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POST FREE You May Get the African Communist Sent to You Post Free by Becoming a Subscriber POST FREE You may get The African Communist sent to you post free by becoming a subscriber. Anywhere in Africa - 20 p (4 shillings) per year (four issues) (airmail - £1. 50). Europe - 60 p (12 shillings) per year. America & Canada - $ 2.00 (per year) (airmail $ 5.50). FREE SAMPLE OFFER If you would like your friends to receive a free sample copy of The African Communist, fill in this form and return it to us. NA M E ..................................... ADDRESS .................................. NAME...................................... NA M E ...................................... ADDRESS .................................. lnkululeko Publications, 39 Goodge Street, London W I THE AFRICAN COMMUNIST Published quarterly in the interests of African solidarity, and as a forum for Marxist-Leninist thought throughout our Continent, by the South African Communist Party CONTENTS 5 EDITORIAL NOTES Imperialism's 'Grand Strategy' in Africa; The Nixon-Home- Vorster Line; Hands off Zambia!; The Murder of Ahmed Timol; China in the U.N. 17 F. Meli A NATION IS BORN Commemorating the sixtieth anniversary of the foundation of the African National Congress in January 1912, the author outlines the growth of the African national movement from its early pioneers to the present epoch of armed struggle for people's power in South Africa. 37 R. Palme Dutt THE CRISIS OF THE WORLD CAPITALIST ECONOMY In this article, specially written for our journal, the well-known theoretician of British Marxism, for over fifty years Editor of Labour Monthly, explains the underlying causes and implications of the present currency crisis 47 Sol Dubula 'BANTUSTAN' POLITICS In their intensive efforts to lend some plausibility to their fraudulent partition scheme, whereby they purport to be extending a measure of independent self-government on the small and scattered African tribal areas ('Bantustans'), the Vorster government are getting involved in some strange contortions. On their part, some of the Bantustan leaders are becoming restive and coming out with militant-sounding problems. Sol Dubula describes and analyses what is happening. 62 Henry Winston MARXISM AND THE BLACK PANTHER PARTY A crisis has arisen within the Black Panther Party in America, involving a split and vigorous policy differences. In this absorbing study the National Chairman of the Communist Party of the USA discusses the issues involved from the standpoint of revolutionary MarxismLeninism. 84 Henri Percikow FOR ANGELA DAVIS This poem and the accompanying drawing by Samuel Kamen, are reproduced by courtesy of Freedomways, a quarterly review of the freedom movement published in New York. 87 A. Langa AFRICA: NOTES AND COMMENTS Events in Ghana, Uganda, Malagasy Republic, Zambia (from R. Matajo, Lusaka); Bonn 's Nazi Envoys in Africa (from J. Mader, G.D.R.) 99 BOOK REVIEWS West African Resistance (ed. Michael Crowder); Conversations with Allende (Regis Debray); The Autobiography of an Unknown African (Naboth Mokgatle); The Terror Fighters (A.J. Venter); The Silent War (R. Shay and C. Vermaak); Sounds of a Cowhide Drum (O.J. Mtshai). 118 A.N.C. Kumalo BEFORE INTERROGATION? A Poem to Ahmed Timol and others. 121 DOCUMENTS This Ugliness Must End (Editorial from the Rand Daily Mail, 29 October,1971). 125 THE AFRICAN COMMUNIST: CONTENTS LIST FOR 1971 Imperialism's 'Grand Strategy' in Africa HOME'S SECOND MUNICH In the closing days of November 1971, that sinister figure from a past era, Sir Alex Douglas-Home, returned from Salisbury with a piece of paper which he told a cheering Conservative majority in Parliament were 'fair and honourable' terms of agreement between the British government and the mutinous gang of settlers known as the Smith regime, which is thereby recognised as the legitimate government of the independent 'Republic of Rhodesia.' It is just a third of a century ago that Neville Chamberlain, supported by the very same gentleman (then known as Lord Home), returned from a visit to Hitler with a not dissimilar scrap of paper: the infamous 'Munich Agreement.' In each case British imperialism attempted to resolve its difficulties by handing over someone else's country to an alien and atrocious dictatorship. Then, as now, the effect is to endanger the peace and security of an entire continent in the interests of the most reactionary sections of international monopoly capitalism. Of course this time it is not Czechoslovakia but Zimbabwe; the continent is not Europe but Africa; the aggressor to be 'appeased' is not Nazi Germany but the neo-Nazi Republic of South Africa, the actual underwriters and protectors of Smith's regime. And the year is not 1938, it is 1971. These differences of time and place cannot conceal the striking likenesses of pattern and incident, right down to the person selected by the imperialists to do the hatchet job. We shall not insult the intelligence of our readers by analysing the tortuous details of 'African voters' rolls' and 'European voters' rolls' (the very concept is inherently discriminatory and racialist); and all the rest of the rigmarole whereby Britain seeks to cover the stink of betrayal with an odour of benevolence and humanitarian sanctimoniousness. 'The Rhodesian Government have given an assurance to the British Government that they will not introduce any amendment of the specially entrenched provisions of the Constitution . until three years have elapsed.' No one with the slightest knowleage of the history of British dealings with the white minorities of Southern Africa can read such flimsy rubbish without repugnance. It is a century since Britain granted 'responsible government' to the Cape (1872) with a nominally 'colour-blind' franchise subject to a property qualification (£25) which effectively excluded all but a small minority of blacks from the vote. Within a few years the Cape Parliament (headed by Cecil Rhodes, the imperialist millionaire whose name was bestowed upon the settlers' paradise he created beyond the Zambesi) broke all its promises and to keep the blacks from political effectiveness raised the qualification to £75. The rights of Coloured and African voters in the Cape Province were 'specially entrenched' in the South Africa Act passed by the British Parliament in 1909, which created the Union (now the Republic) of South Africa, together with solemn pledges that they would never be tampered with. Nothing remains of those rights. Given the most favourable possible circumstances, in terms of the Home-Smith constitution the five million Africans could not achieve 'parity' (i.e. an equal number of votes) with the quarter-million whites before the end of the present century, never mind three years. We can be quite sure that the white electorate would long before that use their majority to stop African advance just as their sainted 'Founder' Rhodes did in the Cape a hundred years ago. Even if we could imagine that Smith and his Rhodesian Front would stick to their 'assurance' and refrain from constitutional amendments during the next three years, they cannot tie their successors or the white electorate. The moment they felt (or an even more outrageous demagogue than Smith could persuade them) that their domination was threatened they would vote in men to their Parliament who would scrap the pledges that were not worth the paper they were written on. The blunt reality is that - in defiance of that great majority of 102 members of the United Nations who voted for NIBMAR: No Independence before Majority Rule Britain is about to hand over power to a gang of unrepentant white chauvinists who will continue to use that power to exploit, oppress and degrade the majority of the people, the rightful owners and rulers of Zimbabwe, as they have been doing-ever since UDI (and long before, for that matter). We must confess that we are neither surprised nor shocked by this shameful sellout, though the transparent crudity of the Home-Smith Agreement is such as to shock the most credulous believer in British justice and fairplay. We have never believed that UDI was a private quarrel between London and Salisbury; indeed the great weakness of the approach of the African states was that they permitted the problem to be placed in that setting. It may be difficult for the African people of Zimbabwe, under police state conditions, to express their unequivocal rejection of this white men's agreement to saddle their country with such a travesty of a constitution. No such difficulties can restrain the African states of the OAU. Just as recently, at Mogadishu, they uncompromisingly rejected the concept of 'dialogue' with Vorster, so now they must reject the Salisbury agreement. It is not for Britain on its own to call off the sanctions against Smith's regime. Those measures were decided on by the United Nations and it is only the United Nations which can rescind them. Against any such attempt, we are confident, all the anti-imperialist, anti-racialist forces of the world will be mobilised. If there is one positive purpose served by the Home-Smith deal, it is once and for all to destroy any lingering confidence that any democratic or fair solution of the 'Rhodesian question' could be sought in the ruling circles in London. British imperialism has never stood up as the defender of the people's rights in Southern Africa or anywhere else. Had they really been concerned with upholding African rights and quelling Smith's 'rebellion' they could have effectively and legally intervened from the start with a fraction of the military force, the bloodshed and expense, that they are now deploying to retain the six counties of Northern Ireland within the United Kingdom. The Home-Smith Agreement of Salisbury was no more designed in the interest of the Africans than was the HitlerChamberlain Agreement of Munich in the interests of the Czechoslovakians. In each case, to divine the real intention and significance, we must look beyond the immediate text and provisions to the underlying long-term strategy of the imperialist conspirators.
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