Girl Power and Competent Caregivers
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Girl Power and Competent Caregivers Feminism, gender roles, and gender equality through personal writings in Norwegian politics Ashley Nicole Batalden Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Philosophy in Gender Studies Centre for Gender Studies University of Oslo Blindern, Norway November 17, 2014 © Ashley Nicole Batalden 2014 Title: Girl Power and Competent Caregivers: Feminism, gender roles, and gender equality through personal writings in Norwegian politics. Ashley Nicole Batalden http://www.duo.uio.no/ Trykk: Reprosentralen, Universitetet i Oslo II Abstract On gender equality rankings, Norway typically places as one of the most gender equal countries in the world. Likewise, some argue that there are still some barriers in place that prevent full gender equality between men and women. In order to explore this topic, I chose two books to compare using content analysis, feminist content analysis, and rhetoric: Bare en kvinne? blå feminisme, hersketeknikker og likeverdige liv (2012), written by Conservative Party State Secretary and Women’s Forum leader Julie Brodtkorb, and Socialist-Left Party leader Audun Lysbakken's Frihet, likhet, farskap (2011). These books discuss gender equality through providing the authors’ personal stories and political platforms. My thesis statement asks: In what ways are Brodtkorb and Lysbakken similar and different to each other on the topics of feminism and gender equality, both as people and as representatives for their political parties? My research is divided into three parts. In the first part, I look at how both authors understand, identify with, and discuss feminism. Surprisingly, Brodtkorb was more focused on developing and expressing a feminist perspective than Lysbakken, who is currently the leader of the self-professed feminist Socialist-Left Party. The possible reasons behind this imbalance are explored based on Lysbakken’s message and relationship to feminists presented in his book. In the second part, I explore how the authors understand and attempt to solve the problem of gender inequality in Norway. This problem is explained through their perception that traditional gender roles remain as a barrier to gender equality on both social and personal levels. To remedy this, both authors advocate women giving up some power at home and allowing men to be more active in order for the women to be able to balance family and careers. In the third part, I uncover blind spots in the authors’ writing. This showed itself through the way in which Brodtkorb and Lysbakken discuss the family. While both stressed the importance of individuality and diversity, they family structure they describe falls into an ethnic Norwegian, heterosexual, fertile mold. This could easily alienate readers who do not fit into their A4 representation. Although their parties rest on opposite sides of the political spectrum, Brodtkorb and Lysakken’s similarities and differences indicate that there is enough in common to point towards a greater Norwegian cultural goal of gender equality, the maintenance of the social democratic welfare state, and an ideal of a gender neutral worker-caregiver model. III Sammendrag Norge ligger vanligvis på toppen i evalueringer når det gjelder likestilling. Likevel mener noen at det fortsatt en del som må endres for å oppnå likestilling mellom kjønnene. For å utforske dette, valgte jeg å bruke innholdsanalyse, feministisk innholdsanalyse, og retorikk på to bøker: Bare en kvinne? Blå feminisme, hersketeknikker og likeverdige liv (2012) av Julie Brodtkorb, leder av Høyres Kvinneforum og Statssekretær, og Frihet, likhet, farskap (2011) leder av Sosialistisk Venstreparti, Audun Lysbakken. Disse to bøkene handler om likestilling sett gjennom deres personlige historie og politikk. Problemstillingen er: På hvilke måter er Brodtkorb og Lysbakken like og forskjellige fra hverandre når det gjelder feminisme og likestilling, både som mennesker og som politikere? Forskningen er delt i tre deler. I den første delen jeg ser på hvordan forfatterne forstår, identifiserer med, og bruker feminisme. Overraskende nok var Brodtkorb mer fokusert i å utarbeide feminisme som et begrep enn Lysbakken, som er leder av det feministiske partiet SV. I den andre delen ser jeg på hvordan forfatterne røver å fremme likestilling i dagens Norge ved å bryte med tradisjonelle kjønnsroller. De anbefaler at kvinner gir opp litt av makten de har og lar mennene ta en større rolle hjemme, slik at kvinnene kan lettere kombinere hjem og karriere. I den tredje delen ser jeg på Brodtkorb og Lysbakkens «blindeflekker», som ble vist gjennom måten de diskuterer familien på. Selv om begge forfatterne satser på individuell frihet og mangfold i samfunnet, blir familien konstruert som etnisk norsk, heterofil, og naturlig fruktbar. Da kan de som faller utenfor normen føler seg fremmedgjort. Selv om partiene ligger på hver sin side av aksen, tilsier forskjellene og likhetene mellom Brodtkorb og Lysbakken at de har nok til felles til å påpeke likestilling, den sosialdemokratiske velferdsstaten, og en kjønnsnøytral arbeider-omsorgsgiver rolle som kulturelle verdier i Norge. IV Foreword There were a handful of times I did not think I would finish this, but through the help of my amazing network, I can confidently, and with a heart full of thanksgiving, send my thesis out into the world. First, Mom and Dad, although six hours and 4000 miles separate us, I could always feel you rooting for me. I don't expect y'all to read the whole thing, but now you have a copy to show off! And Andrew: I can't wait to see how you one up me, you ridiculous genius! If I can do this, you can literally do anything. To my husband, Jørn, for not only for convincing me to make Norway my home, but also for always begin there. Your encouragement and love have helped me in ways beyond expression. And Enzo, Flexo, Thomas, and Rhonda/Hermes, thanks for the cuddles and companionship. Treats are on me! To my advisors: Stina Hansteen Solhøy, who helped me begin this process, Beret Bråten, who helped me to finish, and Cecilie Thun, for giving it one final look. Without your input, support, and assistance, I would not have been able to manage this incredible feat. To STK, for offering a master program that, although still in its early years, brings the whole world together. And my classmates: while we usually had our noses in books (or computer screens), it was comforting to know that my difficulties were shared and that we could work through them together. I will miss all of you, and wish nothing but he best for you and your futures. Fides et ratio. Word count: 48,928. V VI Table of Contents 1 Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 2 1.1 Personal history as inspiration ..................................................................................... 2 1.2 Thesis statement, study objects, and research questions ............................................. 3 1.3 Relevance ..................................................................................................................... 6 1.4 Overview of thesis ....................................................................................................... 6 2 Background and Context .................................................................................................... 8 2.1 Feminist movements through history .......................................................................... 8 2.1.1 Early feminism ..................................................................................................... 8 2.1.2 Liberal feminism ................................................................................................ 10 2.1.3 Marxist feminism ............................................................................................... 11 2.2 State feminism and the welfare state ......................................................................... 13 2.3 Suffrage and post-war movements ............................................................................ 16 2.4 Norwegian political parties ........................................................................................ 19 2.4.1 Høyre .................................................................................................................. 20 2.4.2 SV ....................................................................................................................... 21 2.5 Previous master theses ............................................................................................... 22 3 Methods and Procedure .................................................................................................... 24 3.1 Data and analytical method ....................................................................................... 24 3.1.1 Choice of data ..................................................................................................... 24 3.1.2 Choice of method ............................................................................................... 25 3.2 Content analysis ......................................................................................................... 25 3.3 Feminist content analysis........................................................................................... 26 3.4 Rhetorical analysis ..................................................................................................... 26 3.5 Analysis procedure