Nepal's Armed Conflict and the Peace Process
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Military Diplomacy and Its Role in the Foreign Policy of Nepal
Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive DSpace Repository Theses and Dissertations 1. Thesis and Dissertation Collection, all items 2019-12 MILITARY DIPLOMACY AND ITS ROLE IN THE FOREIGN POLICY OF NEPAL Rawal, Pankaj Monterey, CA; Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/64054 Downloaded from NPS Archive: Calhoun NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS MILITARY DIPLOMACY AND ITS ROLE IN THE FOREIGN POLICY OF NEPAL by Pankaj Rawal December 2019 Thesis Advisor: Anshu N. Chatterjee Second Reader: Carolyn C. Halladay Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited. THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK Form Approved OMB REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington, DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED (Leave blank) December 2019 Master’s thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5. FUNDING NUMBERS MILITARY DIPLOMACY AND ITS ROLE IN THE FOREIGN POLICY OF NEPAL 6. AUTHOR(S) Pankaj Rawal 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING Naval Postgraduate School ORGANIZATION REPORT Monterey, CA 93943-5000 NUMBER 9. -
Switching Over to Identity Politics Nepali Left Political Parties Have
1 1. Introduction: Switching over to Identity Politics Nepali left political parties have come to regard caste and ethnicity equivalent to class disseminating new ethnic-based identity that demonstrates how the very foundation of communist ideology has been shifting from class into identity politics. The politics of identity that emerged and spread from 1990 received prominence in Nepali politics especially after 2006 April Uprising which ultimately popped up as an apple of discord when political parties failed to deliver new constitution through the Constituent Assembly (CA) bickering over it. Ultimately, the CA got dissolved on May 27, 2012 after parties apparently failed to make consensus on identity-based federalism. Though a number of identity-based organizations emerged before 2006 as well, the trends of forming identity-based organizations and focusing on identity groups rather than class soared after the second people's movement. Moreover, polarization due to the identity politics has heightened in Nepali politics after the CA dissolution. Left political parties of Nepal who are guided by the Marxist slogan as 'Worker's of all countries, unite' gradually gave way to identity politics that was diluted from 'class struggle' itself. As the time changes, everything changes with it except the 'change' itself. Same is the case with ideology. It shifts from one to the other as Daniel Bell in his book " The End of Ideology: on the Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties" claims that the older humanistic ideologies developed during the nineteenth and early twentieth century is ebbing gradually (1960). During 1960s and 70s, in contrast to the logic of Marxist and Neo-Marxist theory, social movements were focused on culture and identity such as civil rights and women's movements challenging the class structure (Bernstein 49). -
NRNA Nepal Promotion Committee Overview
NRNA Nepal Promotion Committee Overview Nepal is a landlocked country in South Asia. It is located mainly in the Himalayas but also includes parts of the Indo-Gangetic Plain. With an estimated population of 29.4 million, it is 48th largest country by population and 93rd largest country by area.[2][14] It borders China in the north and India in the south, east, and west. Nepal has a diverse geography, including fertile plains, subalpine forested hills, and eight of the world's ten tallest mountains, including Mount Everest, the highest point on Earth. Kathmandu is the nation's capital and largest city. The name "Nepal" is first recorded in texts from the Vedic Age, the era in which Hinduism was founded, the predominant religion of the country. In the middle of the first millennium BCE, Gautama Buddha, the founder of Buddhism, was born in southern Nepal. Parts of northern Nepal were intertwined with the culture of Tibet. The centrally located Kathmandu Valley was the seat of the prosperous Newar confederacy known as Nepal Mandala. The Himalayan branch of the ancient Silk Road was dominated by the valley's traders. The cosmopolitan region developed distinct traditional art and architecture. By the 18th century, the Gorkha Kingdom achieved the unification of Nepal. The Shah dynasty established the Kingdom of Nepal and later formed an alliance with the British Empire, under its Rana dynasty of premiers. The country was never colonised but served as a buffer state between Imperial China and colonial India. Parliamentary democracy was introduced in 1951, but was twice suspended by Nepalese monarchs, in 1960 and 2005. -
The Abolition of Monarchy and Constitution Making in Nepal
THE KING VERSUS THE PEOPLE(BHANDARI) Article THE KING VERSUS THE PEOPLE: THE ABOLITION OF MONARCHY AND CONSTITUTION MAKING IN NEPAL Surendra BHANDARI Abstract The abolition of the institution of monarchy on May 28, 2008 marks a turning point in the political and constitutional history of Nepal. This saga of constitutional development exemplifies the systemic conflict between people’s’ aspirations for democracy and kings’ ambitions for unlimited power. With the abolition of the monarchy, the process of making a new constitution for the Republic of Nepal has started under the auspices of the Constituent Assembly of Nepal. This paper primarily examines the reasons or causes behind the abolition of monarchy in Nepal. It analyzes the three main reasons for the abolition of monarchy. First, it argues that frequent slights and attacks to constitutionalism by the Nepalese kings had brought the institution of the monarchy to its end. The continuous failures of the early democratic government and the Supreme Court of Nepal in bringing the monarchy within the constitutional framework emphatically weakened the fledgling democracy, but these failures eventually became fatal to the monarchical institution itself. Second, it analyzes the indirect but crucial role of India in the abolition of monarchy. Third, it explains the ten-year-long Maoist insurgency and how the people’s movement culminated with its final blow to the monarchy. Furthermore, this paper also analyzes why the peace and constitution writing process has yet to take concrete shape or make significant process, despite the abolition of the monarchy. Finally, it concludes by recapitulating the main arguments of the paper. -
European Bulletin of Himalayan Research (EBHR)
Nine Years On: The 1999 eLection and Nepalese politics since the 1990 janandoLan' John Whelpton Introduction In May 1999 Nepal held its th ird general election since the re-establishment of parliamentary democracy through the 'People's Movement' (janandolan) of spring 1990. it was in one way a return to the start ing point si nce, as in the first (1991) electio n, the Nepali Congress achieved an absolute majority, whilst the party's choice in 1999 for Prime Minister, Krishna Prasad Bhat tami, had led the \990-9\ interim government and would have conti nued in otTi ce had it not been for his personal defeat in Kathmandu-i constituency. Whilst the leading figu re was the same, the circumstances and expectations we re, of course, ve ry different. Set against the high hopes of 1990, the nine years of democracy in praclice had been a disill us ioning ex perience for mosl Ne palese, as cynical manoeuvring for power seemed to have replaced any attempt 10 solve the deep economic and social problems bequeathed by the Panchayat regime. This essay is an allempt to summarize developments up to the recent election, looking at wha t has apparently go ne wrong but also trying to identify some positive ac hievements.l The political kaleidoscope The interim government, which presided over the drafting of the 1990 I I am grateful 10 Krishna Hachhelhu for comments on an earlier draft oflhis paper and for help in collecting materials. 1 The main political developments up to late 1995 are covered in Brown (1996) and Hoftun et al. -
UNIVERSITY of HULL a Case Study of Death and Bereavement Arising
UNIVERSITY OF HULL A Case Study of Death and Bereavement arising from Political Violence in Nepal being a Thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The University of Hull by Sujeet K. Karn MA, MSW October 2012 Contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................ vi ABSTRACT ...............................................................................................................viii CHAPTER 1 ................................................................................................................ 1 Introduction ............................................................................................................. 1 Introduction .......................................................................................................... 1 The Nepali State: a Historical Overview ................................................................. 6 Nepal before 1950 ............................................................................................. 7 Nepal during 1950 to 1990 ................................................................................ 7 Maoist in the Making........................................................................................... 11 Death during Maoist Conflict ............................................................................... 16 Deliberate and unlawful killings ....................................................................... 20 Meaning of Death in Maoist Revolution in Nepal ................................................ -
The Biography of a Magar Communist Anne De Sales
The Biography of a Magar Communist Anne de Sales To cite this version: Anne de Sales. The Biography of a Magar Communist. David Gellner. Varieties of Activist Ex- periences in South Asia, Sage, pp.18-45, 2010, Governance, Conflict, and Civic Action Series. hal- 00794601 HAL Id: hal-00794601 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00794601 Submitted on 10 Mar 2013 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Chapter 2 The Biography of a Magar Communist Anne de Sales Let us begin with the end of the story: Barman Budha Magar was elected a Member of Parliament in 1991, one year after the People’s Movement (jan andolan) that put an end to thirty years of the Partyless Panchayat ‘democracy’ in Nepal. He had stood for the Samyukta Jana Morcha or United People’s Front (UPF), the political wing of the revolutionary faction of the Communist Party of Nepal, or CPN (Unity Centre).1 To the surprise of the nation, the UPF won 9 seats and the status of third-largest party with more than 3 per cent of the national vote. However, following the directives of his party,2 Barman, despite being an MP, soon went underground until he retired from political life at the time of the People’s War in 1996. -
A Himalayan Case Study
HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies Volume 35 Number 2 Article 11 January 2016 Reconsidering State-Society Relations in South Asia: A Himalayan Case Study Sanjog Rupakheti Loyola University New Orleans, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya Recommended Citation Rupakheti, Sanjog. 2016. Reconsidering State-Society Relations in South Asia: A Himalayan Case Study. HIMALAYA 35(2). Available at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya/vol35/iss2/11 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License. This Research Article is brought to you for free and open access by the DigitalCommons@Macalester College at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Reconsidering State-Society Relations in South Asia: A Himalayan Case Study Acknowledgements I acknowledge with gratitude the support and guidance of Sumit Guha and Indrani Chatterjee on the larger research project, from which this article is drawn. For their careful and insightful suggestions on the earlier drafts, I thank Ashley Howard, Paul Buehler, and the two anonymous reviewers of Himalaya. I am especially grateful to Catherine Warner and Arik Moran (editors of this special issue), for their meticulous work on the earlier drafts. Any -
The Double Life of Development: Peasants, Agrarian Livelihoods, and the Prehistory of Nepal's Maoist Revolution a DISSERTATION
The Double Life of Development: Peasants, Agrarian Livelihoods, and the Prehistory of Nepal’s Maoist Revolution A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Dinesh Paudel IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Vinay Gidwani and Abdi Samatar October 2012 © Dinesh Paudel 2012 Acknowledgements This dissertation is the cumulative outcome of the efforts of many individuals, institutions and communities. Any attempt to list them all — let alone offer sufficient appreciation and acknowledgment — will remain incomplete. I am forever indebted to them for their constant and transformative inspiration and intellectual and moral support, which made this work possible. The formality of “Acknowledgements” does not really capture and leaves far too understated my appreciation to my advisors Vinay Gidwani and Abdi Samatar for their tireless intellectual guidance, inspiration, patience, critical insights and unconditional support over the last five years. I have been privileged to learn from their academic acumen and commitment to change. Their incisive comments and thorough engagements in various stages of my research have taught me nuanced ways of approaching political praxis, geography and development. My sincere gratitude to them for their help in shaping my academic path and ways of thinking about the world that I hope to carry with me into my future endeavors. Likewise, I am indebted and grateful to Eric Sheppard and Dean Current, who served on my committee and also remained a special source of intellectual inspiration and academic support in my research. Their ideas are imprinted in this dissertation. I feel particularly fortunate to have worked with many scholars at the University of Minnesota. -
The Maoist Insurgency in Nepal and the Political Economy of Violence∗
The Maoist Insurgency in Nepal and the Political Economy of Violence∗ Avidit Acharyay October 2009 Abstract This paper studies the incidence of political violence associated with the Maoist insurgency in Nepal. I take a cross-sectional approach where the unit of analy- sis is the district, and dependent variable is total killings by state and Maoists normalized by district population. I find no evidence that political and economic grievances are linked to the incidence of political violence. There is also very lit- tle evidence that district prosperity or political ideology are associated with the incidence of violence. On the other hand, I find that the intensity of violence was greatest in the Midwestern districts and in districts with low road density. His- torical evidence suggests that the dummy variable for Midwestern districts that appears significant and robust reflects the political entrepreneurship of leftist lead- ers more than half a century ago. The results support a theory of conflict that treats an insurgency as analogous to a profit maximizing firm. JEL Classification Codes: D74 Key words: conflict, insurgency, political violence, greed, grievance ∗I would like to thank Jayaraj Acharya, Jose Azar, Nicholas Sambanis, Swarnim Wagle, an anony- mous referee, and the editors of this volume for valuable comments and discussions. All errors and shortcomings are my own. yWoodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, Robertson Hall, Princeton University, Princeton NJ 08544-1013 (e-mail: [email protected]). 1 1 Introduction What were the causes of insurgency in Nepal? There have been two approaches to an- swering this question. In one line of research, studies such as Murshed and Gates (2005) and Bohara, Mitchell and Nepal (2006) have used cross-sectional regression techniques to predict the effect of poverty, inequality, rough terrain, and ethno-linguistic divisions on the intensity of political violence. -
Shiva.MST Job 1
Chapter 3 Evolution of Communist Movement in Nepal till 1990 Early Years, Development after 1960, Splits within the Movement 1. Formation of Communist Party of Nepal: Its Initial Documents As described (See p.43), disillusioned by Regmi’s activities Pushpalal left for Calcutta. On reaching there, he says, “His contact with Nripen Chakraborty and Ratanlal Brahmin and … his belief that the International Communists would instantaneously support the launch of a Communist Party in Nepal encouraged him to open Nepal Communist Party” (Pushpalal, Itihas 32). Further, he notes, “Revolutionary friends from Kathmandu Valley and from Eastern and Western Nepal were also conferring with me on the issue” (35). From then onwards, describing the formation of Nepal Communist Party, he writes: On 22nd of April 1949 a meeting was held among Pushpalal, Niranjan Govind Vaid, Narayanvilas Joshi and Narbahadur at Shyambazar, 28, Naveen Sarkar Lane, Calcutta. Meanwhile, Durgadevi had also arrived from Kathmandu so she was also included as the founding member in the organisational committee of the Party. This committee appointed Pushpalal as the general secretary of the Party and gave him the responsibility of organising the Party at the Central level. The responsibility of organising the Party in Bara, Parsa and Rautahat was given to Niranjan Govind Vaid, because he had played an active role in Birganj area during the 1947 Satyagraha movement. Narayanvilas and Durgadevi were asked to look after Kathmandu Valley and Narbahadur was given the responsibility of working among the workers of Biratnagar and Jogbani (35). However, there exists a controversy regarding the exact date when the Party was formed and regarding the number of founding members. -
Learning to Be Refugees: the Bhutanese in Nepal and Australia
Learning to be Refugees: The Bhutanese in Nepal and Australia Alice Marie Neikirk December 2015 A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The Australian National University. ii I hereby certify that this is a piece of original work, produced solely by the author. Alice Marie Neikirk 21 December 2015 iii iv Acknowledgements In memory of Cynthia Jane Neikirk This thesis would not have been possible without Dr Patrick Guinness’s steadfast guidance. His faith, not only that this thesis would be completed but his insistence that it could be improved, strengthened, and honed saw me through many dark days. He consistently challenged me to critically analyse many things that I would have been overlooked in my exuberance for fieldwork. Further, he patiently allowed a toddler to run wild in his office when I needed to meet but could not arrange childcare. Thank you for guiding me through the ethnographic process. The two members of my panel, Dr Francesca Merlan and Dr Sverre Molland, provided guidance at crucial junctures of the thesis. Francesca provided key feedback early in the writing process, reminding me that description is only one part of ethnographic writing. Sverre recommended a text that proved invaluable and fundamentally changed the direction of the thesis. Christina Alexander, Professor Emeritus, also deserves a special mention for introducing me to what would become my life’s passion: anthropology. Dr. Fiona McCormack further challenged me to focus that passion by critically engaging with anthropological theory. The people that shared their time, stories, and experiences with me both in Nepal and Australia are too numerous to list.