DOCSLIB.ORG

Volume 9, 2010

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

Crusades Volume 9, 2010 Published by AS H GAT Efor the Society for the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East The Byzantines and Saladin: Opponents of the Third Crusade? Savvas Neocleous Trinity College, Dublin [email protected] The question of the alliance between the Byzantine Empire and Saladin (1174-93), sultan of Egypt and Syria, has been the subject of a heated and ongoing debate among modem scholars. In his 1962 article "The Byzantines and Saladin, 1185- 1192: Opponents of the Third Crusade,"! Brand was the first to deal extensively with this question, arguing in favour of the existence of complicity between the Byzantines and Saladin against the crusader states and particularly, as indicated by the title, against the Third Crusade. Brand's paper has exerted a strong influence on several commentators and is still cited as authoritative by scholars who support the view that the Byzantine Emperor Isaak and Saladin operated in collusion against the Third Crusade. The purpose of this paper is to reconsider the question of the so-called Byzantine-Muslim alliance through a fresh examination of the primary material available. The Alleged Alliance between the Byzantines and Saladin against the Crusader States At Manuel's death in 1180, his son and heir Alexios 11(1180-83) was only twelve years old and thus the regency was assumed by his mother, Maria of Antioch. The protosebastos Alexios Komnenos, a nephew of Manu el, became Maria's lover and the effective ruler of the Byzantine Empire. In the autumn of 1181 an embassy sent by the protosebastos to Saladin arrived in Egypt. After prolonged negotiations a truce was concluded with the sultan, designed to create a balance of power against the Seljuk Turks in Asia Minor. In 1185, Saladin and the Byzantine Emperor Andronikos I (1182-85), who had meanwhile seized the throne in 1182, signed a formal treaty with the same aim, and, probably by 1186, the Emperor Isaak 11 (1185-95, 1203-4), who had overthrown Andronikos I in 1185, dispatched yet another embassy to the sultan to renew the alliance.? I would like to thank Dr Barbara Crostini for her valuable comments while this article was still in progress. This article is dedicated to the memory of my godfather Dr Andreas Photiou. 1 Charles M. Brand, "The Byzantines and Salad in, 1185-1192: Opponents of the Third Crusade," Speculum 37 (1962), pp. 167-81. 2 Jonathan Phillips, Defenders of the Holy Land: Relations between the Latin East and the West, 1119--1187 (Oxford, 1996), p. 251; Ralph-Johannes Lilie, Byzantium and the Crusader States, 87 88 SAVVAS NEOClEOUS In his Chronicon, the German monk Magnus ofReichersberg (d. 1195) preserves a letter that had been composed by an anonymous correspondent in the ultramartnt partes (that is, Palestine) and sent to the West.' The letter has no addressee and breaks off abruptly. Brand argues that it was written in the late summer or fall of 1188.4 According to this missive, the 1185 treaty between the Byzantine Emperor Andronikos I and Saladin stipulated the conquest not only of the sultanate of Iconium, but also of the crusader states, as well as the subsequent division of the conquered areas between the emperor and the sultan. Jerusalem and the Syro- Palestinian coast were to be held by Saladin as a fief of the Byzantine ruler, since the sultan would pay homage to the emperor,' As Andronikos was overthrown, this pact could no longer be acted out. The anonymous author of the letter claims that, upon ascending the imperial throne, Isaak maintained the alliance between his predecessor and Saladin "because he feIt hatred for the Latins and feared thern.t" When, on his way to Constantinople, Isaak's brother Alexios was captured in Acre by the Latin settlers of Outremer, the emperor ordered the sultan ''to rise powerfully against the Christians from overseas who are the greatest enemies of both" and release his brother.' The Byzantine sovereign himself would also attack the Latin settlers, so that their land could be divided according to the terms outlined in the Byzantine-Muslim treaty. Moreover, always according to the anonymous correspondent, Isaak dispatched eighty galleys to the assistance of Saladin, but the fleet was destroyed off Cyprus by the Norman admiral Margaritone. The sultan went to war with the kingdom of Jerusalem, annihilated the Franks at Hattin (4 July 1187), and usurped almost all their land. As reported by the anonymous author, after his triumph, Saladin sent Isaak munificent gifts "in order to rejoice at his victory,"! The sultan's envoys were honourably received by the emperor in Constantinople and were lodged at a very splendid palace such as Latin ambassadors had never, or rarely, been offered. The treaty between the two parties was renewed and, in return, Isaak sent the sultan generous gifts and a crown, and expressed his gratitude for his brother's release from the Latins." The weight given to the evidence contained in this letter is fundamental to the question of the alliance between Byzantium and Saladin against the Latin settlers of Outremer as discussed in much detail by Brand, Lilie and Harris. For his part, Brand 1096-1204, trans. J. C. Morris and Jean E. Ridings (Oxford, 1993), pp. 224-32 and 240; Brand, "The Byzantines and Saladin," pp. 168-70. 3 Magnus of Reichersberg, Chronicon, ed. WilheIm Wattenbach, MGH SS 17 (Hanover, 1861), pp. 439-534, at pp. 511-12. 4 Brand, "The Byzantines and Salad in," p. 181. , Magnus of Reichersberg, p. 511; Lilie, Byzantium, p. 231; Jonathan Harris, Byzantium and the Crusades(London,2003),pp.122-23. 6 Magnus of Reichersberg, p. 511. 7 Ibid. • Ibid. 9Ibid.,pp.SII-12. THE BYZANTINES AND SALADIN: OPPONENTS OF THE THIRD CRUSADE? 89 relied heavily on the anonymous letter incorporated in Magnus's Chronicon, and thereby was led to assert that both Andronikos and Isaak in turn "allied themselves with the crusaders' mightiest opponent [Saladin], and even strove to eliminate Latin power from the Orient."IO Lilie, too, concedes that Andronikos had concluded an alliance with Saladin, directed both against the Seljuks of Iconium and against the Franks of Syria and Palestine: the Byzantine emperor wanted "to punish [the latter] for their recalcitrance" and "preserve Byzantine claims in Syria and Palestine."!' Lilie offers a convincing interpretation of the text of the treaty preserved in the letter in Magnus's Chronicon stating that, under it, "the emperor could not only achieve direct rule over Antioch, Cilicia, and parts of Asia Minor once more, but, in the case of Jerusalem, would improve on the legal position of 1171-80, except that now Saladin would take the place of the Franks.t''? While the logic of the agreement may thus be clarified, its evidence still begs closer questioning. Had such a treaty between Andronikos and Saladin ever been concluded? And if so, had the two rulers really succeeded in forming an alliance against the Franks of Outremer? The likelihood of the existence of such a military alliance against the Latin settlers has recently been examined by Hams. He suggests that there may well have been an agreement between the two rulers to the effect that, had Saladin conquered Jerusalem, he would recognize Andronikos as protector of the Holy Land and of its Christian inhabitants. This agreement was then interpreted by the Latins as a sinister conspiracy against the Franks of OutremerP Harris's suggestion, however intriguing, does not find support in the evidence. After Saladin's conquest of Jerusalem in 1187, the sultan in fact never renewed the ancient Byzantine protectorship over the Holy Land." The exclusive source of the existence of the treaty, which is not substantiated by any other contemporary account," leads Harris to doubt its authenticity and to argue against the fact of a military alliance between Andronikos and Saladin against the Latin settlers. This is an important step forward in scholarly opinion on this matter. Further, as Harris rightly argues, the allegation that Saladin, the leader of the Jihad against the Christians, had agreed under oath (juramenta) to hold Jerusalem and the Syro-Palestinian littoral as the vassal of a Christian emperor stands contrary to reason.!? As regards the accusations of the anonymous writer of the letter against Isaak, these are also baseless. In 1186, the Byzantine sovereign had indeed sent a fleet of seventy ships to the eastern Mediterranean and was truly defeated by Margaritone. Its target, however, was not the kingdom of Jerusalem but the secessionist island 10 Brand, "The Byzantines and Salad in," p. 167. 11 Lilie, Byzantium. p. 230. 12 Ibid., p. 232. 13 Harris, Byzantium, pp. 123-24. 14 David Jacoby, "Diplomacy, Trade, Shipping and Espionage between Byzantium and Egypt in the Twelfth Century," in flOAV1Ckvpor; vovr;: Miscellanea für Peter Schreiner zu seinem 60. Geburtstag, ed. Cordula Scholz and Georgios Makris (Munich, 2000), pp. 83-102, at p. 100. IS Harris, Byzantium, pp. 120-21; Lilie, Byzantium, pp. 232-33. 16 Harris, Byzantium, p. 121. 90 SAVVAS NEOCLEOUS of Cyprus, which, since 1184, had been ruled independently by Isaak Komnenos, a member of the former imperial dynasty, who had proclaimed himself emperor. I? The allegation that Saladin attacked the Latin settlers because he had been ordered by Isaak to do so with the aim of releasing his brother is not only untrue, but even, on reflection, utterly foolish. The sultan, in reality, went to war with the kingdom of Jerusalem in response to Latin provocations." His intentions, as well as the real objective of the Byzantine fleet in the eastern Mediterranean, were doubtlessly known among the Latin settlers of Outremer.
Recommended publications
  • The Reign of King Henry II of England, 1170-74: Three Minor Revisions

    The Reign of King Henry II of England, 1170-74: Three Minor Revisions

    Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Retrospective Theses and Dissertations Dissertations 1-1-2001 The reign of King Henry II of England, 1170-74: Three minor revisions John Donald Hosler Iowa State University Follow this and additional works at: https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/rtd Recommended Citation Hosler, John Donald, "The reign of King Henry II of England, 1170-74: Three minor revisions" (2001). Retrospective Theses and Dissertations. 21277. https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/rtd/21277 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Dissertations at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Retrospective Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The reign of King Henry II of England, 1170-74: Three minor revisions by John Donald Hosler A thesis submitted to the graduate faculty in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Major: History Major Professor: Kenneth G. Madison Iowa State University Ames~Iowa 2001 11 Graduate College Iowa State University This is to certify that the Master's thesis of John Donald Hosler has met the thesis requirements of Iowa State University Signatures have been redacted for privacy 111 The liberal arts had not disappeared, but the honours which ought to attend them were withheld Gerald ofWales, Topograhpia Cambria! (c.1187) IV TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER ONE. INTRODUCTION 1 Overview: the Reign of Henry II of England 1 Henry's Conflict with Thomas Becket CHAPTER TWO.
  • Περίληψη : Manuel Laskaris Was a Member of the Laskaris Family and One of the Six Brothers of Theodore I Laskaris (1204-1222)

    Περίληψη : Manuel Laskaris Was a Member of the Laskaris Family and One of the Six Brothers of Theodore I Laskaris (1204-1222)

    IΔΡΥΜA ΜΕΙΖΟΝΟΣ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΥ Συγγραφή : Γιαρένης Ηλίας Μετάφραση : Βελέντζας Γεώργιος Για παραπομπή : Γιαρένης Ηλίας , "Manuel Laskaris ", Εγκυκλοπαίδεια Μείζονος Ελληνισμού, Μ. Ασία URL: <http://www.ehw.gr/l.aspx?id=7801> Περίληψη : Manuel Laskaris was a member of the Laskaris family and one of the six brothers of Theodore I Laskaris (1204-1222). In the years of John III Vatatzes (1222-1254), he was in disgrace, while when Theodore II Laskaris assumed the throne (1254-1958), he was recalled along with the rest of his relatives. He became an important trusty counselor of the emperor and was honoured by him with the notable title of protosebastos. He was not a successful fighter in the battlefield, though. After Theodore II died in 1258, he did not support the election of Michael Palaiologos as the regent of John IV Laskaris and, as a result, was exiled in Prousa. Άλλα Ονόματα Manuel Komnenos Laskaris, Manuel Tzamanturos, Maximos Τόπος και Χρόνος Γέννησης late 12th / early 13th century Τόπος και Χρόνος Θανάτου third quarter of the 13th century Κύρια Ιδιότητα protosebastos 1. Βiography Manuel Laskaris was the youngest brother of the emperor of Nicaea Theodore I Komnenos Laskaris, and the last of all six Laskaris brothers. The Laskaris brothers from the eldest to the younger were: Isaac, Alexios, Theodore (I Komnenos Laskaris, emperor in the exile of Nicaea), Constantine (XI Laskaris, uncrowned Byzantine emperor), Michael and Manuel.1 The activity of Michael Laskaris is also mentioned by George Akropolites, Theodore Skoutariotes and George Pachymeres, who calls him ‘Tzamanturos’( Tζαμάντουρος).2 There is information about his life and work until Michael VIII assumed the throne; Michael Laskaris must have died in exile in Prousa.
  • Byzantine Critiques of Monasticism in the Twelfth Century

    Byzantine Critiques of Monasticism in the Twelfth Century

    A “Truly Unmonastic Way of Life”: Byzantine Critiques of Monasticism in the Twelfth Century DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Hannah Elizabeth Ewing Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2014 Dissertation Committee: Professor Timothy Gregory, Advisor Professor Anthony Kaldellis Professor Alison I. Beach Copyright by Hannah Elizabeth Ewing 2014 Abstract This dissertation examines twelfth-century Byzantine writings on monasticism and holy men to illuminate monastic critiques during this period. Drawing upon close readings of texts from a range of twelfth-century voices, it processes both highly biased literary evidence and the limited documentary evidence from the period. In contextualizing the complaints about monks and reforms suggested for monasticism, as found in the writings of the intellectual and administrative elites of the empire, both secular and ecclesiastical, this study shows how monasticism did not fit so well in the world of twelfth-century Byzantium as it did with that of the preceding centuries. This was largely on account of developments in the role and operation of the church and the rise of alternative cultural models that were more critical of traditional ascetic sanctity. This project demonstrates the extent to which twelfth-century Byzantine society and culture had changed since the monastic heyday of the tenth century and contributes toward a deeper understanding of Byzantine monasticism in an under-researched period of the institution. ii Dedication This dissertation is dedicated to my family, and most especially to my parents. iii Acknowledgments This dissertation is indebted to the assistance, advice, and support given by Anthony Kaldellis, Tim Gregory, and Alison Beach.
  • Notes and Documents

    Notes and Documents

    286 SOGEB OF WENDOVEB April Notes and Documents. Roger of Wendover and the Coggeshall Chronicle. Downloaded from KALFH, abbot of Coggeshall from 1207 until his resignation in* 1218, is said' to have begun his share of the monastic chronicle •with the account of the capture of the Holy Cross (1187). He took a special interest in the stories which came from the Holy Land, and his narrative is very valuable. It tells us what http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ Englishmen at home knew of the third crusade. The captivity of Eichard gave Ralph a fresh opportunity, for Anselm, the royal chaplain, brought the report of an eye-witness, which was inserted in the new chronicle. The personal history of the king is the central theme during these years. A period which finds a unity and completeness outside England, in which other English and even European events are of secondary importance, closes with by guest on August 11, 2015 Richard's return from captivity and Count John's submission in 1194. Now it is significant that just here, after a supplementary account of the Saracens in Spain, the ink and style of writing change in the original manuscript. Down to this point, with the exception of a few corrections and additions the manuscript and all its various alterations are the work of the same scribe. The entries under the year 1195 are in another hand.1 It would be quite in accord with monastic usage if copies of this earlier portion were sent elsewhere. Such was the case, for example, with Robert of Torigny's chronicle.
  • 6 X 10.Long.P65

    6 X 10.Long.P65

    Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-85703-1 - Imperial Ideology and Political Thought in Byzantium, 1204-1330 Dimiter Angelov Index More information Index abiotikion 288–89, 297, 302–03 Aphthonios 18, 54–55, 56, 73, 92, 200 Agapetos theDeacon 154, 185–87, 194–95, 230 Apokaukos, John 187, 192, 357 Ahrweiler,He´le`ne 5–6, 10–11 Apros, battle of (10 July 1305) 292, 316 Akindynos, Gregory 297 Aquinas, Thomas 24 Akropolites, George 43, 49, 50, 57, 67, 69, 84, Argyropoulos, John 63 93, 99, 124, 136, 137–38, 167, 207–08, Aristides, Aelius 57, 58–59, 126 209, 246, 255, 257, 258, 345 aristocracy 9 Alanmercenaries 291, 303, 316 as constitutionalformofgovernment 200–01, Alexios I Komnenos, emperor 4, 62, 118, 119, 323 126, 167, 331 nature andpolitical clout of 4–5, 109–10 Alexios III Angelos, emperor 2, 119, 120, 125, 129, opposition against 5, 105–07, 179, 209–12, 412 234, 303 Andronikos I Komnenos, emperor 137, 282, 284 see also nobility (eugeneia), conceptof Andronikos II Palaiologos, emperor 7, 30, Aristotle 8, 9, 24, 69, 195, 227, 260, 345, 421 45–47, 56–57, 109, 118, 127, 130–32, 136, Nicomachean Ethics 23, 197, 220–22, 250 148, 169, 177, 262, 268, 278–79, 280, 282, Politics 23, 202–03, 251, 321 290–92, 299, 301, 302, 303, 311, 313, 314, Rhetoric 55 316, 318, 338–40, 342, 354, 369, 371, 395, Arsenios Autoreianos, patriarch of 397–401, 407, 412 Constantinople (in Nicaea during his portrait in court rhetoric 101–02, 103, 110–12, first term inoffice) 44, 296, 329, 366–69, 113–14, 136–40, 141–43, 152–53, 165, 170 374–75, 380–81, 382, 383, 393, 394–95
  • The Case of Alice, Queen-Regent of Cyprus (1218-1232)*

    The Case of Alice, Queen-Regent of Cyprus (1218-1232)*

    Women and the Pursuit of Power in the Thirteenth Century: The Case of Alice, Queen-Regent of Cyprus (1218-1232)* Ahmet Kemal-Hilmi University of London, England Abstract For the medievalists, the study of women’s public role in medieval societies is an arduous task, because of the nature of the sources which reflected the societies’ misogynistic approach to the treatment of the gender roles in the middle ages. Yet, a number of Lusignan queens challenge the public role of women. Drawing on a range of narrative and documentary sources, this article challenges the established image of the Queen Alice of Cyprus. Through such a study, we can complement our understanding of politics in the Outremer by challenging the male-centric interpretations of the thirteenth century, where women’s public role is often ignored. This paper further explores Queen Alice’s contribution to political events, how she pursued and exploited the means to power, and more importantly, how her challenge was encountered by the patriarchal society, particularly by the Church of Rome. Keywords: Queen Alice, Cyprus, Lusignan, Women’s history. Özet Kadınların kamusal alandaki rollerini çalışmak bir Ortaçağ tarihçisi için kaynakların, o dönemin toplumunun genel kadına ayrımcı yaklaşımını yansıtması bakımından çetin bir uğraştır. Ancak, bazı Lüzinyan kraliçeleri ortaçağda kadının kamusal alandaki rolü okumalarını sarsmaktadır. Bu makale, çok çeşitli anlatı ve belgesel kaynaklar üzerinden Kıbrıslı Kraliçe Alice’in literatürdeki yerleşmiş imgesini sorunsallaştırmaktadır. Böyle bir çalışma ile onüçüncü yüzyıl kadınının kamusal hayattaki yerinin hep ihmal edildiği “denizaşırı” politik yapısını anlayışımızı kolaylaşacaktır. Dolayısıyla burada Kraliçe Alice’in politik olaylara katkısı, güç odaklarını nasıl elde ettiği ve kullandığı, ve daha da önemlisi bu tutumunun ataerkil toplum ve özellikle Roma Klisesi tarafından nasıl karşılandığı üzerinde durulacaktır.
  • Women in the Royal Succession of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (1099–1291)*

    Women in the Royal Succession of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (1099–1291)*

    Women in the Royal Succession of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (1099–1291)* Alan V. Murray (Leeds UK) »During this time Baldwin, king of Jerusalem, died, leaving adaughter of marriageable age (for he lacked ason) as heir to the kingdom, which wasdeservedly divided against it- self, forsaken on account of itssins, and despised by the pagans, since it had passed into the hands of agirl, in what wasnogoodomen for government. For each of the foremost men of the kingdom desired to becomeruler and wanted to secure the girl and the royal inheritance by marriage –tohimself, if he lacked awife,tohis son, if he wasmarried, or to akinsman,ifhehad no son of his own;this caused the greatestill-will among them, which led to the destruction of the kingdom. Yet she, spurning the natives of the realm, took up with Guy, countofAscalon, anew arrival of elegantappearance and proven courage, and, with the approval of both the patriarch and the knights of the Temple, took him as her husband and conferred the kingdom on him«1). *) Dates given in parentheses in this essay relate to the reigns of the individualsaskings or queens of Je- rusalem.For ease of reference, royal documents issued in the kingdom of Jerusalem will be given accord- ing to their number in: Die Urkunden der lateinischen Könige vonJerusalem, ed. Hans EberhardMayer, 4vols. (MGH Diplomata Regum LatinorumHierosolymitanorum), Hanover 2010 (cited henceforth as D/DDJerus.), as well as those in the calendared forms given in: Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani (MXCVII–MCCXCI), ed. Reinhold Rçhricht, 2vols.,Innsbruck 1893–1904 (cited henceforth as RRH), which has been widely used in earlier scholarship.
  • Masterarbeit / Master´S Thesis

    Masterarbeit / Master´S Thesis

    MASTERARBEIT / MASTER´S THESIS Titel der Masterarbeit / Title of the Master´s Thesis „Marriage Strategies in the Early Palaiologan Period“ verfasst von / submitted by Konstantina Gerakini angestrebter akademischer Grad / in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (MA) Wien, 2018 / Vienna 2018 Studienkennzahl lt. Studienblatt / A 066 869 degree programme code as it appears on the student record sheet: Studienrichtung lt. Studienblatt / Masterstudium Byzantinistik und Neogräzistik degree programme as it appears on the student record sheet: Betreut von / Supervisor: Univ.- Prof. Dr. Claudia Rapp TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 3 INTRODUCTION The historical frame 4 Late Byzantine aristocracy: definition and state of research 6 Methodological approach 7 The Structure of the Thesis 8 The Sources 9 I. THE ARISTOCRACY IN THE EARLY PALAIOLOGAN PERIOD I.1. The Byzantine aristocracy: definition and terminology 13 Ranks and offices in the early Palaiologan period 18 The self-consciousness of the aristocracy 21 I.2.The Palaiologan high aristocracy 23 II. MARRIAGE STRATEGIES OF THE ARISTOCRACY IN THE EARLY PALAIOLOGAN PERIOD II.1. Marriage strategies of the aristocracy from the tenth to thirteenth century 41 Marriage strategies of the military aristocracy of the tenth century 41 Marriage strategies of the aristocratic families of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The Komnenoi and the Doukai 44 Marriage strategies of the Angeloi and the Laskarids 49 II.2. Marriage strategies until 1259. The rise of the Palaiologoi 51 Marriage strategies of the Laskarids and other families of the aristocracy 57 1 II.3. Marriage strategies in the reign of Michael VIII Palaiologos (1259-1282) 62 II.4.
  • Three Byzantine Lead Seals from Devolgrad (Ancient Audaristos) Near Stobi

    Three Byzantine Lead Seals from Devolgrad (Ancient Audaristos) Near Stobi

    Robert Mihaj lovski Three Byzantine Lead Seals from Devolgrad (Ancient Audaristos) near Stobi Three Byzantine lead seals were found in the grazing lands and vineyards at Devolgrad, thirteen kilometres west of Stobi, in the district of Kavadarci (Republic of Macedonia). [Fig. 101] In 2001 they became part of a private collection. 1 They are not unique nor are they important in themselves. But they do have significance in that they are among a relatively small group of seals which can be related toa particular place. Devolgrad, also known as Diabolis, was a fortress which had been occupied successively in prehistorie, Paeonian, Macedonian, Roman and Byzantine times. Located on the massive limestone rock at the entrance of the gorge of the river Raec near the village of Drenovo, it controlled the road communication between Stobi and Heraclea Lyncestis on the junction of the Via Egnatia [Fig. 102], as welt as being on an ancient route connecting the Pelagonia valley with the corridor of the Vardar-Morava-Danube river system. During Roman times it was an important strategie and military post and was perhaps a fortress-refugium for the population of Stobi and its environs, as retlected in another of its names, Stypeion. Later it played an important role in the military campaigns of Emperor Basil Il in 10142 and throughout the Komnenian and Palaiologan periods. Between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries the area became an object of incessant strife between the lords of Nicaea, Epirus and Thessalonica, including the Crusader, Bulgarian and Serbian invasions. lt is thus not surprising that the first lead seal is connected with the name of the sebastos George Palaiologos, a notable military commander and a great supporter (and brother-in-law) of the Emperor Alexios I Komnenos.
  • The Feast of Saint Thomas Becket at Salisbury Cathedral: Ad Vesperas

    The Feast of Saint Thomas Becket at Salisbury Cathedral: Ad Vesperas

    W&M ScholarWorks Undergraduate Honors Theses Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 4-2019 The Feast of Saint Thomas Becket at Salisbury Cathedral: Ad Vesperas Virginia Elizabeth Martin Tilley College of William and Mary Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/honorstheses Part of the Catholic Studies Commons, Christianity Commons, History of Christianity Commons, Liturgy and Worship Commons, and the Musicology Commons Recommended Citation Tilley, Virginia Elizabeth Martin, "The Feast of Saint Thomas Becket at Salisbury Cathedral: Ad Vesperas" (2019). Undergraduate Honors Theses. Paper 1385. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/honorstheses/1385 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Undergraduate Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 The Feast of Saint Thomas Becket at Salisbury Cathedral: Ad Vesperas A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in Music from The College of William and Mary by Virginia Elizabeth Martin Tilley Accepted for __________________________________ (Honors, High Honors, Highest Honors) ________________________________________ Thomas B. Payne, Director, Music ________________________________________ James I. Armstrong, Music ________________________________________ Alexander B. Angelov, Religious Studies Williamsburg, VA 12 April
  • The Political Opposition to Alexios I Komnenos (1081–1118)

    The Political Opposition to Alexios I Komnenos (1081–1118)

    The Political Opposition to Alexios I Komnenos (1081–1118) Inauguraldissertation zur Erlangung des Akademischen Grades eines Dr. phil., vorgelegt dem Fachbereich 07 Geschichts- und Kulturwissenschaften der Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz von João Vicente de Medeiros Publio Dias aus São Paulo, Brasilien 2020 Dekan: 1. Gutachter: 2. Gutachter: Tag des Prüfungskolloquiums: 18. Juli 2018 Dedicado a Dai Table of Contents Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................... 1 Note on translation and transliteration .................................................................................. 2 i. Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 3 i.i. Bibliographic Review ...................................................................................................... 4 i.ii Conceptual and Theoretical Issues on Political Opposition in Byzantium ...................... 7 i.iii Sources .......................................................................................................................... 18 i.iii.i Material for History of Nikephoros Bryennios .......................................................... 24 i.iii.ii The Alexiad of Anna Komnene ................................................................................. 26 i.iii.iii The Epitome Historion of Ioannes Zonaras .............................................................. 30 i.iii.iv The Chronike
  • Character-Assassination: Conrad De Monferrat in English-Language Fiction & Popular Histories

    Character-Assassination: Conrad De Monferrat in English-Language Fiction & Popular Histories

    BOLLETTINO DEL MARCHESATO Organo di informazione del Circolo Culturale “I Marchesi del Monferrato” a cura di Roberto Maestri e-mail: [email protected] - c.f. 96039930068 - sito web: www.marchesimonferrato.com ANNO II – n° 6 – Novembre 2005 EDITORIALE.........................................................................................................................................2 PRESENTAZIONE LIBRO SU BONIFACIO DI MONFERRATO. ................................................................2 ASSEMBLEA GENERALE ......................................................................................................................3 CELEBRAZIONI PER I 700 ANNI DALL’ARRIVO IN MONFERRATO DEI PALEOLOGI DI BISANZIO: LA VOCAZIONE EUROPEA DEL MONFERRATO..........................................................................................3 DALLA SCOZIA AL MONFERRATO.......................................................................................................5 ADESIONI .............................................................................................................................................5 CHARACTER-ASSASSINATION: CONRAD DE MONFERRAT IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION & POPULAR HISTORIES ...........................................................................................................................5 COLLABORAZIONI E SCAMBI CULTURALI .........................................................................................14 NOTIZIE VARIE ..................................................................................................................................14