Shiva.MST Job 1

Chapter 3 Evolution of Communist Movement in Nepal till 1990 Early Years, Development after 1960, Splits within the Movement 1. Formation of Communist Party of Nepal: Its Initial Documents As described (See p.43), disillusioned by Regmi’s activities Pushpalal left for Calcutta. On reaching there, he says, “His contact with Nripen Chakraborty and Ratanlal Brahmin and … his belief that the International Communists would instantaneously support the launch of a Communist Party in Nepal encouraged him to open Nepal Communist Party” (Pushpalal, Itihas 32). Further, he notes, “Revolutionary friends from Kathmandu Valley and from Eastern and Western Nepal were also conferring with me on the issue” (35). From then onwards, describing the formation of Nepal Communist Party, he writes: On 22nd of April 1949 a meeting was held among Pushpalal, Niranjan Govind Vaid, Narayanvilas Joshi and Narbahadur at Shyambazar, 28, Naveen Sarkar Lane, Calcutta. Meanwhile, Durgadevi had also arrived from Kathmandu so she was also included as the founding member in the organisational committee of the Party. This committee appointed Pushpalal as the general secretary of the Party and gave him the responsibility of organising the Party at the Central level. The responsibility of organising the Party in Bara, Parsa and Rautahat was given to Niranjan Govind Vaid, because he had played an active role in Birganj area during the 1947 Satyagraha movement. Narayanvilas and Durgadevi were asked to look after Kathmandu Valley and Narbahadur was given the responsibility of working among the workers of Biratnagar and Jogbani (35). However, there exists a controversy regarding the exact date when the Party was formed and regarding the number of founding members. The date controversy stems from one1of Pushpalal’s articles and one later document2of the Party. In both these works, he points out that the Party was formed on 15 September 1949. However, in another article, Pushpalal writes, “The Party was formed on 22 April 1949 and it was 1 See, Shrestha 32 In this article the author points out that the Party was formed on 15 September 1949. 2 See, NCP (Pushpalal), “Nepal ... Singhawalokan Awam Siksha” 10 This document also declares that the Party was formed in September 1949. 262 formally declared on 15 September 1949” (Pushpalal, “Nepali ... Ek Samiksha” 186). Confounding the issues further, there exists a signed statement of three founding members, who in the 70s were in one of the later factions of Nepal Communist Party, NCP (Chautho Mahadhiwayshun (Fourth Congress)). In their statement, they point out that the Party was formed “On 22nd April 1949, the date which coincided with the birthday of Lenin, and there were only four founding members of the Party namely, Pushpalal, Narayanvilas Joshi, Narbahadur and Niranjan Govind Vaid” (NCP (Masal), “Partyko Janma Diwas Barey ... Baktabya” 804–5). Besides, Anirudha Gupta writes, “… some Nepalese met at Calcutta on 15 September 1949 and founded the Communist Party” (200), and if one goes through the footnote related to the statement then the reference is to the document “Jatiya Aandolanma Nepal Communist Party”.3 Surendra K C points out to Leo. E. Rose’s4 similar statement, which was based on the same document. Then he quotes, the document which only says, “When the Party was formed on 15 September 1949 there were only 5 (Niranjan Govind Vaid, Narayan Vilas, Narbahadur, Durgadevi and Pushpalal) members”. Then, he argues, on the basis of other documents, that on 15 September 1949 there was no meeting in Calcutta. Besides, he points out that the process of forming the Party had already started on 22 April 1949. Hence, he blames both Gupta and Rose for supplying the name of the city on their own (K. C, Nepalma Communist 56–7). Besides, he argues that they had disregarded the importance of April 22, 1949 in the Party formation process. However, for all these controversies he identifies three factors. First, Pushpalal, in his lifetime, did not clearly state that on 22 April the organisational committee of the Party was formed and that it was a step towards the formation of Nepal Communist Party. Second, because of fragmentation of the Party in later years the members of different factions tried to sully the names of Pushpalal by arguing that he even kept 3 See, K. C., “Jatiya Andolanma” 201–13 This is the document of the Party which the author has placed in the Appendix to his work. 4 He quotes Leo. E. Rose in Scalapino 346 263 the date of Party formation a secret. Third, both Anirudha Gupta and Leo E Rose spread wrong information. Then he concludes, “Documentary evidences suggest that the Party was formed on 15 September 1949 [the day its manifesto came out] … but the process started in Calcutta on 22 April 1949 where there were 5 members” (61). On 22 April 1949 the Party brought out its first document. Analysing the world situation and its influence in Nepal, it stated: “After the Second World War the influence and prestige of the socialist world is on the rise. No country can keep itself away from the influences of this new world, the socialist world. Even in Nepal the socialist wind is very strong…” (NCP, “Nagarik Swatantrata ... Banaw!” 47). But, instead of analysing the historic stage of Nepalese development it described the state of democratic rights in Nepal. And doing so it drew the relation between the Rana regime, Nehru and the Anglo-American imperialists for it stated: The Ranas have the freedom to meet their God, the Anglo-American imperialist whenever and wherever they want. For jointly exploiting the people of Nepal the Ranas can meet Indian business tycoons: the Tatas, the Birlas, the Singhanias and the Goenkas whenever they want. The Ranas can meet Nehru to send our illiterate but brave youths outside Nepal to protect the wealth that the tycoons have amassed by exploiting the people of India. But, for us, the working people of Nepal there are no rights to organise against hunger, unemployment and the increasing exploitation of the Ranas. By curbing our rights to protest, the Ranas have stopped us from raising our voices against their design which in collusion with American imperialist and Nehru’s undeclared policy of neo-colonialism is trying to convert Nepal into a theatre of war against Soviet Union, China and all freedom movements of Asia… (NCP, “Nagarik Swatantrata ... Banaw!” 47). And by way of explaining why the Ranas feared the transfer of democratic rights to the people it identified its enemies and allies. It stated, “The Ranas do not want us to enjoy democratic rights, because they know that under such circumstances we will raise our voices against the Zamindars, usurers, capitalists … and against the imperialists who are exploiting us” (48). Then, indicating forces whom it considered as its allies, it stated, “They know it well that if we get our voices then we will organise our majdoor (working class), peasants, students, youths and all democratic forces against them” (48). So, its tactics then was aimed at destroying the Ranas, and “to fight for freedom” (48). This freedom was then to be used “by the labourers for 264 asking higher wages; by peasants to win their rights over land, by students for getting cheaper education and by women to end their exploitation” (48). But, while giving its call for action, which could be both ‘violent and non-violent’, it did not mention the classes upon whom it relied. It bundled them simply as ‘people’ and called upon them to form ‘revolutionary committees’ and if need be to ‘go underground’ for it stated: “To achieve these ends the people must organise themselves in every lane, village, town … and every industrial establishment as revolutionary committees. If need be they should adopt even violent means and go underground” (49). However, in such action it ruled out the participation of Nepali Congress, whom it identified as “lackeys of treacherous socialist leaders of India and as a force habituated to ending struggle into compromises [impression which Pushpalal carried from 1947 see p.41] with the Ranas” (49). But, its strategy was clear it wanted to move towards communism for it said, “After destroying the Ranas the struggle should continuously move towards socialism and finally towards communism” (50). Later on 15 September 19495 the manifesto of the Party was brought out. After the Second World War, the document viewed the world divided into two camps: “the camp of imperialism, reaction and World War led by [the] U. S and British monopoly capital and the camp of anti-imperialism, democracy and peace led by the Socialist Soviet Union” (NCP, Manifesto 3). In it, the Party perceived Anglo-American imperialists engaged in aiding and abetting reactionaries worldwide to instigate war against Soviet Union to avert their—the imperialists’—internal economic crisis for it said: The Anglo-American imperialist warmongers6are actively helping the reactionaries throughout the world against the rising tide of democratic forces inside every country, [and] are arming and leading aggressive war against liberation struggles in the colonies and semi-colonies. They are making hurried preparations for instigating a Third World war 5 See, Pushpalal, Itihas 43 The Manifesto was brought out as ‘cyclostyled’ copies. 6 See, NCP, Manifesto 3 The party argues that American involvement in Nepal is chiefly guided by its goal of converting Nepal into an anti-Soviet military base. 265 against Soviet Union and people’s democratic states in an attempt to escape the impending capitalist crisis and safeguard their bankrupt capitalist system of inhuman exploitation (3). Under such circumstances, the document viewed the Ranas as Nepalese reactionaries, whose policies7 were aimed at “offering Nepal as a war-base in the service of U.S.

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