1991 Biafra Genocide, Nigeria
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2. the Secession of Biafra, 1967–1970
University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository University of Calgary Press University of Calgary Press Open Access Books 2020-06 Secession and Separatist Conflicts in Postcolonial Africa Thomas, Charles G.; Falola, Toyin University of Calgary Press Thomas, C. G., & Falola, T. (2020). Secession and Separatist Conflicts in Postcolonial Africa. University of Calgary Press, Calgary, AB. http://hdl.handle.net/1880/112216 book https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca SECESSION AND SEPARATIST CONFLICTS IN POSTCOLONIAL AFRICA By Charles G. Thomas and Toyin Falola ISBN 978-1-77385-127-3 THIS BOOK IS AN OPEN ACCESS E-BOOK. It is an electronic version of a book that can be purchased in physical form through any bookseller or on-line retailer, or from our distributors. Please support this open access publication by requesting that your university purchase a print copy of this book, or by purchasing a copy yourself. If you have any questions, please contact us at [email protected] Cover Art: The artwork on the cover of this book is not open access and falls under traditional copyright provisions; it cannot be reproduced in any way without written permission of the artists and their agents. The cover can be displayed as a complete cover image for the purposes of publicizing this work, but the artwork cannot be extracted from the context of the cover of this specific work without breaching the artist’s copyright. COPYRIGHT NOTICE: This open-access work is published under a Creative Commons licence. This means that you are free to copy, distribute, display or perform the work as long as you clearly attribute the work to its authors and publisher, that you do not use this work for any commercial gain in any form, and that you in no way alter, transform, or build on the work outside of its use in normal academic scholarship without our express permission. -
A Dirty Little War In
Air war analysis MozambiqueA dirty little war in espite having total air supremacy, elsewhere, and who has communicated directly – the Wagner Group has undertaken numerous mobility on the ground, excellent with this writer, suggested that by moving into actions against an enemy that is entrenched in D communications and access to a northern Mozambique in force, the so-called the rugged jungle and mountain-clad terrain range of sophisticated hardware – including Islamic State (IS) is only a step away from fringing southern Tanzania. That much we know. drones and some of the best squad weapons becoming fully active in South Africa. He said: What we do not is how many guerrilla fighters on the planet – a sophisticated Russian “This radical movement already has a strong there are, how they are able to bring their mercenary force has been driven out of northern presence that includes military training bases.” weapons – possibly including man-portable Mozambique after only months of mixing it with Having entered the conflict at the behest of air defence systems (MANPADS) – into the a tough jihadist force that has Somali roots. It Russia’s President Putin last October – and country (likely through Tanzania) and how many goes much further. A confidential report by a enjoying complete dominance in the air with foreign fighters there are within their ranks. senior United Nations official who has served an array of Hind helicopter gunships as well as It’s also not clearly understood how this low- in Afghanistan, both Sudans, Yemen and Mi-8/17 Hip medium twin-turbine transporters key insurgency managed to escalate into an efficient, elite combat force under the very nose of the Mozambique Army. -
BIAFRAN GHOSTS. the MASOB Ethnic Militia
Biafran Ghosts DISCUSSION PAPER 73 BIAFRAN GHOSTS The MASSOB Ethnic Militia and Nigeria’s Democratisation Process IKE OKONTA NORDISKA AFRIKAINSTITUTET, UPPSALA 2012 Indexing terms: Nigeria Biafra Democratization Political development Ethnicity Ethnic groups Interethnic relations Social movements Nationalism The opinions expressed in this volume are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Language checking: Peter Colenbrander ISSN 1104-8417 ISBN 978-91-7106-716-6 © The author and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 2012 Production: Byrå4 Print on demand, Lightning Source UK Ltd. Contents Acknowledgement ................................................................................................................. 5 Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 7 Chapter 1. ‘Tribesmen,’ Democrats and the Persistence of the Past ................................ 10 Explaining Democratisation in ‘Deeply-divided’ Societies ............................................ 13 ‘Tribesmen’ and Generals: ‘Shadow’ Democratisation and its Ethnic Double ............. 16 Methodology ..................................................................................................................... 20 Chapter 2. MASSOB: The Civic Origins of an Ethnic Militia ............................................... 23 Chapter 3. Reimagining Biafra, Remobilising for Secession .............................................. 33 ‘Go Down, -
Chinua Achebe, There Was a Country, (New York: the Penguin Press), 2012
Chinua Achebe, There Was A Country, (New York: The Penguin Press), 2012. pp. 333. By Emily Milstein Chinua Achebe is undoubtedly one of Nigeria’s, and Africa’s, best known and most celebrated authors. Nigeria, Africa’s most popu- lous country and arguably one of the continent’s most diverse, has had a bumpy, conflict-ridden road since the nation gained its independence from Great Britain in 1960. The secession of Biafra in 1967 and the subsequent civil war that exploded in Nigeria are emblematic of the country’s struggle to grapple with the question of what it means to be Nigerian. Achebe’s There Was A Country deals with this question, speaking on behalf of all Igbos and asser- tion their place as Nigerians as well as their right to act in a way that will ensure their well being. Part memoir, part historical nar- rative, and part collection of poems, Achebe’s book seamlessly bridges the gap between these different genres to produce a work of literature that provides readers with a nuanced understanding of complex historical event. Beginning with a bit of personal background, Achebe tells the story of Biafra and of the Igbos’ struggle against persecution and violence at the hands of their fellow, non-Igbo, Nigerians. Well-educated and economically successful, the Igbo contributed significantly to Nigeria’s economic and political development in the mid-20th century. Jealousy on the part of non-Igbo Nigerians however built up anti-Igbo resentment that exploded violently in the period after Nigeria’s 1966 coup. Igbo and Nigerian bloodshed continued into the Biafran war, mounting a huge psychological and physical toll on Nigeria’s Igbos, to which Achebe devotes much of his book. -
Spring 1969 160 North 15Th Strc~C't Pltiladelphia, Penn\?L/Vntiin 19102 ."X- NATIONAL EDITION
American Friends Scrvice Committe Spring 1969 160 North 15th Strc~c't Pltiladelphia, Penn\?l/vntiin 19102 ."X- NATIONAL EDITION Nigeria and Biafra relief programs in operation stable and Red Cross teams havc nioved in, refugees who havc been hiding many months filter out, ragged, dirty, with their fcw possessions on their hcads. No doubt ninny of them havc died exiled from their homes, for those re- fly HETII BINFORD turning arc nicrcly skin and bonc froni "Our goal is to build all-American starvation or swollen from lack of pro- ricighborlioods," says Tony Edgerton, tcin or wracked by diseasc. director of the AFSC's community rcla- "It is the cliildren and old ones who tions program in Xenia, Ohio, Rich- havc suffcrcd most-the fornier bccausc mond and Muncic, Indiana. Tony has thcir growth rcquircments dcniancl pro- helpcd get public attention in thcsc cities tein urgently, the oldcr ones because focused on the nced for hettcr housing their reserves arc Icss." and for desegregated neighborhoods and Abiriba Joint Hospital schools. Through pcrsonal contacts, letters, spccclics. niovies lic 1i;is sparked Thc Riafri~Program is bascd ;it Abi- intcr-faith anti inter-racial groups to riba, and is co-sponsorctl hy the AFSC work on thcsc problcnis. and the Mennonite Centrill Conimittcc. "We also encouraRe individuals to 1 llc /\rncr~ci~nFr~cnds Service Com- year's crops from being planted. AI- tlerc tlie team has assumed administra- live up to their ideals and to take re- mittee has now established two separate ready the supply of staple bulk foods, tion of the Abiriba Joint Hospital and sponsibility for making their community relief programs, one in Nigeria, the with which the present supply of high- tlic over ten feeding stations it operates hettcr. -
Bombs, Bullets, and Bread in Biafra
Bombs, Bullets, and Bread in Biafra Ministry in the Midst of War and Kwashiorkor Wally Shellenberger It’s the morning of September 4, 1968, at Ebem, Biafra. Hundreds of peo- ple—mostly women and children—are seeking help but mostly hope. A young mother walks toward me holding the hand of a child who waddles along as a drop of serum from an ulcer on her ballooned-out feet falls on the dusty road. The child is gradually dying from lack of protein in her diet. What can we do? We give her seven vitamin tablets, then move on to the next dying child. When I get back to Abiriba, as I walk from the hospital to our home feeling helpless and desperate, I hear a voice from beyond. I know it is not my thought, but I also know I did not hear it with my ears, so what is it? The voice says, “These are my children; I hold them in my hand.” (It seems quite absurd, but these words have given me an assurance and peace that is available to me even now, fifty years later.) Becoming Medical Missionaries in Nigeria In 1960 Nigeria gained independence from Great Britain, and five years later, one week after being married, we went to experience this new country. Our Norwegian freighter ploughed across the Atlantic, nosed in at ports along the West Africa coast, and dropped us off at Port Harcourt. In September of that year, my wife, Evie, and I began serving as medical missionaries at the Aka- haba Abiriba Joint Hospital, which was administered by the Mennonite Board of Missions and Charities (MBMC), the precursor to Mennonite Mission Network. -
Sanctuary Lost: the Air War for ―Portuguese‖ Guinea, 1963-1974
Sanctuary Lost: The Air War for ―Portuguese‖ Guinea, 1963-1974 Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Matthew Martin Hurley, MA Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2009 Dissertation Committee: Professor John F. Guilmartin, Jr., Advisor Professor Alan Beyerchen Professor Ousman Kobo Copyright by Matthew Martin Hurley 2009 i Abstract From 1963 to 1974, Portugal and the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde, or PAIGC) waged an increasingly intense war for the independence of ―Portuguese‖ Guinea, then a colony but today the Republic of Guinea-Bissau. For most of this conflict Portugal enjoyed virtually unchallenged air supremacy and increasingly based its strategy on this advantage. The Portuguese Air Force (Força Aérea Portuguesa, abbreviated FAP) consequently played a central role in the war for Guinea, at times threatening the PAIGC with military defeat. Portugal‘s reliance on air power compelled the insurgents to search for an effective counter-measure, and by 1973 they succeeded with their acquisition and employment of the Strela-2 shoulder-fired surface-to-air missile, altering the course of the war and the future of Portugal itself in the process. To date, however, no detailed study of this seminal episode in air power history has been conducted. In an international climate plagued by insurgency, terrorism, and the proliferation of sophisticated weapons, the hard lessons learned by Portugal offer enduring insight to historians and current air power practitioners alike. -
Harnischfeger Igbo Nationalism & Biafra Long Paper
Igbo Nationalism and Biafra Johannes Harnischfeger, Frankfurt Content 0. Foreword .................................................................... 3 1. Introduction 1.1 The War and its Legacy ....................................... 8 1.2 Trapped in Nigeria.............................................. 13 1.2 Nationalism, Religion, and Global Identities....... 17 2. Patterns of Ethnic and Regional Conflicts 2.1 Early Nationalism ............................................... 23 2.2 The Road to Secession ...................................... 31 3. The Defeat of Biafra 3.1 Left Alone ........................................................... 38 3.2 After the War ...................................................... 44 4. Global Identities and Religion 4.1 9/11 in Nigeria .................................................... 52 4.2 Christian Solidarity ............................................. 59 5. Nationalist Organisations 5.1 Igbo Presidency or Secession............................ 64 2 5.2 Internal Divisions ................................................ 70 6. Defining Igboness 6.1 Reaching for the Stars........................................ 74 6.2 Secular and Religious Nationalism..................... 81 7. A Secular, Afrocentric Vision 7.1 A Community of Suffering .................................. 86 7.2 Roots .................................................................. 91 7.3 Modernism.......................................................... 97 8. The Covenant with God 8.1 In Exile............................................................. -
Essay War, Profits, and the Vacuum of Law: Privatized Military Firms And
FORMATTEDSINGER006FINAL.DOC 01/22/04 1:35 PM Essay War, Profits, and the Vacuum of Law: Privatized Military Firms and International Law * P.W. SINGER Over the last decade, a new global industry has arisen, made up of private firms that sell military services. These companies, known as “privatized military firms” (“PMFs”), sell everything from small teams of commandos to massive military supply operations. PMFs have operated in places as diverse as Sierra Leone and Iraq, and on behalf of many states, including the United States. The rise of PMFs signals an important new development in the way that war is now carried out. Unfortunately, the legal side has not yet caught up to these events. This article examines the applicability of present international laws and definitions to PMFs and finds a gap in effectiveness. It next looks at national attempts at legal regulation and the challenges that they face. Finally, it surveys some of the potential solutions that have been offered to this legal quandary, seeking to offer workable proposals for how the PMF industry might be brought under some standard of regulation. * Peter Warren Singer is National Security Fellow in the Foreign Policy Studies Program at the Brookings Institution and Director of the Brookings Project on U.S. Policy Towards the Islamic World. He has a Ph.D. in Security Studies from Harvard University. His book, CORPORATE WARRIORS (2003) is the first overall survey of the privatized military industry. Dr. Singer has published in Foreign Affairs, International Security, Survival, and World Policy Journal, and has served as a commentator for ABC, BBC, CNN, Fox and al Jazeera. -
Nigeria - Researched and Compiled by the Refugee Documentation Centre of Ireland on Friday 5 August 2016
Nigeria - Researched and compiled by the Refugee Documentation Centre of Ireland on Friday 5 August 2016 Information on an attack on a church by police/military on 29 May 2016, in which IPOB members were staying Agence France Presse in June 2016 notes: “Amnesty International on Friday claimed the Nigerian military shot dead unarmed civilians before a march to mark the anniversary of the 1967 Biafran declaration of independence. But the army rejected the claims, accusing pro-Biafran protesters of being armed, violent and carrying out "wanton destruction" and "a number of unimaginable atrocities". Police have said at least 10 people were killed -- five in the town of Onitsha, Anambra state, and five in Asaba, in neighbouring Delta state -- in violence linked to the commemoration on May 30. The Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) movement, which has revived calls for an independent homeland for the Igbo people in southeast Nigeria, claimed at least 35 were killed. Amnesty said it was unclear exactly how many people lost their lives, as soldiers -- who the army says acted in self-defence -- took away the dead and injured…IPOB maintained the protesters were unarmed and one man interviewed said he threw stones but the military and police fired back teargas then used live ammunition. Another said soldiers stormed a church where protesters were sleeping the night before the march and let off teargas, while another said he saw a young boy shot dead as he had his hands up” (Agence France Presse (10 June 2016) Amnesty backs Biafra group's shooting claims). A report issued in June 2016 by Amnesty International notes that: “An on-the-ground investigation by Amnesty International has confirmed that the Nigerian army gunned down unarmed people ahead of last month’s planned pro- Biafran commemoration events in Onitsha, Anambra state. -
Nigeria: 'Bullets Were Raining Everywhere'
NIGERIA: ‘BULLETS WERE RAINING EVERYWHERE’ DEADLY REPRESSION OF PRO-BIAFRA ACTIVISTS Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2016 Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons Cover photo: Hundreds of pro-Biafra supporters wave flags and chant songs as they march through the (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. streets of Aba, southeastern Nigeria, to call for the release of a key activist on 18 November 2015. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode © PIUS UTOMI EKPEI/AFP/Getty Images For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2016 by Amnesty International Nigeria Index: AIN 411/002/2016 Original language: English [AI index AFR 44/5211/2016] amnesty.org.ng CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 10 BACKGROUND 11 LEGAL FRAMEWORK 19 EXTRAJUDICIAL EXECUTIONS AND OTHER UNLAWFUL KILLINGS 24 Marchers shot, -
Igbo Genocide and Its Aftermath – the Tragedy of Africa's Unlearned Lessons
Igbo genocide and its aftermath – The tragedy of Africa’s unlearned lessons Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe In 1966, soon after the world commemorated the 21st anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz and made the customary solemn declaration of “Never, Never Again”, Nigeria defiled that season of reflection, commiseration and hope. Its military officers, the police, Hausa-Fulani emirs, muslim clerics and intellectuals, civil servants, journalists, politicians and other public figures planned and executed the Igbo genocide – the foundational genocide of post- (European)conquest Africa.1 This is also Africa’s most devastating genocide of the 20th century. A total of 3.1 million Igbo people, a quarter of this nation’s population at the time, were murdered between 29 May 1966 and 12 January 1970. Most of Africa and the world stood by and watched, hardly critical or condemnatory of this wanton destruction of human lives, raping, sacking and plundering of towns, villages, community after community in Biafra and elsewhere... Most Igbo were slaughtered in their homes, offices, businesses, schools, colleges, hospitals, markets, churches, shrines, farmlands, factories/industrial enterprises, children’s playground, town halls, refugee 1Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe, Biafra Revisited (Dakar and Reading: African Renaissance, 2006) and Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe, Readings from Reading: Essays on African Politics, Genocide, Literature (Dakar and Reading: African Renaissance, 2011). centres, cars, lorries, and at bus stations, railway stations, airports and on buses, trains and planes and on foot, or starved to death – the openly propagated regime-“weapon” to achieve its heinous goal more speedily. In the end, the Igbo genocide was enforced, devastatingly, by Nigeria’s simultaneously pursued land, aerial and naval blockade and bombardment of Igboland, Africa’s highest population density region outside the Nile Delta.