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Images of Non- -Aligned and Tricontinental Struggles

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Images of Non- -Aligned and Tricontinental Struggles nesvrstani modernizmi non-aligned modernisms — sveska #5 / volume #5 Olivje Aduši SLIKE BORBE NESVRSTANIH I TRIKONTINENTALA — Olivier Hadouchi IMAGES OF NON- -ALIGNED AND TRICONTINENTAL STRUGGLES Olivje Haduši / Olivier Hadouchi SLIKE BORBE NESVRSTANIH I TRIKONTINENTALA — 5 IMAGES OF NON-ALIGNED AND TRICONTINENTAL STRUGGLES Olivier Hadouchi was born in Paris in 1972 where he lives and works. He received his Ph.D. degree in cinema studies. Hadouchi is a film curator, teacher and critic. His texts were published in Third Text, CinémAction, La Furia Umana, Mondes du cinéma and in the collective works (both in French): Ben- jamin Stora and Linda Amiri (Eds.), Algerians in France, 1954-1962, War, exile, the life (Autrement, 2012) and Bertrand Bacqué, Cyril Neyrat, Clara Schulmann and Véronique Terrier Hermann (Eds.), Serious Games. Cinema and Contemporary Art transforming Essay MAMCO-HEAD, 2015. He has held numerous lectures or film’s presentations in Berlin, Algiers, Belgrade, Paris, Béjaïa, Beirut, Prague, Lyon, etc. Olivier Hadouchi IMAGES OF NON-ALIGNED AND TRICONTINENTAL STRUGGLES The first conference of the Non-Aligned Move- ment was held in Belgrade from 1st to 6th Septem- ber 1961 and one of its goals was to circumvent the clutches of the world order which emerged after the end of the Second World War in 1945. The Non-Aligned Movement gathered together nations who longed for an alternative to the bi- polar cold war order, above all to create a third way which would not result in two superpowers nor would rest on the logic that every country is forced to decide between and subjugate itself ei- ther to a capitalist block (under the United States) or a socialist block (at the head of which was the Soviet Union whose dominant position was chal- lenged by another socialist country, China). The Non-Aligned Movement was made up of nations of the Third World which had recently been liber- ated by decolonisation or were in the process of being decolonialised or nations subjugated to a special form of neo-colonialism (remember Latin America), and the goal was the promotion and de- fence of the sovereignty of each country, striving above all for the right to peace and the indepen- dence of every nation. The movement supported the struggle and even the war of independence for the nations of the Third World (in the period from 1945 to 1975 Asia and Africa underwent v decolonisation), because they presented a way which later would lead to true peace between the independent nations liberated from colonial sub- jugation, based on just and enduring foundations. Meeting at the Conference of 1961 in Bel- grade were globally prominent statesmen such as Tito (Yugoslavia), Nkrumah (Ghana), Nehru (In- dia), Nasser (Egypt), Sukarno (Indonesia) as well as Benyoucef Benkhedda, the Provisional Govern- ment of the Algerian Republic. In this way, Yugo- slavia as well as the statesmen from the African and Asian countries tacitly recognised the most important Algerian freedom movement—the Na- tional Liberation Front. Cuba, a small Latin Ameri- can country, which at that time was in the centre of world attention, was invited as a fully fledged member of the movement.1 Already in April 1961, the Cuban regime (arising from the revolution of 1959) openly declared itself socialist. For this reason, its opponents supported by the United States of America, attempted to overthrow this regime (the famous Bay of Pigs invasion) which was very quickly thwarted by the broad people’s front. Internationally, the year of the first Confer- ence was filled with unrest and tension: the for- mer German Democratic Republic (GDR) had built the Berlin wall during the summer; after the suc- cessful destabilisation of the Democratic Republic of Congo by the CIA and the then colonial force of Belgium, the opposition arrested and executed the president, Patrice Lumumba, the president of the Democratic Republic of Congo. The humiliat- ing recordings of Lumumba’s arrest (before he was executed far out of public view) provoked waves of protest, great bitterness and mass demonstrations in several cities across the world, amongst which was Belgrade on whose streets vi about 100,000 people demonstrated on the 16th February, 1961.2 The first steps to holding of the inaugural Conference of Non-alignment were taken in July 1956 at Brioni Island,3 at the meeting of the three statesmen (Nasser, Nehru and Tito) whose discussion was crowned by the joint declaration of the principles of political non-alignment. The Non-Aligned Movement which began in 1961 came about as a result of the Afro-Asian conference in Bandung of April 19554 and is frequently charac- terised as the first official appearance on the na- tional and international stages5 of countries from the Third World, which strove to take destiny into their own hands and to do everything to make their voices heard. As a reminder, the term “The Third World” was coined by the demographer Alfred Sauvy in 1952.6 He was actually inspired by the class concept “the Third Estate”7 which prior to the the French bourgeois revolution, in con- trast to the nobility and clergy, counted for noth- ing on the political stage. There is the famous statement by Emmanuel Sieyès that the Third Estate hitherto in the political order was nothing but that “it desires to be something”,8 and Sauvy carries his formulation into the new reality: “… be- cause at the end this ignored, exploited, scorned Third World like the Third Estate, wants to be- come something too.”9 For all those who fought (peacefully or with arms) against colonialism, neo-colonialism or imperialism, and for the artists who in their own way using their work joined in the struggle, it is of utmost importance to affirm the existence of the Third World, that it is apparent to everyone and becomes visible, that the legitimacy of its struggle for liberation is proven, its desire for vii freedom. Under the principles of internationalism and anti-colonial and anti-imperial solidarity, re- porters, photographers, film directors and makers contributed to spreading the true picture of the struggle for freedom of the Third World. The presence of Yugoslavia in the group of nations of the Third World can on first appear- ances be surprising. But “the Third World does not represent a place. It represents a project”10 as Vi- jay Prashad says. Yugoslavia had suffered the yoke of slavery for several centuries (under the Otto- man occupation) and in contrast to other Europe- an nations, did not have a colonial tradition: nor had it ever attempted to create a colonial empire in Africa or Asia.11 Apart from this, there was the image of the Yugoslavian partisans which during the Second World War made a striking contribu- tion to the armed resistance to Nazism and which could be revived and serve as an example for and mirror to others who in wars of national indepen- dence resort to so-called “guerrilla” tactics. In the article published several months be- fore the Conference in Belgrade, the great Alge- rian writer Kateb Yacine said of Yugoslavia that it was an “example for Africa”12 also adding: “They are very close to us, objectively and subjective- ly”.13 Zdravko Pečar hailed the Algerian revolution “the crowning of the five people’s revolutions of the world, the French Revolution, the October Revolution in Russia, the People’s Liberation Revolution in Yugoslavia and the Chinese Revolu- tion” then adding: “as the door to Africa, Algeria was and still is the greatest hope for the whole continent because of its long and bloody people’s liberation war which, in its essence and actions, has acquired a place among the great people’s revolutions of the world.”14 Tito and Castro, for viii different reasons, knew they had to stand up to a hostile environment and to find a way out of in- ternational isolation. They played on the card of an ambitious and dynamic foreign politics and in doing so would create numerous connections with the leaders of the African, Asian and Latin American States. A country’s foreign politics be effective on both the external and internal stages: certain regimes can become popular at the local and the national levels owing to the international standing of the leader of that country (who is regarded as the president of the people) and this standing passes down to the citizens of that country. Continuing the poli- cies implemented during the war for independence under the wings of the National Liberation Front, the Algerian president Ahmed Ben Bella (from 1962 to 1965) and Houari Boumediene (from 1965 to 1978), who would host in September 1973 a very important Conference of the Non-Aligned Move- ment, developed an ambitious and very successful international politics for their country.15 From Non-Aligned to Tricontinental? The Tricontinental movement appeared on the margins of the Non-Aligned Movement, several years after the Bandung Conference in 1955 and the Belgrade Summit in 1961, one more interna- tional movement striving to promote the unity and sovereignty of the Third World. Where and how does one situate the Tricontinental Conference in relation to the Non-Aligned Movement; that is the first Tricontinental Conference of the Organisation of Solidarity with the People of Africa, Asia and Latin America which was held in Havana in January 1966? Does it really concern a stream which joined up with the Non-Aligned Movement or an even ix more radical movement, with respect to the fact that it did not hesitate calling the United States of America the arch enemy nor at stopping at de- fending
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