THE 100721 FT.Pdf (4.257Mb)

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

THE 100721 FT.Pdf (4.257Mb) Exploring Credit Systems ! and Power at the Village Level: ! Northern Afghanistan Farshad Tami Master Thesis 60 credits 2010 Thesis Master Department of Noragric Department ! Exploring C redit Systems and Power at the Village Level: Northern Afghanistan Spring 2010 By: Farshad Tami Advisor: Dr. Ingrid Nyborg Master's Degree in International Development, Noragric Universitetet for miljø- og biovitenskap ± University of Life Sciences 1 To my mother and father for never stopping their prayers 2 Acknowledgment This paper would not have seen light if it was not for the kindness and generosity of the Afghans. I am grateful for the efforts and patience of Head of Shuras of Turkmaniyeh DQG6DPD¶LYLOODJHV0U*KXODP6LNKL3DKODYDQDQG0U4DUL2EHLG¶X¶OODKDQGWKH many households interviewed there and at the villages of Kawlian, Toghlamast, Charamghar and Takht Balouch. I am grateful to the unlimited cooperation of local NGOs staff from Norwegian Project Office / Rural Rehabilitation Association for Afghanistan (NPO/RRAA) and Co-ordination of Humanitarian Assistance (CHA). My special thanks goes for Mr. Mohammed Assif (CHA Belcheragh District Director), Mr. Eshqi (CHA Project Manager in Meymaneh), Engineer Akhtar Mohammed Hakimi 13255$$%HOFKHUDJK3URMHFW0DQDJHU DQG(QJLQHHU1DTLE¶X¶OODK$KPDGL (NPO/RRAA Agronomist). I am in great debt to the material and moral support of the Norwegian Church Aid ± Kirkens Nødhjelp (NCA) for linking me with their partner NGOs, and for providing me ZLWKIDFLOLWLHVWUDQVSRUWDWLRQDQGDFFRPPRGDWLRQGXULQJP\VWD\LQ$IJKDQLVWDQ1&$¶V cooperation made it possible for me to finish my fieldwork during the short seven weeks I spent in Faryab Province. Special thanks to Dr. Gry Synnevåg, Mr. Faridoon Daudzai, Mr. Ahmad Hassan Hassan, Dr. Jalaluddin Akrami and Mr. Mohammed Sharif from NCA Kabul office. I would like to thank all the NCA staff at Meymaneh office for hosting me as they would to a family member. The hand of friendship they gave, as well as that from CHA and NPO/RRAA staff, will always bring me warm and joyful memories. From NCA Meymaneh office, Mr=LD¶X¶OODK6LGLTL,WKDQN\RXPRVWRIDOO I am grateful for the material and moral assistance provided by the Department of International Environment and Development Studies (Noragric) at the University of life Sciences ± Universitetet for miljø- og biovitenskap (UMB). My special thanks goes to Dr. Ingrid L. P. Nyborg, for her zest, encouragement and patience. Finally, I would like to thank Dr. Mark Perry and Sarah Anderson for editing this paper. 3 Content Chapter Page Acronyms 6 Terminologies 7 Abstract 8 Preamble 9 1. Introduction 12 1.1 Formal and informal credit in Afghanistan 12 1.2 Power relations linked to credit 15 1.3 Knowledge gaps in research on credit systems in 17 Afghanistan 1.4 Theoretical framework 19 1.5 Research aim, objectives and research questions 21 1.6 Outline of the thesis 21 2. Methodology 23 2.1 Consent 25 2.2 Research objectives and questions 27 2.3 Asking the questions 28 2.4 Ethical considerations 30 2.5 Decoding the findings 31 2.6 Challenges 32 3. Context and Study 35 A rea 3.1 A peek at Afghanistan 35 3.2 Culture, traditions and tribal affiliations 38 3.3 Development aid in the country 40 3.4 Faryab Province and Belcheragh District 44 3.5 TurkmaQL\HKDQG6DPD¶,YLOODJHV 46 3.6 A brief history of the study area 49 3.7 Wealth groups 51 3.8 Actors at the village and district levels 57 4. Livelihoods and 61 Informal C redit 4.1 Types of informal credit 62 4.2 Remittances 66 4.3 Agricultural land and mortgage 68 4.4 Agriculture 71 4.5 Banning of opium poppy cultivation 74 4.6 Effects of opium on credit 77 4.7 Drought 78 4 4.8 Sharecropping and leasing land 80 4.9 Farm and off-farm labor 81 4.10 Shops and other businesses 82 4.11Carpet weaving 85 4.12 Livelihood development aid projects 87 5. Social Institutions and 90 Informal C redit 5.1 Marriage dower and dowry: Mahr and Jahez 91 5.2 Burial ceremony 98 5.3 Charity: Zakat and Khairat 99 6. Insights into Formal 102 C redit 6.1 The two micro-credit scheme projects 102 6.2 Micro-credit scheme: targeting male farmers 103 6.3 Micro-credit scheme: targeting household women 106 7. C redit & Power 114 Relations 7.1 Effect of credit on power at the household level 116 7.2 Effect of credit on power at village level 118 7.3 Impact of local development aid actors on power 120 relations 7.4 Impact of international development aid actors on power 123 relations 8. Conclusions 126 References 132 Appendixes 136 Map 1 136 Tables 1 to 9 137 Figures 1 to 3 147 Pictures 1 to 12 149 5 Acronyms ACBAR Agency Coordinating Body for Afghan Relief ACTED Agency for Technical Cooperation and Development ANP Afghan National Police ARCS Afghan Red Crescent Society AREU Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit ARTF Afghanistan Reconstruction Trust Fund CDC Community Development Council CHA Coordination of Humanitarian Assistance DACAAR Danish Committee for Aid to Afghan Refugees DDA District Development Assembly DDP District Development Plan GT Grounded Theory EU European Union FAO Food and Agriculture Organization ICRC International Committee of the Red Cross IOM International Organisation for Migration MC Micro-credit MISFA Microfinance Investment Support Facility for Afghanistan MoEc Ministry of Economics MRRD Ministry of Rural Rehabilitation and Development, Afghanistan NABDP National Area-Based Development Programme NCA Norwegian Church Aid ±Kirkens Nødhjelp NGO Non-governmental Organization NRC Norwegian Refugee Council NPO/RRAA Norwegian Project Office / Rural Rehabilitation Association for Afghanistan NSP National Solidarity Programme PC Provincial Council PDC Provincial Development Committees PRT Provincial Reconstruction Teams UIF United Islamic Front for the Salvation of Afghanistan UMB Universitetet for miljø- og biovitenskap UNAMA United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan UNDP United Nations Development Programme UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees USAID United States Agency for International Development USD United States Dollar WFP World Food Programme WB World Bank 6 Terminologies Abi Irrigated land Arbab Elected chairman of the village councils Burka An outer garment worn by women and covers the whole body Chador An outer garment worn by women Doktorhayeh Traditional healers Younani Forokhtan Act of selling Gheraw Mortgage Jahez Dowry Jehrib Two-thousand meter squares of land Khairat Voluntary act of charity Khod Kafa Self-sufficient Lalmi Rain-fed land Madrassa School Mahr Dower Mo Sfedha White haired men or women, indicating their age Moharem Chaperon Mujahideen Islamic militias/insurgency fighting the Soviet Army in Afghanistan. Mullah Islamic clergymen Nasiya A form of informal credit Nerkh Yarn Pashtunwali Pashtun codes of honor Peshaki A form of informal credit Qaleen-e-Qaychi Untrimmed carpet Nashodeh Qarz-e-Hassaneh Loans without usury Qarz-e-Sood Loans with usury Qommandan Military commander Reesh Sefidha White bearded men, indicating their age Riba Usury Salam A form of informal credit Sharia Islamic Jurisprudence Shura A council of men and/or women Sood Khorha Lenders of credit with usury Sood Usury Zakat Islamic duty of charity 7 Abstract In the absence of a strong state in Afghanistan it is very challenging to provide rural households with better food security and access to sustainable, well-established and regulated financial institutions. This paper researched livelihood strategies, credit systems and power relations in two villages from Belcheragh District, in Faryab Province, during summer 2008. Through the use of qualitative methods the study explored in-depth strategies such as remittances, agriculture and carpet weaving incomes, life-cycle activities, credit systems, including micro-credit schemes and the common local credit transactions, and finally, power networks. The study also explored how these strategies are changing in Afghanistan in the face of changes in the political, social and economic conditions. The study found that social networks, through which less privileged households gain access to credit, are exploitative in nature. Access to land and credit for the more privileged households allows them to also have a say in who gets what in the village, mainly micro-credit schemes, the local credit transactions and other livelihood incomes. Finally, the study provided detailed information on the situation in Belcheragh District for development actors such that they can improve their own micro- credit schemes and other activities related to food security. Keywords: Afghanistan, Belcheragh, Faryab, livelihoods, credit systems, power, social networks, micro-credit, development 8 Preamble Hooves of donkeys, car wheels and tank tracks have carved the roads outside of Meymaneh and these roads came with their own heat and dust. On the early hours of June 10th 2008, we drove southeast. The road we were on had graveyards covering the hills on the left and ploughed flat land on the right. After a few kilometers, there was nothing but hills and mountains. As we crossed the highlands at the edge of the Pamir Mountains, Shahvali, our designated driver played on the tape recorder songs by Jawad Qaziyar. Traveling that path towards the sunrise ±and accompanied by a traditional $IJKDQPHORG\DQG-DZDG¶VPHODQFKROLFYRLFH±I was introduced to Belcheragh. The district of Belcheragh is located in a northern province, called Faryab. The surroundings are bare but for some trees along a nearly dried up river. Belcheragh River floods during winter and isolates villages from each other for up to several days. During the summer, the river dwindles down to a stream in some parts, and a shallow river in others. Most of the land, apart from the banks, is mountainous, where marks of determination of the Afghans can be seen. The almost impossible to be plowed slopes have been plowed and the yellow wheat patches are an astonishing marvel to look at. It was pointed out for me that this season the plowed landscape yielded short stocks of wheat; on some mountains, it yielded nothing at all.
Recommended publications
  • Military Assistance to the Afghan Opposition Human Rights Watch Backgrounder October 5, 2001
    Military Assistance to the Afghan Opposition Human Rights Watch Backgrounder October 5, 2001 To respond to the attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon on September 11, 2001, the United States government has begun to put together what it calls a coalition against terrorism. As part of this approach, the United States has signalled support for the creation of a broad-based coalition to oppose the Taliban, the current rulers of most of Afghanistan. This opposition would include forces that presently constitute the United Front—also known under its former name the Northern Alliance—as well as Taliban defectors. Some commanders with experience in the guerrilla war against Soviet occupation in 1979-1989, but not now in the United Front, may also be drawn into the new coalition. A number of present and former commanders who may be eager to assume positions of leadership in the coalition have a long record of serious human rights abuse in Afghanistan. Human Rights Watch is concerned that unqualified support—military, political, diplomatic, financial—for this new coalition, which may come to constitute the basis for a future government of Afghanistan, will encourage further abuses. In responding to the crimes against humanity of September 11, the United States should not resort to means that themselves violate basic human rights and humanitarian law standards, or provide assistance to forces that do. Support for the Afghan Opposition While the United States says it has so far provided no arms to the Afghan opposition, recent media reports suggest that it is gearing up to provide financial and possibly military support to the United Front and other armed Afghan groups.
    [Show full text]
  • Understanding Ethnic-Electoral Dynamics: How Ethnic Politics Affect Electoral Laws and Election Outcomes in Afghanistan
    MOBASHER 4/18/2016 3:11 PM UNDERSTANDING ETHNIC-ELECTORAL DYNAMICS: HOW ETHNIC POLITICS AFFECT ELECTORAL LAWS AND ELECTION OUTCOMES IN AFGHANISTAN *Mohammad Bashir Mobasher After the fall of the Taliban in 2001, Afghanistan began transitioning toward democracy. The democratization, which began with the Bonn Agreement, was very promising for all ethnic groups in Afghanistan. The Bonn Agreement provided that Afghanistan must establish “broad based, gender sensitive, multi- ethnic and fully representative government.”1 As a part of this agreement, Afghanistan adopted a new Constitution in 2004, which established elections as the foundation for representative government and guaranteed that the elections be inclusive, fair, and representative of all groups and regions. Despite this progress in the laws, Afghanistan has not been able to reduce ethnic tensions. In fact, this article shows that ethnic tensions tend to intensify during elections, a result that belies the vision of the Bonn Agreement. After presenting a statistical and qualitative analysis of voting practices across three presidential elections and 26 provinces, this article makes several observations about the role of ethnicity in Afghan presidential elections. These observations are: (1) people of an ethnic community are more likely to vote for a candidate of their own ethnic group; (2) voters from one ethnic group are likely to vote for a candidate from another ethnic group only when they do not have a candidate of their own; (3) cross ethnic voting is more likely to occur in blocs and in exchange for patronage to the elites of voting groups; and (4) candidates and ethno-political elites tend to prioritize their electoral campaigns by ethnic mobilization, manipulation of laws and political bargains rather than by policy development in order to generate votes.
    [Show full text]
  • The Netherlands and Afghanistan
    Conflict Policy Research Project (CPRP) The Netherlands and Afghanistan Dutch Policies and Interventions with regard to the Civil War in Afghanistan Luc van de Goor Mathijs van Leeuwen Conflict Research Unit November 2000 Desk top publishing: Birgit Leiteritz Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ Clingendael 7 2597 VH The Hague P.O. Box 93080 2509 AB The Hague Phonenumber: #-31-70-3245384 Telefax: #-31-70-3282002 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.clingendael.nl/cru © Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyrightholders. Clingendael Institute, P.O. Box 93080, 2509 AB The Hague, The Netherlands. © The Clingendael Institute 3 Contents Abbreviations and Glossary 5 Executive Summary 7 1 Introduction 9 1.1 Research Objective 9 1.2 Conceptual Aspects 9 1.3 Methodology 12 2 An Outline of the Conflict in Afghanistan 13 2.1 Background and Causes 13 A Country of Diversity 13 A Short History of State Formation 15 Socialist Afghanistan 18 On the Threshold to a New Phase of Conflict 19 2.2 The Parties Involved and their Objectives 19 The People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) / Watan 20 The Mujahideen 20 Junbish 22 The Taliban 23 Pakistan 24 Iran 26 Saudi Arabia 27 The Soviet Union, Russia and the Central Asian Republics 27 The United
    [Show full text]
  • HISTORY of the WAR the US- Led Military Intervention in Afghanistan
    BACKGROUNDER ON AFGHANISTAN: HISTORY OF THE WAR The U.S- led military intervention in Afghanistan marks the fourth phase in the country’s twenty-three-year-old civil war. In every phase foreign powers have intensified the conflict by supporting one side against another. The First Phase: The Saur Revolution and Soviet Occupation Before civil war erupted in 1978, Afghanistan was a monarchy under Muhammad Zahir Shah, who had come to power in 1933. After World War II, both the U.S. and the Soviet Union used economic assistance to compete for influence. After the US established military ties with Pakistan in 1954, Afghanistan increasingly turned to the Soviet Union support. In 1964 Zahir Shah convened a Loya Jirga, or Grand Council, of tribal leaders to debate a draft constitution that would provide for a more representational government. However, Zahir Shah did not relinquish any power; political parties were permitted to organize but not to contest elections. Zahir Shah was overthrown by his cousin Daoud Khan in 1973; the king has remained in exile in Rome ever since. In staging the coup, Daoud had allied himself with the Parcham faction of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), a Marxist-Leninist party that had been formed in 1965. In 1967 the PDPA split into two factions, Parcham (“flag”) which drew its support from urban, educated Pashtuns along with other ethnic groups, and Khalq (“masses”) which had the support of educated rural Afghans, also predominantly Pashtun. (Pashtuns comprise the largest ethnic group in Afghanistan and have dominated the government for centuries.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of Political Islam on Cultural Practices in Badakhshan, Afghanistan, During the Taliban Era
    The Impact of Political Islam on Cultural Practices in Badakhshan, Afghanistan, during the Taliban Era by Bruce E. Koepke A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy ofThe Australian National University October 2002 84 Chapter Three 1965a:26). One has to bear in mind that the harsh and extreme weather conditions of this region made these particular sections of the Silk Road passable for only limited times of the year. Badakhshan' s primary role in this trade route was as a distributor rather than a supplier of goods (see Grevemeyer 1982:101; Raunig 1978:554). Many old caravanserais (rest houses) continue to be used and thus testify to the continued popularity of this ancient trade route. Yet the Silk Road has not only been important for the trade of consumer goods; it has also been a vital means of transmitting cultural practices including those of aesthetic entertainment. Musicians, dancers and actors would have been especially popular at the major caravanserais and chaikhanas (teahouses), since their performances were not reliant upon local languages, but utilised the extra-linguistic media of music, dance and mime (see also Haussig 1988:108- 109). Towards the end of the seventeenth century the discovery of maritime routes between Europe and the East had a significant impact on the monopolistic position of Central Asia and Afghanistan as transit trade centres. These new routes proved to be safer, cheaper, and in many respects faster (see Gregorian 1969:21; Grevemeyer, 1982:1 02), their inevitable popularity thus contributing to the subsequent economic and cultural isolation of northern Afghanistan.
    [Show full text]
  • Profile of Internal Displacement : Afghanistan
    PROFILE OF INTERNAL DISPLACEMENT : AFGHANISTAN Compilation of the information available in the Global IDP Database of the Norwegian Refugee Council (as of 31 October, 2001) Also available at http://www.idpproject.org Users of this document are welcome to credit the Global IDP Database for the collection of information. The opinions expressed here are those of the sources and are not necessarily shared by the Global IDP Project or NRC Norwegian Refugee Council/Global IDP Project Chemin Moïse Duboule, 59 1209 Geneva - Switzerland Tel: + 41 22 788 80 85 Fax: + 41 22 788 80 86 E-mail : [email protected] CONTENTS CONTENTS 1 PROFILE SUMMARY 8 CAUSES AND BACKGROUND OF DISPLACEMENT 12 GENERAL 12 GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF LAND AND PEOPLE 12 SOCIO-ECONOMIC PROFILE OF AFGHANISTAN (OCTOBER 2001) 12 DROUGHT AND ECONOMIC DISRUPTION IN THE NORTHEAST (DECEMBER 2000) 15 THE CIVIL WAR 16 A HISTORY OF CONFLICT 16 OVERVIEW OF MAIN DISPLACEMENTS (1992-2000) 18 CONFLICT -INDUCED DISPLACEMENT IN 2000 19 CONFLICT -INDUCED DISPLACEMENT IN 2001 21 LATEST PEACE EFFORTS (AUGUST 2001) 21 LATEST MILITARY DEVELOPMENTS (AUGUST 2001) 24 OUTSIDE INTERFERENCE IN AFGHANISTAN BY NEIGHBOURING STATES (DECEMBER 2000) 25 US THREATS AND ITS CONSEQUENCES ON NEIGHBOURINGS STATES' POLICY TOWARDS THE TALIBAN (OCTOBER 2001) 27 HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS 28 TALEBAN FORCES ACCUSED OF KILLING 100 TO 300 CIVILIANS IN YAKAOLANG DISTRICT (JANUARY 2001) 28 VIOLATIONS OF INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW BY BOTH PARTIES (DECEMBER 2000) 29 GENERAL INSECURITY DUE TO A COMBINATION OF WIDESPREAD POVERTY, PROTRACTED CONFLICT AND SERIOUS HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS (JUNE 2000) 31 SECURITY COUNCIL EXPRESSES ITS CONCERN ABOUT THE HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION IN AFGHANISTAN (APRIL 2000) 33 TAJIK MINORITY FACES HARASSMENT AND FORCED DISPLACEMENT (AUGUST 1999) 34 THE U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Subordination, M Igration and M Obilization
    3µ¢Ø≤§©Æ°¥©ØÆ - ©ß≤°¥©ØÆ °Æ§ - Ø¢©¨©∫°¥©ØÆ 3¥≤°¥•ß©•≥ ¶Ø≤ £Ø∞©Æß ©Æ °Æ °¨¥•≤•§ ≥•£µ≤©¥π ≥©¥µ°¥©ØÆ .©Æ° ,°Æß≥¨•¥ - °≥¥•≤ ¥®•≥©≥ ©Æ 3Ø£©Ø¨Øßπ $•∞°≤¥≠ •Æ¥ ض 3Ø£©Ø¨Øßπ °Æ§ (µ≠ °Æ '•Øß≤°∞®π &°£µ¨¥π ض 3Ø£©°¨ 3£©•Æ£•≥ 5.)6%23)49 ض /3,/ - °π '(() ii 3µ¢Ø≤§©Æ°¥©ØÆ - ©ß≤°¥©ØÆ °Æ§ - Ø¢©¨©∫°¥©ØÆ 3¥≤°¥•ß©•≥ ¶Ø≤ £Ø∞©Æß ©Æ °Æ °¨¥•≤•§ ≥•£µ≤©¥π ≥©¥µ°¥©ØÆ .©Æ° ,°Æß≥¨•¥ - °≥¥•≤ ¥®•≥©≥ ©Æ 3Ø£©Ø¨Øßπ $•∞°≤¥≠ •Æ¥ ض 3Ø£©Ø¨Øßπ °Æ§ (µ≠ °Æ '•Øß≤°∞®π &°£µ¨¥π ض 3Ø£©°¨ 3£©•Æ£•≥ 5.)6%23)49 ض /3,/ - °π '(() iii iv *≥¥≤°£¥ Why do people respond differently to an apparently equal security threat, and which factors are decisive in the decision making? The present thesis explores different strategies for coping with an altered security situation among Pashtuns in northern Afghanistan. In 2001 a US-led coalition toppled the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. This had severe implications for persons belonging to the Pashtun ethnic group in northern Afghanistan. The Pashtun constitute the biggest ethnic group in Afghanistan. In the north, however, Pashtuns are a minority, who have traditionally benefited from being associated with the power-holders in Kabul, who have been largely Pashtun. After the fall of the Taliban, all Pashtuns in the north were accused of being loyal to the Taliban, which had drawn most of its support from Pashtuns. The new non-Pashtun power-holders in the north made the Pashtuns in the north targets of severe harassment. The thesis explores how Pashtuns in northern Afghanistan coped with the new political context after the fall of the Taliban.
    [Show full text]
  • Toward a Political Settlement in Afghanistan
    TALKING ABOUT TALKS: TOWARD A POLITICAL SETTLEMENT IN AFGHANISTAN Asia Report N°221 – 26 March 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. A HISTORY OF FAILURE ............................................................................................. 5 A. THE GENEVA ACCORDS ............................................................................................................... 5 B. RECONCILIATION UNDER NAJIBULLAH ......................................................................................... 7 C. THE PRICE OF POWER-SHARING: THE MUJAHIDIN AND THE TALIBAN .......................................... 8 D. POST-9/11 AFGHANISTAN ............................................................................................................ 9 III. COMPETING INTERESTS ........................................................................................... 10 A. PAKISTAN .................................................................................................................................. 10 B. INDIA ......................................................................................................................................... 12 C. IRAN .......................................................................................................................................... 13 D. CENTRAL ASIAN STATES ..........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Clan Pahlawan » De Faryab Réseaux, Influence Et Héritage
    AFGHANISTAN 17 juin 2019 Le « clan Pahlawan » de Faryab Réseaux, influence et héritage Avertissement Ce document a été élaboré par la Division de l’Information, de la Documentation et des Recherches de l’Ofpra en vue de fournir des informations utiles à l’examen des demandes de protection internationale. Il ne prétend pas faire le traitement exhaustif de la problématique, ni apporter de preuves concluantes quant au fondement d’une demande de protection internationale particulière. Il ne doit pas être considéré comme une position officielle de l’Ofpra ou des autorités françaises. Ce document, rédigé conformément aux lignes directrices communes à l’Union européenne pour le traitement de l’information sur le pays d’origine (avril 2008) [cf. https://www.ofpra.gouv.fr/sites/default/files/atoms/files/lignes_directrices_europeennes.pdf ], se veut impartial et se fonde principalement sur des renseignements puisés dans des sources qui sont à la disposition du public. Toutes les sources utilisées sont référencées. Elles ont été sélectionnées avec un souci constant de recouper les informations. Le fait qu’un événement, une personne ou une organisation déterminée ne soit pas mentionné(e) dans la présente production ne préjuge pas de son inexistence. La reproduction ou diffusion du document n’est pas autorisée, à l’exception d’un usage personnel, sauf accord de l’Ofpra en vertu de l’article L. 335-3 du code de la propriété intellectuelle. Afghanistan : Le « clan Pahlawan » de Faryab Table des matières Rasul Palhawan, un seigneur de guerre influent et redouté au parcours accidenté ......... 3 1.1. Du milicien aux allégeances variables au chef militaire charismatique .............
    [Show full text]
  • The View from Syria: in War on Terrorism, Humanitarian Law Takes Back Seat
    Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law Volume 52 Issue 1 Article 4 2020 The View from Syria: In War on Terrorism, Humanitarian Law Takes Back Seat Roy Gutman Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Roy Gutman, The View from Syria: In War on Terrorism, Humanitarian Law Takes Back Seat, 52 Case W. Res. J. Int'l L. 9 (2020) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil/vol52/iss1/4 This Speech is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law 52 (2020) The View from Syria: In War on Terror, Humanitarian Law Takes the Back Seat. Roy Gutman1 The theme of this conference is atrocity prevention, and the unstated major premise is that something has gone wrong in international life. Having reported or edited international news for half a century and focused on humanitarian law for 25 years, I will offer my reality check. Michael Scharf’s program note speaks of the world hitting a low point in the amelioration of human suffering in conflict. My observation is that he is right. In attending this conference, you are way ahead of the general public, way ahead of our political class. Humanitarian law after making broad advances at the turn of this century, is now in a state of crisis.
    [Show full text]
  • The Graveyard of Empires: the Causes and Consequences of American Withdrawal from Afghanistan
    The Graveyard of Empires: The Causes and Consequences of American Withdrawal from Afghanistan By Oved Lobel Report n. 21, April 2021 The Graveyard of Empires: The Causes and Consequences of American Withdrawal from Afghanistan About the author: Oved Lobel is a Policy Analyst at the Australia/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council (AIJAC), where he focuses on the geostrategic interplay of Iran, Russia, Israel, and Turkey in the Middle East. His analysis appears regularly in numerous newspapers and journals, including The Australian, CapX, the Jerusalem Post, Haaretz, and the Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI), as well as AIJAC’s monthly magazine, The Australia/Israel Review. His last report for EER, “Becoming Ansar Allah: How the Islamic Revolution Conquered Yemen”, which examined the much-misunderstood relationship between the so-called Houthis and Iran’s regime, was widely read and cited in the debate about how the international community should move forward with Yemen Cover image credit: Aviva Childress She can be found on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/artbyaviva/ European Eye on Radicalization 2 Contents Page Page Introduction …………………………………………………………………….. 4 The Three Jihadi Trends: Understanding the Transnational Islamic Networks in Afghanistan ………………….. 6 Pakistan’s Pan-Islamic War Begins ………………………………………………… 9 The Islamic Revolution and Pakistan: Competitive Cooperation in the Jihad ……….. 14 Taliban: The Viet Cong of Afghanistan …………………………………………... 19 The Islamic State-Khorasan Province: Remaining and Expanding ………………….
    [Show full text]
  • Afghanistan: Internal Politics and Socio-Economic Dynamics and Groupings
    UNHCR Emergency & Security Service WRITENET Paper No. 14/2002 AFGHANISTAN: INTERNAL POLITICS AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC DYNAMICS AND GROUPINGS Olivier Roy CNRS, Paris March 2003 WriteNet is a Network of Researchers and Writers on Human Rights, Forced Migration, Ethnic and Political Conflict WriteNet is a Subsidiary of Practical Management (UK) E-mail: [email protected] THIS PAPER WAS PREPARED MAINLY ON THE BASIS OF PUBLICLY AVAILABLE INFORMATION, ANALYSIS AND COMMENT. ALL SOURCES ARE CITED. THE PAPER IS NOT, AND DOES NOT PURPORT TO BE, EITHER EXHAUSTIVE WITH REGARD TO CONDITIONS IN THE COUNTRY SURVEYED, OR CONCLUSIVE AS TO THE MERITS OF ANY PARTICULAR CLAIM TO REFUGEE STATUS OR ASYLUM. THE VIEWS EXPRESSED IN THE PAPER ARE THOSE OF THE AUTHOR AND ARE NOT NECESSARILY THOSE OF WRITENET OR UNHCR. ISSN 1020-8429 Table of Contents 1 Introduction........................................................................................1 2 Long Term Patterns of Afghan Political Culture ...........................1 2.1 Afghanistan – By Definition an ‘Unruly’ Country? .................................1 2.2 A Country Defined by a Common Political Culture.................................4 3 Afghan Warlords and Commanders: Their Sociological Basis.....5 3.1 Warlords of the Pashtun Tribal Belt..........................................................8 3.2 Warlords of Non Pashtun Groups..............................................................9 4 Afghan Warlords and the Rebuilding of the State .......................10 5 Stability for Afghanistan – a Regional
    [Show full text]