Spartacist No. 41-42 Winter 1987-88
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SPYCATCHER by PETER WRIGHT with Paul Greengrass WILLIAM
SPYCATCHER by PETER WRIGHT with Paul Greengrass WILLIAM HEINEMANN: AUSTRALIA First published in 1987 by HEINEMANN PUBLISHERS AUSTRALIA (A division of Octopus Publishing Group/Australia Pty Ltd) 85 Abinger Street, Richmond, Victoria, 3121. Copyright (c) 1987 by Peter Wright ISBN 0-85561-166-9 All Rights Reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the prior written permission of the publisher. TO MY WIFE LOIS Prologue For years I had wondered what the last day would be like. In January 1976 after two decades in the top echelons of the British Security Service, MI5, it was time to rejoin the real world. I emerged for the final time from Euston Road tube station. The winter sun shone brightly as I made my way down Gower Street toward Trafalgar Square. Fifty yards on I turned into the unmarked entrance to an anonymous office block. Tucked between an art college and a hospital stood the unlikely headquarters of British Counterespionage. I showed my pass to the policeman standing discreetly in the reception alcove and took one of the specially programmed lifts which carry senior officers to the sixth-floor inner sanctum. I walked silently down the corridor to my room next to the Director-General's suite. The offices were quiet. Far below I could hear the rumble of tube trains carrying commuters to the West End. I unlocked my door. In front of me stood the essential tools of the intelligence officer’s trade - a desk, two telephones, one scrambled for outside calls, and to one side a large green metal safe with an oversized combination lock on the front. -
Rapport De Recherche #28 LES SERVICES DE RENSEIGNEMENT SOVIÉTIQUES ET RUSSES : CONSIDÉRATIONS HISTORIQUES
Centre Français de Recherche sur le Renseignement 1 LES SERVICES DE RENSEIGNEMENT SOVIÉTIQUES ET RUSSES : CONSIDÉRATIONS HISTORIQUES Colonel Igor PRELIN Rapport de recherche #28 Avril 2021 2 PRÉSENTATION DE L’AUTEUR Le colonel Igor Nicolaevich Prelin a servi toute sa carrière (1962-1991) au KGB où il a occupé successivement des fonctions au Service de contre-espionnage, au Service de renseignement (Guinée, Sénégal, Angola), à l’École de renseignement – en tant qu'instructeur il a eu Vladimir Poutine parmi ses élèves – et comme officier de presse du dernier président du KGB, le général Kriouchkov. De 1995 à 1998, le colonel Prelin est expert auprès du Comité de la Sécurité et de la Défense du Conseil de la Fédération de Russie (Moscou). Depuis, il consacre son temps à l’écriture d’essais, de romans et de scénarios, tout en poursuivant en parallèle une « carrière » d’escrimeur international. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Colonel Igor Nicolaevich Prelin served his entire career (1962-1991) in the KGB, where he successively held positions in the Counterintelligence Service, the Intelligence Service (Guinea, Senegal, Angola), the Intelligence School - as a professor he had Vladimir Putin among his students - and as press officer to the last KGB president, General Kriushkov. From 1995 to 1998, Colonel Prelin was an expert at the Committee on Security and Defense of the Council of the Russian Federation (Moscow). Since then, he has devoted his time to writing essays, novels and screenplays, while pursuing a "career" as an international fencer. RÉSUMÉ 3 LES SERVICES DE RENSEIGNEMENT SOVIÉTIQUES ET RUSSES : CONSIDÉRATIONS HISTORIQUES Les services de renseignement et de sécurité Il existe un certain nombre de traits caractéristiques soviétiques furent sans aucun doute les plus du renseignement soviétique à l’origine de son efficacité. -
AUGUST 4, 1972 More People Attend the Event
R . I, JE'/.' I t :! !! I ST.O~ ICAL ASS OC , 209 ANGE LL ST. 11 PROV . c,, R, I. 02906 Support Jewish Read By More Than Agencies 35,000 . With Your Membership People VOLUME LVI, NUMBER 23 PRIDAY,AUGUSf.f, 1972 12 PAGES lSc PER COPY U.S. Intelligence Sources Hoffman Says Everyone Premier Golda Meir Appeals In Florida Is Jewish Say Soviet U~ion Removing MJAMI BEACH - Abbh To Sadat For New Start '. loffman, one of the "Chlcap Seven" whose trial was c\JIIDected Most Of Its Warplanes with the 1968 Democratic Toward Peace In Mideast WASHINGTON - Unlt8d 1be prlnctpal disagreement Convention In Chicago, waa bac:t JERUSALEM Premier diplomacy In soft Janiuage, she States in.telllgence sources say between American and l:rraell for this one and waa staytng at Golda Meir appealed to President did not change the substance of there are "strong Indications" lnteWcence speclalt.sts seems to Plamln:.-o Park. Wben asked for Anwar el-Sadat of Egypt to Join In Israel's negodatlng terms on the that the Sovlet Union Is removing center- on whether Sovlet combat an lnterVtew; Hofhrun made It making a new start toward peace occasion of the Soviet withdrawal. from Egypt most of Its warp! anes units - what Mrs. Meir called Immediately clear that President 1n the Middle East, to "meet as Mrs. Meir warned that assigned with Sovlet fiylngcrewa "strategic forces" - are being Nixon wH his major opposition equals, and make a Joint supreme premature Judgments about a to the Egyptian air defenses. withdrawn. while George McGcnern wu "a effort to arrive at an agreed Sovlet "exodus from Egypt" These Intelligence sources American Intelligence mensch." "Ally Jew for Nixon la solution." would become a source of said It appeared that among the sources, while caudonlng that It • goy, even Golda Meir, Hoffman, In the Government's first disappointment. -
From the Nisshin to the Musashi the Military Career of Admiral Yamamoto Isoroku by Tal Tovy
Asia: Biographies and Personal Stories, Part II From the Nisshin to the Musashi The Military Career of Admiral Yamamoto Isoroku By Tal Tovy Detail from Shugaku Homma’s painting of Yamamoto, 1943. Source: Wikipedia at http://tinyurl.com/nowc5hg. n the morning of December 7, 1941, Imperial Japanese Navy (IJN) aircraft set out on one of the most famous operations in military Ohistory: a surprise air attack on the US naval base at Pearl Harbor, Hawai`i. The attack was devised and fashioned by Admiral Yamamoto, whose entire military career seems to have been leading to this very moment. Yamamoto was a naval officer who appreciated and under- stood the strategic and technological advantages of naval aviation. This essay will explore Yamamoto’s military career in the context of Imperial Japan’s aggressive expansion into Asia beginning in the 1890s and abruptly ending with Japan’s formal surrender on September 2, 1945, to the US and its Allies. Portrait of Yamamoto just prior to the Russo- Japanese War, 1905. Early Career (1904–1922) Source: World War II Database Yamamoto Isoroku was born in 1884 to a samurai family. Early in life, the boy, thanks to at http://tinyurl.com/q2au6z5. missionaries, was exposed to American and Western culture. In 1901, he passed the Impe- rial Naval Academy entrance exams with the objective of becoming a naval officer. Yamamoto genuinely respected the West—an attitude not shared by his academy peers. The IJN was significantly influenced by the British Royal Navy (RN), but for utilitarian reasons: mastery of technology, strategy, and tactics. -
The New Popular Front in France
THE NEW POPULAR FRONT IN FRANCE by George Ross The 1978 General Elections may well bring the French Left (and the Communist Party) to power in France. The Right Centre coalition which has ruled France for twenty years has repeatedly demonstrated its inability to deal with the present economic crisis-high inflation, unemployment, low growth-which it has played a major role in creating. As a result it has been rapidly losing support while simultaneously splitting into warring factions. The Union de la Gauche (Communists, Socialists and Left Radicals) has, meanwhile, become an electoral majority in the country (a fact demonstrated both in opinion polls and in the results of the March 1977 municipal elections). Its leaders, Fran~oisMitterrand and the PS (Parti Socialiste) and Georges Marchais of the PCF (Parti Communiste Francais) are now seen as genuine statesmen and as plausible Ministers of France, by a majority of Frenchmen. Its 'Common Programme for a Government of Left Union' is received as a credible platform for resolving the economic crisis and bringing needed change to French society. Rumour has it in Paris that high civil servants have already begun preparing for the arrival of new men in power. The stock exchange has begun to vibrate with fear-and with the beginnings of an investment strike against the Left (a strike which, because it has started so far in advance of the actual election date, has had the effect of undermining the existing regime even further). The Gaullist fraction of the ruling majority has already begun a barrage of anti-Left hysteria against the 'socialo- communist enemy' with its 'Marxist programme' to remove France from the 'camp of liberty'. -
Baltic Region
ISSN 2079-8555 e-ISSN 2310-0524 BALTIC REGION 2019 Vol. 11 № 3 KALININGRAD Immanuel Kant Baltic Federal University Press 2019 BALTIC Editorial council REGION Prof. Andrei P. Klemeshev, rector of the Immanuel Kant Baltic Fe de ral University, Russia ( Editor in Chief); Prof. Gennady M. Fedo rov, director of the Institute of Environmental Management, Terri to rial Development and Urban Construction, Immanuel Kant Baltic Federal 2019 University, Russia (Deputy Chief Editor); Prof. Dr Joachim von Braun, director of the Center for Development Research (ZEF), Professor, Volume 11 University of Bonn, Germany; Prof. Irina M. Busygina , Department of № 3 Comparative Politics, Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO University), Russia; Prof. Ale ksander G. Druzhinin, director of the North Caucasian Research Institute of Economic and Social Problems, Southern Federal University, Russia; Prof. Mikhail V. Ilyin, Kaliningrad : Prof. of the Department of Comparative Politics, Moscow State I. Kant Baltic Federal Institute of International Re lations (MGIMO University), Russia; University Press, 2019. 170 р. Dr Pertti Joenniemi, senior researcher, Karelian Institute, University of Eastern Finland, Fin land; Dr Nikolai V. Kaledin, head of the The journal Department of Regional Policy & Political Geography, Saint Petersburg was established in 2009 State University, Russia (cochair); Prof. Konstantin K. Khudolei, head of the De partment of European Studies, Faculty of International Frequency: Relations, Saint Petersburg State University, Russia; Dr Kari Liuhto, quarterly director of the PanEuropean Institute, Turku, Finland; Prof. Vladimir in the Russian and English A. Ko losov, head of the Laboratory for Geopolitical Studies, Institute languages per year of Geography, Russian Academy of Sciences; Prof. -
Lockenour on Perrault, 'The Red Orchestra'
H-German Lockenour on Perrault, 'The Red Orchestra' Review published on Tuesday, April 1, 1997 Gilles Perrault. The Red Orchestra. New York: Schocken Books, 1989. 494 pp. $12.95 (paper), ISBN 978-0-8052-0952-5. Reviewed by Jay B. Lockenour (Temple University) Published on H-German (April, 1997) "Soldiers of the 23rd Panzer Division, the Soviet Union salutes you. Your gay days in Paris are over now. Your comrades will already have warned you of what is happening here. Soon you will find out for yourselves." These words, blaring from loudspeakers just behind the Soviet lines, welcomed German troops to the Eastern Front. More damaging to German efforts, however, was the fact that the Soviet High Command seemed intimately acquainted with German offensive plans. During the German Operation Blue in 1942, Soviet armies always seemed to be in the right place, and when they retreated, it was always in the direction of OperationBlue 's objective, Stalingrad. The reasons for these successes may lie with the so-called Red Orchestra, the subject of the two books under review. ("Orchestra" is a common term for spy rings whose "pianists" [radio operators] play their "music" of coded messages.) The Red Orchestra, based in Paris and covering nearly all of German-occupied Europe, including Germany itself, was "conducted" by Leopold Trepper, a Polish Jew and the hero of both accounts, the first by Gilles Perrault and the second by V. E. Tarrant. Perrault's rendering is masterful, suspenseful, and reads like a thriller. Trepper and his associates were for years able to smuggle valuable information out of Germany. -
Mar AP 2018.Pub
The Voice of March/April 2018 Congregaon Kol Emeth Adar/Nissan/Iyar 5778 5130 W. Touhy Avenue Skokie, Illinois 60077 847-673-3370 www.KolEmethSkokie.org Message From The Rabbi In looking for Jewish heroes to return of Trepper and all the other spies to Moscow. speak about, I occasionally come But Trepper stayed put and continued his work. He upon a story so extraordinary that I even warned Stalin in 1941 of Germany’s plans to have to share it with a wider invade the Soviet Union, but to no avail. Stalin audience. Such is the story of willingly blinded himself to the obvious. Leopold Trepper. After June 22, 1941, when Operation Barbarossa, Born into a poor Jewish family in Poland, Trepper the German invasion of the Soviet Union took place, became a left -wing activist, organizing strikes and and Russia was now on the side of the Allies against suffering imprisonment for his efforts in this Germany, Trepper came into his own. The Germans direction. He joined the left -wing Zionist movement called his spy group Die Rote Kapelle, the Red Hashomer Hatzair, and emigrated to Palestine with Orchestra. This spy group, led by a Jew, in the heart like -minded comrades in 1924. Naturally, once he of Nazi -occupied Europe, sent information in such arrived, he organized a labor union Ichud —Unity — quantity and of such quality that the Germans but this was a union of both Jewish and Arab themselves said this work was worth 100,000 allied workers. He also joined the (illegal) Palestine troops. -
Joseph Berger: the Comintern’S and Münzenberg’S Expert on Middle Eastern Affairs
Joseph Berger: The Comintern’s and Münzenberg’s Expert on Middle Eastern Affairs von Mario Kessler Mario Kessler Joseph Berger: The Comintern’s and Münzenberg’s Expert on Middle Eastern Affairs1 Joseph Berger-Barzilai (original name Joseph Isaac Zilsnik, other form Zeliaznik), 1904– 1978, was founding member and secretary of the Communist Party of Palestine and who fell victim to Stalin’s purges.2 Berger-Barzilai was born in Cracow, Poland in 1904. In 1914, his family fled the Russian army which treathened to invade their city for Vienna, and moved in 1916 to Bielitz, Silesia. Young Joseph was brought up as an orthodox Jew and a Zionist, becoming active in the Zionist Wanderbund Blau-Weiß. He emigrated to Palestine at the age of 15 in 1919. There he worked first on road construction and then as a translator in an engenieering firm. During his life he spoke Yiddish, German, Polish, English, Hebrew, and Russian. Originally a member of the leftist Zionist organization Hashomer Hatzair, he became soon a communist, took part in the founding of one of the communist groups, the Communist Party of Palestine, in 1922, and became its secretary. It was then that he assumed the name Berger. Together with Wolf Averbukh, he was responsible for the unification of various left-wing groups that had broken with Zionism to the Palestiner Komunistishe Partey, the Palestine Communist Party, in 1923. The party had to operate under illegal conditions since the British Mandate Authority had outlawed all communist activities in May 1921. Berger became deputy secretary of the party that joined the Comintern in March 1924.3 For this mission, he was sent to Moscow. -
A Critical Review of Slovo's “Has Socialism Failed?”
South African Communist Party 1990 Crisis of Conscience in the SACP: A Critical Review of Slovo’s “Has Socialism Failed?” Written: by Z. Pallo Jordan. Lusaka, February 1990. Transcribed: by Dominic Tweedie. “Has Socialism Failed?” is the intriguing title Comrade Joe Slovo has given to a discussion pamphlet published under the imprint of ‘Umsebenzi’, the quarterly newspaper of the SACP. The reader is advised at the outset that these are Slovo’s individual views, and not those of the SACP. While this is helpful it introduces a note of uncertainty regarding the pamphlet’s authority. The pamphlet itself is divided into six parts, the first five being an examination of the experience of the ‘socialist countries’, and the last, a look at the SACP itself. Most refreshing is the candour and honesty with which many of the problems of ‘existing socialism’ are examined. Indeed, a few years ago no one in the SACP would have dared to cast such a critical light on the socialist countries. “Anti-Soviet,” “anti-Communist,” or “anti- Party” were the dismissive epithets reserved for those who did. We can but hope that the publication of this pamphlet spells the end of such practices. It is clear too that much of the heart-searching that persuaded Slovo to put pen to paper was occasioned by the harrowing events of the past twelve months, which culminated in the Romanian masses, in scenes reminiscent of the storming of the Winter Palace, storming the headquarters of the Communist Party of Roumania. It beggars the term “ironic” that scenarios many of us had imagined would be played out at the end of bourgeois rule in historical fact rang down the curtain on a ‘Communist’ dictatorship! We may expect that, just as in 1956 and 1968, there will flow from many pens the essays of disillusionment and despair written by ex- communists who have recently discovered the “sterling” qualities of late capitalism. -
Egypt's Socialism and Marxist Thought
University of South Carolina Scholar Commons Faculty Publications Political Science, Department of 4-1975 Egypt's Socialism and Marxist Thought: Some Preliminary Observations on Social Theory and Metaphysics Shahrough Akhavi University of South Carolina - Columbia, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/poli_facpub Part of the Political Science Commons Publication Info Published in Comparative Studies in Society and History, Volume 17, Issue 2, 1975, pages 190-211. http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayJournal?jid=css © 1975 by Cambridge University Press This Article is brought to you by the Political Science, Department of at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Egypt'sSocialism and MarxistThought: Some PreliminaryObservations on SocialTheory and Metaphysics SHAHROUGH AKHAVI Universityof South Carolina I. THE PRIOR SIGNIFICANCE OF UNITY Since 1952 the elaboration of Egyptian ideology has constituted a source of conflict between the regime and the left/right opposition. In trying to capture the ideological center, the regime has inevitably drawn itself into the maelstrom of public contention characterized by mass conformity, intimidation, purges, arrests, show trials and incarceration of all who fundamentally question the principles of the leadership. Democratic cooperative socialism ('Arab socialism') is the official ideology, and a spate of books and articles have been published on its significance for Egyptian politics. Despite all these efforts, confusion still tends to reign over this concept, both among Egyptians themselves, and outsiders studying it. It is essential to build toward a definition of Arab socialism in its Egyptian variant. -
Chapter Two Trotsky, the Left Opposition and the Rise of Stalinism: Theory and Practice
Chapter Two Trotsky, the Left Opposition and the Rise of Stalinism: Theory and Practice Introduction This chapter proposes to re-evaluate the political character and historical significance of the Left Oppo- sition through a detailed assessment of Tony Cliff’s Trotsky, 1923–1927: Fighting the Rising Stalinist Bureau- cracy and Trotsky, 1927–1940: The Darker the Night the Brighter the Star, which are, respectively, the third and fourth volumes of his Trotsky biography. In the pages that follow, I argue that Trotsky and the Left Opposition did not oppose Stalin’s policies of forced industrialisation and collectivisation. Worse, they failed to support worker- and peasant-resistance to these policies. In fact, the political programme and worldview of the Left Opposition objectively con- tributed to the formation and consolidation ‘from above’ of a new class-society in the critical period of 1927–33. The visceral reaction of many Marxists and per- haps all Trotskyists to anyone brazen or foolish enough to declare the traditional understanding of the Left Opposition’s historical role incorrect might be to consider it absurd. And yet, none other than Cliff, in his comprehensive and probing study of Trotsky’s life and politics, recognised this cardinal fact: the overwhelming majority of the Left Oppo- sition’s leadership believed that ‘Stalin’s policies of collectivisation and speedy industrialisation were 88 • Chapter Two socialist policies, that there was no realistic alternative to them.’1 But if this was so – and it was so – how can this disturbing fact be reconciled with any notion that, at this critical juncture, Trotsky and the Left Opposition were ‘fighting the rising Stalinist bureaucracy’ and its policies? Cliff thought he could get around this contradiction by arguing that Trotsky kept up the fight while the Left Opposition ‘capitulated’ to Stalin.