. Through social networks of the significant others this increased recognition has the potential to facilitate access to other resources, such as employment opportunities and access to information (Bourdieu, 1996; Coleman, 2003).

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In each of these cases the social capital associated with the success levels and talent of the female family member was an asset to the family and possibly facilitated an upward movement in status in the community. The high standing of football in general in South Africa and the celebrity status of male professional players contributes to this capital, as football is a recognised mode of upward mobility. This success and reciprocal effect on the family members who now gain recognition in the community legitimises the girls’ positions in the public sphere as they are now viewed as a positive asset. Through this legitimisation, the girls are able to challenge the notion that the public space, in particular the male football space, is not for women and can contribute to the changing social norms regarding the abilities of women overall (Forde, 2008; Meier, 2005).

7.6.3 Private space

The sphere that is usually considered the opposite of public is the private space consisting of the domestic household, creating a dichotomy between the internal activities within the household and the activities outside the household. This space is generally associated with women, as it is where they spend most of their time and where the stereotypical duties connected to femininity are located (Kroska, 2003; Holter, 2005). This sphere is affected by household composition, gender, birth order and age, where the space in time relating to birth order and age is most apparent.

While socialisation into football can facilitate the entry of the girls into the public sphere, their participation correspondingly affects the private sphere of their families. Players are active agents who can influence their significant others and the gendered structures around them (Coakley & Pike, 2009). These effects include changes in family relationships, communication patterns between family members and adjustments of domestic responsibilities, whereby men become more visibly present within the private sphere.

Domestic duties tend to follow social gender roles with women being most prominent in the private space within the physical dwelling and men being most visible in the public space of the home including the yard (Kroska, 2003; Holter, 2005). Women and girls are generally responsible for food preparation, childcare and maintaining the cleanliness of the house and clothes. These can be time consuming activities that conflict with football participation requiring the relief and permission by senior household members for young girls to leave and play football.

The individual that provides the relief of the domestic duties is related to the household composition based on birth order, gender, economic productivity and ideology within the family, 235 particularly of the father in terms of traditional or progressive gender norms. In the majority of the cases (52.4%) the mother or older sister covered the domestic chores. In 24% of the cases the player did the chores, as there were no other options and the mother relied on the support of her daughter to assist with the child care. An example of this situation was Hlengiwe, whose mother worked long hours and the night shift and needed Hlengiwe’s support to care for the younger children. Hlengiwe did have a father and older brothers present; however they maintained a traditional view of household duties and were not supportive in the home.

In the remaining 24% of the cases, the male family members became more involved. In two of these cases, for Azariah and Zamile, the older brothers had no option but to help their single mother if they wanted to have a clean house and food to eat. While in the other three examples (Jamila, Lorato and Zongile) the fathers displayed a more liberal ideology and were willing to help with domestic duties to free both their wives and their daughters of the time consuming activities within the house.

The transformation within the few households where the men were pressed or willing to support the female’s participation by assisting in domestic duties corresponds to the literature about the changing ethic of care evident in South African research. As Morrell and Jewkes (2011) and Sideris (2004) found, there were two main patterns leading to an increase of care and domestic assistance by men. First of all, situations of necessity when there were no other choices available caused the older brothers to assist with cooking and cleaning (Mandara et al., 2005). Secondly, there is a shift in perspectives about male and female roles in the household with three of the fathers having a more liberal standpoint of equality between men and women. Although there has been a noticeable, albeit minor, shift towards an increased ethic of care by select men in South Africa (Morrel & Jewkes, 2011; Sideris, 2004), there was still considerable variation between individuals and households whereby some had a more progressive outlook and others more traditional. These shifts demonstrate a figurational shift in societal gender roles and the socially acceptable activities for men and women (Dunning, 2002; Sayer et al., 2004).

The second significant influence of football participation in the private sphere is the adjustment of family relationships. There are gender patterns relating to how parents interact with their children. For instance, mothers tend to talk more with their daughters (Leaper et al., 1998), while father spend more time with their sons (Raley & Bianchi, 2006). This pattern can be enhanced through the daughter’s football participation as mother and daughters have new topics of mutual interest. While participation can change patterns whereby fathers are able to spend more time with their daughters and discuss topics of mutual interest.

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The magnitude of the change and the new patterns of relationships within the households remain stratified along gender lines, with males taking a central role in the football involvement and women remaining in a peripheral position even within the household. For example, the men are able to provide advice and mentorship through physical demonstrations of the required skills to succeed in the sport or the verbal explanations of how to improve performance. Zongile’s father was able to reflect with his daughter about her performance after a match that he watched, whereas Hlengiwe’s father could only provide advice and emotional support after the match when Hlengiwe narrated the team’s success or failure to him.

In three cases, there was a change in the power dynamic whereby the girl was able to transfer new knowledge and understanding of the game of football to female family members who were previously not interested or uneducated in the particular details of football. Lulama was able to describe to her sister the reason for specific calls by the referee when they watched football together. Lorato’s mother understood the specifics of the game when her daughter described them to her. Ria’s aunt related how there was a change in the family because everyone could sit and discuss the features of football together.

Even with fathers, the informal discussions and feedback about football performances were able to decrease the social distance between the child and the parent(s) who now have a common interest to discuss. The girls could contribute positively to the conversation and demonstrate their knowledge and legitimacy as authentic members of the football community. Knowledge of shared support of the same team in the PSL changed the relationship between Lindiwe and her father, as instead of quiet, drawn out conversation, they could relate to each other and share the celebrations and sorrows of their team together.

The final category was where the family member did not have prior experience in football, nor the desire to learn about the current context, but was still able to provide verbal support and encouragement. Duduzile’s aunt lived at a distance when Dudu was studying and playing based out of Pretoria and was only able to offer words of encouragement through phone calls. Due to the aunt lacking knowledge and experience with football, she was only able to offer emotional support. Reciprocal influences are evident in these processes, where the players rely on male socialisers for access to knowledge, skills and facilities, while the player’s participation in turn creates changes in public and private relations between the girls and their significant others.

These three categories of changes within the family reveal how within change degrees of adjustment remain. In this context men maintain their central position, while women linger in the periphery. There is a shift of increased presence of men within the domestic sphere and of 237 women into the public sphere. This crossing of boundaries blurs the border between the two spheres for a select group of female footballers who have been provided access to the public sphere through a male gatekeeper or the intermediary of school.

The context of poverty can exacerbate the public/private divide through gendered employment, single motherhood and the double burden on women. However, it can additionally facilitate movement between the two spheres as women access the public sphere and gain resources from their participation in football. They can be viewed as valuable resources for the family or peers who pull them into the public sphere or keep them there rather than pulling them back into the private, domestic sphere. They are then pulled back into the private sphere at puberty for their required labour in the domestic sphere as well as due to the perceived threat of danger in the streets where women can be raped or consent to sex and become pregnant. By pulling the girls into the private sphere there is a sense of control and the ability to manage the risk of the unsafe public space. A challenge of pulling the girls back to the domestic sphere is that they have now experienced the freedom of the public sphere and have gained self-assurance. Their new personal agency reduces their desire to participate in the domestic sphere to the same degree as previously. The girls have escaped the caging effect of the domestic space and been exposed to new life experiences and they are not able to return the same. There has been a metamorphosis of some kind, which can cause internal conflict between the public football identity and the private domestic female identity prescribed by the social culture. This conflict can produce fault-lines within the household and lead to brothers appeasing the situation and assisting with household chores.

Relationships in the private sphere are able to bridge the access into the public sphere. Where the girls are able to gain acceptance in the public realm this can break some of the bondage of being a young female trapped in impoverishment. The team that the girls join can become a second family and a safe space within the public realm for the girl to enact this dual identity of female footballer. While still remaining an anomaly and partial outsider in the public realm, this safe space of the team provides a respite and a space to belong with others that share similar experiences and feelings of externality.

7.7 Summary

Through socialisation patterns and processes there is a flexibility and fluidity apparent in the divide between public and private spaces. Reciprocal relationships are observable. Women are able to infiltrate male sport spaces through the facilitation of male significant others. At the same time, there is an increased interaction and exchange in the private sphere, with more involvement of fathers and brothers as they engage with the girls through conversations,

238 encouragement and assistance with domestic duties. Female footballers are seen as ‘pseudo- men’, as they are given temporary or honorary status in the public sphere, due to their participation or involvement in the male sport of football. Meanwhile, they are challenging the public to accept aspects or characteristics of the feminine private realm, even if it is simply to allow females the possibility of participation.

Reciprocal socialisation processes in and through sport are fluid and vary between individuals, households, communities and countries. Individuals are affected by the arrangement, gender and birth order of their household and the sport participation patterns of their significant others. Simultaneously, female football players choose the activities they will participate in and the degree that socialisation through sport will affect the way they act, dress and look. Socialisation processes differ according to the values of the parents and significant others, household composition, sport history of the significant others and the participant’s childhood play activities.

Socialisation into sport has various stages and socialising agents. In households where the player was the oldest child or there were older male siblings it was more likely for the child to imitate the behaviours and activities of the older males. Families that had engaged in sport had a more salient influence on encouraging sport participation in the children.

Older brothers, cousins and parents were chief socialising agents through role modelling sporting behaviours and enabling participation through providing financial assistance in order for participants to have fees for transport and personal equipment and provide access to the public sphere of male sport. This is different from enablement patterns in previous research where significant others were involved in transporting players, involved as coaches or administrators and other logistical roles due to the context of poverty in the current study.

In encouraging continued sport participation, significant others are critical in providing verbal and emotional support, attending matches and bragging about the success of participation. Unlike North American and European research, only half of the significant others in this study had ever attended a match, due to work commitment, domestic duties, attending church, games located too far away and players not telling their significant others about the games. Parental support is important to enhance the sense of security, acceptance and self-worth in the players so that they will feel confident in their performances and continue participating. Therefore, despite the lack of resources in the context of poverty, these families were able to support to the best of their ability, particularly when they saw participation as a potential future asset.

In terms of interactionist socialisation and social cognitive theory, the effects of sport participation not only affect the players, but also the significant others in a reciprocal manner. 239

Participation in sport creates new opportunities for players and significant others to discuss mutually enjoyable topics and watch football on television together. To enable participants to have the time available to attend matches and games, assistance is required within the household. In almost 25% of the cases in this study, the men in the household assisted with the household duties, demonstrating a shift in ideologies regarding gender roles in South Africa. Some of these cases were out of necessity, while others revealed changing perspectives about household gender roles.

Chapter eight explores gender ideologies and perceptions in greater detail. Female football players are often thought of in masculine terms, including tomboys and lesbians. The stereotypes and characteristics relating to female football players perceived as tomboys and lesbians that were recorded during this research are examined. Additionally, responses to homosexuality in women’s football in South Africa are investigated through comparing the environment of acceptability between the two locations.

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8. GENDER AND SEXUALITY IN SOUTH AFRICAN WOMEN’S FOOTBALL

8.1 Introduction

Sport participation is closely linked with cultural and social perceptions of gender and gender roles. Critical feminists argue that masculine hegemony is perpetuated through the cultural perceptions associated with certain sports which idealise masculinity as aggressive, strong, tough and physical (Aitchison, 2006; Bryson, 1994; Hickey, 2008). The discourses of masculinity associated with sport are socially and historically constructed, with assumptions that men are ‘naturally’ more inclined to participate, coach and administer sports as a whole and certain ‘masculine’ sports in particular (Shaw & Slack, 2002). Structural inequalities, as discussed in chapter six, including poor access to physical, financial and educational resources, reinforce these cultural perceptions (Talbot, 2002; Pfister et al., 2002). The resource allocations as directed by governing bodies legitimise the inequalities and are confirmed in the public media, which disseminates culturally appropriate images of the ideal athlete (Heywood & Dworkin, 2003).

This chapter begins with a discussion of the cultural and historical perceptions of football as a man’s sport as reflected through the narratives of the research participants. Associated with the perception of sport are stereotypes of females who participate in football. The most common female sport in South Africa, netball is used to describe the perceived gender appropriate sport for females. This chapter examines these stereotypes regarding female football players, as well as the labels associated with these characteristics, as captured by perceptions such as ‘act like a boy’, tomboy and lesbian.

As girls age, being a tomboy is no longer accepted and women who exhibit tomboy characteristics are labelled a lesbian as a critique to their defiance of social norms. Related to the perceptions and acceptability of lesbianism in football the team and environmental contexts can create or reject a safe and welcoming space for individuals who identify as lesbians or bisexuals.

The third section of this chapter examines the two team contexts and their associated levels of acceptance towards lesbian behaviour. Power dynamics and the relative power of the coaches in setting the tone and cultural practices within the team are evident in this section as the perceptions of the coaches are mimicked by the team players.

Within the team environment that was open to different sexualities there were four individuals who identified themselves as lesbians or bisexuals. Their descriptions, experiences and

241 understandings of what it means to be a football player identified as non-heterosexual are narrated. In addition to the accounts by the participants, the perspectives of sexuality from their significant others is presented. Some family members do not know about the player’s sexual status, some accept the situation and others merely tolerate it, acknowledging that there is nothing they can do to change the player. The latter is the dominant reaction.

The final section of this chapter examines changing perceptions regarding the gender roles of women, their abilities to play football and their position in the sport internationally. Reasons for the changes include societal transformations, increased exposure to media coverage of women’s games and tournaments, as well as personal experiences with talented female players.

Critical feminist and queer theories form the theoretical basis for this chapter which examines the cultural and structural strongholds of perceptions associated with women’s football (Birrell, 2000). Queer theory is utilized to deconstruct the norms of sexuality, through challenging and resisting the dominant heterosexual discourse within sport, as well as the assumed homosexuality of female athletes (Caudwell, 2006). Within traditional masculine sports this assumed homosexuality results in a homonormativity that is critiqued for its lack of understanding the contextual cultural dimensions and power dynamics within a setting (King, 2008). Feminist figurational theory is used to highlight the power dynamics evident in gendered spaces and problematize the masculine/feminine dichotomy of public and private spheres (Mansfield, 2002). The differences in and between each location are expounded through the use of data gathered from interviews, questionnaires and focus groups.

8.2 Perceptions of female football participants

As discussed in section 3.4.1.2 (page 63), it is relatively more acceptable for girls to play activities and games associated with masculine behaviours, than it is for boys to participate in activities that are labelled feminine (Lindsey, 2011). This is related to the perceptions of participation in specific sports and which sports are labelled masculine or feminine (Bryson, 1994). In this section the historical and cultural perceptions of football as a sport for boys and men and the associated gendered spaces are examined in the South African context as a microcosm of broader South African society. The stereotypical characteristics associated with female participants and the related labels assigned to them in the township context are illustrated below.

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8.2.1 Gendered spaces

Perceptions of women’s involvement in football are based on cultural expectations and historical roots of social gender roles and ideologies (Talbot, 2002). These are established on ideologies of patriarchy, which positions women in private spaces with men dominating the public sphere of society, including the realm of sport, which is formally structured and institutionalised (Holter, 2005; Kroska, 2003). Cultural ideologies are evident in daily discourse, structural opportunities, available role models, as well as perspectives that netball is the exemplary feminine sport.

Gender roles in society Gender roles in society are disseminated through multiple sources. This process of dissemination is associated with socialisation and can reinforce or challenge constructed patriarchal gender roles (Hall, 2002; Hargreaves, 2004). Most of the quotes in this section come from interviewees discussing comments or perceptions of other community members. The most common perception is that women belong in the private sphere, to be socialised into the role of wife and mother. This is associated with traditional cultural norms incorporating an ethic of care and the completion of laborious domestic duties that enslave women within the home who are considered working for love rather than profit (Holter, 2005). The value of women’s labour in the household is evident in the practice of lobola in traditional South African society, which is the negotiated price a groom must pay the bride’s family in exchange for gaining the labour of the bride through marriage (Amoateng et al., 2004).

For instance, one Cape Town coach stated, “Some Xhosa people still believe that the place of a woman is in the kitchen. You can hear those comments when we play somewhere”. Xhosa people are the second most widespread cultural group in South Africa originating in the Eastern Cape province, with many migrating to Cape Town and the Western Cape in search of employment. When the team plays in different Cape Town locations, spectators are heard making comments that women do not belong on the football field, but in the kitchen instead. These spectators are questioning the legitimacy of women being in the traditionally male space of sport compared to the feminine domestic space where women are expected to be.

The women’s place in the private, domestic space is perpetuated through the need for girls to spend time being socialised into wife and motherhood. Lulama’s sister describes: “She should be preparing for her husband ... I must say, if you were from an African family, you are well groomed for a husband, you understand my point?” She went on to explain how the girls are expected to learn how to cook and make African beer in order to be an ideal wife. Playing football takes girls away from this focus and therefore causes uncertainty about their ability to get married to a suitable man when they reach the appropriate age. As the girls spend less time 243 in the domestic sphere they remain unprepared for their future life as wives and mothers, by missing significant opportunities to be initiated and socialised into those roles.

Lorato’s mother commented on how her sisters questioned if Lorato would be able to get a husband if she continued to play football: “Even my little sisters, they say, oh! I wonder if you going to have a husband the way you are”. Lorato’s mother suggests that these comments are made with witticism. Yet, there is some truth to these fears from a cultural viewpoint. As the women become more assertive and adapt to the public sphere they are less likely to be willing to be confined to the restrictive private space of the home and kitchen.

The SAFA Women’s Committee Chair repeats the early gender role socialisation processes of providing specific gendered toys to boys and girls as Christmas presents: During Christmas when you buy kids presents as families, not too many mothers would buy their children soccer boots, nor a soccer ball. When I say children I mean girl children, so I think parents would then not choose for your kids, but allow your kids to choose for themselves. Give them options so that they can choose, because continuously as little girls we get bought dolls and not all of us want dolls.

The typical toys for girls were meant for passive activities that were used inside the house in the private sphere and helped to socialise the girl into the role of being a mother as they could imitate her mother’s actions towards other children or the girl herself. In contrast, boy’s toys are active in nature, require more space and are more suitable for public, external spaces to socialise the boys into future gender roles in the public sphere. The gender division of play activities is related to the limited space in houses as boys are sent outside to engage with active toys, compared to girls who are contained within households and need to engage with static activities. This complements the discussion in section 3.4.1.2 (page 63) about childhood play activities and toys whereby past research has demonstrated that parents give toys to children according to social gender norms (Morrongiello & Hogg, 2004). The Women’s Chair is suggesting that these patterns should be open to negotiation and awareness should be created as some girls would prefer to get balls for presents rather than dolls, especially girls that are similar to those in this study.

Gender in football By far the most widespread perception within South African society is that football is considered a man’s or boy’s game. This was mentioned in 41% (n=24) of the interviews with the participants and significant others, 71% (n=15) of the administrators and in 19% (n=6) of the focus groups. Most of the comments in the interviews revealed that this perspective came from peers, neighbours and extended family members. The traditional mind-set that stems from the rural areas remains strong as many participants migrated from the rural areas themselves or

244 have strong ties with extended family members that reside in the rural areas where traditional cultural practices are entrenched.

Teachers and coaches often mentioned that the traditionally held beliefs of parents were discouraging girls from joining football. A teacher in Cape Town stated: “What we still have to work out is the thing of culture, I think somewhere somehow it’s still taboo to other parents when their girls play football”. Since football is considered a sport for men and boys, it is not acceptable for girls to participate. A coach from Cape Town echoed this perspective about parents: Like where at home, some parents just think that soccer is still a game for boys and we’ve lost a lot of players through parents who are so negative about the sport, when the girls play. And even the ones that are playing now, you can see that some parents are not cooperating, because the club have to buy boots, everything. They just told themselves, if this kid is going there, then she will see herself. So, instead of letting the child stay at home, we decided let’s buy all these things that they need.

Although resources for personal equipment, such as boots, are limited in the context of poverty, it is less likely that girls will receive portions of the limited finances towards their equipment than boys since female football is not seen as a viable and potential investment. The discrimination against girls playing football takes girls away from participation or requires the coach to provide additional support in order for other girls to continue participation. This means that the coach and the club are required to provide personal equipment such as boots as well as transport fees (see section 6.2.1, page 159).

Vuyelwa was told by neighbours that “football, it was made for boys, not for girls”. Lindiwe’s father stated: “Most of the time we are sexist, we’re saying soccer is a man’s thing”. Phumeza’s father puts an historical angle on the discrimination: “From the onset, soccer was for men ... and then they [community members] still had that in their mind that soccer is still for men”. Duduzile commented, “Because most people they think that women, they, how can I put it? They not supposed to play soccer, soccer is only for men”. All of these statements demonstrate the stereotypical viewpoint that football is a gendered space controlled and dominated by men (Bryson, 1994). This reinforces patriarchal ideologies of the superiority of men throughout society.

The stereotypes about football as a sport for men are reflected in the space allocation and competition for facilities. The Director of Sport in Cape Town made a clear connection to the dominance of men in the public sphere and the role of football in demonstrating this dominance: I think with African countries, I am also subject to correction. I mean there is a belief that every man lives in the location, so who are you to play football, who are you to rival us in our domain, so I think based on that, I think that is why I 245

want to predict that women’s football will never fly.

When women play football in the African locations, as in this study, they are rivalling the men in the public domain of sport, where men dominate the space. The public space as a masculine realm is an entrenched mind-set that is difficult to change. The Director does not believe that the women are able to successfully challenge this dominance in order to succeed in this domain. In the South African context, especially in the township locations, there are limited fields and open spaces for local football teams to regularly practice and play matches. The limited field results in resource competition whereby the priority usually goes to older men, with boys and women getting second and third picks of the prime spaces, as discussed in section 6.2.2 (see page 159-163).

In South Africa, the sport that is viewed as most appropriate for girls and women is netball. This predominantly female sport currently has 2 million participants in South Africa and in August 2012 the Minister of Sport, Fikile Mbaluula announced that South Africa will have a professional netball league starting in 2013 (Sapa, 2012). Netball is considered the prototypical sport for women, lacking physical contact and with short skirts as part of the uniform.

Due to the resource scarcity and competition in the township locations, there is a need for women to have a sport of their own, which takes up less space, to reduce the competition for limited field space. This is mirrored in the schools that have limited space and resources for sport participation. This leads to a gendered division of resources with males having greater access to the large grass field for football, and the girls remaining close to the school on the smaller concrete netball court. In some schools the netball girls complained that the boys had taken over their netball court since the grass field was in disrepair.

In the focus groups there were many discussions about the differences between girls that play football and girls that play netball. For instance at Luyolo Primary School, in the focus group with the girls who do not play sports, they stated that netball was for girls and gay men, since you have to wear a skirt to play netball, in order to jump high. The girls from Sivile Primary School agreed that boys do not play netball, if they did they would have to wear a skirt, which would make them gay. Although other girls at Sivile disagreed and said that some boys could play netball that were not gay. The school sport assistant (government contracted youth who assisted with the school sports programmes) at Sivile was a male who encouraged sports to be non-gendered and tried to teach the children that playing any sport does not mean that you are gay or a lesbian, therefore a wider array of perspectives were present at his school.

Even men that coach netball are considered to be transgressing gender boundaries. Lindiwe’s father recounted the range of gender roles between football and netball: 246

Ninety per cent of the time if something goes with, I’m sorry, I’m black, but if something goes with blacks, they’ll tell you, uh, ‘Soccer is for men. Netball is for women.’ That’s it. If I can be a coach of netball, they’ll ask me questions ... because I’m a man. ... Football is for men. They’ll ask me, ‘How do you know netball? This is for women. How did it came about for you to know netball?’ You understand?

Coaching netball brought interrogation to the father since netball is a women’s sport and therefore men should not be able to understand it enough to coach. This is described as a racial construct which puts a clear association between gender, ethnicity and appropriate sports.

Due to the legacy of apartheid and racial segregation sport participation and facilities remain disproportionate, whereby football is a sport that continues to be dominated by the black male population in South Africa (Alegi, 2004; Struwig, 2008). Women, regardless of race, are the main participants in netball, which allows women to have some form of control and access to decision-making positions (Pelak, 2005a, 2009).

Structural inequalities Associated with patriarchal perceptions are structures supporting these viewpoints giving precedence and additional support to men’s football compared to women’s football. This is reflexive of international and national sport structures where men dominate administrative bodies, coaching positions and funding allocation (Talbot, 2002; Pfister et al., 2002).

The Director of Sport in Cape Town explained his perspective: But to be quite honest, women’s football does not command respect. You know it’s a by-the-way code if it’s made, yes that’s a bonus, but there’s no concentration around it [women’s football], nobody takes interest in it that much and ... it becomes something of a back-bencher, you know. ... I think people don’t really take seriously with regards to women’s football. I mean even at national level. I mean the fact that there’s not even a national football league for women. That tells volumes.

Women’s football is not respected in terms of being taken seriously and getting prominent financial and organisational support. The Director uses the fact that there is no professional national league in South Africa as an example of how women’s football does not get the respect that it deserves. Without a professional league, women’s football lacks legitimacy compared to men’s football.

In the focus group with the U-15 team in Johannesburg, Hlengiwe asked a telling question: Why people here in the whole world, we are persons in soccer, women are given the lowest percentage and men have the highest? They get a lot of money instead of us being the same and getting the same money.

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She raised a pertinent question highlighting the disparity in payment between men’s and women’s teams. Section 4.3.4 described this is detail (see pages 111-113), highlighting the inequality in incentives offered between the national men’s and women’s teams (Moleme, 2012a). These structural inequalities discourage players from participating as they lack incentives, opportunities and recognition.

Women’s football remains in the recreational and informal realm where participants incur the costs associated with competing. Since there are fewer female teams, these costs are greater than at the recreational level for the male teams as the female teams have to rent or arrange transportation on a bi-weekly basis to travel to their away games in other communities. Comparatively, men’s football is considered a big business where boys and men are traded as commodities. The trading of male players moves male football from the recreational sphere to the public market, adding value and legitimacy to the sport as players have a commodity value associated with their skills and talents that can be linked to global trade (Giulianotti & Robertson, 2007; Poli, 2010).

Available role models Since men are foremost in the media and public life associated with international and South African football, as for most sports, the main role models are male (Adriaanse & Crosswhite, 2008; Hardin & Greer, 2009). The female players are more familiar with professional male players, who are in turn emulated. This was described by players, coaches, family members and administrators.

Anisha describes the male role models she grew up with and the pressure from significant others to play netball: When I grow up they were talking, do not play football, football is for boys, not girls, girls are suitable for netball, so you see. And if you go look now, most soccer stars are boys. Girls are not that much [many].

There are few women that succeed in football and those that do get insufficient media coverage (Goslin, 2008; Serra, 2005). Anisha lamented the fact that she is encouraged to play netball, while she preferred football, however due to the limited football role models, she could not provide examples of other South African women who were succeeding in the sport as an argument to support her choice.

The differentiation of television audience between the national men’s team, Bafana Bafana, compared to the national women’s team, Banyana Banyana, is described and related to mind- sets regarding female football participation by Lulama’s sister: It is still considered a man’s sport because if Bafana Bafana was playing that day, you’ll see the stats, how many people would be watching soccer at that 248

time. But if you see the Banyana Banyana playing, well some of the men would watch but it’s like to them, this is a man’s game, so no women can play as good as men. ... It’s their mindset, they guy’s mindset, that it’s a boys game, not a girls game. ... The men are still in the dark ages, some men are still there.

The process is cyclical, since football is considered a man’s game, there are fewer spectators for women’s football and less support for women’s football leads to lower recognition of the value of football for women. Even for female football, the spectators are most commonly males, as they have more leisure time and are more prominent in the public sphere of the football field. These aspects reinforce the mind-set that football is a man’s game, leaving some men in the ‘dark ages’, entrenched in the patriarchal tradition regarding women’s roles in society. Although some aspects of society have changed, with women becoming more visible in the democratic era, these men have not changed in the same manner.

The Chair of the Cape Town LFA described the increase of interest in women’s football, as well as the dominance of men’s football in the media at the national and professional levels. It’s because of interest that has grown within the women’s, within the young girls. ... You would be surprised the skill that they possess. They are very much skilful. And also because since soccer is predominated by men, even at home, the young girls they know Kaiser Chiefs, they know Bafana Bafana, they know Orlando Pirates, they know players.

Despite the increase of interest and skill level of the female players, football as a whole is dominated by men. Male players and male clubs from the national and professional teams receive media coverage and recognition as public figures, placing them as role models. The national women’s team receives less media coverage and there is no professional league to cover. The highest level of women’s competition within South Africa, the provincial Sasol leagues, only received coverage of their final tournament in which the winners from each province compete. Young boys and girls therefore want to imitate and emulate the male role model they are exposed to on a regular basis, with the hopes of achieving similar levels of popularity, fame and adulation.

One of the coaches in Johannesburg clearly described the repercussions of this situation: The players ... like to emulate their heroes and try to behave like Tiko Modise [a player from the PSL], in the way they dress outside the pitch. ... Some don’t know any women on the national team, it’s always men on TV, no Super Falcons [the women’s Sasol 2010 national champions] or women’s teams. The media is not doing enough to promote women, therefore the girls only see men and therefore copy them.

Since the most prominent footballers are male, they receive the most media coverage. The female national team gets less media coverage and is therefore unknown by the broader society. This means that the girls imitate the male role models that they observe and end up

249 acting more like men than women. The following section will continue to describe the stereotypes related to women’s football, associated with imitating men.

According to the social cognitive theory, individuals imitate the behaviours and choices they observe and are reinforced in their lives (Bandura & Bussey, 2004). As women most often see male footballers on televisions, in the newspaper and in their communities, it is the male behaviours that are most commonly observed, reinforced and therefore imitated (Coakley, 2003; Hardin & Greer, 2009).

8.2.2 Stereotypical characteristics

Connected to the cultural and historical perceptions of gender and sport are the characteristics describing females that participate in sport, especially football. During the interviews and focus groups for this study, it was apparent that there were a variety of stereotypes related to female footballers. These stereotypes can be clustered in three broad areas that relate to the extent that the player has been socialised into football and internalised the identity of a female football player: i) external appearance, ii) physical appearance and iii) behaviour.

External appearance One of the first things that changes when girls play football is the clothes they choose to wear and their choice to not wear make-up. These are initial changes that mark their choice of activities and the friends that they are associating with, but they can still be reversed or re- adjusted to be feminine again. Some of the choices, such as wearing boy’s underwear or getting a short crew cut hairstyle, when made consistently signal potentially irreversible choices to be associated with masculinity.

As the coach from Johannesburg stated, the girls tend to emulate the male sports stars they see portrayed in the media, on television, in newspapers and magazines. This includes the clothing they choose to wear and the way that the clothing is worn.

Azariah’s brother compared his sister to other girls based on the type of clothing that they wear. She has only one friend who is a girl. But I think that girl is a straight girl. She’s not a lesbian or something, because she wears jeans. Azariah, she doesn’t wear tight jeans, she only wears shorts and big shirts.

The brother went on to describe how most female soccer players wear shorts and big t-shirts, the type of clothes that men and boys would wear rather than other girls. In the quote above, Azariah’s brother equates the type of clothing worn with sexual orientation; girls that wear

250 typical female clothing, such as tight jeans, are understood as heterosexual. Girls that wear male designated clothing, on the other hand, are viewed as lesbians.

Duduzile was more of an extreme case, as she used to wear skirts, but now wears only trousers and even wears boy’s underwear, according to her brother. Her brother, sister and aunt all commented that she wears only boy’s clothes now, which was attributed to playing football as well as one of the reasons that people questioned her sexuality and led to the discovery that she was a lesbian. In the Johannesburg focus groups, there was consensus across schools that football girls tend to wear trousers for their uniforms rather than skirts. The students made the association between the prescribed dress code and being described as a lesbian.

Zongile’s mother described her daughter as looking like a man, since “she wears the trousers and puts them here” (while showing with her hands half way down her buttocks). Therefore it is not only what clothing is chosen, but also the way it is worn that creates the stereotype that girls who play football dress like men.

Another area of low maintenance associated with external appearance is that girls who play sport generally do not spend significant time putting on make-up that will soon be sweat off. Other girls in their teenage years begin to wear make-up and try to catch the attention of boys. According to Lulama’s oldest sister, her two sisters “used to do our make-up and we were being like girls. She [Lulama] would say, ‘No man! I would never do make-up.’ I would say, ‘No you don’t have to treat yourself like a boy’”. In this case Lulama did not want to put on make-up like her sister and they interpreted this action as being like a boy and attributed the decision to playing soccer.

The girls who play netball at Sivile Primary School portrayed the girls who play football as no longer interested in “girly stuff”. “Girly stuff” was described as “taking the time to pamper themselves” and wearing “make-up” as well as doing hair styles. Vuyelwa’s cousin/sister described how most football girls dress like boys and “most of them you can’t even find them putting on lip gloss or mascara”. Even wearing basic make-up such as lip gloss and mascara is not on the repertoire for most female football players, who tend to prefer going completely natural. Wearing make-up and particular kinds of clothing are choices that are made on a daily basis and the physical transformation is thus less permanent, however the changes discussed in the next section relating to physical bodies and hair are more long term.

Physical appearance The second type of change associated with female football players is their physical bodies including their morphology and hair. When athletes engage in physically demanding activities 251 their bodies tend to become more muscular and defined. This can be considered a positive or a negative characteristic, one that engenders pride and self-confidence or one that should be ashamed of and hidden.

For Vuyelwa having a toned body is a source of pride, as demonstrated in the following discussion: C - Have you seen any changes in yourself since you started playing football? P - Yeah! Body wise. Got some muscles and the ‘vee’s’. Yeah. ... I think in football we train hard. Yeah. That’s why you find our thighs are tough! C - How do you feel about that? P - Oh God! It makes me proud! It shows that I’m a soccer player. That’s what I like.

The football training is physically demanding and this has an effect on the player’s body, which is understood as positive according to Vuyelewa, as it signals her football identity.

In 2010 when this research was being conducted the news of South African Caster Semenya 2009 female 800m world champion forced to undertake gender verification testing was widespread (Moyo, 2009). Subsequently, local vernacular in the schools included looking like Caster Semenya as a reference that the girl looks like a boy. In a focus group at Sivile Primary School in Johannesburg, the girls who played football said that since they started playing football their muscles have been growing, some said this was a good thing, while others said this was negative. Part of the conversation included: S - As a girl you have to look like a girl. Not you are saying like a girl, but your figure, you have thighs, calves. S - You’ll be looking like a boy. S - Like Caster Semenya.

In their narrative, playing football led to more prominent muscular development and definition, which made them look like a boy or like Caster Semenya, something that was not desired. Although Caster Semenya is a rare case, the association with female athletes looking like or becoming like men is a theme that was widespread across the sample of this study.

In addition to the physical body, the choice of hair style can mark a girl’s involvement in sport. It can be a challenge for African girls to maintain long hair, therefore many female athletes prefer to keep their hair short and more manageable. This can be perceived as wanting to look like a boy, as boys generally have short hair. This characteristic was only mentioned in the school focus groups, not in the interviews with the players or significant others.

The girls that played netball at Luyolo and Sivile Primary Schools in Johannesburg and the girls that did not play any sports at Joe Slovo Primary School commented that the football girls “cut their hair”. At Sivile, they further described how the girls used to be “doing hair styles, but now 252 they just patting their hair straight, they wear hats”. Black African hair can require a lot of time to maintain and keep in good condition. Girls who get extensions or weaves can spend hours in the hair salon getting their hair braided. Processes of hair straightening or having braids without extensions take long periods of time and have to be redone every four to eight weeks depending on the level of care. For girls who play sports, the time spent on getting these hair styles and keeping up with the current fashion is not a priority and they tend to prefer to keep their hair short and easy to maintain. These strategies of low maintenance display a lack of interest and time to sustain a feminine appearance. This can be interpreted as wanting to be like boys, who generally spend short periods of time perfecting their appearance.

Behaviour Finally, as girls change their external appearance and the physical appearance, they begin to internalise the mannerisms associated with athleticism and male football players. The theme of changed behaviour when player’s began to play football was mentioned by 15 significant others. Some stated that they started to become like boys and act in ways that were typical of boys, just because of their involvement in football. Similarly to the discussion regarding physical appearance, there are negative and positive aspects of these changes.

The SAFA Women’s Committee Chair stated: “sometimes people have this perception that when a women plays football they then tend to lose their femininity and they become something else”. There is an opinion that once girls start playing a traditionally male sport, they will display more masculine behaviours and act in ways associated with being a man. This includes what the players do, act, how they walk and talk and who they spend time with.

Vuyelwa’s mother relayed a comment she received from people in the community: Other guys would say to me, ‘she’s not right’ because all the time she forget that she’s a girl, she thinks she’s a boy. ... The mind is on soccer all the time and then she thought she’s a boy, she doesn’t know she’s a girl.

Since she is thinking about football all the time, there is an assumption that she forgets that she is a girl and rather believes she is a boy. This means she is considered ‘not right’, abnormal and transgressing social norms by being focused on football, a traditional male pastime.

The association between playing football and acting like a man is clearly described by Ria’s brother: Because consciously girls who play soccer, they [are] still trapped within that, I want to play like a guy, now they want to start acting like guys. Now they want to wear clothes like guys do. Now they want to sag their pants, they want to talk with an accent. They want to use the jargon guys do, you know. Hence that’s where you are going to find them dating each other. Which naturally it’s not a natural thing to do. ... 253

These girls who like playing soccer, they like being in charge, they want to stand out there as you know, the man, metaphorically. You know, they don’t have the mentality that other girls do. Hence they might actually want to date other girls who play other sports. You know. So there’s that. So subconsciously I think they are trying to mimic guys.

Ria’s brother is making a number of connections between wanting to play like a boy in the field of play, to trying to act like a boy outside of the field of play, which affects clothing, talk and sexual orientation. It is usually believed that girls who play football want to be powerful and in charge, as is generally the role or position of the man. This can have positive connotations and is a trait that is celebrated in literature for women to be strong and skilful as discussed in section 6.3.2 (see page 174) (Weiss & Wiese-Bjornstal, 2009; UN, 2007). However, in this narrative the undertone is negative, that women are not supposed to be in charge, it is not natural for women to date each other and they should not try to mimic men. A possible reason for that undertone is a fear of women becoming more powerful and taking the positions of authority away from men (Lynch & Nowosenetz, 2009). There is a difference between behaviour on and off the field. Playing like boys on the field is viewed as a positive development, compared to imitating men outside of the pitch, which is considered too distant from the social norms of gender.

The sport assistant from Yomelela Primary School in Johannesburg discussed the association with behaviour and attitude of female football players: I think ... it’s a personality thing that if I play a man’s sport, who says it’s a man’s sport, because it's dominated by males. But what happens to them? They kind of have a man attitude you know. Then they act like the tsotsis [criminals], you know, they’d act brave.

The connection is made between playing a sport that is dominated by men and taking on the attitude of men. Acting brave is considered a deviant behaviour because it goes against social norms of the quiet and submissive woman who follow instructions they are given. The women have taken control of their own bodies which is considered deviant as when men pay lobola for a woman she becomes his property, as do her children and she is traditionally powerless in her new family (Amoateng et al., 2004).

This is opposite of the discussion in chapter six, section 6.3.1 (see pages 168-174), in which the majority of significant others lauded involvement in sport as a means of getting away from deviant behaviour, as sport can take children away from the dangers of the streets. In this case, individual attitudes and behaviours are changing in a negative direction following the tough, brave personality of male criminals.

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There is a generally assumed difference between the way girls and boys walk. This was discussed and demonstrated in both focus groups and individual interviews. Phumeza’s father went into great detail to describe the way his daughter changed her walk: Some of them walk like, it’s like somebody’s beat them with a very big stick on their shoulders. ... because when they are playing soccer they think they’re boys. Then she might like, maybe the formation that was, maybe she saw someone else walking like that and she likes it.

The girls in football walk hunched over instead of with a straight back according to this description, which is attributed to imitating the way boys walk.

The girls in the focus group who do not play sports at Joe Slovo Primary School described their interpretations of how girls who play football walk: “They are jumping when they walk”, “Their chests, push it out”. In the corresponding focus group at Luyolo Primary School, the discussion was similar, “When they walk, they bump”, which was followed by a demonstration of the girls ‘bumping’ or ‘jumping’ up and down as they walked. As the girls exaggerated their imitation of the soccer girls’ walk, they reinforced the perceived embodied deviance associated with this walk.

Girls and boys tend to discuss different topics and talk in a different manner or use actions while talking. Vuyelwa described how she changed, My body language, the way I talk, I use my hands. Like boys. Boys they like to talk with hands, body language, yeah, what I can say, the ghetto language, I speak a lot of ghetto language.

In referring to the changes in the way she talks, she include the gestures with her hands during conversations, body language, as well as the type of words, described as ‘ghetto’ language, implying slang words and vernacular. The more expressive mannerisms of using gestures and bold language or body postures are associated with masculine characteristics of dominance. In contrast, females are expected to be submissive, passive and introverted in their body movements and verbal expressions. As the females become more comfortable with their bodies and more assertive they use more dominant expressions with their hands and feel confident to have discussions with males on equal terms.

This ability to understand and converse with the boys using their own slang and vernacular was considered a positive attribute according to a teacher from Cape Town, as he argued that this makes the girls more streetwise and able to discern the boys’ actions towards them (see section 6.3.2, page 178). The girls are able to communicate and discuss issues with mutual understanding, not in the ways boys and girls usually interact through flirting with girls, who are seen as submissive sex objects.

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The ability to ‘walk the walk and talk the talk’ is a marker of involvement in women’s football. As women internalise their behaviours, they change the way they walk and talk, this marks their ability to play football and be associated with the male participants.

From this section it is obvious that the attitudes, behaviours, words and appearance of girls and women are under constant surveillance. Even if they are unaware, they are constantly being judged and characterised based on what others observe. These characteristics are further associated with particular labels, such as tomboy and lesbian, which are described in greater detail in the following section, 8.2.3.

8.2.3 Labels due to participation

When girls are young and they act in a typically masculine way, engaging in masculine activities, dressing and looking like a boy, they are often assigned the label ‘tomboy’. This is an acceptable term when females are children, however as they reach puberty, they are expected to become more interested in activities that will prepare them to be successful wives and mothers (Arnett, 1995). If they do not leave the masculine defined activities, behaviours and appearance, they are usually labelled ‘lesbian’ (Haugaa Engh, 2010a). The label of lesbian signals deviance and going against social norms of heterosexuality.

8.2.3.1 Tomboy label

In the interviews, seventeen of the players and significant others related a connection between football participation and the label tomboy, either in their own opinion or as a common perception in their communities.

The following quotes provide the perceptions of community members towards girls that play football: In this community because you see there’s this stereotype thing that soccer is for men. If a [girl] is playing soccer it means the [girl] is a tomboy. Lindiwe’s Father

In the old days, if you were a [girl] playing with boy’s football, they then say you are a tomboy. Cape Town LFA Chair

Other people look at them as tomboys and that’s the word that they use, they will say that these girls are tomboys. Cape Town teacher

Most of the significant others did not agree with the opinion that just because a women played football it meant she was a tomboy. It is perceived to be a term that was used in the ‘old days’ 256 and currently in the community and the schools; girls that play football are called tomboys. This demonstrates that the term is widespread in the community and has been used for many years.

The final example is from Ayanda’s sister/cousin who described what Ayanda was like as a child: “When she was at primary, she liked to run and play football, she was like a boy. People said, ‘You are a tomboy’”. In this quote it was playing football as well as running and participating in other activities classified as masculine, which led to her being associated with a non-feminine term.

The players regularly hear the term tomboy from neighbours or family members.

Neighbours used to say, ‘Oh this girl is playing football, it’s going to make her a tomboy’ and all this stuff, lesbian. Xolile

They thought I would be becoming a tomboy just because I’m playing soccer. Zamile

Playing football leads to the association with being a tomboy. Xolile’s neighbours were more negative with the connection between playing football and the labels given to the women. In this case playing football is the determining factor and causes the girl to change to become a tomboy and possibly progress to being a lesbian. This links to the previous section (8.2.2) whereby playing football leads to other appearance and behavioural changes which results in the label of tomboy when the girls are younger and lesbian after puberty when acting in a masculine manner is less acceptable.

Zoleka’s mother discussed her experience when she played football in high school: I noticed when I was playing soccer I was changing, slowly changing, to become like a boy, tom-boyish and stuff, when I ran to netball. Where I can be a girl again.

This account is similar to the above quotes linking football participation to being a tomboy, with a few added elements such as changing to be more like boy. Zoleka’s mother was still in the early socialisation stages into football and recognised that she was changing her mannerisms to become more masculine and wanted to change back to be more feminine and therefore chose to return to netball, the quintessential female sport.

In the focus group with the girls that played netball at Luyolo Primary School, one girl described how “girls when they start playing soccer it’s like they are different because some of them, maybe they usually play soccer and be sitting with boys, then someday you’ll see that girl, changing wearing things of boys, things like that”. This description was immediately followed by

257 another girl stating “becoming a tomboy”. In this discussion, it was a combination of playing football with boys, spending time sitting with boys at school and wearing boys’ clothes that earned the designation of tomboy.

As the girls get older, it is no longer acceptable for them to act as tomboys and they are expected to grow into femininity by returning to the domestic sphere and training to be future wives and mothers (Arnett, 1995). If the girls continue to act and look the same way and do not become domesticated, they are given the label lesbian. This label is described in more detail in the following section.

8.2.3.2 Lesbian label

It is a common belief that females who play male dominated sports are or become lesbians (Cox & Thompson, 2001; Cahn, 1993, 1994). This is prevalent in South Africa where people equate women playing football with being, or becoming lesbian (Haugaa Engh, 2010a). Although not all encompassing, the suspicion is widespread. In the community questionnaires, 16.9% (n=28) respondents commented that they thought the females that play football were lesbians. Six of the significant others agreed with this association, while five players and one mother recounted examples of when other people declared that female football players were lesbians.

In addition to the quotes above linking the clothing that girls wear to being lesbian, playing football can lead to the association that the player is a lesbian. Parents are concerned that their daughter will not get married and the family will be stigmatised for deviating from social norms of heterosexuality. Lindiwe’s mother was angry at first when her daughter first told her she was going to play football. She said, “I was just thinking that she’s going to be a lesbian”. Anisha explains her situation: “And outside people are teasing me, they say I’m a lesbian because I love football. Always I’m with boys talking about football”. “My father thought that I was going to be a lesbian when I played soccer” said Azariah in a group interview. In response, Azariah replied, “It’s not like that, nothing is, everything is not for boys, anybody can play soccer”.

All of these examples demonstrate a common perception linking playing the traditional male sport of football in South Africa to portraying more masculine characteristics associated with being a lesbian. These were all negative comments coupled with remarks that becoming lesbians due to football participation was something that would deter parents from allowing their daughters to participate. Family members feared being rejected or stigmatised in the community for having a homosexual in their family. Parents may be blamed for poor parenting and their inability to socialise their daughters into the prescribed social norms. These 258 suspicions and negative comments reinforce the sport space as reserved for people with specific characteristics corresponding to the hegemonic norm of sport and sexuality.

Jamila’s mother described the reaction of her in-laws and other people when they found out that Jamila was playing football: Because there was not women’s soccer before and if people hear my daughter is playing soccer, they think that she wants to be a man or she wants to be the opposite sex. It’s like that. ... A lot of people, they don’t want to acknowledge and they think, they are going to say my child is a lesbian, but it’s not like that. It’s just that, it’s the sport that that child maybe likes or enjoys.

This example makes the correlation between women’s football and masculinity apparent. The belief is that since football is considered a man’s sport, when women participate, they want to be a man and therefore want to have relationships with other women as men do. This association creates stigma and suspicion that can be connected to the whole family or household. Jamila’s mother, like Azariah above, denies this connection and is adamant that women playing football does not automatically make them a lesbian.

The label of football players as lesbians connects the close relationships and camaraderie within a female football team to the imitation of male football players by the individuals. When those two aspects are combined the image is that the girls begin to date each other, with some girls remaining more feminine and others assuming the masculine role in the relationship. Although playing football does not cause someone to become a lesbian, there are lesbians that play football. Section 8.3 examines how different team environments encourage, welcome, or stigmatise the practice of homosexuality on their teams.

8.3 Sexuality in the contexts of two locations

There are many factors that influence the support for alternative sexualities (non-heterosexual) or the creation and maintenance of an environment that is welcome and open to people regardless of their sexual orientation. The influence of coach perceptions, team reflections and overall environmental context in the two locations of this study were evident in their divergent perspectives towards lesbians and bisexual women in football.

The following discussion highlights the differences between the selected locations based on two previous studies. In one study by Mennesson and Clément (2003), there was a welcoming atmosphere towards alternative sexualities, which welcomed and at times encouraged an atmosphere of experimentation and openness, labelled as homosocial. On the other hand, the study by Ezzell (2009) found that the female rugby players acknowledged that there were lesbians that had been on their team previously and on other teams. However, the interviewees 259 emphasised that there were no current lesbians on their team and their team was all very feminine. This behaviour was labelled as ‘defensive othering’ (Ezzell, 2009). This section demonstrates the similarities between the Johannesburg location and homosociability and the Cape Town teams and defensive othering.

8.3.1 Homosociability

In the football team researched by Mennesson and Clément (2003), it was found that the team created networks and relationships that felt like a second family. Within the closeness of the team, a variety of sexual orientations and practices were accepted, which provided a safe space for individuals that experienced rejection and discrimination in other areas of their life. The team provided a space and collection of relationships that were open for individuals who were questioning their sexuality to have freedom to experiment; this environment was termed ‘homosocial’ (Mennesson & Clément, 2003). Within these teams, there was a collection of affirmative relationships that were accepting towards individuals who related with a position of otherness in non-heterosexual expressions.

This was a very similar situation to the club in Johannesburg in this study, which started from the coach and permeated throughout the team. In the interviews conducted in this location four of the eleven players from this location (three of the five players on his team) identified as lesbians, with one of those identifying as bi-sexual. The team was open to a variety of sexualities, both on their team and in the community in general.

The head coach from Johannesburg voiced his support for national LGBT organisations: I support this lesbian organisation, Chosen Few, which is a lesbian and gay organisation. ... I support them and I always speak about it. I raise my voice about it. People should not discriminate [against] lesbians or gays because everyone has the right of choosing his or her own life, gender equality comes first.

Political ideologies and concepts of equality and democracy are evident in this narrative that argues for individual choice and gender equality that are integrated in the current global and national discourse. Yet, this individual perspective is counter-intuitive to the traditional collective heterosexual consciousness that is still dominant in the black townships of this study.

The male coach’s support of other lesbian groups in South Africa extended to players on his own team, of whom he estimated 80-100% were lesbians. He said, “I don’t have a problem with their lesbianity (sic), but their behaviour”. The coach was referring to his concern about the behaviours of some of the lesbians on his team who “want to live the lifestyle, they want to live more like boys, they smoke” and party and sleep late. This is bringing the team and the game of football down in his opinion. It is not the sexuality and choice of partners that was the 260 concern for the coach, but the imitation of male behaviour and lifestyle by smoking, partying and sleeping late, rather than the discipline and respect for the athletic body as football players should have. This lack of discipline can spill over into the team setting and challenge the authority of the male coach.

The coach’s views were reflected by the players in their discussions about the acceptability or acknowledgement of being lesbians. In Johannesburg, Vuyelwa said that it is not an issue when people say she might become a lesbian because she plays football. She continued: It’s not, because we do have lesbians in my team and I used to date a girl. I used to date girls actually. I was, I think I was bi, yeah I was bi-sexual. So dating girls as a soccer player, I don’t see it’s a problem. We don’t see any problem about it. Yeah. I think, as soccer players, soccer girls we do promote lesbians and we don’t have any problem with that.

Vuyelwa acknowledged her own sexuality in an open and non-threatened manner. She explained how there was no problem with a variety of sexualities on the team and that lesbians were even promoted as an acceptable choice of sexuality. This is reflective of the comments by the coach in supporting gay and lesbian organisations.

8.3.2 Defensive othering

The other end of possible reactions and behaviours relating to team sexualities is a recognition that the stereotype is common, but it is not something that occurs on that team. Ezzell (2009) found this in research conducted with female rugby players in the USA, a sport in which players are often referred to as ‘lesbians’, ‘dykes’, ‘butch’ and ‘he-shes’. On the team studied, individuals would acknowledge that they were aware of these stereotypes and would state that women on other teams fit those descriptions, but there was an insistence on the femininity of the women on their team (Ezzell, 2009).

This situation was evident in Cape Town, in a similar trend to Johannesburg, where the opinion of the coach was strongly influential in the team environment. The head coach from Cape Town was not in favour of the players on his team demonstrating homosexuality. In a conversation with the interviewer he stated: I - And in terms of how other people say that there’s a stereotype that all female soccer players are lesbians? Coach - Yeah, there’s that but ... it doesn’t happen here. There’s some clubs where I know that 90% of the players are lesbians, but I put it straight from their childhood that I don’t accept it. Okay. Because to me, I don’t want people to say, I won’t take my child to that team, because when the child is there, they tend to be something else. So if it does happen in my club, I don’t know about it. And I’m sure I’ll never know about it. Because it’s in the rules that I don’t accept it.

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He went on to say that the rules he was referring to are not written, but conveyed by word of mouth. None of the girls that played on his team or on the junior team in the same club identified as lesbians. They could have been hiding their sexuality as he implied would be necessary, though this was not investigated as part of this research. In this discussion he re- affirms the statements made earlier regarding the accusations that female football players become lesbians and this would be a disincentive for parents to allow their daughters to participate.

The coach goes on to say, Women’s soccer, some kids they interpret wrongly, they think it’s better when you look like a boy or somehow behave like a boy, but in my club, I just chase them away when they start to do that because I tell them, you are just women playing sport. There’s no reason why you just have to change gender.

The implication in this quote is that because girls are playing a sport traditionally for boys, they will start to behave like boys, to the extent of likewise being attracted to women, as boys are, similar to the issues raised by Jamila’s mother. Although the coach is deconstructing the reason why lesbianism is undesirable on his team and undesirable for the parents, he is keeping the team closed for women who chose to behave in this manner and reinforcing homophobia and discrimination based on sexuality.

The players in Cape Town reflected the views of the coach, as the players explained how they enjoyed demonstrating their femininity. Ayanda and Lulama described an incident when they were travelling home on the train from a practice session: Even when we are going home ... we used to talk on the train, oh the training today was nice, we trained well. And the people on the train, ‘Say are you guys playing football?’ I say ‘Yes’, they gonna say, ‘You!?! You guys look like girls, I don’t think you can do better on the field.’ They going to talk something stuff. But if they can meet a lesbian who’s wearing [clothing] like men, they going to say, ‘Yo! This girl is good in football.’ They just judge who you are.

This discussion highlighted that the people on the train found it difficult to believe that feminine looking women would be competent as football players. The judgement is based on the appearance of the women rather than their abilities on the field, reinforcing the dominant stereotypes surrounding female football players. This stereotype is that feminine looking women will only be able to play in a feminine, weak, incapable manner, which is opposite of the strength, skill and speed required to succeed in football.

In the same interview, Ayanda continued the comparison but this time it was with other teams in the region. She stated: Because some of the people, they dress like men, although they are girls. So if you can see in our team, there’s no like tomboys, we are all girls. If you can see other

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teams, you are going to see lot of butch, tomboys, lesbians, yeah. In our team we are girls.

The way Ayanda speaks mirrors the words of her coach in that their team will not be a place for lesbians. This behaviour is considered unacceptable within the team, where the dominant culture of rejecting lesbians is taken for granted despite the prevalence of lesbians on other teams. Ayanda confirms the stereotypes discussed previously that associates dressing like men, to being a tomboy and a lesbian.

The girls on the team aim to promote an image that girls can be feminine and succeed in football. The emphasis on femininity can be taken to the extreme, as was the case with the South African national team Banyana Banyana in 2005 when the women’s Chairperson, Ria Ledwaba suggested the team look more feminine by playing in skirts and attend beautification classes (Haugaa Engh, 2010a; Neidhardt, 2005). Haugaa Engh (2010a) discussed how the women in her study would emphasise their femininity off the pitch by wearing dresses, make-up and jewellery to assert their heterosexuality. The case is similar here, where the players promote looking like girls by wearing dresses or other female appropriate clothing compared to dressing like men. This approach can have a number of interpretations. On one hand it reinforces the closure of space and homophobia present in sport overall and towards lesbian women in South Africa in particular. On the other hand, it challenges the stereotypes of South African women’s football by presenting an alternative image of talented female players.

Although there were no known lesbians in the Cape Town location, there were four players in Johannesburg that were openly known to be lesbian, in at least one setting (e.g. at home or in the football team). Three of the cases are explored in the following section, 8.4.

8.4 Lesbianism

Section 8.3 above described the two different environments that are either supportive and open, or closed and fearful of non-heterosexual players. As mentioned in the section on homosociability (8.3.1, page 260), four of the participants of the study from Johannesburg were open about being bi-sexual or lesbians. This section provides short narratives of two of their stories, followed by the responses by their family members and significant others to their sexual orientation. A third case is included in the family members section that is not described by the player herself.

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8.4.1 Player’s perspectives and stories

Two narratives are presented in this section, that of Duduzile and Vuyelwa. The other players who identified as non-heterosexual did not expand on their sexual orientation and therefore their stories are not very rich or detailed. The brief responses from their family members are furthermore discussed in the following section, 8.4.2. Duduzile was much more reserved about her sexuality than Vuyelwa, however they both provided a short account of their perspectives.

Duduzile Duduzile was straight forward and to the point as she described how she is dating someone on the team. This does not affect the team, she explained: If we have problems, we don’t have to show people in the field of play that we have problems, it’s none of their business. We have to keep our problems outside and play in the field of play.

This coincided with the overall attitude on the team, what happens on the field and outside of the field are two different things: “We don’t mix business with pleasure”. If there are problems in the relationship they must be kept separate from the team and not affect relationships or performance in the football pitch. This means that although the rest of the team may know about the relationship, it should not affect team dynamics during practices or games.

The only current challenge Dudu has is that since she is living in Pretoria at the High Performance Centre (HPC), she is far from her girlfriend, which makes it difficult. However, they trust each other and are not worried that something will happen to jeopardise their relationship such as cheating. The relationship is built on trust and mutual respect rather than possession and control.

Dudu supported her choice of sexuality by comparing herself to the common problems of teenage pregnancy, crime and unemployment. This alternative lifestyle is relatively more acceptable compared to other social ills that can result from poor decisions and behaviours. This is my life that I’m living. You see most of the teenagers are pregnant and stuff and they steal and they don’t work. So I’m running away from those things and keeping myself involved with the things that I love and living the life that I want to live.

Being involved in football is keeping her away from the troubles and dangers of the streets, as discussed in section 6.3.1 (see page 168). Additionally, being involved with other girls keeps her free from becoming pregnant. Men and boys can discourage football participants and ask that their girlfriends quit football. Dudu avoids this conflict by dating someone who is equally passionate and committed to the sport she loves. She is choosing an alternative lifestyle from

264 other girls her age by purposely avoiding motherhood and focusing on the potential of a sporting career.

Girls such as Duduzile observe the vulnerability women experience in the context of poverty in the South African townships, with many single mothers, abuse against women and absent fathers. There is a lack of positive male role models and men taking responsibility for their children. Choosing a life without a male partner is a form of social control away from sexual dominance and exploitation in a setting with limited options to become free from male control or responsibilities of motherhood. Becoming a lesbian is one selection that breaks the bond of dependence on men to rely on the comforts of other women.

Vuyelwa Vuyelwa’s bisexuality was revealed in section 8.3.1, as she acknowledged that there were lesbians on her team and that she used to date a girl and would consider herself bisexual. She did not see soccer girls dating each other as a problem. She went on to describe how it was nice to date other girls and that at that time she had a girlfriend on the team. Her situation became more complicated as she had a boyfriend at the same time. She described the conflict: Yeah, I’m cheating and [the boyfriend] doesn’t know about [the girlfriend], but [the girlfriend] knows that I’m cheating on her. Because I started dating [the girlfriend] before [the boyfriend] so I told her that, you know that I’m bi, right? Even though, I think it’s too hard for her. Because I told her that we should cut the strings, close the chapter. But she refused. She told me that ‘I love you, even though you cheated, as long as you give me attention and give me time.’ I know that it’s hurting, but she won’t show. She won’t show because she knows that I’m cheating on her. She knows that I’m cheating to her with [him].

Relationships are often complicated and this is still the case in non-heterosexual relationships, as demonstrated in this narrative. Vuyelwa is completely open with her girlfriend, however, her boyfriend does not know that she is a lesbian and currently has a girlfriend. She shows empathy for her girlfriend in acknowledging her pain for being cheated on, but since there is still love, there is a bond of commitment.

Since Vuyelwa considers herself bisexual she can move between the two social worlds of being a girlfriend to a man and accepted in society as a typical feminine woman, while simultaneously feeling comfortable within the football setting and in safe spaces within the community to be involved with another woman, who considered herself like a man. As Vuyelwa is considered the relatively more feminine partner in both of her relationships, she can move more freely between the two contexts and choose which one to associate with depending on the external circumstances. This is in contrast to Duduzile who acknowledges that she feels like a man, dresses like a man and experiences attraction to other women like a man.

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Vuyelwa is a devoted Christian and although most of the time the team’s games were on Sunday’s she attended church and religious retreats as often as possible. When she was asked if her sexuality conflicts with her religious beliefs she responded in the following manner: V - Oh! It’s against my church! It’s against it. C - So how do you balance those two things? V - I don’t know how I balance but I do balance it. I don’t know how. But they don’t know anything in my church. One thing to know. Because I don’t really want to preach, preach, you know this is wrong and it’s against the bible and something like that. And I’m a soccer player, I don’t see anything wrong about it. That’s how actually I think we live as soccer girls.

There is a conflict between her religious beliefs and her practical life experiences in terms of sexuality. She acknowledges that the church is against non-heterosexuality and they do not know that she is bi-sexual, while at the same time she believes there is nothing wrong with her beliefs. This reveals the complex and potentially contradictory social worlds that players can straddle simultaneously.

These two cases are different yet similar and reveal the complexity and diversity of individuals and relationships within a football team. The next section provides the accounts from the family perspectives of their reactions to finding out or understanding the player’s sexuality.

8.4.2 Family responses and the role of social agents

A variety of responses are possible from family members. In this study, the brothers and sisters seemed to be the most accepting and served to form a bridge of understanding and acceptability to older generation family members. The mothers found it the most difficult to understand why their daughters were making this choice, especially from a religious point of view, as it was seen as a rejection of their traditions and themselves as mothers and females. While the fathers were generally absent or did not discuss the issue.

Azariah As discussed in section 8.2.2 (page 250), Azariah’s brother and sister suspected that she was a lesbian based on the clothing she wore. They had recently confronted her about her sexuality at the time when the interviews took place and Azariah acknowledged that she was a lesbian. Her mother recounted: “I think she’s a lesbian. ... I was worried. ... [I talked to her about it] this Sunday. She said, ‘Yes, I’m a lesbian, what do you want?’”. The mother went on to describe her reaction: On Monday I was not happy. I was depressed and what can you call it, depression and something. So I phoned her sister. She said, ‘No we must leave her like that. I see before, but don’t worry. If she’s a lesbian, she’s a lesbian. Just leave her like that’.

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Although Azariah’s mother was depressed and upset at first when she found out that her daughter was a lesbian, she consulted her older daughter, who encouraged her to not worry about it and just leave Azariah alone.

The reaction of Azariah’s brother helped to support his mother and sister. He said, People were talking, you know. ... My sister is a lesbian. I said, yeah, she’s fine. You see. It’s her choice. Yeah. So it didn’t matter to me. If she plays soccer or boxing or wrestling.

People in the community were questioning Azariah’s sexuality, but her brother defended her, saying that it is her choice and it does not matter which sport she plays. He did not feel directly threatened as Azariah would not be viewed as competition for his girlfriends and it was not his responsibility to be her role model.

Duduzile Duduzile’s aunt was worried when she found out that Dudu was wearing boy’s clothes and even boy’s underwear. Her brother/cousin recounts the discussion between himself and his mother: She [mother] was like, she’s [Dudu’s] always wearing trousers and she’s wearing boy’s underwear, so she [mother] was asking us, what’s going on with this girl? And I told her, ‘They are normal. They are lesbians. There are gays.’ ... She wanted to understand what gays are. Then we told her that lesbians are girls who always want to be boys, who have, these emotions, boy’s emotions, then gays are boys who always trying to be in a girl way. Now she understands. Then one day she [mother] sat down with her [Dudu] and she told her, ‘If you are a lesbian I’m asking you to do one thing for me. Just be you. Be a boy if you want to be a boy’.

Although some of the descriptions Dudu’s brother gives to his mother about lesbians are not necessarily accurate, it was the way to illustrate his sister to his mother in a way that she could understand and repeated in a similar way by Dudu herself. This description is a simple way of understanding and describing what is seen as the essential difference between homosexuals and heterosexuals, their emotional attraction to the same rather than the opposite sex. At the end of the quote, Dudu’s aunt asks Dudu to be herself, this may appear to be total acceptance of Dudu’s choice of sexuality, yet there is an impression of resignation that the aunt does not have an alternative option but to accept the decision of her headstrong niece.

Her aunt accepted this description and had a discussion with Dudu that Dudu should be herself. Her aunt described their conversation: So I have to sit with Dudu, ‘What’s wrong with you?’ And so she can talk to me, ‘I’m a lesbian.’ ‘What’s a lesbian?’ ‘I’m just like a boy.’ ‘Oh! From when?’ ‘From long time.’ ‘Can you change it to become a girl as if you were a girl?’ ‘No, it cannot happen.’

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When Dudu’s aunt discussed the situation and reason why Dudu was always dressing like a man, Dudu told her about her sexuality and that she was not able to change. Dudu’s aunt was not happy, she said, “I felt so bad. Because I know Dudu is a girl. ... I was not very happy. ... Now, I’m okay, because it’s her own choice, it’s not mine”. There is a mental challenge with the biological division between men and women and the social constructs of masculine and feminine. Knowing the Dudu is biologically a female is contradictory and therefore upsetting to the social construct Dudu chooses to associate with. Although Dudu’s aunt was not happy with Dudu’s decision, she allowed it as it was not her choice but Dudu’s. The aunt went on to say that although she would tolerate Dudu’s choice, she would not allow her to have sleepovers with girls, where she spent the night at other girls’ houses or they spent the night at her house. Dudu respected that decision. Within the process of socialisation there is recognition of individual agency and choice of the individual to decide what actions to follow and which to reject (Bandura & Bussey, 2004).

Part of the reason for Dudu’s aunt to have reservations about the situation, was that she was a devout Christian and homosexuality conflicts with her religious beliefs. She described her thoughts: M - For me, because I’m a church goer, on my side I don’t think it’s right. A woman must stay as a woman and boys they must stay as boys. C - Do you think that it’s possible for girls that play soccer to stay like women? M - I can’t say that because they have their own choices.

Although in her brother’s account, Dudu’s aunt was accepting of her decision to be a ‘boy’, she still personally did not think this change of sexuality is right according to her religion. According to Christianity, homosexual relations are considered sinful and disobedient to the created order of God. Women and men are supposed to remain the way they were created, being attracted to and entering relationships with members of the opposite sex in order for natural, biological propagation to occur.

However, she conceded that everyone has the ability to make their own choices. Dudu said that her family did not say anything to her about being a lesbian, that they recognised that it was her life that she was living and “as long as I’m still having that respect for my family then it’s okay”. Since everyone can make their own choices, Dudu’s family has left her to choose her own sexuality. Because she continues to treat them with respect they are accepting of her choice.

Vuyelwa Vuyelwa stated that her mother and cousin/sisters and brothers knew about her dating a girl. When they found out, she said, “They didn’t say anything. I think they were speechless and surprised that I’m a lesbian”. Her father does not know and she was very animated about the 268 prospect of him finding out: “OH!!!! He would freak out! He would freak out. He’s very strict. Because he doesn’t even know that I’m dating guys”. From her perspective, she believes her father would think she is too young to be getting involved in romantic relationships with boys or girls and he would not accept her choice of having both a girlfriend and a boyfriend. During the interviews with Vuyelwa’s mother and sister/cousin, neither of them mentioned her sexuality, even when given the opportunity. Her mother only talked about her boyfriend and the importance of using condoms to avoid HIV and pregnancy.

The player’s significant others’ narratives reveal the variety of responses, emotions and perceptions towards non-heterosexual female football players and how an individual, such as Duduzile’s aunt can alter their understandings with time. The next section continues to examine changing perceptions towards female footballers and possible reasons for the changes.

8.5 Changing perceptions

Despite the common stereotypes and characteristic descriptions of female footballers as tomboys and lesbians, there is a notable shift in the perceptions and portrayal of women’s sport and female athletes internationally as well as in South Africa. There are numerous potential and interrelated reasons for this shift, three of which are discussed in this section: i) overall societal perceptions of women as equally capable to be in powerful governmental and business positions; ii) increased media coverage; and iii) personal exposure to talented female players that demonstrate their proficiency in skill and success on the field of play.

A cyclical process between successful teams and increased budget and sponsorship for women’s sport produces new perceptions regarding female football players. Section 8.5.2 discusses three categories of perceptions: i) player abilities, ii) future opportunities; and iii) football and femininities. These structural changes are associated with the Bill of Rights and political leadership advocating for gender equity.

8.5.1 Reasons for change

The players and significant others in this study were confident that there is a shift in perceptions occurring regarding women’s football. Despite acknowledging that some people still had traditional mind-sets and views of female footballers, there were other individuals that were changing the way they viewed the capabilities of women both on and off the field. Three main spheres that contribute to the changing perceptions of female footballers are: i) increased equity in society, ii) personal exposure to talented female footballers and iii) increased media coverage of national and international games and tournaments. 269

Overall society It was common for the mothers of the participants in this study to discuss the differences between the opportunities regarding football when they were younger compared to the present. Many attributed this difference to changes in society overall, in which women are now viewed as stronger and more capable to be in positions of power than previously and that women can do anything that men can do. The following quotes illustrate these perceptions. Now everybody, you can do what you want to do. Vuyelwa’s mother

At least now, these days or these years. We can say that every person, I’m breathing, like you and I have a plan like you, then I can get strong muscles like you, nothing is different. Lulama’s father

I think maybe they can see there’s nothing for men. ... Even a woman can do it. Azariah’s mother

I thought that many people, when they said that football was for boys only and then I started to believe that nothing was for boys only, anyone can play it. So that’s why I started. Hlengiwe

These quotes illustrate how perceptions about the abilities of women have changed in society overall. There is nothing that is considered for men only; everyone can participate in any activity. Everyone is free to develop muscles and look strong, or play any sport. This creates a more open and free environment to participate in football.

As the SAFA Western Cape Women’s Chair described: It’s no more a secret, girls want to tell everybody that they are playing football. That’s what I observe and in the past it used to be certain girls that played football, today it’s more open, it’s free, the girls are free to talk about it and they are proud to talk about it.

Since the girls are not ashamed of playing football and they feel that they are not restricted in their participation. They are provided with more opportunities and they are encountering a greater level of acceptance within the school and community regarding their participation. Female footballers are more diverse, making a wider demographic of women feel welcome to participate. They are proud and talk unreservedly about their participation and experiences. This in turn will inspire other girls to participate and ideally change perceptions in society overall.

Lindiwe’s father discussed the change in society at length, in the way that the South African context is more equal, although more change is required:

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Things have changed now. ... We’re equal now. ... I’m not saying we are equal in terms of strength, we are not equal in that. ... We need to promote that culture of listen, when we say women, we are equal to women we are meaning in terms of work qualifications ... we need to respect the woman. We need to respect the women’s idea. Sometimes a woman can come with a great idea. Just because it’s a woman, we’ll ignore that idea, only to find that idea is one of the greatest. ... You mustn’t say, it will fail, without trying it.

The father is acknowledging that men and women are able to get the same qualifications and be equal in the workforce, which demands respect. This is not always occurring and men need to respect women’s ideas more. It is a problem in society when men ignore an idea just because it came from a woman. There may be some inspirational ideas that are being disregarded that carry great potential.

Encounters with talented female players A primary mode to change perceptions is personal experience that demonstrates an opposing view. When individuals witness talented women playing skilful football and succeeding, their perceptions are challenged (Brady & Banu Khan, 2002; Meier, 2005). Even more significant is when males play against females in practices or games and the females finish victorious. When girls are able to demonstrate that they are capable of playing at the same level of boys or men, they are making a case for equal access to facilities, resources and media coverage, which is in line with liberal feminism (Hargreaves, 2004). Personal experiences and shifts in resource allocations take processes of change one step further to alter the way people think about female football, which is associated with radical and critical feminisms (Birrell, 2000).

One of the coaches in Johannesburg commented on how community members changed their view of women’s football. They weren’t yet used to seeing girls playing football, so they just thought, ah, football is not for girls, it’s meant for boys. But when they saw them playing and when they saw how much they give a challenge to the boys, they started developing interest and some of them started to send their own girls to the team.

When the community members saw the girls playing against boys in the local LFA league and the success the girls were having, they changed from believing that football was not for girls, to sending their daughters to play as well.

In section 7.4.1 (pages 212-213) Lulama’s sister described how she enjoyed watching matches, particularly one match where the girls were beating their male teachers and the crowd was gathering. She went on to describe how witnessing the girls’ success is able to begin to change mind-sets about the girls’ abilities for the primarily male spectators. They have a mindset that this is a man’s game. Just goes to show, ... if a guy can do, so can a woman, even better. So yeah. It was quite a scene. ... so 271

they are getting some support from guys who have that mindset, even since they played that match where they played with the teachers so they would quite taken in by surprise. So they got to be fans through that match. They could see that these girls are capable of doing that so might as well give them the chance to change that mindset of them.

Lulama’s sister is saying that the mind-set that football is a man’s game can be changed as men and women come out to watch talented women play and see that the girls are capable of succeeding, particularly when they defeat men. In her argument she uses a liberal feminist argument that there can be equality between men and women, as well as a radical feminist argument whereby the fans were able to change their perspective of the capabilities of the girls. This scene was particularly telling as there were gender and power dynamics involved since the teachers are assumed to have superior power and abilities and should be able to beat the girls that they are instructing.

The female coach in Cape Town described how she had played in a tournament where their team was the only team mixed with girls. The other teams were mocking the fact that they had girls on their team, as this was perceived to be a negative characteristic and would be detrimental to the success of the team. This perception changed when the girls demonstrated that they could be aggressive and skilful during the match. After the game the opponents came up to the girls, “They all came to shake her [a teammate’s] hand and were like, ‘Yo! You are amazing!’” demonstrating how one encounter playing in the same pitch with talented female players can alter perspectives about the capabilities of women. The females were recognised as talented players, while their physical abilities were celebrated.

Increased media coverage Media coverage of women’s sports internationally remains disproportionately low compared to coverage of men’s sports (Messner, 2007). There has been an increase of coverage of women’s sports and a transformation of the type of coverage women’s sport is receiving. In the past articles on women’s sport focused on their heterosexuality, motherhood, vulnerability or personal life (Wensing & Bruce, 2003). Conversely, in the recent past there has been more neutral media coverage focused on the successes and abilities of women as athletes (Heywood & Dworkin, 2003; Ogunniyi & Burnett, 2012). This increased amount of media coverage with a focus on the successes of the teams has brought recognition to women’s sport and women’s football in South Africa in particular. The interviewees in this study discussed the positive effects of this media.

One coach in Cape Town described the increase of support from parents: I think the kids, they grow. Somehow they stand for themselves and somehow the parents, just turn around and supports. And others, they get changed by

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the performance of the club. Because it’s in the paper, the school is in the paper, so it’s nice to see their children doing something there.

When the team appears in the local media or it is just a photo of the team with their trophy, it creates excitement and support for the players as the parents realise their success. This success brings community recognition and pride in the achievements of the players. This fame in turn results in greater acceptance of the female footballers and more spectators come to support the girls at the fields and encourage the girls to continue their participation.

Other administrators agreed with the ability of media to increase interest: Since the World Cup and the exposure, the TV has played a role in terms of marketing and you see the kids now they are more interested. Cape Town LFA Chair

But now, with the World Cup that was televised live and now the African Women’s Championships, I believe it’s more awareness amongst the people. People are starting to take women’s football a little bit serious, with Sasol and Absa that came on board, that was the best thing that could have happened to women’s football. SAFA Western Cape Women’s Chair

In 2010 after the men’s World Cup hosted by South Africa, there were three major women’s tournaments that received television and newspaper coverage – the U-17 Women’s World Cup (South Africa’s first appearance), the U-20 Women’s World Cup and the African Women’s Championships (hosted in Johannesburg). Through this coverage, women’s football was promoted, more women became interested in participating, and general community members saw that this could be considered a serious sport that should be supported.

There is a cyclical effect between success of teams, media coverage and increased budget and sponsorships. As local and national women’s teams succeed they receive increased support since people like to support a winning team. This leads to more media coverage as media houses prefer to cover successful teams. The high profile of the teams encourages individuals to lobby for more resource allocation and government officials make adjustments to budgetary allocations. To complete the circle, as female teams get taken seriously by media and government officials they tend to become more successful as they are encouraged to participate whole heartedly. The increased resource allocations means that they are able to prepare more thoroughly for competitions using better equipment, having longer training camps and employing more staff with various expertise. This can be seen through the Sasol sponsorship of the South African senior women’s team, which provided for longer training camps, more international tournaments and matches and led to their first Olympic qualification to attend the 2012 London Olympics (Moleme, 2012b).

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Some questions in the questionnaires conducted in the communities focused on individual media consumption of women’s football. It found that 77.5% (n=131) of the respondents had watched the African Women’s Championships. Most of these viewers found out about the tournament through television (72.9%, n=94), while the second most common mode of marketing was through the newspaper (32.6%, n=42) (multiple responses were possible). Many of the respondents had watched the Women’s World Cup tournaments on television. The U-17 Women’s World Cup was the most popular as 53.1% (n=51) respondents watched. The U-20 was the next most watched tournament with 36 viewers (37.5%), the senior Women’s World Cup that occurred in 2007 was viewed by 14 individuals (14.6%), while 26 respondents (27.1%) watched other women’s tournaments, including national tournaments and international friendly games. Through watching these tournaments and the talented women 40% of the questionnaire respondents recorded that their thoughts about women’s football changed. Descriptions of their changes included: improved skills, became interested, amazement, and better than expected, pride, inspired, demonstrated strength, the women are better than boys and it is not a man’s sport anymore. Some of these categories are explored in the subsequent section, 8.5.2, on the new perceptions of women’s football.

8.5.2 Changing perceptions

As described from the responses to the questionnaires, through exposure to women’s football personally and in the media, perceptions of women’s football are shifting. Three aspects of these changes are examined in this section: i) player abilities; ii) international professionalisation of women’s football; and iii) female footballer femininity.

Player abilities Since it was traditionally considered that football was a sport for men, it was thus assumed that women were incapable of playing. However, as the national South African women’s team continues to outperform the national men’s team and many schools have teams where the girls’ teams are more successful than their boys’ teams, this perception is shifting. The improved skill level of the players was the most common change in perception recorded in the questionnaires (41.8%, n=28). This was associated with 9% (n=6) who believed that the women are better than the boys and 4.5% (n=3) who thought that the girls are stronger now. The perception is that the male and female teams are more equal now, as it is difficult to distinguish between male and female players due to the equal skill levels.

The Chair of SAFA Western Cape was adamant that there has been a change in people’s minds about the capability of women to play football:

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Well I can tell you now, a lot of people’s minds have changed completely. I think that has changed completely. I talk to a lot of people as well. Gone are the days where you only think of men to play football, gone are those days. People are saying, no I think there are some women that can play much better than the men.

According to this Chair, football is not restricted for men any longer. Instead, he stated that some women even play better than the men. This is a shift he found from talking to people in the community. The women are becoming judged by their ability rather than their gender, as football players rather than sexual objects that play football.

Lulama’s sister agrees that women have to prove that they are capable and demonstrate that the women are “even doing it better than they [the men] are doing it”. At times the women have to establish that they are more skilled than the men to get noticed and recognised for their skills.

Associated with the skill level of the female players, they have demonstrated that they can be strong and wise in their tactical skills. Yoliswa’s father commented about his surprise of the strength of the women: When I watch, they play like the boys, even though they are girls. They are strong, the boys are strong. They become stronger when they play with boys. I expected that the ladies would fall when there was body contact, but even them, they don’t fall. The coach just gives them tactics.

This father is making a reference to watching his daughter play against boys’ teams where he was expecting the boys to dominate with their strength and the girls to fall over with physical contact from the boys. When the girls did not fall over, he was supportive of the increased strength gained from playing with the boys. The girls were no longer playing as girls were expected to play, without strength or skill, but now exhibited skills equal to the boys.

The Cape Town coach commented at the skill level and tactics of the girls when they play against the boys in the LFA. The girls, I’m not sure if they are lucky to get good coaches, but it’s very attractive. You can see it’s very tactical. Look now, they are still winning and it’s only nine girls. ... I’m telling you. You watch it once, you’ll watch it every time.

Although it did seem like the coach was complimenting himself in the quote above, he was also complimenting the playing style of the girls, which was attractive and tactical. He stated that watching the women is addictive and once people watch it once, they will continue to want to watch future games.

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Since women are traditionally viewed as weak with their place in the private, domestic sphere, this perception of strength can alter viewpoints on women’s strength and wisdom or decision- making abilities in other areas of society.

International professionalisation of women’s football Women’s football has generally been understood as purely for recreational purposes with negligible future or long term opportunities, including professional positions. However, internationally there are a handful of professional women’s leagues, as well as a competitive college league in the United States that offers scholarships for international students. Two of the current South African senior women’s team members are studying on football scholarships in the USA, while other women are using their football skills with scholarships to South African universities. In addition, there are three FIFA sanctioned women’s World Cups that provide increased opportunities for female coaches, referees and administrators. As discussed in section 6.3.3 (page 179), these scholarship opportunities can provide the prospect of a future removed from the context of poverty for the player and their family.

The Chair of SAFA Western Cape highlighted this change in opportunities: In the past you never heard about a women’s football lady, going overseas, having the opportunity to go overseas. It happens nowadays!

Although there might have been female players in the past that went to play football internationally, they were very few and unknown. Now, there are some South African women who have succeeded to play professionally or semi-professionally in European leagues or at universities in the USA.

Football feminine The start of this chapter explicated the stereotypes around women’s football; most specifically women who play football becoming masculine in the way that they look, walk, talk, act and the clothes that they wear. However, as highlighted in the section on defensive othering (8.3.2, page 261), there is a contingent of female football players, coaches and administrators that are promoting the opposite potential of football that can be feminine and skilful.

The Chair of the Women’s Committee for SAFA Western Cape made the following statement: It’s like we all know about the moment girls play football, then people start calling them all kinds of names, they perceive that if you are playing women’s football then you are something else. It’s not always the case. As you can see here, there’s quite a few of them that are quite feminine. People think football is for boys and it’s not for boys. It’s a free country that we are living in and you can chose the sport that you want to play because we are a democratic country.

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The names and perceptions listed in section 8.2.2 (page 250) is what the Chair is referring to in this quote, especially that women playing football are no longer real women. However, she challenges this perception by stating that there are feminine females playing football as well. This links to the understanding that it is no longer just boys, or girls who have appearances and behaviours like boys, that can play football, but feminine girls can play as well. There is a political context of democracy within this quote that the Chair is arguing means everyone has equal opportunities to participate in the sport of their choice regardless of community perceptions or stereotypes. Sport should be a free space for everyone to participate.

The SAFA National Women’s Committee Chair shared similar sentiments: I said to people, you know at times people have this perception that when a women plays football they then tend to lose their femininity and they become something else. For me, women’s football is about celebrating being feminine yet enjoying doing what men can do, because it really makes me very happy to see a young sexy girl kicking like Renaldo, you know, because it says to me, whoever I am I can be able to do anything.

Women who play football do not need to compromise their femininity, they can still be sexy and kick a ball with strength and precision as Renaldo does. Although this quote and interview supported equality for men and women in terms of sport participation and administration, there is a reflection of the previously dominant image in the media requiring women to be sexual objects in order to gain the attention of the male gaze (Heywood & Dworkin, 2003). It is still a careful balancing act to be able to find equilibrium between beauty and strength. The Chair argues that women are capable of succeeding in any role or position, which aligns with the South African constitution assertion of equality for all. Caution does need to be heeded in terms of emphasising femininity and ensuring that a dominant, repressive femininity is not promoted, but an alternative, strong, capable femininity as described by the National Chair in the narrative above.

8.6 Chapter discussion

The main themes in this chapter centre on perceptions of female football players and their position in society. Often this position is counter-intuitive to cultural norms, which results in stereotypes, labels and at the extreme end of the spectrum, violence and abuse. The characteristics describing female footballers correspond with the entry and socialisation into the public sphere of sport and the community where sport is practiced and performed. Through the socialisation within that sphere, girls tend to change in gradual steps. The culmination of those steps in youth results in the tomboy label, while after puberty if the characteristics remain, the label carries more negative connotations of being a lesbian. Personal experiences, team relationships and family reactions form a complex web of understanding, conflict and

277 negotiation. The prominence of females in the public sphere pushes the boundaries of acceptability and there are gradual changes in perceptions regarding the abilities and potential opportunities for female football players.

This discussion follows three segments: i) reinforcement and resistance of gender norms; ii) sexuality and deviance; iii) gradual perception changes. Each segment relates the results examined in this chapter with previous literature.

8.6.1 Reinforcement and resistance of gender norms

Socialisation is a process that takes place both in the public and the private spheres. When girls enter the public sphere of sport, especially the male domain of football in South Africa, the process of socialisation into that sphere begins. There are multiple sources of socialisation as discussed in chapter seven. On the one hand, women are socialised through traditional viewpoints that women should remain in the domestic sphere and not interfere with men’s activities and spaces. In the contrary, liberal, participatory perspectives argue for open access to sport spaces and individual choices regarding sport and personal lifestyles.

The development discourse discussed in chapter six promotes sport participation for women in order to develop their self-efficacy, confidence, and assertiveness. However, it is these same characteristics that are perceived to be crossing gender and sexual norms. Utilizing a critical feminist lens, the ideological foundation of the traditional views surrounding female participation in football is understood as part of the patriarchal hegemonic masculinity that the majority of township residents adhere to, even if they do not realise it. This chapter reveals the stereotypes and negative connotations associated with females participating in football as promoted by hegemonic masculinity and the dominant heteronormative discourse that maintains power relations through producing and reproducing gender and sexual roles within families and communities (Tamale, 2011). The social ideals about masculinity and femininity are transmitted unto the sport scene (Bryson, 1994), whereby girls that participate in sports traditionally understood as masculine are imbued with masculine characteristics, through the way they walk, talk, the clothes they wear and their hairstyles.

Discussions from community and household members as well as peers reveal the ‘natural’ association between participating in a traditionally masculine sport to becoming associated with masculine characteristics that lead to labels such as tomboys and lesbians. This close association between performed gender in being labeled a tomboy and homosexuality confirms that sexuality is a social construct that makes it difficult for most people to differentiate between gender and sexuality (Lock, 2003). 278

There are two possible explanations for the reasons why girls tend to become more masculine as they participate in traditionally masculine sports. First of all, when girls begin to participate in football, they start to imitate their male role models from the television as well as their male peers in the community (Adriaanse & Crosswhite, 2008). They replicate the behaviours and appearances of these male role models choosing to wear boy’s clothes, walk and talk like the boys they are spending time with and choose not to wear make-up or have long hair that are typical feminine markers. This emulation is not forced upon the players who have agency and make choices regarding their style and behaviour (Coakley & Pike, 2009). Some aspects of the differences in their physical body may be less of a choice, as there are natural changes that occur during physical activity as muscles are formed and fat is reduced.

The second explanation is that as girls participate in physical activities, they gain self- awareness and confidence of their bodies, which leads them to act and walk more assertively (Jones-Palm & Palm, 2005). Assertive characteristics are more closely associated with masculine behaviours instead of feminine displays of weakness and submission. Through gaining this confidence the girls are willing to challenge traditional gender norms through their behaviours and actions (Meier & Saavedra, 2011), which can be threatening to men and other women.

The culmination of these observed changes creates a label and designation of the athletic girl as a tomboy, which can be accepted or rejected by the girls. This label is complex, negotiated, nuanced and flexible. Previous studies have found descriptions of tomboys to incorporate multiple characteristics, including those relevant to this study, namely: being physically active, having male friends and engaging in masculine activities (Paechter & Clark, 2007). Avoiding feminine markers such as hair ribbons and make-up and playing sports are other common characteristics (Adams et al., 2005). In the study by Jeanes (2005) association with football was a marker of masculinity, however, it was also used by the football players to move between having a tomboy and a ‘girly girl’ designation. Although playing football could be considered an indication of a tomboy, it was not the only characteristic that defined individuals who received the label. These characteristics were demonstrated in the sample of football players in this study.

Within South Africa, Haugaa Engh (2010a), found similar results; tomboy was a label worn with pride and defined as spending time with boys, enjoying football and not being ‘girly’ like other girls. This was acceptable behaviour as a child, but during puberty it was no longer acceptable and girls were encouraged to join more feminine sports, as Zoleka’s mother demonstrated when she ran to netball in order to halt the defeminisation transition. When individuals continue to 279 transgress social norms and partake in masculine identified activities beyond their youth, they earn a further title of homosexual or lesbian (Haugaa Engh, 2010a).

Critical feminism argues that sport can be a location to resist the dominant ideologies surrounding sport, gender and sexuality (Hall, 2002; Hargreaves, 2004). The club in Cape Town reinforces the hegemonic ideologies controlling women’s sexualities, while simultaneously resisting the dominant view that female footballers are lesbians. The changing awareness of women’s football occurring in the communities is leading to wider support, increased participation and greater awareness of women’s football at the local, national and international levels. This is a resistance to the dominant ideology that women cannot or should not play the masculine sport of football. Instead women can be talented players, seek professional careers in the sport, and be feminine at the same time.

8.6.2 Sexuality and deviance

Gender norms become particularly salient as boys and girls enter puberty and are expected to be in the training phase of preparation for the gender roles of adulthood. When girls continue to transgress the perceived natural gender order by continuing to participate in masculine sports, dress in men’s clothes, act and behave like men they are believed to be lesbians (Lock, 2003). Gender roles and sexuality have a close association as there is a hegemonic belief that sex, gender, sexual practice and sexual desire follow a natural biological order that is heterosexual (Butler, 1990). Since female football players contravene the hegemonic order of sport practice, it is assumed that they similarly violate the hegemonic sexual practices.

Contravening these natural gender and sexual binaries can provoke strong responses in the local community, when males begin to feel threatened that the lesbians will steal their women. Lesbians are given a label on non-authentic women (Lock, 2003) or pseudo-men (Cox & Thompson, 2001), which places them in a position of liminality incompatible with the hegemonic gender order. This places them in physical risk at times as community members enact street justice to control deviant behaviours that may be legally acceptable but not traditionally culturally acceptable.

In this study race intersects with sexuality in discourses around traditions in the black community that are promoted as conservative, patriarchal and religious (Bem, 1993; Bhana, 2012). The cultural expectations within some black South African townships stem from traditions in the rural areas as the majority of residents in the townships, or their parents, migrated from the rural areas. The traditions of patriarchy are culturally embedded as men try to assert their dominance in a context of poverty in which there is little economic security and financial 280 dominance is not guaranteed. In the predominantly black townships there is an increase of criminality related to poverty, unemployment and the desire to reinforce traditional norms is enacted through corrective rape and murder of lesbians, gays, transgendered or intersex individuals (Martin et al., 2009).

Identifying as a lesbian goes against the traditional values and stigmatises the whole family. The mother is perceived to have failed in her duties as a role model and takes the blame for this deviant behaviour. Having a daughter that chooses an alternative lifestyle is rejecting the mother’s influence and reflects poorly on the mother’s ability to train the girl to be a successful mother and wife. While the choice to be anti-male is reflective of the absent father figure and desire to move away from the context of female vulnerability and potential teenage pregnancy.

The critiques raised by queer theorists leads to the examination of sexuality in sport as variant and divergent. Thus the responses to these multifarious sexualities are similarly diverse. Nevertheless, some patterns emerged from the study. Within the football environment there are two main responses to homosexuality. The majority of players and all coaches discussed the presence of lesbians in football. The coaches that were inclusive created a homosocial environment that welcomed difference and promoted relationships of tolerance (Mennesson & Clément, 2003). This situation of close female relationships can lead to cliques and pressure within the team to conform to the homosocial norm, especially for young or new players. However, there is room for agency and choice to be heterosexual.

The second response is one of defensive othering through denial that there are lesbians in their team or club and the reinforcement of feminine characteristics to emphasise their heterosexuality in order to escape the potential stigmatism association with being labelled a lesbian (Ezzell, 2009). In Cape Town the fears of parents that sport and sexuality are intrinsically linked, served to reinforce the patterns of heterosexual socialisation in traditional norms through the dominance and power of the coach. The discrimination present on the team opposes open relationships that could provide opportunities for all players, regardless of their sexual expressions. On the other hand, as the team affirms heterosexuality in female football it counteracts the assumed homosexuality and to a degree is contesting the norms associated with the sport (Caudwell, 2006).

The power relationships within teams and the need to conform with the dominant ideologies of the coaches to remain in the teams was evident in the two locations as the perspectives of the coaches was closely imitated in the discussions and sexual identities present in each location. In Cape Town, the coach’s insistence on the heterosexuality of his players asserted his power on the team, maintaining the hegemonic power in the hands of men over women who may act 281 like men and possibly resist or defy his authority (Hall, 1996). The coach in Johannesburg referred to the potential challenges of the actions of some of his players that begin to act like men, through alcohol abuse, excessive partying and smoking. These behaviours are associated with aggression and power, which may threaten the authority of the coach, compromising the coherence of the team and the hegemonic order or male dominance. Despite the coach in Johannesburg being open to women who exhibit various genders and different sexualities, the player’s behaviours must be contained within a prescribed norm for a successful football player, that includes acceding to the authority of the coach.

At the individual level there was a complex intersection of religion, culture and personal choice revealing the conflict between personal agency versus collective choice. The two case studies of Vuyelwa and Duduzile highlighted the complexity of relationships, as well as the gradation of homosexuality. Duduzile was clear in her expression of being a lesbian, demonstrated through the clothes she chose to wear and her behaviours and emotions. Her family knew about her choice and respected it as long as she continued to respect their authority and live according to the rules of the household. Vuyelwa, on the other hand considered herself bisexual as she had both a girlfriend and a boyfriend at the time of the research. Her appearance was more feminine as she wore tight fitting clothes and hair extensions. Not all of her family knew about her sexuality, especially her father. She was still able to move between the two social worlds of being heterosexual and homosexual, depending on the context. As Lock (2003:406) describes, “sexuality is visible in appearance”. The physical appearances of Duduzile and Vuyelwa led to other people interpreting their sexuality, with Vuyelwa being able to negotiate her sexuality in different contexts, while Duduzile was consistently interpreted as being a lesbian.

Queer theory aims to deconstruct particular gay or lesbian identity creations in order to create and protect spaces open to non-normative sexual desires and practices (King, 2008). The examples of women identifying as lesbian and bisexual in this study support queer theory as they do not conform to a singular description of lesbian footballers. Duduzile may be labeled the archetypal lesbian who wears male clothing and maintains short hair. Conversely, Vuyelwa wears more feminine looking clothing, takes more time with her hair, at times wearing extensions and is not a visible non-heterosexual. If more feminine looking women became open about their non-heterosexuality, would it change the community perspective of lesbians? More research and time is needed to answer that question.

Within the responses from the family members there was a clear generational pattern, as the mothers were fearful of the sexuality of their daughters. Traditional norms are more entrenched in older generations of individuals and are closely linked to religion and sexual practices (Bem, 1993; Bhana, 2012). With regards to religion, homosexuality it is viewed as sinful and unholy, 282 going against the natural biological creation. The mothers are more reluctant to accept alternative sexualities as they are aware of the stigma attached to the association of having a lesbian in the family.

Conversely, the siblings were more accepting of the alternative sexuality choices of the players and acted as intermediaries to explain the situation and convince their mothers that it was acceptable. This is perhaps evidence of the younger generation being more tolerant of diversity, growing up in the post-apartheid era with more legal and cultural freedoms. Within the broader South African society diversity and equality is promoted through governmental policies, prominent NGOs and other lobby groups. Despite the stigma that remains in the traditional black townships and private spheres, there is a general acceptance of difference in the public sphere. The basis of diversity in South Africa has been due to the inequalities of apartheid based on racial difference. Nevertheless, the possibility for gender equality is closely related to racial equality and can easily be understood by the general public, especially the younger generation who have been raised in a more inclusive environment. The generational change is evident on a larger scale regarding female participation in football as a whole and is discussed in the section 8.6.3.

8.6.3 Gradual perception changes

Despite the labels and stereotypes present within female football in South Africa, the increased presence of female teams in the public conscious are able to alter perceptions regarding female participation. This is a gradual and cyclical process and thus far incomplete. It is more acceptable for girls to play like boys and be successful as football players on the field and in the context of football, however, it is still improper for girls to act as boys outside the field of play.

Along with the political dispensation of democracy, freedom and tolerance regardless of culture, gender, race or sexuality, there are constitutional and structural policies in place to promote inclusion. With the background of apartheid the focus has long been on racial reconciliation, with gender often taking a backseat (Burnett, 2002; 2004). This extends to the SRSA policies that mention gender but are still primarily focused on racial integration (SRSA, 2011b). Social change is evident, apparent through social diversity and the increase of women in politics, business, education and multiple professional positions (Mbola, 2010; GCIS, 2012). Women are negotiating their position in the public sphere and their right to equal treatment and equal access, relating to liberal feminism, which focuses on equal access and opportunities for women (Hargreaves, 2004).

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There is a cycle of change whereby as women and men begin to think differently, they start to act differently. They become more assertive and prominent in their communities and become successful football players. As they are more visible in the community and victorious they receive more media coverage. This media coverage brings acceptance and legitimacy both in the community and at the administrative and governmental levels. This recognition leads to greater administrative and financial support, which in turn alters thoughts and behaviours and improves performances.

The quote from Lindiwe’s father in section 8.5.1 (page 271) describes this transformation which goes beyond equal access and opportunities, but is about changing mind-sets and perceptions regarding the abilities of women. This is related to radical or critical feminism, which argue that inequalities in society are not only about statistics and getting the same number of women in positions of power, but the need to change the way individuals think and act towards the opposite gender (Birrell, 2000).

Within this cycle of support and transformation there are acceptable behaviours including: improved skills; increased professionalisation and future opportunities; and femininity within football. Yet the display of masculine characteristics and changed appearances leading to labels such as tomboy and lesbian are still considered undesirable characteristics of a female football player in the public conscious.

Queer theory argues that there is a wide spectrum of sexualities (King, 2008) where no single group of people identifying a particular way should dominate. The theory provides insight into current exclusionary and male hegemonic practices, with the implication that change is essential in women’s football, where there should be a wider variety of voices and perspectives that are heard and presented to administrators and the public, demonstrating that there is not one type of female footballer, but many different women. Some associate more closely with femininity, while others are comfortable taking on more masculine characteristics. In order for all these women to be accepted equally in all locations, mindsets and ideologies need to continue to change and adapt. It is only when mindsets change that access to participation, resources and media coverage will follow (Birrell, 2000). This is occurring slowing in South Africa as mindsets are changing, more diverse resources, facilities, funding and media coverage are being allocated to women’s football. This includes resources that do not always align with traditional gender norms and media coverage that is more gender sensitive. However, there is still a huge gap compared to men’s football.

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8.7 Summary

Perceptions and mind-sets of the appropriate gender roles connected with sport and women are complex, nuanced and intricate. There are deep historical, traditional and cultural roots that can be perpetuated through media, social institutions, structures and the actions of significant others. Common perceptions about women who play football include their portrayal and embodiment of being masculine through their behaviour and appearance. These characteristics come through a process of socialisation within the team and sport settings as girls imitate their male role models, which lead to the labels of tomboy and lesbian.

The label of tomboy carried more neutral connotations and is acceptable while girls are younger. When girls enter puberty, however, they are expected to change and re-enter the domestic sphere to become trained as wives and mothers for the future gendered role in the private space. If they reject this change and continue to act and look more masculine, they are looked upon as deviating from the social norm and given a label that puts them in a position of being neither fully male nor fully female. This label and negative association is meant to reinforce the heterosexual norm in society that is promoted through religion, culture and tradition. There can be serious repercussions for identifying as a lesbian; including corrective rape and murder as community members take maintenance of the hegemonic customs into their own hands.

Despite these perceived labels, the presence of people with a variety of sexualities in women’s football is apparent. There are various influences and the difference between an open and supportive environment and one that is closed and discriminatory affects the freedom that individuals have to portray their sexualities. The examples from this study demonstrates this dichotomy clearly as the Johannesburg location was homosocial and open to non-heterosexual women and therefore four of the research participants in this location were openly lesbian or bisexual. In the Cape Town location, the opposite was true, where there was an atmosphere of defensive othering led by the coach who was adamant that although there were lesbians in South African women’s football, there were none on his teams. This was the case, as no open lesbians were known on his teams and traditional cultural norms prevailed.

This chapter described the experiences and narratives of the girls in the sample who identified as lesbian or bisexual, both from their perspectives as well as the views of their significant others. These accounts revealed the complexity of personal relationships, as the girls had to navigate their own feelings, religious beliefs and those of their family members, girlfriends or boyfriends. The effects of socialisation within team environments as well as conflicts with traditional cultural norms within the families or communities led to a variety of choices and 285 expressions of sexualities and identities. Generation patterns were evident with more resistance of homosexuality from the mothers and acceptance by siblings.

These perceptions are not static, but fluid and open to change. As society in general shifts to become more equitable, there are greater possibilities available for women in all sectors, including sport. Media coverage and personal experiences observing talented women are able to challenge perceptions about the capabilities of women, suggesting that women can be just as skilled, or even more skilled than men, demonstrate strength and tactics, have potential future opportunities and can be feminine while participating.

Chapter nine is the final chapter of this thesis and provides an overall conclusion of the research, tying together all the sections of this investigation. It incorporates the results from the multiple data sets collected during this research with understandings from international literature to inform recommendations for future research and practice. The main themes discovered through this research project are summarised in terms of socialisation, the context of poverty, gendered spaces and the value of a comprehensive methodology. Recommendations are made regarding practices and structures within South Africa, insights for an agenda of change in the political realm, and potential areas for future research in the academic context.

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9.1 CONCLUSION

Women’s football in South Africa is an exciting, fluid, developing field that increasingly captures the public interest through improved performances and more prominent media coverage. Changes in community perceptions are happening gradually as multiple stakeholders promote the game and it becomes more acceptable for girls and women to participate in football. This final chapter revisits the research aim and objectives through integrating the main themes that arose throughout the research. The chapter additionally provides recommendations for practices and structures related to female football in South Africa and suggestions for future research.

The research project aims to investigate the effect of female football participation on family and domestic relations in the South African context and interrogate the social dynamics in wider community relations from a critical feminist perspective. This aim further translates into seven associated objectives: i) To examine past scholarly research related to the fields of sport for development, socialisation and sport, gender and sexualities. ii) To examine how women’s football is located within the sport for development discourse. iii) To document the current state of women’s football in South Africa. iv) To understand the challenges and benefits playing football has on the individual, family and other relationships. v) To capture the influences of how girls are socialised into and continue participating in football in South Africa. vi) To trace the potential changes in family dynamics due to girls’ participating in football. vii) To provide a deeper understanding of the effects of female football participation to inform future policies, practices and research.

The first objective was addressed in the literature review chapters two and three, providing the foundation for the discussions in the results sections in chapters six, seven and eight. The second objective was described in detail in chapter four alongside a thorough depiction of the context of South Africa and the position of women’s football both in the nation and internationally. The sport for development discourse in relation to women’s football was examined in chapter six as participation in football was viewed as a means to avoid deviant behaviour and conversely build cultural, physical and social capital that could lead to upward social mobility. Chapter six additionally addressed objective four through discussing the challenges of participating in football in the context of poverty as well as the benefits of participation for the individual, family and community. Objectives five and six were addressed in chapters seven and eight through patterns of reciprocal socialisation that brought changes to 287 the individual players and their significant others in terms of sport participation as well as perceptions of gender roles and sexualities within the households and on the football teams. The remainder of this chapter highlights the key discussion points from the thesis to address objective seven and provide recommendations for future policies, practices and research.

Numerous theoretical frameworks informed the analysis of women’s football and female participation within this context. Figurational theory examines the processes of interrelated social relations based on relative power and agency against the global context of increased popularisation of gender issues and agency (Dunning, 2002; Mansfield, 2002). It maps social changes such as shifts in understandings of masculinities and the increased acceptance of women in all spheres of sports globally (Mansfield, 2002). Critical feminism argues that the inequalities in society as a whole and within South African football are ideologically based on hegemonic masculinity where sports are a site to propagate and reinforce gendered norms (Birrell, 2000). These ideologies and gender norms are enacted in public and private spaces (Butler, 1990). Women are able to challenge the hegemonic practices through their participation and advocacy at multiple levels of engagement. Within South Africa a human justice framework guides the understanding of reconciliation and racial redress, whilst it contributes to addressing gender equity in the broader society.

9.2 Research themes

What is the significance of this study? What can be learned from the data presented in this thesis? Throughout this research four interrelated themes arose that are important and worthy of further discussion: i) the methodology of comprehensive case studies; ii) the potential of sport to counteract the paralysing effects of poverty; iii) the intersection and impact of women’s football on gendered public and private spaces; and iv) sport socialisation as a reciprocal process. Each of these themes is examined through integrating material from the thesis as a whole and informed by past research in the field.

9.2.1 The value of comprehensive case studies

The material gathered for this research project provides a new comprehensive method for collecting and presenting detailed data addressing sport, gender and development with multi- dimensional complexity. In addition to interviewing participants and coaches as in past research in sport for development, this research provided broader perspectives through 288 involving participants, peers, administrators, coaches, teachers, siblings and parent/guardians. The rich material and variety of perspectives provided in this thesis were possible through the in-depth interviews, questionnaires and focus groups that were conducted. This methodology provides new understandings of sense-making by players and socialising agents, as reflection is possible from the player, as well as from the perspective of parents, siblings, teachers and coaches. This created a rounded and layered construction of individual lives and personal relationships as diverse perceptions were provided regarding the same topic.

Incorporating the standpoints of siblings, parents, guardians and coaches has only been done in a few sport for development projects (Burnett, 2012b; Kay & Spaaij, 2011) and provides a unique understanding of how female football participation affects not only the participant but the entire household. This detailed and in-depth research stems from a background in anthropology that traditionally incorporates multiple years of field work and extensive field notes to try and capture the society and culture from an insider’s perspective (Eriksen, 2004).

The insider’s perspective in this research was provided through the researcher’s personal experience and understanding of the context of female football in South Africa. Personal involvement in women’s football in South Africa for over five years as a player, administrator, researcher and coach provided a connection to the players, enabling familiarity to stories of frustration and conflict. This is similar to conducting participant observation where researchers become intimately involved in the research site to be able to understand how it feels to be part of that cultural setting (Nanda & Warms, 2002). Experiencing the context of women’s football first-hand has been crucial to understanding and interpreting the data collected. To balance this insider’s perspective, the material was viewed objectively and interrogated through the use of academic theories and assessment.

This method puts the complexity back into research and highlights the importance of understanding household experiences and perspectives in order to establish realistic recommendations for future endeavours. The multiple perspectives enables a process of triangulation of the data to validate the information collected, highlight gaps in the knowledge and emphasise contrasting opinions (Bernard & Ryan, 2010). The multi-vocality presented the opportunity for the voices of the research participants to be heard for a richer reflection of the lived realities of individuals in South African townships involved in female football.

Comprehensive case studies address many of the critiques of sport for development by providing a voice for local people (Nicolls et al., 2010). Working closely with knowledgeable individuals from the communities helps to focus the research and understand a non-Northern dominated perspective (Hartmann & Kwauk, 2011). The breadth of data collected counters the 289 criticisms of a lack of evidence and contextual understanding in previous sport for development research projects. More research of this focus from multiple and varied locations would provide increasing amounts of data for the development of new theories to further the sport for development field of inquiry.

9.2.2 The potential of sport to counteract the paralysing effects of poverty

The context of poverty in South Africa is partially due to the legacy of apartheid dividing society along racial lines. In the aftermath of apartheid, racial reconciliation was prioritised with gender equality on the periphery. Poverty is pervasive in the South African townships, resulting in high rates of unemployment, single parent households, orphaned children, informal dwellings, female-headed households and poor infrastructure (Meredith, 2011; SAIRR, 2010). This poverty can have a paralysing effect in many aspects, including lack of educational and employment opportunities, restricted access to recreational activities and spaces (Booth, 1998; Nauright, 1997), perpetuation of traditional values and gender roles in private and public spheres. Particularly pertinent for this study were the effects of poverty on sport participation and household relationships.

Within families the fact of limited resources resulted in restricted support for participation. In previous international research, parents have had time and resources to provide personal equipment, transport children to games and practices, and attend the majority of games as spectators (Fredricks & Eccles, 2005; Dixon et al., 2008; Wheeler, 2011). In the South African context within the black townships the options for these levels of support are relatively restricted. Reliance on public transportation removes the option of parents taking children to games and practices, which eliminates many opportunities to attend matches. In the midst of resource competition for time and finances, girls’ recreational football is not given priority in many family members’ lives, as such, 50% of household members that were interviewed had never seen the female participant play football. Most of the households in this study have low or very low socio-economic statuses, live in informal dwellings and are unemployed or under- employed. They struggle to provide for the daily needs of the family, let alone extra expenses of sport participation.

Can football be a means to escape the negative context of poverty? The situation is complex and affected by multiple factors. Sport alone cannot solve all the challenges of poverty, but it has the potential to positively contribute to individual, household and community well-being and welfare. The data presented in this thesis confirms past research in sport for development which argues that sport can be a location to develop positive social skills, build networks of support and trust and gain access to additional resources (Mackin & Walther, 2011; May, 2009). 290

To overcome financial obstacles team members, coaches and families combine resources and use social mechanisms to access the resources to the best of their abilities. These strategies are reflexive of a collective consciousness as encapsulated in the South African ideology of Ubuntu (Khoza, 2006). At the same time, the patterns of support are associated with resource exchange as coaches or players support their captain or key players through personal equipment and finances to ensure they continue to participate and assist the team achieve victory. In these cases the bonding social capital within a team and the contribution of talented players translated into increased access to financial or physical equipment resources from coaches or fellow players (Bourdieu, 1996; Coleman, 2003). In other cases, grandmothers contributed financial support in exchange for the opportunity to display symbols of the granddaughter’s success in the family home, granting occasions for bragging, which is status conferring and a positive reflection on successful parenting on the entire family. There is an exchange of financial support for the recognition gained through the association with a successful family member.

Significant others often commented that participation was valuable and an important aspect of the girls’ lives. It was viewed as a diversion from some of the deviant behaviours associated with unemployed youth living in poverty, such as alcohol abuse, drug-taking, crime and teenage sex resulting in pregnancy (Coakley, 2011). As youth engage in sport, they can be in a safe space under the supervision of a trusted adult, keeping busy and out of trouble (Mwaanga, 2010). Secondly, football may provide the prospect of upward social mobility away from the context of poverty (Mackin & Walther, 2011; May 2009). This aspect includes educational benefits through improved performance at school, access to secondary and tertiary scholarships, as well as potential international opportunities to play football professionally.

Despite these positive factors, the obstacles faced by female footballers in South Africa are crippling and only a limited few are provided the opportunities to achieve a higher socio- economic status through their participation. For the few that are able to play on national or international teams, the challenge is to ensure the positive effects can be sustained. For the women who get scholarships to universities, such as those in the pilot study for this research, the long term effects are more evident (Clark & Burnett, 2010). More longitudinal research is needed to identify long term effects of participation for the girls similar to those in this study.

9.2.3 The intersection of women’s football and gendered public and private spaces

Poverty is a legacy that remains from the colonial and apartheid past within South Africa. The promise of prosperity has slipped from the hands of most South Africans. Competition for access to resources remains fierce, which results in many men, especially those marginalised 291 by poverty, to try and hold firmly to the few remaining strongholds of male power (Moffett, 2008), including the public sphere and associated hegemonic practices inherent in the football fraternity. Since democracy the South African constitution has focused on promoting diversity and inclusion, predominantly focused on racial equality. The focus on race has generally marginalised gender equity issues, compounded by deeply embedded patriarchal ideologies in older generations. Nevertheless, gender equality has been included in the Constitution since 1994 and equality between men and women is in the public conscious.

Patriarchal mind sets and discriminatory practices are not easily changed. From a young age unequal power relations and gender norms are transmitted through socialisation practices. Children acquire their understandings of appropriate behaviours related to their gender based on systems of modelling and reinforcement from socialising agents, according to the social cognitive theory (Bussey & Bandura, 1999). The process of socialisation is interactive with children having agency to choose the activities, such as sports (as potential sites of socialisation) in which they participate and the extent of changes that occur due to their participation (Coakley & Pike, 2009). However, these choices are made within restrictive structures and hegemonic practices in the surrounding communities that take longer to change.

The interaction between the public, male dominated space and the private, domestic space primarily occupied by females was a consistent theme throughout this research. Since the public space where football participation occurs is occupied primarily by males, females need a proxy or gatekeeper to provide them with initial access. This is provided for them through brothers, cousins, fathers, or the intermediary of a school setting where a (male) teacher or coach introduces them to the sport space. These males provide the legitimacy for the females in the public space, although conflicts with other groups of males due to resource competition are common and the females often remain on the periphery.

As the females engage in this masculine sphere they begin to imitate the predominantly male role models and become more assertive and confident. This in turn creates a controversy within the domestic realm, where expectations of socialisation into feminine roles such as mother and wife are required to occur. After experiencing the liberating space of the public sphere and interacting with a variety of people, the females’ engagement with the private space of the household is perceived to be restrictive and confined.

At the same time, as female footballers become more prominent in the communities and in local and national media, they challenge traditional understandings of the abilities and characteristics of being female (Meier, 2005). Female empowerment through self-confidence and self-efficacy gained through sport participation is a prominent theme in the sport for development literature, 292 which argues that female participation is beneficial on multiple levels, effecting individuals, families and communities (Pelak, 2005b; Weiss & Wiese-Bjornstal, 2009). When the players are acknowledged as skilful and successful, it brings recognition and social status that extends to the household members and in turn attracts more spectators and media coverage. Successful female football players are increasingly acknowledged within the communities, and could negotiate greater access to facilities, whilst receiving increased media coverage.

This change in society is gradual and challenges over space and legitimacy continue. The following section, 9.2.4, interrogates the importance of socialisation in the process of change and sport involvement that affect both the participants and the other household members.

9.2.4 Sport socialisation as a reciprocal process

Processes of socialisation provide the basis and the means of transferring moral values, social norms and appropriate behaviours desired in society (Bandura & Bussey, 2004; Bem, 1993). Sport is one site for socialisation processes to occur, shaping sport practices, benefits and related identities of gender and sexuality. This thesis examined the processes of socialisation into, through and for the continuation of participation in football, as well as reciprocally associated socialisation related to female football among families in the lowest socio-economic strata. The females who are involved in sports such as football are positively affected by avoiding deviant social behaviours, improving inter-gender relationships and having improved educational opportunities. These improvements are aspects of socialisation through participation as the girls learn appropriate behaviours and increased self-efficacy to make better personal decisions.

The socialisation processes in this study have some similarities with international studies in terms of the importance of male and female family members as socialising agents through past sport experience, role modelling behaviour, verbal, emotional and financial support (Fredricks & Eccles, 2005; Schinke et al., 2010). These aspects are influential for individuals to be socialised into sport, as well as encouragement to continue participation. Despite the context of poverty severely restricting the ability of significant others to physically attend games and provide all the needed financial support to participate, the household members provided to the best of their ability. In addition to the limited financial assistance, household members engaged in discussions with the players about their performance, provided encouragement and gave advice to inspire the players to continue. This demonstrated how the players were about to compete successfully for limited resources within the family, eliciting support and sacrifices from other family and household members.

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Paramount to the results of this study was the influence of age, gender, birth order and composition within households. In households where the player was the oldest child and the father was present, the father was the primary socialising agent. In households with older brothers or close male cousins, they tended to be the most influential in terms of childhood play activities and sport involvement. Peers were influential in all types of household formations. In these cases the male influence was necessary for the females to enter the dominant male public space of sport. The male socialising agents or peers were only able to introduce the girls to the public realm of sport, but unable to provide them with access to formal teams. Therefore, in the majority of cases, the players entered the male domain through formal teams in the institutional space of school, where male coaches were then able to bring them into community clubs and the public fields.

Examples of reciprocal socialisation were observed, through which changes occurred in family members due to the football participation of the female. This is related to the potential conflict between the private and the public spheres, as females are expected to complete time- consuming domestic chores that restrict their time available for leisure activities and sport participation. In 24% of the cases in this study, there was resistance on behalf of female participants to complete the domestic chores or insistence by the father that the daughter be given extra space to participate in football. Due to lack of other options, older brothers in three households would complete the chores on behalf of their sister. In two cases the father of the player had a more liberal perspective on household duties and chose to assist in the home. These cases of increased male participation of domestic duties demonstrate a shift within the gender norms of some men in South Africa towards an increased ethic of care within the home and an increased presence in the private sphere (Morrell & Jewkes, 2011). A trade-off occurred in these households, where the family members acknowledged the potential success of the player and fame that could come to the family, as well as the benefits they observed in the players due to their participation. In exchange for these benefits, the family members were willing to sacrifice their time and image to ensure the continued participation of the females.

Additionally, as the players became more involved in football, there were opportunities for greater interaction and closer relationships between family members, particularly between fathers and daughters that carried over from the public to the private sphere. Relationships of power changed within the families as there were new topics of mutual interest to discuss, opportunities to share advice, mentorship and engage in activities of shared importance. Particularly in cases where the player was chosen to be part of the South African national team and appeared on television the entire family gained recognition and a form of symbolic capital that increased their status in the community. In the cases where the player was not part of the national team, but had received local newspaper coverage, won medals and certificate and had 294 team photos taken, the paraphernalia was displayed proudly in the home as a ‘wall of fame’ exhibiting the legitimate position the girl now holds in the family. The family members were able to bask in the glory and identify with the football culture connected with the females’ participation.

As the girls became increasingly socialised into the football fraternity and emulated the predominantly male role models they began to become more masculine in appearance and behaviour. The process of socialisation was gradual and the participants chose what aspects of masculinity or femininity they would display. Following the figurational theory (Dunning, 2002), the characteristics of masculinity and femininity are not dualistic with a clear divide between masculine and feminine, but rather form a continuum where individuals can display characteristics associated with both masculinity and femininity. Some examples of markers of masculinity include a decision to associate more with being masculine, including crew cut hair, and only wearing boy’s clothes including underwear. These choices are more permanent and signal a choice to move away from being feminine and are more closely linked with being a lesbian, especially since sexuality is interpreted through visual appearance (Lock, 2003).

Becoming more masculine contradicts the expected feminine behaviours and appearances, which led to the labels of tomboy before puberty and lesbian after puberty. These identity markers were associated with the transgression of social norms relating to gender and sexuality and practices connecting the activities prescribed for the private and public spheres according to hegemonic masculinity and heterosexuality (Cox & Thompson, 2011; Jackson & Scott, 2010). The label of lesbian was particularly received as deviant, representing contravening the normative association of gender, sex, sexual practice and sexual desire (Butler, 1990). It breached traditional and religious norms of natural relationships, whereby homosexuals are considered deviant, unholy and sinful.

Power relations and the coaches’ influence on team dynamics was evident in how teams responded to alternative sexualities. In both locations the perceptions of the coach were mirrored among team members. In Johannesburg, the environment within the team was accepting towards alternative sexualities and family members come to accept girls who identify as lesbian or bisexual, even if they are from a religious background (Mennesson & Clément, 2003). In Cape Town, on the other hand, the environment was hostile towards lesbians and the femininity of the players was emphasised to portray an alternative to the assumed association of female football with homosexuality (Ezzell, 2009). The stigma associated with lesbians in Cape Town revealed the deep-seated stereotypes in the location that perpetuate hegemonic gender norms.

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9.3 Recommendations for women’s football in South Africa

Despite the changes that have occurred in women’s football evidenced through this study and the recent achievements of the national women’s teams, there is still room for improvement. There are a number of improvements for women’s football in South Africa that were put forth from the participants in this study. The suggestions can be divided into two categories, relating to the structures of women’s football and the practices within women’s football.

9.3.1 Structural changes within women’s football

Structures within football can either enable or restrict opportunities for participation, especially for females in South Africa. Changes within the structures of South African football are crucial in order to provide more opportunities for participation. The two main suggestions to improve the structures of women’s football include: i) provision of more organised leagues and tournaments in schools and communities, including a professional league for women; and ii) increase of the number of women in leadership, coaching and administrative positions.

Increase amount of leagues and tournaments Increased participation at the grassroots and school level will immediately provide opportunities for more girls to experience the benefits of participation, and eventually bolster the performance of the national team. There are two locales around which new leagues or tournaments could be organised: schools and communities. In these locations more girls’ teams could participate in boys’ leagues. In this research, the U15 teams in both Johannesburg and Cape Town participate in their local boys’ league. The coach from Cape Town reports that this allows people to get used to the participation of girls and, as the perceptions about women’s football change, parents will think of sending their girls to play with the boys. As mentioned above, there should be an equal number of tournaments for the boys and girls at school level. When there is a tournament for boys (e.g. sponsored by Coca Cola or Danone), there should be a division for the girls as well. This gender equality should be mainstreamed and included in policies associated with school sports.

Continuing with leagues, a Professional Soccer League (PSL) for the women might be especially beneficial. There are currently professional leagues in the USA, England, Germany, Russia and Sweden. The national teams of these countries consistently outperform South Africa on the international stage, as their players have consistent access to higher levels of competition and can focus on playing full-time. In South Africa, players must be otherwise employed in order to support themselves and their dependants financially. If South Africa is

296 willing to support a professional women’s netball league (Sapa, 2012), then a professional women’s football league should be feasible.

More women in leadership positions It is believed that with more women in positions of influence the policies towards women’s participation can change. For instance, in Sweden when women were in managerial positions, they were more likely to employ a woman as a head coach. In these cases the manager was able to provide the coach with more flexibility in order to be able to cater for her other household and family obligations, yet still fulfil her obligations as a coach (Hovden, 2012).

The overall percentage of women in political leadership in South Africa is high, with 45% of National Assembly members being female. However, due to the cultural influences of patriarchy on sports structures, only 5% of the SAFA National Executive Committee members are women (SAFA, 2009). Gender equality in politics still needs to translate into sports administration through the inclusion of more women on the SAFA executive, as club administrators and coaches. This may require a revision of hegemonic practices within organisations that include: unspoken, unwritten qualification requirements; rigid schedules, such as when meetings are organised, the time commitment required; and nepotism that favours men when appointments are made (Hovden, 2012). In comparison to these hegemonic practices, the capacity of women and men needs to be built in order for them to work together and provide increased opportunities for women to be included.

9.3.2 Recommendations for practices related to women’s football

There are three recommendations relating to the practices within women’s football. These are associated with the structures discussed above, but are more closely associated with the activities and ideologies that occur within the structures listed above. The three suggestions include: i) gender equality, in terms of access to resources for males and females, including access to facilities, finances and media coverage; ii) talent identification and development; and iii) increased encouragement for participation from various stakeholders including parents.

Gender equality Equality between men and women includes financial compensation, but goes further. There is a call for greater coverage of women’s football on television. Although there has been more coverage of the women’s teams in the past few years, they still rarely receive prime time television slots. They are more commonly televised late at night or during daytime hours when most people are not able to watch. Almost all of the Bafana Bafana training matches are televised, while very few of the Banyana Banyana matches leading up to the Olympics were 297 televised. Showing women’s football matches on television not only gives them additional incentive to participate, and furthermore portrays them as potential role models, encouraging young girls to emulate them and participate.

Questionnaire and interview responses revealed that the perceptions of individuals towards women’s football changed when they saw talented women playing both nationally and internationally. They were more supportive of women’s football and either encouraged to play themselves or allow their family members to participate. Women’s tournaments need to be advertised to that people can be aware of where and when they are playing to come and watch.

Gender equality relates to equal access to opportunities and freedom from discrimination for non-heterosexual players. Players should be able to participate on all teams. For this to occur there needs to be increased understanding of alternative sexualities among all levels of society, from administration to household members and teammates. Coaches play a particularly salient role in providing an environment that is welcoming and open to all players, as they set the dominant norms and behaviours considered appropriate in the team. Female coaches may be able to relate more closely with the player’s and be positive role models and thus should be encouraged. However, male coaches can also provide a supportive and open environment for players to thrive.

Talent identification and development In order for women’s football in South Africa to continue to develop, there needs to be a structure of talent identification that includes standardised coaching and additional resources. One aspect of talent identification is the establishment of more schools of excellence or high performance centres. For instance, one coach from Johannesburg stated that if there were schools of excellence in all of the provinces, then the national teams would be doing better. Two Cape Town-based national team players commented that it would be beneficial if the team was housed in one location where they could all live together and either go to school or to work at the same time, then train together. More schools of excellence would give players from impoverished backgrounds access to education opportunities and health benefits that they are unable to receive at home, as discussed in section 6.3.3 (see page 182). Scholarships to these schools provide potential upward social mobility, as well as offering a flexible curriculum and special services and equipment that enhance educational standards and access to sport scholarships at tertiary institutions. These mechanisms for educational enhancement provide alternative options for players who may fall out from participation due to injury or other unforeseen challenges.

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Fitness and training is important both for the national women’s teams as well as the teams that feed into the national team, in the provincial Sasol leagues. This could raise their standard to be more competitive at an international level and improve their international ranking and performance. Providing life skills training to the national team is another suggestion on how to improve their performance. This includes focusing on team work, discipline and healthy lifestyles (e.g. eating habits and exercise). These aspects of coaching are interrelated with a national coaching programme and coach training that should be provided at all levels of women’s football. As only the few players who are housed in the High Performance Centre enjoy focused year-round training, there is a need for greater standardisation of training qualifications and coaching strategies nationally. This would ensure a higher level of training for all participants and provide a greater pool of candidates to be chosen for the national teams.

Associated with the improved fitness and training regimes across the country, there was a general feeling among the research participants that the national team would benefit by selecting their players from a wider pool of players. Their opinions are based on the fact that the majority of national team players were from clubs in Gauteng (13 out of 25, 52%) (SAFA, 2012). The rest of the team came from around the country with three from KwaZulu-Natal, three from Western Cape, two from Free State and one from North West as of April 2012. Two national team players were studying in the USA and one was playing in Russia. Part of the reason for the high percentage of players coming from Gauteng teams is the draw of players to the University of Johannesburg and the High Performance Centre in Pretoria, which attracts players from around the country. However, an increase of road shows by SAFA and scouts sent to the far corners of the country may uncover some hidden talents that would contribute positively to the squad. As discussed in the previous section (9.3.1, page 296), better structures would assist to raise the level of women’s football throughout the country, by providing more accessible leagues, tournaments, and schools of excellence that will enhance the performance and develop the abilities of the players. These structures should be in place in both the communities through SAFA and the LFAs and the schools through SAFSA, having similar support for both males and females.

Increased support Encouragement from stakeholders and family members supports the female players. Encouragement from stakeholders can take the form of sponsorship, as well as partnerships with local and national teams. Parents and siblings should similarly provide encouragement and support to the players. This encouragement can take many forms, as seen in this research, through financial and material support, as well as emotional support through verbal discussions and advice, attending matches and providing mentorship. Additionally, taking some of the burden of household chores away from the players supports them to have sufficient time to train 299 and play with the rest of their team. Although it is difficult for parents to find time and the finances to watch their children play, emotional support through discussions of the games and verbal encouragement is also helpful. As girls receive encouragement it improves their self- esteem and inspires them to continue participation. It is important that parents are aware of the benefits and challenges of their children participating in football to be able to support them to the best of their abilities. Households can learn strategies from each other regarding how to support the players within the constraints of poverty.

9.4 Future directions for research

There are many unexplained facets of women’s football and sport in South Africa and on the African continent. There are many countries with untapped research potential in women’s football. There may be reports and research conducted in French or Portuguese from countries where those languages dominate; however this is unknown. Understanding the context, structural systems and processes of socialisation in central and western Africa would increase knowledge and understanding and contribute to the growing body of information on women’s sport in Africa. This calls for in-depth understandings compared to superficial surveys and the political will to make changes suggested by such understandings. Funding by South African sport organisations such as SRSA or football specific organisations such as SAFA in the form of bursaries or grants would provide financial assistant to conduct the research as well as the political will and power to generate change.

Within South Africa there is a need for research to investigate the connections and causal relationships between sport and physical activities and the effects on academic performance. A few anecdotal research projects have been conducted, however more comprehensive and thorough studies are needed. Beginning a longitudinal study at this phase of the country’s development, on the cusp of reinstating physical education into the government school system, would make a significant contribution to the global understandings of the causal relationship between physical activity and academic performance, especially in the context of poverty.

Examination of institutional practices regarding sport in communities as well as school settings would continue to inform policies and strategies at the national government levels, particularly for the Department of Sport and Recreation (SRSA) and the national Department of Education (DoE). School sport is central to the development of sport as a leisurely pastime as well as for long-term elite athlete development. More research on the structural, resource and ideological challenges are essential to generate solutions and directions forward.

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Further research is needed in rural and semi-urban locations throughout the country, as most research is focused on urban settings in Cape Town and Johannesburg. Research in rural locations is more difficult as research sites are dispersed and remote. However, comparing the resources, practices, processes and perceptions between rural and urban locations would assist in closing the current rural/urban incongruity. Overarching research providing an overview of the situation of women’s football within South Africa and the African continent would be beneficial, as well as comparative in-depth research in specific areas. These research projects should align with academic discourses in the field of gender and sport, sociology of sport, and sport for development in order to contribute to the existing body of knowledge surrounding these subjects.

Grounded theory approaches are needed to enhance the data unearthed in this research. Socialisation patterns differ significantly in the context of poverty and can be traced in more detail in a variety of settings and age groups. Reciprocal socialisation and the impacts of socialisation into the public sphere by females as well as an increase of participation by males in the private sphere necessitate further investigation. The processes of identity formation through football participation and the progression of masculine characteristics, as well as details regarding the tomboy label and the impacts of the label on participants and their families should be examined. Exploring the routes of socialisation that lead to solidification of a masculine identity and choice of homosexuality for female football players, as well as more details regarding the experiences of lesbian and bisexual female football players can result in rich material informing future theory development. Research on changes within the household regarding division of labour and how male household members’ perspectives influence these changes is important to understand the potential for gender equality within the domestic and public spheres.

Many research projects internationally are incorporating a multi-disciplinary approach, integrating scholars from diverse academic specialities or utilising theoretical frameworks that span multiple disciplines. This practice guides scholarship to look beyond the confines of one discipline and gain insights from research occurring in other related fields of study. More multi- disciplinary and multi-site research is needed to further develop grounded theories and influence policies that cross various boundaries.

Engage with local researchers and research participants to try to understand their context as much as possible. From an ethnographic perspective, it is crucial to be absorbed into the local culture, food, housing and recreational life, as much as possible. Conducting comprehensive case studies reveals multiple perspectives of the same situation and gains insight into family relationships and differences between individuals. Creating a positive insider/outsider role as a 301 researcher to balance familiarity with the subject area and participants while remaining objective is a challenging but rewarding undertaking. The positionality of the research can provide unique insights and opportunities that may not be possible to someone who does not take the time and the effort to understand contextual nuances and anomalies.

In terms of research methodologies, mixed methods ethnographic research offers a depth of knowledge and understanding. This includes conducting more comprehensive case studies, such as those completed for this research and that by Cora Burnett (2012b). Getting the perspectives of a wide variety of research participants and multiple members of one family or household strengthens the data gathered through the process of triangulation that can highlight discrepancies or gaps in data collected. The different perspectives emphasise the reality of diverse understandings and interpretations of the same or similar events. This brings complexity and strength to arguments through using multiple sources of supporting evidence.

9.5 Summary

Conducting comprehensive research in the South African townships is a challenging but rewarding project. This research has yielded a rich harvest of information revealing the multiple voices and perspectives important in female football participation. Challenges due to the perceived paralysing effects of poverty are overcome through dedication, collective cooperation, and resource exchange. In this context financial resources are not the only valuable asset that an individual has; talent, information and the success of a team can all bring recognition and potential upward social mobility for the player as well as her significant others.

The context of poverty is especially restrictive for young women who continue to live within a patriarchal society through which hegemonic masculinity is pervasive and evident in the protection of public masculine spaces, such as sports facilities. These young women live within a triple bind in the competition for resources due to their ethnicity, gender and age. Women require a male proxy or gatekeeper to provide them with access to these spaces, who are most often brothers, male cousins or fathers. When these options are not available, girls in this study were able to access public male-dominated spaces through first participating in school teams and being chosen by a male coach to participate in a club team. Females demonstrate agency by entering the public sphere with males, whom they often chose to emulate as role models, in their physical community as well as through media images of male role models from professional leagues, internationally and nationally. This is the first level of male gatekeeping, where females need the support and understanding of their family and male members to socialise them into the public sphere of football.

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These aspects of entry into the sports realm and being influenced by the most prevalent role models are related to processes of socialisation that affect individuals who interact with each other. Family members are the most influential for young children, through encouraging participation, modelling and mentoring participation in physical activity, and enabling participation through financial and verbal support. Peers, teachers and coaches become more influential as children age, particularly in late primary and secondary school years.

In this study it was demonstrated that females were socialised through participation in football by gaining skills and making choices to avoid deviant behaviours, form positive inter-gender relationships, and access beneficial educational opportunities. They were socialised through football into acquiring more masculine characteristics in terms of their appearance and behaviour. The spectrum of masculine and feminine behaviours was chosen by each individual, and related to labels given to the girls by family and community members. The label of tomboy was most commonly given to girls before puberty and considered an acceptable term as it was believed that the girls would grow out of their masculine characteristics and into the socially acceptable femininity as adults. When growing into femininity did not occur after puberty, the girls were labelled as lesbians, where their sexuality was closely associated with their choice of clothing, behaviour and particularly their choice to continue participating in the men’s sport of football.

Family members were affected through the participation of the player by learning new information, having inclusive topics of mutual interest to discuss on more equal terms, and through adjustments within the household to allow the girl to participate. These household adjustments provided avenues for men to become more involved in the private realm, particularly in the stereotypical roles of domestic duties such as cooking and cleaning. Perceptions of the capabilities and legitimacy of female footballers were challenged as the girls became successful, gained spectators, and women across the nation and internationally received more media coverage revealing their skill and talent.

In order for women’s football to continue to progress in the South African context a few recommendations are pertinent. Structural changes within women’s football need to align with the increased interest of female footballers. This includes providing more organised leagues and tournaments in schools and communities, creating additional schools of excellence, creating a professional league for women, and increasing the number of women in positions of leadership such as coaches, administrators and referees. In addition to structural adjustments within South African football, practices within the sport likewise require changes. These include: equal treatment for women in terms of access to facilities, financial resource allocation and media coverage; increased fitness training and a standardised coaching programme throughout 303 the country; inclusion of players from across the country in the national team; and increased encouragement and support from family members, community members and administrative bodies.

As women’s football in South Africa and across the African continent continues to grow and develop there are many opportunities for future research and investigation. The continued use of comprehensive case studies is important to gather rich data from multiple perspectives. Research into causal relationships between physical activity and academic performance as well as identity formation through female football across a spectrum of ages and locations can assist in theory building and understanding socialisation processes of sport within the South African context of poverty. Further research is needed regarding the reciprocal effects of socialisation in families, schools and communities, especially regarding the movement between public and private spheres for men and women.

Engaging in sport research in South Africa is a rich and fulfilling experience, especially with the perspective of an insider/outsider. The opportunities for investigation are endless. The potential of South African female footballers and females in South African society overall is great, although the obstacles and challenges can be daunting, change is slowly occurring. As researchers engage with participants, significant others and administrators, the products of their investigations can provide meaningful information to inform policies, practices and structures that can ideally increase participation and the beneficial impacts of sport can reverberate throughout the country.

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APPENDIX A: Consent forms

SPORT AND DEVELOPMENT IN SOUTH AFRICAN WOMEN’S FOOTBALL

INTERVIEW CONSENT FORM

Department of Sport and Movement Studies

Dear Research Participant,

Cassandra Clark3, a student from the University of Johannesburg, is conducting research investigating the effectiveness of strategies used by a variety of sport and development organizations to promote development through South African women’s football. You have been selected to be interviewed as an influential person with a unique position of authority and insight to South African women’s football and your input for this project would be valuable and crucial.

An interview will last approximately 30 to 45 minutes. There are no financial benefits connected with this research. There are no known risks or harm associated with the research. All information gathered will be confidential, your name and other information will be kept anonymous if you so desire. Your participation in this project is voluntary and you can choose not to participate or end your participation at any time. The interview will be voice recorded and the recordings will be stored securely by the researcher and not be made public. If you are not comfortable with being voice recorded, please let the researcher know and you will not be recorded.

You may be contacted to clarify details of your interview or to take part in an additional focus group. If you do not want to be contacted again, please tell the researcher. The findings of this research will be made public, with feedback given to the organizations and teams involved. If you would like to receive more information, feel free to contact the researcher with the details below.

I have read the above information and consent to the information gathered being used by the researcher.

______Participant Name (please print) Signature Date

______Researcher Name (please print) Signature Date

For further information, please contact:

Researcher: Cassie Clark Supervisor: Professor Cora Burnett University of Johannesburg University of Johannesburg 082 337 0246 011 489 2677 [email protected] [email protected]

Thank you for your participation.

3 Cassandra Clark was my maiden name. Cassandra Ogunniyi is my married name. 333

SPORT AND DEVELOPMENT IN SOUTH AFRICAN WOMEN’S FOOTBALL

CHILD INFORMATION AND CONSENT FORM

Department of Sport and Movement Studies

Dear Guardian or Care Giver of the Research Participant,

Cassandra Clark, a student from the University of Johannesburg, is conducting research looking at the impacts of sport and development organizations on the development of South African women’s football. The child in your care has been selected to take part in a focus group interview to talk about his or her experiences in football or with classmates that participate in football. The focus group will last between 30 and 45 minutes. There are no financial benefits connected with this research. There are no known risks or harm associated with the research. The research will take place on Wednesday 13 May 2010 out of school hours.

All information gathered will be confidential, your name, the child’s name, and other information will not be published. Participation in this project is voluntary and the child can choose not to participate or stop answering questions at any time. The focus group will be voice recorded and the recordings will be stored securely by the researcher and not be made public. If the child is not comfortable with being voice recorded, please let the researcher know. The findings of this research will be published, with feedback given to the organizations and teams involved. If you want more information, please contact the researcher with the details below.

Researcher: Cassie Clark Supervisor: Professor Cora Burnett University of Johannesburg University of Johannesburg 082 337 0246 011 489 2677 [email protected] [email protected]

Please remove the section below and return to the school.

------

I, ______(adult guardian's name), have read the above information and give permission for the child, ______(name of child), age ______

(age of child) to participate in the research. I give permission for the focus group to be voice recorded and for the researcher to use the information gathered for publication.

______Signature of Adult Guardian Date

Thank you.

334

SPORT AND DEVELOPMENT IN SOUTH AFRICAN WOMEN’S FOOTBALL

ORGANISATION INFORMATION AND CONSENT FORM

Department of Sport and Movement Studies

To Whom it may concern,

Thank you for the work you have been doing with football in South Africa. As a doctoral student at the University of Johannesburg I am studying the strategies SAFA, government, and non- government organizations are implementing for promoting women’s football in South Africa. Your organization is a valuable part of the success of women’s football in this country.

My research will take part throughout 2010 and involve interviews, focus groups, participant observation and well as taking photos and video footage. My proposal focuses on two communities, one in Gauteng and one in the Western Cape, in each location I will be interviewing players, coaches and administrators from local and regional teams in the ABSA and SASOL leagues, as well as leagues connected with schools and local NGOs. I will also be conducting interviews with administrators at the local, regional and national levels of the local football associations and SAFA.

All information gathered will be confidential, names of participants will be kept anonymous if they desire. Participation in this project will be voluntary, individuals will not receive payment of any kind, they can choose not to participate or end their participation at any time during the research. Interviews and focus groups will be voice recorded (unless the participant requests otherwise) and the recordings will be stored securely and not be made public. Permission will be obtained through consent forms for interviews and focus groups and verbally for photographs or videos.

I will make a summary of my findings available to the organizations involved in South African women’s football, with the hope that it can be used to develop their programmes further and continue to increase participation and awareness. The results of this research will also be published in a doctoral thesis as well as in various academic journals, and at conferences.

I kindly request permission to conduct this research with your organization. If you agree, please fill out the next page and return it to me.

If you have any questions, concerns, or require further information please contact me at: Cassandra Clark, [email protected] or 082 337 0246. You can also contact Professor Cora Burnett, my supervisor at [email protected] or 011 489 2677.

I look forward to hearing from you and working with you in the coming year.

Sincerely,

Cassandra Clark

PhD Candidate Department of Sport and Movement Studies University of Johannesburg

335

SPORT AND DEVELOPMENT IN SOUTH AFRICAN WOMEN’S FOOTBALL

ORGANISATION INFORMATION AND CONSENT FORM

Department of Sport and Movement Studies

On behalf of ______(name of organization), I, ______(name of individual), as ______(individual job title), give permission for Cassandra Clark to conduct research on women’s football associated with our organization.

I understand that the research will be used for publication purposes in journals, reports and in conference presentations.

I understand that voice recordings, photographs and videos may be taken of the participants of the research and that consent will be received from individual participants prior to their involvement. The voice recordings will be kept secure and not be made public.

I understand that if desired all names of individuals, schools and organizations will be kept confidential and anonymous, unless the names are public property or permission has been granted.

I understand that the aim of this research is to improve women’s football in South Africa and any unforeseen harmful results are unintended.

I understand that participation in the research is voluntary and individuals or organizations can withdraw their participation at any time.

______Name (please print) Signature Date

For further information, please contact:

Researcher: Cassandra Clark Supervisor: Professor Cora Burnett University of Johannesburg University of Johannesburg 082 337 0246 011 489 2677 [email protected] [email protected]

Thank you for your participation.

336

APPENDIX B: Questionnaires

QUESTIONNAIRE PARTICIPANTS: PRIMARY SCHOOL

School: ______

Please read each question or statement carefully and think about how it applies to you. This is not a test, so there are no right or wrong answers. Try to respond honestly and accurately, but it is not necessary to spend too much time thinking about each item.

Complete each question according to the following example.

Example: Are you a boy or girl? (She is a girl) Boy Girl 

How old are you? 12years A. BIOGRAPHICAL INFORMATION

1. Are you a boy or girl? Boy Girl

2. How old are you? years

3. What grade are you in? Grade

B. SPORT INVOLVEMENT

6. Do you participate in sport or physical activity in the school or Yes No in a club? (If no, you are finished)

7. Which sports do you participate in (tick the appropriate box or boxes)?

Sports School Club For Fun Soccer Netball Rugby Cricket Athletics Other? Please specify.

8. How many years have you played the sports in question 6?

Sports # Years Soccer Netball Rugby Cricket Athletics Other? Please specify.

THANK YOU!

337

Women and Football - Community Questionnaire

Date of Place of Interview: Interview: Surname: Given (Family name) name(s): Address: Occupation:

Birthday: Day Month Year Age (years)

Marital Status: Single Married Divorced Widowed Living with partner Ethnicity: Black White Coloured Indian Other (please write) Gender Female Male Number of Children Sports you play or played: Where do you Informal House/flat/ Flat in block of Semi-detached House on live: dwelling Room on shared flats house separate land property Rent Own With Parents

1. How often do you play football? (Circle the number) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Never Once ever Once a year Once a month Once a week Everyday

2. How often do you read about women’s football in newspapers or magazines? (Circle the number) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Never Once ever Once a year Once a month Once a week Everyday

3. How often do you watch women’s football on television? (Circle the number) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Never Once ever Once a year Once a month Once a week Everyday

4. How often do you watch women play football live (in person)? (Circle the number) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Never Once ever Once a year Once a month Once a week Everyday

5. Do you know girls or women that play football? Yes No 6. Where do they play? (On which team?) ______

7. What teams are in your location? ______

8. What do you think of women playing football? (Check all that apply)

It keeps them fit. It keeps them busy and off the streets. It is good, they should continue. It is entertaining to watch. It needs more support. The women or girls that play are lesbians. I don’t like them playing. They should not be allowed to play. Other? Please specify.

338

9. Did you watch the African Women’s Championships? (If ‘no’ go to #14) Yes No

10. If yes, how many games did you watch? 1 2 3 4 5 or more

11. Which channel did you watch the matches on? SABC1 Super Sport 3 Other

12. How did you find out about the tournament?

Television Which channel? Newspaper Which paper? Family Friends Work Other? Please specify.

13. What did you think of the players? (Check all that apply)

They need to improve, they are not very talented. They showed some skills. They are talented. I was shocked! They can play! They play like boys. They play better than boys. Other? Please specify.

14. What other women’s tournaments have you watched live or on television? ______15. Did your thoughts about women’s football change after watching them play? If yes, how? ______16. Do you know the organization Soccer 4 Hope? (If ‘no’ go to #19) Yes No

17. If yes, what do you know about them?______18. How can Soccer 4 Hope be improved? ______19. What do you think can be done to improve women’s soccer in South Africa? (Check all that apply) Nothing. Increase the sponsorship they get. Increase the marketing and media coverage for them. The community needs to support them more. There needs to be better leagues or a professional league. They need more equipment and better facilities. They need more training. They should train and play with boys. Other? Please specify.

20. Additional Comments ______THANK YOU! 339

APPENDIX C: Interview guides

Questions for Primary School Focus Groups

Everyone (with Question sheet)  Check the box to indicate your gender (if you are a boy or a girl)  How old are you? (write on sheet)  What grade are you in?  Do you play one or more sports in the school or in a club?  Which sports do you participate in? (Tick the box or boxes that are true)  How many years have you played?

Introduction  Who is your favourite sports player?  Who is your favourite female sports player?  Do you know when the next World Cup is?  Do you know where the next World Cup will be held?  And the Women’s World Cup?

 Why did you start playing your sport? (Why this sport?) o [If don’t play sports, why not?]  Who encouraged you? o How?  Who comes to watch you play? o What do they say when they watch you?  What have you learned playing your sport? (usually I get them into groups to write this one and the next two down) [If don’t play sports, what do you see other people learning when they play?] o How do you use what you learn from playing sports in the classroom? o How do you use what you learn from playing sports at home?

 Are there sports that only girls or only boys can play? o Why or why not?  Do you know any girls that play soccer? o Did you know them before they started playing soccer?  Are girls who play soccer different from other girls?  Are girls who play sports different from girls who don’t play sports?  Should girls play soccer with boys? o Can they play with boys? o Why or why not? o [for boys] Do you play with girls?  Have you ever seen girls playing football on tv? o What do you think of it?

Thank you!

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Questions for SAFA

Statistics:  Can I get a current list of all the teams and divisions for South Africa?  Can I get a current list of the Women’s committee members?  Do you know when the African Women’s Championships will be held?

Strategy:  What is SAFA’s main goal regarding women’s football in South Africa? o Who is involved in deciding what that goal will be?  What are they doing to reach that goal? o What does SAFA do to support women’s football? o What structures are in place to ensure women are given the opportunity and are encouraged to become coaches, referees, or administrators?  What are the main obstacles they are encountering?  What areas have they seen success in the past ten years?  What areas have been disappointing in the past ten years?  How does SAFA work with other government or non-government organizations involved in football in South Africa?

Personal beliefs  What do you personally think of the women’s game of football?  How often do you watch matches?  Do you have any children? o Boys or girls? o Do they play? . Why or why not?  How do you think most South Africans perceive women’s football? o Why do you think that?  How do you think playing football impacts on the woman playing outside of the pitch? o (gender identity, self-esteem, self-efficacy?)  How do you think this affects the family or other social relations?  What differences do you see between the men’s leagues and the women’s leagues?  How do you think the South African context and history has affected women’s football?

Media  How do you think women’s are primarily portrayed in the media today?  What impact do you have on media coverage of women’s games?  How do you think media coverage impacts on the way individuals perceive women’s football?  How could media coverage of women’s matches be improved?  What promotional plans do you have for the African Women’s Championships in October? o Which department is in charge of those arrangements?

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Questions for players

Demographics  Name  Birthday  Ethnicity  Marital Status  Type of dwelling live in  Members of household

Family Relations  How is your relationship with your family members? o Can you give me an example?  How do you usually relate to your peers? o Example  Are you different than the other people in your house? How?

Football  What sports do you play?  Where did/do you play them? Which teams? Location of practices/games/leagues?  When did you start playing football? o How did you get involved? o Who encouraged this involvement?  Who comes to watch the matches or practices?  How did your family and friends feel about you participating when you started (primary, secondary, now)? o How did they show their feelings?  What changes have you seen in yourself since you started playing football? o How do you know that is linked to playing and not to another activity you were involved in? o What do you think of these changes? o Have you changed around the house? o Do you treat you or other people differently? . Is this a positive or a negative thing? o Have other relationships within your family changed as a result of you playing football?  How does your family and friends feel about you playing now?  Do they want you to continue playing? o Why or why not?  Do you want to continue to play? o Why or why not?  How do you think football will contribute to your future?

Media/other women’s football coverage/publicity  Are you familiar with other women’s football programmes in South Africa/your neighbourhood? o Which ones? o How did you hear about them? o Do you think they are positive or negative?  Do you ever see women’s football on tv or in the media, newspapers, magazines?  If a women’s football match was being shown on tv would you watch it?  Would you go watch a game live?  What do you think are the differences between men’s and women’s football? o Do you think they can play together?

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Questions for family members

Demographics  Name  Birthday  Ethnicity  Marital Status  Type of dwelling live in  Members of household

Family Relations  How would you describe yourself?  How would you describe your family members?  What roles do you have in the house? o What expectations are put on you for fulfilling those roles? o Who gives you those expectations? Who decides? o What are they based on?  Who makes the decisions in the house? o How often are you allowed to go out? o Where to? o Is this the same for everyone in the family? o Does everyone agree?  What do you do together as a family? o Inside/Outside the house? o Who do you spend the most time with? o The least time with? . Why? o Does the family watch the soccer matches? Why/why not?  How do you support or show love to each other? o Is this the same to everyone in the family? o If you have a problem, who do you go to for help? o Who comes to you?  Do you get along well with everyone? o Can you give me an example or more?  What do you usually talk about with your family members? o How often do you talk about football? . In what way?  Who brings the finances into the home? o Who decides how they are used? o Do you receive money to support you playing soccer? . Who decides? . Would they give you the money for something else?  What and why or why not?

Football related  When did your daughter start playing football? o How did she get involved? o Who encouraged this involvement?  How often do you go and watch the matches or practices? o When did you first see her or any other women playing? o What was your first reaction?  How did you feel about her participating at first? o Were you supportive or discouraging? o Why?  What changes did you see in your daughter since she started playing football?

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o How do you know that is linked to her playing and not to another activity she was involved in? o What do you think of these changes? o Has she changed around the house? o Does she treat you or other people differently? . Is this a positive or a negative thing? o Have other relationships within your family changed as a result of your daughter playing football?  How do you feel about her playing now?  How do other members of your family feel about her playing?  What benefits has football brought to your family?  What opportunities has football brought?  What challenges/difficulties has it brought?  Do you want her to continue to play? o Why or why not?  Will you encourage your other daughters to play (if you have any)?  Do you think there is a career opportunity for her in football?

Media/other women’s football coverage/publicity  Are you familiar with other women’s football programmes in South Africa/your neighbourhood? o Which ones? o How did you hear about them? o Do you think they are positive or negative?  Do you ever see women’s football on TV or in the media, newspapers, magazines?  If a women’s football match was being shown on TV would you watch it?  Would you go watch a game live?  What do you think are the differences between men’s and women’s football? o Do you think they can play together?

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APPENDIX D: Participant information forms

Research Participant Information form (Coach/Administrator)

Date of Interview: Place of Interview: Surname:

Given name(s): Contact Number: Street Address: Email Address: Occupation:

Birthday: Day Month Year Age (years) Marital Single Married Divorced Widowed Living with Status: partner Ethnicity: Black White Coloured Indian Other (please write)

Where do Informal House/flat/ Flat in block of Semi- House on you live: dwelling Room on shared flats detached separate property house land Rent Own With Parents

What is your current and past position(s) in football?

Year(s) Club/Organization Based in: (i.e. Play in: (i.e. Position (player, Local Football which League?) coach, referee, Association) etc.)

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Research Participant Information form (Players and family members)

Date of Place of interview interview (Suburb)

Surname: Given Name(s) Contact Number

Street Address: Email Address: Occupation:

Birthday: Day Month Year Age (years) Marital Single Married Divorced Widowed Living with partner Status: Ethnicity: Black White Coloured Indian Other (please write)

Where do Informal House/flat/ Flat in Semi- House on you live: dwelling Room on block of detached separate land shared flats house property Rent Own

Who lives in your house? Surname First Name Relation to Birthday/Age Place and level of Sports they you school or work play

Do you have family members that live outside your house? Surname First Name Relation Birthday/ Where Place and level Sports to you Age they live of school or they play work

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APPENDIX E: Altas.ti code list

*BENEFITS Benefits - social - teamwork/trust/sharing *CONCERNS Benefits - social - travel/meet new people *CONTEXT Challenges *FAMILY Challenges - financial *SEXUALITY Challenges - Personal *SOCIALISATION Challenges - personal - physical injury Benefits - changed perceptions - gender roles Challenges - personal - Reasons to quit Benefits - changed perceptions - media coverage Challenges - personal - reasons to quit - not fun Benefits - changed perceptions - sports Challenges - personal - reasons to quit - abilities/opportunities pregnancy Benefits - changes in gender roles Challenges - personal - reasons to quit - team Benefits - Community dynamics Benefits - community - changed perceptions Challenges - personal - safety and vulnerability Benefits - community - increased opportunities for Changes - Appearance women Changes - Behavioural Benefits - community - opportunities to improve Changes - clothes women's football in SA Changes - games played Benefits - community - pride/recognition Changes - hair Benefits - community - safety/stay off streets Changes - household duties Benefits - community - stay - keep busy Changes - talk Benefits - community - stay - outside/on streets Changes - walk Benefits - community - stay - pregnancy/dating Community - comments - positive - "it's good for boys her" Benefits - community - stay - safe Community - comments - positive - "she can play" Benefits - community - stay - substance Community - Differences abuse/partying Community - Differences - between boys and girls Benefits - community - stay out of trouble/jail - no difference Benefits - family Community - Differences - between boys and girls Benefits - Family - brag to family and friends soccer Benefits - family - cover school fees Community - Differences - between soccer and Benefits - family - display medals/awards/photos other sports Benefits - family - financial Community - Differences - between sports girls Benefits - family - financial/material resources and non-sports girls Benefits - family - player/family is happy Community - media Benefits - family - role model to other parents Community - media - Live matches Benefits - Family - source of pride Community - media - Need more Benefits - opportunities - money/material items Community - media - Newspaper/magazines Benefits - personal Community - media - TV coverage Benefits - personal - physical Community - watch play Benefits - personal - psych - enjoyment Concerns - come home late Benefits - physical - healthy/fit Concerns - Community Jealousy Benefits - physical - increased skills Concerns - don't tell parents about Benefits - psych - disciplined games/tournaments Benefits - psych - educational opportunities Concerns - lie about going to soccer/don't come /performance home right away Benefits - psych - focus and dedication Concerns - Lose focus on school Benefits - psych - increased confidence/self- Concerns - no change esteem/self-efficacy Concerns - patriarchal/stereotypical ideologies Benefits - psych - relieve stress/deal with emotions Concerns - patr - "girls can't play soccer" (abilities) Benefits - psych - strong/stand up for self and Concerns - patr - gender roles - changes others Concerns - patr - not a lady/tomboy Benefits - Psychological Concerns - patr - sexuality - lesbianism Benefits - Social Concerns - patr - sexuality - netball gays Benefits - social - communication Concerns - negative behaviours/drinking Benefits - social - positive boy/girl relps Family - Composition Benefits - social - positive role model/leadership Family - Composition - SES Benefits - social - recognition Family - Duties Benefits - social - relps Family - Duties - cover player responsibilities Benefits - social - respect and able to listen Family - Duties - Other family member Benefits - social - responsible/time management responsibilities 347

Family - Duties - Player responsibilities Location - History Family - Dynamics Location - Other Family - Individuals Location - SES Family - individuals - childhood play activities Location - teenage pregnancies Family - Individuals - friends Research Aims Family - individuals - future goals Sexuality - acknowledged Family - individuals - Future goals - Other Sexuality - conflicts academic Sexuality - conflicts - religion Family - individuals - Future goals - play for Sexuality - hidden Banyana Banyana Sexuality - initial reactions Family - individuals - Future goals - Play Sexuality - reasons for internationally/professionally Socialisation - Context Family - individuals - Future goals - Work in sports Socialisation - individual context field Socialisation - Modes Family - Individuals - Personalities SPORT @ SCHOOL Family - individuals - Role models Sport @ school - boys and girls both play Family - Individuals - Sport and gender ideology Sport @ school - boys and girls different Family - Individuals - sport history Sport @ school - changes Family - Individuals - Women's Sport knowledge Sport @ school - league Family - relationships Sport @ school - NGOs Family - relationships - discussions Sport @ school - other sports Family - relationships - problem solving/discipline Sport @ school - role models Family - relationships - shared activities Sport @ school - sporting codes Family - support Sport @ school - success Family - support - ask about games Sport @ school - tournaments Family - support - discuss soccer Sport @ school - what learned Family - support - emotional/words Sport @ school - what learned - used at home Family - support - encourage participation Sport @ school - what learned - used at school Family - support - encourage participation of Sport @ school - why not participate siblings/other children Sport @ school - why participate Family - support - financial SPORT AND SOCIAL DEVT Family - support - physical Team Dynamics Family - support - play soccer Team History Family - support - watch matches Team, parent, coach relations Family - support - watch soccer on tv together Women’s soccer - Club/Team Family - support - why not watch matches Women’s soccer - coach training HISTORY Women’s soccer - facilities History - Family Women’s soccer - national History - School Women’s soccer - provincial History - Soccer Women’s soccer - regional History - soccer - current status Women’s soccer - school History - soccer - family influence Women’s soccer - women in admin History - Soccer - How start Women’s soccer in location, at club History - soccer - initial reaction Women’s soccer internationally LOCATION WOMEN’S SOCCER

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