English Language

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

English Language ENGLISH LANGUAGE Ethnic varieties of Australian English Nearly five million Australians, one quarter of the nation’s total population, were born overseas. Over 100,000 new migrants each year bring with them their family, their belongings and also their language. The combination of the migrant’s first language and English, along with their often frequent association with others new to the country, causes an ethnolect; a variety of English characterised by foreign lexemes, simplified grammatical features and phonological features similar to those of the mother tongue. Further generations use an ethnolect due to contact with many ethnic people within their communities (including family), and also as a way of expressing themselves as those of ethnic descent. Many users of ethnolects are unaware of any difference between their language and Standard Australian English, and many communities look negatively upon them. Language users of many ethnicities develop ethnolects, including Greek and Chinese migrants. Ethnic groups are characterised by a number of factors, they are known for their different religious beliefs, traditions, cultures and values, as well as their language. One of the most well known ethnolects is the language used by many Greek-Australians. Greek-Australians often use Greek lexemes when discussing food, traditions and to express kinship, for example, the use of Gigia (pronounced /ja:jә /) for Grandma. Many users of a Greek ethnolect use discourse particles such as “eh”, “ah” and “aye” frequently, often to ensure the audience understands. Vowels may become elongated; where Australian English users will pronounce something with an “eh” or schwa sound at the end, and “uh” within a word, Eastern European ethnolects would use an “ah” sound. Consonants may change form, for example “t” sounds become “d” sounds, and the combination of these features causes words such as “tomato” to be pronounced “damada” and “bloody” becomes “blahdy”. Chinese English, often referred to as Chinglish or Chingrish (due to the lack of the “l” sound in many Asian languages), is another commonly used ethnolect in Australia. Chinese dialects are very different to English dialects, which results in a number of variations from Standard Australian English by Chinglish users. Many English consonants do not exist in Chinese dialects, causing Chinese English speakers to pronounce sounds such as /b/ differently, in this case as /p/. Syllables ending in consonants do not exist in Mandarin (with the exception of the “n” sound), and speakers tend to modify the consonant to form a separate syllable or leave the consonant out. In Chinese dialects, one character may be used to represent a number of things represented by different word in English. This leads to confusion, for example “see”, “watch”, “read” and “look at” are represented by one character in Chinese dialects, so may be used interchangeably by Chinglish speakers, for example “I am reading television”. A verb is often represented by placing “-ing” at the end of a word regardless of tense and “very” is often used as an adverb, for example “I very like it”. Singular nouns are often used in place of plurals and there is an excessive use of “the”, due to the absence of a Chinese equivalent and hence lack of knowledge of how the word is used. Language difference is just cause for the development of ethnolects. Speakers of English as a second language tend to modify their use of English to better suit their first language, but this is not the only cause of ethnolects. Second and third generation Australians are known to have foreign ethnolects as well as those who were born abroad. Many Eastern European migrants in the mid to late 20th Century lived in large communities together, and the dialects they developed became conglomerations of many different cultures and languages. The children of these migrants attended schools with other first and second generation migrants; sometimes two people of different mother tongues would teach each other any English that they were able to speak. Children without ethnic heritage that attended these schools would also develop ethnolects, as they were frequently exposed to them and often had teachers with foreign ethnolects. The syntactic and grammatical structures of mother tongues influence ethnolects and often lexemes which are synonymous in the first language are assumed synonymous in the second. In the semantic fields of food, tradition, religion and family, words are often borrowed from other languages as migrants may not feel it necessary to learn English equivalents and are able to express things more rapidly in their mother tongue. Some speakers may be uncomfortable applying particular syntactic structures to their second language where it is unacceptable in their first and, as is the case with many Chinglish speakers, find some sounds awkward or difficult to pronounce if they do not exist in their mother tongue. Many second and third generation Australians feel obliged to stay patriotic to their heritage and use ethnolects as a way of expressing their cultural identity or feel that they need to speak in a particular way to “fit in” with others of similar ethnicity. This is one reason for some of the attitudes held towards ethnolects by speakers of Standard Australian English. Users of ethnolects may be looked down on by outsiders or viewed positively by insiders. Those who do not have a foreign ethnolect often feel as though users are rejecting Australian English by using foreign lexemes and speaking with foreign accents despite choosing to live in Australia or Australian birth. Many users of Greek English are dubbed “wogs” and viewed as troublesome foreigners, no matter where they were born or their values. Many negative attitudes are held towards users of Chinglish, and they are often considered to be stupid or slow. Users of Greek English and other Eastern European ethnolects feel as though they are part of a group and that their ethnolect is part of their culture and identity. Members of a speech community generally view the language use of other members positively, however many migrants feel that their children should be as “Australian” as possible and expect them to speak with a general accent and use Standard English grammar and lexemes. Many migrants and their children who have lived in migrant communities since arrival in Australia are unaware or their language differing from Standard Australian English, as they rarely encounter people outside of their speech community. As one of the first dialects encountered when arriving to Australia, many foreigners believe ethnolects such as Greek English and Chinglish to be the national standard and may even make an effort to modify whatever English they know to be similar to these ethnolects. The causes and features of, and the attitudes held towards, an ethnolect are many. Greek English is characterized by foreign lexemes, discourse particles and phonology differing from that of Standard Australian English and the general Australian accent. Chinglish is known for its semantics, syntactic structure and phonological features. Frequent contact with others of ethnic descent, influence of the mother tongue and a desire to show ethnicity causes ethnolects to develop, and they are generally viewed negatively by the outside community and positively within the speech community. Not only new Australians, but also further generations of Australians are speaking with ethnolects as a way of expressing their cultural identity. Although the number of new migrants decreases each year, the prevalence of ethnolects is increasing and Greek and Chinese English are only two of many ethnolects present in Australian language. .
Recommended publications
  • Consonantal Variables Correlated with Ethnicity
    3 Consonantal variables correlated with ethnicity Consonants are readily associated with interference and substrate effects. That is, ethnic varieties, or ethnolects (Clyne 2000), commonly adopt consonantal variants that are the same as or similar to those of their ethnicity’s heritage language and thus differ in perceptually distinctive ways from forms found in the mainstream variety spoken around them. Such deviation makes intuitive sense when one considers the challenges facing learners of the majority language. Language learners often have difficulty with new (L2) consonants not found in their native (L1) languages, contributing to an interlanguage (Tarone 1979) in which L2 consonants are produced in ways that directly or indirectly reflect the speaker’s L1. While a fuller explication of this phenomenon was presented in Chapter 1, here we briefly discuss the particulars again with specific reference to consonantal variation. Consonantal inventories of a speaker’s L1 and L2 quite often are not identical. Well- known examples include the English consonants /r/ and /l/, which pose problems for Japanese learners of English because Japanese lacks a similar contrast (e.g., Goto 1971; Miyawaki et al. 1975), and the English interdental fricatives /θ/ and /ð/ for learners from Japanese, Russian, and French (see Brannen 2011) and many other language backgrounds that lack interdental fricatives. In their attempts to produce these consonants accurately, learners commonly substitute L1 phones (e.g., [t] and [d] or [s] and [z] for the interdental fricatives) or otherwise approximate the L2 consonants as best they can. In other cases, the learner’s L1 and the L2 share comparable consonants, yet these analogues may differ subtly in articulatory details.
    [Show full text]
  • Not Taking Yourself Too Seriously in Australian English: Semantic Explications, Cultural Scripts, Corpus Evidence
    Not taking yourself too seriously in Australian English: Semantic explications, cultural scripts, corpus evidence Author Goddard, Cliff Published 2009 Journal Title Intercultural Pragmatics Version Version of Record (VoR) DOI https://doi.org/10.1515/IPRG.2009.002 Copyright Statement © 2009 Walter de Gruyter & Co. KG Publishers. The attached file is reproduced here in accordance with the copyright policy of the publisher. Please refer to the journal's website for access to the definitive, published version. Downloaded from http://hdl.handle.net/10072/44428 Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au Not taking yourself too seriously in Australian English: Semantic explications, cultural scripts, corpus evidence CLIFF GODDARD Abstract In the mainstream speech culture of Australia (as in the UK, though per- haps more so in Australia), taking yourself too seriously is culturally proscribed. This study applies the techniques of Natural Semantic Meta- language (NSM) semantics and ethnopragmatics (Goddard 2006b, 2008; Wierzbicka 1996, 2003, 2006a) to this aspect of Australian English speech culture. It first develops a semantic explication for the language-specific ex- pression taking yourself too seriously, thus helping to give access to an ‘‘in- sider perspective’’ on the practice. Next, it seeks to identify some of the broader communicative norms and social attitudes that are involved, using the method of cultural scripts (Goddard and Wierzbicka 2004). Finally, it investigates the extent to which predictions generated from the analysis can be supported or disconfirmed by contrastive analysis of Australian English corpora as against other English corpora, and by the use of the Google search engine to explore di¤erent subdomains of the World Wide Web.
    [Show full text]
  • Ethnolect, Dialect, and Linguistic Repertoire in New York City Kara Becker
    Ethnolect, dialect, and linguistic repertoire in New York City Kara Becker Introduction One way to conceptualize the ethnolect is to look beyond the fixed category when considering the role of ethnicity in speaker production. This paper adopts a linguistic repertoire approach (Gumperz 1964, Benor 2010) to investigate the identity construction of one speaker who utilizes a diverse set of linguistic resources on the Lower East Side of New York City. Highlighting features that are commonly bounded as ethnolectal (copula absence as a feature of African American English (AAE)), dialectal (BOUGHT-raising as a feature of New York City English (NYCE)), or potentially either (non-rhoticity in the syllable coda, a feature associate with both AAE and NYCE) demonstrates the limitations of bounded categories like ethnolect and dialect in capturing the complexities of speaker practice. The traditional sociolinguistic approach to descriptions of African American speakers in New York City (c.f. Labov 1972a) and elsewhere in North America has been either to consider them primarily as speakers of an ethnolect (AAE), or to investigate the extent to which they assimilate to the local white norm (NYCE). A linguistic repertoire approach, in contrast, does not take a position on a speaker’s underlying linguistic variety, but allows for more fluidity between bounded –lects. The present analysis draws heavily from Benor’s (2010) notion of the ethnolinguistic repertoire, and expands on this approach by looking at how a speaker constructs not only ethnic identity but other aspects of a multivalent identity (Mendoza Denton 2002). Two aspects of speaker identity – ethnicity and locality – are highlighted here to demonstrate how a repertoire approach can reinforce efforts towards a more nuanced analysis of ethnolects and dialects in sociolinguistic research (Yeager-Dror and Thomas 2010).
    [Show full text]
  • Language Variation and Ethnicity in a Multicultural East London Secondary School
    Language Variation and Ethnicity in a Multicultural East London Secondary School Shivonne Marie Gates Queen Mary, University of London April 2019 Abstract Multicultural London English (MLE) has been described as a new multiethnolect borne out of indirect language contact among ethnically-diverse adolescent friendship groups (Cheshire et al. 2011). Evidence of ethnic stratification was also found: for example, “non-Anglo” boys were more likely to use innovative MLE diphthong variants than other (male and female) participants. However, the data analysed by Cheshire and colleagues has limited ethnographic information and as such the role that ethnicity plays in language change and variation in London remains unclear. This is not dissimilar to other work on multiethnolects, which presents an orientation to a multiethnic identity as more salient than different ethnic identities (e.g. Freywald et al. 2011). This thesis therefore examines language variation in a different MLE-speaking adolescent community to shed light on the dynamics of ethnicity in a multicultural context. Data were gathered through a 12-month ethnography of a Year Ten (14-15 years old) cohort at Riverton, a multi-ethnic secondary school in Newham, East London, and include field notes and interviews with 27 students (19 girls, 8 boys). A full multivariate analysis of the face and price vowels alongside a quantitative description of individual linguistic repertoires sheds light on MLE’s status as the new London vernacular. Building on the findings of Cheshire et al. (2011), the present study suggests that language variation by ethnicity can have social meaning in multi-ethnic communities. There are apparent ethnolinguistic repertoires: ethnic minority boys use more advanced vowel realisations alongside high rates of DH-stopping, and the more innovative was/were levelling system.
    [Show full text]
  • Department of English and American Studies English Language And
    Masaryk University Faculty of Arts Department of English and American Studies English Language and Literature Jana Krejčířová Australian English Bachelor’s Diploma Thesis Supervisor: PhDr. Kateřina Tomková, Ph. D. 2016 I declare that I have worked on this thesis independently, using only the primary and secondary sources listed in the bibliography. …………………………………………….. Author’s signature I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisor PhDr. Kateřina Tomková, Ph.D. for her patience and valuable advice. I would also like to thank my partner Martin Burian and my family for their support and understanding. Table of Contents Abbreviations ........................................................................................................... 6 Introduction .............................................................................................................. 7 1. AUSTRALIA AND ITS HISTORY ................................................................. 10 1.1. Australia before the arrival of the British .................................................... 11 1.1.1. Aboriginal people .............................................................................. 11 1.1.2. First explorers .................................................................................... 14 1.2. Arrival of the British .................................................................................... 14 1.2.1. Convicts ............................................................................................. 15 1.3. Australia in the
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 1. Introduction
    1 Chapter 1. Introduction Once an English-speaking population was established in South Africa in the 19 th century, new unique dialects of English began to emerge in the colony, particularly in the Eastern Cape, as a result of dialect levelling and contact with indigenous groups and the L1 Dutch speaking population already present in the country (Lanham 1996). Recognition of South African English as a variety in its own right came only later in the next century. South African English, however, is not a homogenous dialect; there are many different strata present under this designation, which have been recognised and identified in terms of geographic location and social factors such as first language, ethnicity, social class and gender (Hooper 1944a; Lanham 1964, 1966, 1967b, 1978b, 1982, 1990, 1996; Bughwan 1970; Lanham & MacDonald 1979; Barnes 1986; Lass 1987b, 1995; Wood 1987; McCormick 1989; Chick 1991; Mesthrie 1992, 1993a; Branford 1994; Douglas 1994; Buthelezi 1995; Dagut 1995; Van Rooy 1995; Wade 1995, 1997; Gough 1996; Malan 1996; Smit 1996a, 1996b; Görlach 1998c; Van der Walt 2000; Van Rooy & Van Huyssteen 2000; de Klerk & Gough 2002; Van der Walt & Van Rooy 2002; Wissing 2002). English has taken different social roles throughout South Africa’s turbulent history and has presented many faces – as a language of oppression, a language of opportunity, a language of separation or exclusivity, and also as a language of unification. From any chosen theoretical perspective, the presence of English has always been a point of contention in South Africa, a combination of both threat and promise (Mawasha 1984; Alexander 1990, 2000; de Kadt 1993, 1993b; de Klerk & Bosch 1993, 1994; Mesthrie & McCormick 1993; Schmied 1995; Wade 1995, 1997; de Klerk 1996b, 2000; Granville et al.
    [Show full text]
  • English in Australia and New Zealand
    English in Australia and New Zealand James Dixon, Narrative of a Voyage to New South Wales and Van Dieman’s Land in the Ship Skelton During the Year 1820 (1822) The children born in these colonies, and now grown up, speak a better language, purer, more harmonious, than is generally the case in most parts of England. The amalgamation of such various dialects assembled together, seems to improve the mode of articulating the words. Valerie Desmond, The Awful Australian (1911) But it is not so much the vagaries of pronunciation that hurt the ear of the visitor. It is the extraordinary intonation that the Australian imparts to his phrases. There is no such thing as cultured, reposeful conversation in this land; everybody sings his remarks as if he were reciting blank verse after the manner of an imperfect elocutionist. It would be quite possible to take an ordinary Australian conversation and immortalise its cadences and diapasons by means of musical notation. Herein the Australian differs from the American. The accent of the American, educated and uneducated alike, is abhorrent to the cultured Englishman or Englishwoman, but it is, at any rate, harmonious. That of the Australian is full of discords and surprises. His voice rises and falls with unexpected syncopations, and, even among the few cultured persons this country possesses, seems to bear in every syllable the sign of the parvenu. Walter Churchill (of the American Philological Society) The common speech of the commonwealth of Australia represents the most brutal maltreatment which has ever been inflicted upon the mother tongue of the English-speaking nations.
    [Show full text]
  • THE ANALYSIS of LANGUAGE VARIATION USED in FAST and FURIOUS 8 MOVIE a Sociolinguistics Study By: Arkin Haris, S.Pd., M.Hum
    THE ANALYSIS OF LANGUAGE VARIATION USED IN FAST AND FURIOUS 8 MOVIE A Sociolinguistics Study By: Arkin Haris, S.Pd., M.Hum. Email: [email protected] Website: arkinharis.com A. Background of Study As human beings, people can not be separated from the process of communication. In their lives, people need to interact with others since they can’t live by themselves. Through communication process, people can change their minds, ideas, thoughts, and intentions. They can also deliver messages to others. In conducting communication, people need a medium to express their intentions and messages. The most appropriate medium is language since language can carry a message by symbols. This is in line with what has been suggested by Wardaugh (1992: 8) who states that ―Language allows people to say things to each other and expresses communicate needs‖. In short, language is constantly used by humans in their daily life as a means of communication. Language is very important in social interaction. In interlace good relation, people will use appropriate language that can be understood by others in particular event. Some communities have their own language that is used in daily activity which different with other communities. Every community have different characteristic from their culture which determined the variety of language that they use. Some of them make uncommon languages that only can be understood by the member of communities in order to keeping their attribute or keeping a secret. Family relation, work place, friendship, and social class also can be causes of language varieties. Beside language varieties, changed or mix a language to another can be the way to establish a communication depend on who is the partner and the context.
    [Show full text]
  • New Zealand English
    New Zealand English Štajner, Renata Undergraduate thesis / Završni rad 2011 Degree Grantor / Ustanova koja je dodijelila akademski / stručni stupanj: Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences / Sveučilište Josipa Jurja Strossmayera u Osijeku, Filozofski fakultet Permanent link / Trajna poveznica: https://urn.nsk.hr/urn:nbn:hr:142:005306 Rights / Prava: In copyright Download date / Datum preuzimanja: 2021-09-26 Repository / Repozitorij: FFOS-repository - Repository of the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences Osijek Sveučilište J.J. Strossmayera u Osijeku Filozofski fakultet Preddiplomski studij Engleskog jezika i književnosti i Njemačkog jezika i književnosti Renata Štajner New Zealand English Završni rad Prof. dr. sc. Mario Brdar Osijek, 2011 0 Summary ....................................................................................................................................2 Introduction................................................................................................................................4 1. History and Origin of New Zealand English…………………………………………..5 2. New Zealand English vs. British and American English ………………………….….6 3. New Zealand English vs. Australian English………………………………………….8 4. Distinctive Pronunciation………………………………………………………………9 5. Morphology and Grammar……………………………………………………………11 6. Maori influence……………………………………………………………………….12 6.1.The Maori language……………………………………………………………...12 6.2.Maori Influence on the New Zealand English………………………….………..13 6.3.The
    [Show full text]
  • English in South Africa: Effective Communication and the Policy Debate
    ENGLISH IN SOUTH AFRICA: EFFECTIVE COMMUNICATION AND THE POLICY DEBATE INAUGURAL LECTURE DELIVERED AT RHODES UNIVERSITY on 19 May 1993 by L.S. WRIGHT BA (Hons) (Rhodes), MA (Warwick), DPhil (Oxon) Director Institute for the Study of English in Africa GRAHAMSTOWN RHODES UNIVERSITY 1993 ENGLISH IN SOUTH AFRICA: EFFECTIVE COMMUNICATION AND THE POLICY DEBATE INAUGURAL LECTURE DELIVERED AT RHODES UNIVERSITY on 19 May 1993 by L.S. WRIGHT BA (Hons) (Rhodes), MA (Warwick), DPhil (Oxon) Director Institute for the Study of English in Africa GRAHAMSTOWN RHODES UNIVERSITY 1993 First published in 1993 by Rhodes University Grahamstown South Africa ©PROF LS WRIGHT -1993 Laurence Wright English in South Africa: Effective Communication and the Policy Debate ISBN: 0-620-03155-7 No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo-copying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publishers. Mr Vice Chancellor, my former teachers, colleagues, ladies and gentlemen: It is a special privilege to be asked to give an inaugural lecture before the University in which my undergraduate days were spent and which holds, as a result, a special place in my affections. At his own "Inaugural Address at Edinburgh" in 1866, Thomas Carlyle observed that "the true University of our days is a Collection of Books".1 This definition - beloved of university library committees worldwide - retains a certain validity even in these days of microfiche and e-mail, but it has never been remotely adequate. John Henry Newman supplied the counterpoise: . no book can convey the special spirit and delicate peculiarities of its subject with that rapidity and certainty which attend on the sympathy of mind with mind, through the eyes, the look, the accent and the manner.
    [Show full text]
  • Olga O'toole Ethnolect and Attitudes in Chicagoland: an Analysis Of
    Zeszyty Naukowe Towarzystwa Doktorantów UJ Nauki Humanistyczne, Numer 22 (3/2018), s. 43–61 e-ISSN 2082-9469 | p-ISSN 2299-1638 www.doktoranci.uj.edu.pl/zeszyty/nauki-humanistyczne DOI: 10.26361/ZNTDH.09.2018.22.04 Olga O’Toole Jagiellonian University in Kraków Faculty of Philology Chair in English Linguistics e-mail: [email protected] Ethnolect and Attitudes in Chicagoland: An Analysis of African American Chicagoan Attitudes to AAVE Abstract In the field of ethnolect study, African American Vernacular English and Chicano English are known for their great significance in indexing and building identities. The Chicago and Chicago Northwest Suburb communities in particular, however, have seen little methodological linguistic study with concern to language attitudes. The following work is an analysis of interviews that took place in the Chicago area with members of the African American community. Although research1 on language attitudes in minority communities has already been carried out, not much has been done as far as language attitude research within the African American community in Chicago. The interviews regarded the attitudes of in-group members to their respec- tive ethnolects and provides an analysis of aspects of their perceptions concerning the varieties associated with their ethnic group. The interviews followed2 the direct approach to language attitude studies and consisted of open questions. In order to elicit responses from each speaker concerning the varieties they speak, questions of discrimination, attitudes, and perception, especially in the context of employment, were touched upon in the conversations with each participant. Mock Ebonics: Linguistic Racism in Parodies of Ebonics on the Internet1 Investigating language and Space:M.
    [Show full text]
  • The Pronunciation of English in South Africa by L.W
    The Pronunciation of English in South Africa by L.W. Lanham, Professor Emeritus, Rhodes University, 1996 Introduction There is no one, typical South African English accent as there is one overall Australian English accent. The variety of accents within the society is in part a consequence of the varied regional origins of groups of native English speakers who came to Africa at different times, and in part a consequence of the variety of mother tongues of the different ethnic groups who today use English so extensively that they must be included in the English-using community. The first truly African, native English accent in South Africa evolved in the speech of the children of the 1820 Settlers who came to the Eastern Cape with parents who spoke many English dialects. The pronunciation features which survive are mainly those from south-east England with distinct Cockney associations. The variables (distinctive features of pronunciation) listed under A below may be attributed to this origin. Under B are listed variables of probable Dutch origin reflecting close association and intermarriage with Dutch inhabitants of the Cape. There was much contact with Xhosa people in that area, but the effect of this was almost entirely confined to the vocabulary. (The English which evolved in the Eastern and Central Cape we refer to as Cape English.) The next large settlement from Britain took place in Natal between 1848 and 1862 giving rise to pronunciation variables pointing more to the Midlands and north of England (List C). The Natal settlers had a strong desire to remain English in every aspect of identity, social life, and behaviour.
    [Show full text]