Images of Non- -Aligned and Tricontinental Struggles

nesvrstani modernizmi non-aligned modernisms — sveska #5 / volume #5

Olivje Aduši SLIKE BORBE NESVRSTANIH I TRIKONTINENTALA — Olivier Hadouchi IMAGES OF NON- -ALIGNED AND TRICONTINENTAL STRUGGLES

Olivier Hadouchi SLIKE BORBE NESVRSTANIH BORBE SLIKE I TRIKONTINENTALA — OFIMAGES NON-ALIGNED AND STRUGGLES TRICONTINENTAL

5 Olivje Haduši / Haduši Olivje

Olivier Hadouchi was born in Paris in 1972 where he lives and works. He received his Ph.D. degree in cinema studies. Hadouchi is a film curator, teacher and critic. His texts were published in Third Text, CinémAction, La Furia Umana, Mondes du cinéma and in the collective works (both in French): Ben- jamin Stora and Linda Amiri (Eds.), Algerians in France, 1954-1962, War, exile, the life (Autrement, 2012) and Bertrand Bacqué, Cyril Neyrat, Clara Schulmann and Véronique Terrier Hermann (Eds.), Serious Games. Cinema and Contemporary Art transforming Essay MAMCO-HEAD, 2015. He has held numerous lectures or film’s presentations in Berlin, Algiers, Belgrade, Paris, Béjaïa, Beirut, Prague, Lyon, etc. Olivier Hadouchi IMAGES OF NON-ALIGNED AND TRICONTINENTAL STRUGGLES

The first conference of the Non-Aligned Move- ment was held in Belgrade from 1st to 6th Septem- ber 1961 and one of its goals was to circumvent the clutches of the world order which emerged after the end of the Second World War in 1945. The Non-Aligned Movement gathered together nations who longed for an alternative to the bi- polar cold war order, above all to create a third way which would not result in two superpowers nor would rest on the logic that every country is forced to decide between and subjugate itself either to a capitalist block (under the United States) or a socialist block (at the head of which was the Soviet Union whose dominant position was chal- lenged by another socialist country, China). The Non-Aligned Movement was made up of nations of the Third World which had recently been liberated by decolonisation or were in the process of being decolonialised or nations subjugated to a special form of neo-colonialism (remember Latin America), and the goal was the promotion and defence of the sovereignty of each country, striving above all for the right to peace and the independence of every nation. The movement supported the struggle and even the war of independence for the nations of the Third World (in the period from 1945 to 1975 Asia and Africa underwent

v decolonisation), because they presented a way which later would lead to true peace between the independent nations liberated from colonial sub- jugation, based on just and enduring foundations. Meeting at the Conference of 1961 in Bel- grade were globally prominent statesmen such as Tito (Yugoslavia), Nkrumah (Ghana), Nehru (In- dia), Nasser (Egypt), Sukarno (Indonesia) as well as Benyoucef Benkhedda, the Provisional Govern- ment of the Algerian Republic. In this way, Yugo- slavia as well as the statesmen from the African and Asian countries tacitly recognised the most important Algerian freedom movement—the Na- tional Liberation Front. Cuba, a small Latin Ameri- can country, which at that time was in the centre of world attention, was invited as a fully fledged member of the movement.1 Already in April 1961, the Cuban regime (arising from the revolution of 1959) openly declared itself socialist. For this reason, its opponents supported by the United States of America, attempted to overthrow this regime (the famous Bay of Pigs invasion) which was very quickly thwarted by the broad people’s front. Internationally, the year of the first Confer- ence was filled with unrest and tension: the former German Democratic Republic (GDR) had built the Berlin wall during the summer; after the successful destabilisation of the Democratic Republic of Congo by the CIA and the then colonial force of Belgium, the opposition arrested and executed the president, Patrice Lumumba, the president of the Democratic Republic of Congo. The humiliat- ing recordings of Lumumba’s arrest (before he was executed far out of public view) provoked waves of protest, great bitterness and mass demonstrations in several cities across the world, amongst which was Belgrade on whose streets

vi about 100,000 people demonstrated on the 16th February, 1961.2 The first steps to holding of the inaugural Conference of Non-alignment were taken in July 1956 at Brioni Island,3 at the meeting of the three statesmen (Nasser, Nehru and Tito) whose discussion was crowned by the joint declaration of the principles of political non-alignment. The Non-Aligned Movement which began in 1961 came about as a result of the Afro-Asian conference in Bandung of April 19554 and is frequently charac- terised as the first official appearance on the national and international stages5 of countries from the Third World, which strove to take destiny into their own hands and to do everything to make their voices heard. As a reminder, the term “The Third World” was coined by the demographer Alfred Sauvy in 1952.6 He was actually inspired by the class concept “the Third Estate”7 which prior to the the French bourgeois revolution, in contrast to the nobility and clergy, counted for nothing on the political stage. There is the famous statement by Emmanuel Sieyès that the Third Estate hitherto in the political order was nothing but that “it desires to be something”,8 and Sauvy carries his formulation into the new reality: “… because at the end this ignored, exploited, scorned Third World like the Third Estate, wants to become something too.”9 For all those who fought (peacefully or with arms) against colonialism, neo-colonialism or imperialism, and for the artists who in their own way using their work joined in the struggle, it is of utmost importance to affirm the existence of the Third World, that it is apparent to everyone and becomes visible, that the legitimacy of its struggle for liberation is proven, its desire for

vii freedom. Under the principles of internationalism and anti-colonial and anti-imperial solidarity, reporters, photographers, film directors and makers contributed to spreading the true picture of the struggle for freedom of the Third World. The presence of Yugoslavia in the group of nations of the Third World can on first appear- ances be surprising. But “the Third World does not represent a place. It represents a project”10 as Vi- jay Prashad says. Yugoslavia had suffered the yoke of slavery for several centuries (under the Otto- man occupation) and in contrast to other Europe- an nations, did not have a colonial tradition: nor had it ever attempted to create a colonial empire in Africa or Asia.11 Apart from this, there was the image of the Yugoslavian partisans which during the Second World War made a striking contribution to the armed resistance to Nazism and which could be revived and serve as an example for and mirror to others who in wars of national independence resort to so-called “guerrilla” tactics. In the article published several months before the Conference in Belgrade, the great Alge- rian writer Kateb Yacine said of Yugoslavia that it was an “example for Africa”12 also adding: “They are very close to us, objectively and subjectively”.13 Zdravko Pečar hailed the Algerian revolution “the crowning of the five people’s revolutions of the world, the French Revolution, the October Revolution in Russia, the People’s Liberation Revolution in Yugoslavia and the Chinese Revolu- tion” then adding: “as the door to Africa, Algeria was and still is the greatest hope for the whole continent because of its long and bloody people’s liberation war which, in its essence and actions, has acquired a place among the great people’s revolutions of the world.”14 Tito and Castro, for

viii different reasons, knew they had to stand up to a hostile environment and to find a way out of international isolation. They played on the card of an ambitious and dynamic foreign politics and in doing so would create numerous connections with the leaders of the African, Asian and Latin American States. A country’s foreign politics be effective on both the external and internal stages: certain regimes can become popular at the local and the national levels owing to the international standing of the leader of that country (who is regarded as the president of the people) and this standing passes down to the citizens of that country. Continuing the policies implemented during the war for independence under the wings of the National Liberation Front, the Algerian president Ahmed Ben Bella (from 1962 to 1965) and Houari Boumediene (from 1965 to 1978), who would host in September 1973 a very important Conference of the Non-Aligned Move- ment, developed an ambitious and very successful international politics for their country.15

From Non-Aligned to Tricontinental? The Tricontinental movement appeared on the margins of the Non-Aligned Movement, several years after the Bandung Conference in 1955 and the Belgrade Summit in 1961, one more international movement striving to promote the unity and sovereignty of the Third World. Where and how does one situate the Tricontinental Conference in relation to the Non-Aligned Movement; that is the first Tricontinental Conference of the Organisation of Solidarity with the People of Africa, Asia and Latin America which was held in Havana in January 1966? Does it really concern a stream which joined up with the Non-Aligned Movement or an even

ix more radical movement, with respect to the fact that it did not hesitate calling the United States of America the arch enemy nor at stopping at de- fending itself with arms in the cause of political change? For both movements the common desire was to give the Third World representation and to create ties between their countries, but the Tricon- tinental was conceived and channelled as a broad organisation which gathered together nations (Af- rica, Asia and Latin America) and the revolutionary movements of the Latin American sub-continent (not forgetting that they called Cuba “the first free territory of Latin America”), whilst the Non- Aligned Movement principally gathered together the heads of independent states, (apart from several exceptions such as the Algerian National Liber- ation Front (FLN) in Belgrade in 1961 and the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) in Cairo in 1964) and aimed to defend the process of decolonialisation as well as the adoption of the doctrine of peaceful coexistence inside the United Nations (UN). The movement used this international organisation as a forum “for the treatment of instances of barbaric colonialism, and the General Assembly as a means of communication and presenting to the world earlier crimes over they had been silent“.16 On the other hand, in the case of the Tricontinental movement, “it wasn’t about the Non-Aligned Movement but about the revolutionary movements which chal- lenge the established order and for which, as the only way to gain freedom from imperialist domina- tion (Western imperialism and not the Soviet type), armed struggle is suitable.”17 According to Mehdi Ben Barka, a champion of the Third World movement and the main opponent of the Moroccan king, who judging by all of this

x was abducted and killed in Paris in October 1965, the Tricontinental movement should unite two streams: first “that which began with the socialist October revolution and secondly that which appeared with the national liberation revolution”.18 As stated by Ben Barka, as well as Ernesto Che Guevara and the Cubans, imperialism is effective at the international level, not respecting borders, and therefore Tricontinentalism ought to offer an alternative and organise a counter-offensive on the same level, in order to effectively oppose it. The Cubans, in addition, were the hosts of the conference of the Latin American Solidarity Organization in August 1967 in Havana, which was followed quickly by the incarceration and death of Ernesto Che Guevara in Bolivia in October (which marked the failure of his plans that the revolution should continue into South America), whilst in April 1967 “Che’s Message to the Tricontinental” was published, in which he proposed the need to “create two, three… numerous Vietnams in the world”. After 1968, and in the following decade, the Cuban regime aligned with the soviet “model”, but meanwhile continued with a dynamic foreign politics on the international stage, especially in countries of the Third World and inside the Non- Aligned Movement (despite the very close ties to the USSR, Cuba hosted in September 1979 a Con- ference of the Non-Aligned Movement), and in- tervened in Angola to support the People’s Move- ment for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) in its fight against enemy movements, so that it would present an antithesis to the North American and South African influence on the region. The Tricontinental, founded at the Confer- ence of the Organisation of Solidarity with the People of Africa, Asia and Latin America in 1966,

xi was presented therefore as the revolutionary wing of the Third World. The movement was short-lived (from 1966 to 1968 but its spirit and ideology lived on for several more years) but it didn’t succeed in developing an independent and, in the true sense of the word, non-aligned organisation. In the visual material of the Tricontinental magazines19 prime place was given to the heads of the Third World, presidents of the liberation and/or revolutionary movements like Ernesto Che Guevara (who fought in Cuba), Ho Chi Minh (Viet- nam), Amílcar Cabral (Guinea Bissau and Cape Verde), Agostinho Neto (Angola) as well as the opponents of the regimes in their own countries like to Mehdi Ben Barka (Morocco), Camilo Torres Re- strepo (Columbia), Carlos Marighella (Brazil), who were later killed and also unknown fighters, men and women, from Asia, Africa and Latin American, who with their rifles embodied “the people who rose up in arms”, i.e. all the iconic figures who inspired political posters. Every edition of the Cuban magazine The Tricontinental (published in several languages) had one of these posters20 as a supplement which were made by formally very talented and brave Cuban graphic artists of the 1960s and 1970s and provoked a lot of attention even beyond their own countries’ borders.

Images of guerrillas (guerilleros) and partisans Documentary films about the Organisation of Solidarity with the People of Africa, Asia and Latin America (Tricontinental)21 and the posters made to go with them were used as a means of counter-information which helped reinstate the use of agitprop in the domain of cinematography. Of

xii these films we can cite for example two films of the Cuban filmmaker Santiago Álvarez Hanoi Mar- tes 13 (1968) and 79 Primaveras (1969, filmed as a homage to Ho Chi Minh who died at 79 years of age),22 in which the author criticises the interven- tion of American soldiers in Vietnam and shows their atrocities, whilst extolling the national resistance of the Vietnamese liberation movement. The documentary production Madina Boe (José Massip, Cuba, 1968, after the place of the same name in Guinea Bissau) talks about the military and political activities of the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) which then fought against Portuguese colo- nialists, life in the free zone and allows Amílcar Cabral, one of the leaders of the movement, to speak freely. This type of film and photographic reportage, in which fighters of a liberation movement from the Third World are given a face and voice, is of great utility and exceptional significance because in such conflicts public opinion, both national and international, can be the most powerful weapon. Because of this it is necessary to get through to and win over public opinion so that one can then successfully negotiate for independence. Do films on the Non-Aligned Movement exist which are similar to the productions on the Or- ganisation of Solidarity with the People of Africa, Asia and Latin America which on the whole were realised by Cuban cinematographers? The Non- Aligned Movement didn’t, however, define particular policies on cinematography, although cultural ties between the member states were certainly strengthened and crowned by various exchanges and meetings. Yugoslavia, the host country of the conference of 1961, had laboratories, cinema halls,

xiii educated film workers, production houses and institutions which regularly filmed and screened cur- rent events – Filmske novosti, Belgrade. At the end of the 1950s, an agreement was signed between the Filmske novosti (which was represented by Sima Karaoglanović) and Mohamed Sadek Mouss- aoui, better known as “Si Mahieddine” and who was head of the “Picture and Sound” service of the Provincial Government of the Algerian Republic,23 to maintain a film archive of the Algerian struggle and to develop film stock in Belgrade. The second part of the agreement envisaged the filmmaker Stevan Labudović and Yugoslavian technicians join- ing the National Liberation Army on the Algerian- Tunisian border and helping to educate future Al- gerian filmmakers and technicians. Moussaoui and several collaborators (amongst them was Pierre and Claudine Chaulet) visited Belgrade in 1960 in order to edit and complete post-production of the filmDjazaïrouna (Our Algeria) which should later be screened at the United Nations. It was a collaboration directed by Djamel Chanderli and Mohammed Lakhdar-Hamina using various sources: films of various points in the war which had been produced by different directors and filmmakers as Pierre and Claudine Chaulet recall in the documentary film Les cinéastes de la liberté (Cinematographers of Freedom), Said Mehdaouiz, Algeria (2009), which looks at the part and the roles of cinematographers (Algerian and foreign)24 in the liberation of the country. More than anything, the production Djazaïrouna succeeds in pulling together several aspects of the war for independence, combining war sequences with scenes which show the wartime laying waste of land (especially through the use of Napalm) as well as the resistance and determinedness of the native population.

xiv “The war in Algeria in no way represented a typical episode of international history, but rather was a symbol of the new transnational system which was emerging”25 quoting Matthew Con- nelly. It was a war of images and films,26 which Algeria turned to its own use, in spite of lacking the logistics, the industry and the cinemato- graphic infrastructure and even a fire power comparable with the French.27 In order to refute French propaganda which spoke of disorder and interventions by the police, but never about the war of independence, the National Liberation Front accepted into its ranks foreign journalists (alongside several Algerian journalists like Djamel Chanderli who knew how to handle cameras and photo-equipment, which was a rarity in colonial times) and sometimes allowed them to film and photograph28 groups of soldiers, keeping above everything else in mind: that these pictures will contribute to promoting their struggle on the local (in their people) and on the international stage (in the West and the East).

Zdravko Pečar and Stevan Labudović: a portrait of partisan reporters and the solidarity of Yugoslavian reporters with the Algerian rebellion Among the war reporters and correspondents who managed to show a different picture of the war for independence, there are two Yugoslavians, Zdravko Pečar and Stevan Labudović. They have played a significant role in winning over public opinion to the Algerian liberation struggle. The first reporter acted and testified through pictures and letters whilst the second documented the conflict and the lives of fighters on the Algerian-Tunisian border (through still and moving images, that is

xv photography and film) and greatly contributed to the education of Algerian cameramen, as part of an agreement between Tito’s regime and leaders of General Staff of the National Liberation Front. During 1957 and the summer of 1958,29 Zdravko Pečar resided in Tunisia (independent since 1956) as a war reporter for the newspaper Borba. During this stay, as a Yugoslavian war cor- respondent, who had himself been a partisan during the Second World War, he met members and political leaders of the National Liberation Front, the most important liberation movement in Alge- ria, and fighters of the National Liberation Army, the military branch of this movement. Along with Morocco, Tunisia had then represented a particular logistical base for the Algerian movement and the Provisional Government of the Algerian Re- public was located in its capital. Furthermore, the reporter had witnessed the presence of Algerian refugees in Bourguiba’s country, especially following the construction of the Morice line.30 This line was made from an electric fence and minefields and was named after the then French Minister of Defence, André Morice. The construction of this line began in 1957 but did not fully follow the line of the Algerian-Tunisian border and encroached deeply into Algerian territory. It was supposed to prevent the free movement of the fighters of the National Liberation Army between the two countries so that they would no longer be able to carry out attacks in Algeria and then to flee into Tunisia where the French army no longer had the right to intervene. The French bombing of the Tunisian town Sakiet Sidi Youssef (on the pretext of attacking the National Liberation front) on 8th February 1958 provoked great bitterness throughout the world because a large number of civilians

xvi were killed in this attack, amongst whom were refugees and children. In the beginning, certain groups of Algerian partisans would continue to cross over the border and the Morice line. In one of his articles, Zdravko Pečar compares the Morice line with the “Maginot line”31 in France, built to prevent a German invasion which quickly yielded under the Nazi army attack of 1940 even though it was considered to be impenetrable. The reporter writes about the different ways in which the fighters of the National Liberation Army cross the Morice line (deliberately not revealing all of them) and adds that “for the crossing of the Morice line, special individual units were trained who carried out this task like true experts. One sergeant, for example, crossed this line forty times.”32 However, such crossings of the Morice line would over time increasingly meet with failure and death. Fur- thermore, in 1959 the existing line was reinforced with the Challe Line (named after General Maurice Challe) and this led to the decision by the Nation- al Liberation Army units stationed in Tunisia and Morocco (outside Algeria) to change their tactics and cease attempting to cross the strictly con- trolled electric fence and minefields. Crossings of this line were still very common at the time when Pečar was present on this terrain and when he was writing his reports, so he had learned about the cruel and very fierce battles which took place around Souk Ahras in 1958, probably from the people who participated in them. During his stay in 1957 and the summer of 1958, Pečar shared the everyday life of the Na- tional Liberation Army battalion led by Major Ab- derrahmane Bensalem33 which regularly crossed over into Algeria to attack and ambush French forces. The so-called “guerrilla” war represented

xvii the main form of actions of the National Libera- tion Army against the more modern equipped French army, then a NATO ally, which was made up of professional soldiers (paratroopers and members of the Foreign Legion) and a large number of recruits doing their military service (several hundred thousands). The guerrilla struggle is “a particular form of combat which is resorted to by the weak against the strong” and which is “char- acterized by the avoiding decisive direct combat and using surprise and persistently exhausting attacks.”34 As a witness of these events, the Yugo- slavian author recognizes and clearly points out the link between the military and political sides of the war for independence waged against an industrial superpower and he supports the diplomatic struggle of the National Liberation Front which at the end of the summer of 1958 acquired a new institution, the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic. One of his texts was used as a “working document in the first lessons of the school of political commissars in Ghardimaou (Tunisia), founded by the Chief of Staff of the Na- tional Liberation Army, Houari Boumediene”.35 The archive fund of Zdravko Pečar which contains several folders of photographs (nega- tives and photographs) and written documents (texts and correspondence) is kept today in the Museum of African Art in Belgrade. For the pur- poses of the research, I was given the opportu- nity to examine this valuable archival material, paying most attention to everything related to his Algerian period. After collating material in Belgrade, I realized that several photographs which belonged to Pečar are not reproduced in his book Algeria from 1959. The author and publisher had made a selection from images taken in the

xviii military ranks of the National Liberation Army of Algeria in 1957 and 1958. On several occasions, Pečar appears in military uniform among the Algerian partisans and mainly cites Abdelkader Laribi as the author of these photographs (in the Algerian edition of the book). In these photographs, this Yugoslavian at first glance looks no different from other soldiers: he is also in the military uniform and has the moustache which is reminiscent of Algerian partisans. Friendly smiles and gestures which show solidarity and affection are very common. The photos exude an amaz- ingly strong cohesiveness, a brotherhood of warriors with their Yugoslavian friend who supports their cause of national independence and fights against the common enemy of colonialism. In one photograph, one can see the reporter with tur- ban36 which is worn by the villagers of this area. By wearing the traditional clothing of the local people, Pečar completely identifies with them on the symbolic level. Avoiding the more sensational photos, whilst giving preference to the deeply personal: the life of the fighters is shown from the inside because Pečar shares their reality and everyday life of modest rations of canned food and some bread or wheat cake which were brought to them by the villagers and which they ate under the open sky. When partisans manage to catch a wild animal, this is a big event and feast for the unit. This series of photographs captures the waiting for, the lining up and the salutation to the raised flag, the marching of armed people through the forest, preparing and repeating drills for the ambush, simulating the fight in front of the photographer’s lens. The warriors aim their weapons in the same direction towards the enemy which remains

xix outside of the picture frame. At this point, the soldiers, as well as the reporter, are probably fully aware of the importance of these photos which will contribute to an authentic representation of their struggle (with armed soldiers in uniform, the rituals and symbols of the true people’s army and not a band of criminals) and the way in which they wage war: with rifles and mortar, with actions and ambushes typical of guerrilla tactics and strategy. Nor are the moments of rest left out when the soldiers gather around the radios in the camp, before and after the battles. These photographs represent very important testimony because several partisans including Saïd Belil known as “Indochina”) were killed in clashes with the French army a few months after Pečar’s visit and after having spent some time in his company. In addition to his valuable testimony about the life of the soldiers and the devastation caused by the use of napalm by the French army, Pečar was very active on the political and diplomatic stages. This can for example be seen in the photograph with Ferhat Abbas, the first President of the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic (19th September 1958 – 9th August 1961), in which he is holding an open copy of Pečar’s book Algeria (1959) and the author is apparently showing him one of its sections. In their company is Ahmed Boumendjel,37 an adviser at the Ministry of information, who is smiling at them. In another photograph, Pečar is in the company of Krim Belkacem, vice president of the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic (19th September 1958 – 22nd July 1962).38 They are smiling at one other and warmly shake hands and in Krim Belkacem’s left hand is Algeria, whose title and cover (on which is the Algerian flag) are clearly visible in the frame.

xx / continued after the text in serbian Zdravko Pečar odeven kao partizan blizu alžirsko-tunižanske granice (1958) / Zdravko Pečar dressed as a Partisan near the Algerian-Tunisian border (1958) Zdravko Pečar s alžirskim borcima Narodnooslobodilačke vojske blizu alžirsko-tunižanske granice (1958) / Zdravko Pečar with Algerian fighters of the National Liberation Army near the Algerian-Tunisian border (1958) Zdravko Pečar s turbanom blizu alžirsko-tunižanske granice (1958) / Zdravko Pečar wearing a turban near the Algerian-Tunisian border (1958) 4

Zdravko Pečar s alžirskim borcima Narodnooslobodilačke vojske blizu alžirsko-tunižanske granice (1958) / Zdravko Pečar with Algerian fighters of the National Liberation Army near the Algerian-Tunisian border (1958) 5

Ahmed Bumendjel, Zdravko Pečar i Ferhat Abas u Tunisu (1961) / Ahmed Boumendjel, Zdravko Pečar and Ferhat Abbas in Tunis (1961) — Krim Belkacem i Zdravko Pečar u Tunisu (1961) / Krim Belkacem and Zdravko Pečar in Tunis (1961) 6

Franc Fanon, Omar Usedik i Zdravko Pečar u Tunisu (1961) / Frantz Fanon, Omar Oussedik and Zdravko Pečar in Tunis (1961) Fotografija: rezervisana prava / Photograph courtesy: All rights reserved — Omar Usedik i Zdravko Pečar s članovima delegacije iz Konakrija (Gvineja) u Tunisu (1961)? / Omar Oussedik and Zdravko Pečar with members of the delegation from Conakry (Guinea) in Tunisia (1961)? 7

Konferencija za štampu u Tlemsenu (Alžir), jul 1962. Muhamed Kider, Ahmed Ben Bela i Ferhat Abas (...) sede; Huari Bumedijen, Kaid Ahmed i Abdelaziz Buteflika stoje; i Ahmed Bumendžel govori pred mikrofonom. / Press Conference in Tlemcen (Algeria), july 1962, with Mohammed Khider, Ahmed Ben Bella and Ferhat Abbas (...) sitting; Houari Boumediene, Kaïd Ahmed and Abdelaziz Bouteflika standing; and Ahmed Boumendjel speaking over the microphone. — Sliman Hofman, Zdravko Pečar i Ali Mendželi u Suk Ahrasu (Alžir) jul 1962. / Slimane Hoffman, Zdravko Pečar and Ali Mendjeli in Souk Ahras (Algeria) July 1962 8

Ali Mendželi i Huari Bumedijen u Suk Ahrasu (Alžir) jul 1962. / Ali Mendjeli and Houari Boumediene in Souk Ahras (Algeria) July 1962 9

Ali Mendželi, Zdravko Pečar i Huari Bumedijen u Suk Ahrasu (Alžir) jul 1962. / Ali Mendjeli, Zdravko Pečar and Houari Boumediene in Souk Ahras (Algeria) July 1962. — Ali Mendželi, Huari Bumedijen, oficiri i borci u Suk Ahrasu (Alžir) jul 1962. / Ali Mendjeli, Houari Boumediene, officers and fighters in Souk Ahras (Algeria) July 1962 Olivje Aduši je rođen u Parizu 1972. gde živi i radi. Doktorirao je iz oblasti teorije filma. Aduši je kustos filmskih programa, predavač i kritičar. Tekstove je objavljivao u sledećim časopisima: Third Text, CinémAction, La Furia Umana, Mondes du ciné- ma i zbornicima: Benjamin Stora & Linda Amiri (ur.), Algerians in France, 1954–1962, War, exile, the life (Autrement, 2012) i Bertrand Bacqué, Cyril Neyrat, Clara Schul- mann & Véronique Terrier Hermann (ur.), Serious Games. Cinema and Contemporary Art transforming Essay MAMCO-HEAD, 2015. Održao je brojna predavanja i prezent- acije filmova u Berlinu, Alžiru, Beogradu, Parizu, Bedžaji, Bejrutu, Pragu, Lionu, itd.

Olivje Aduši 11 SLIKE BORBE NESVRSTANIH I TRIKONTINENTALA

Prva konferencija Pokreta nesvrstanih održana je u Beogradu od 1. do 6. septembra 1961. godine, a jedan od njenih ciljeva bio je zaobila- ženje stega svetskog poretka nastalog posle 1945. godine, po završet- ku Drugog svetskog rata. Pokret nesvrstanih okupljao je narode koji su težili pronalaženju alternative bipolarnom hladnoratosvkom po- retku, nastojeći pritom da utru treći put koji ne bi vodio do dve super sile i ne bi počivao na logici da je svaka zemlja primorana da se opre- deli i pokori bilo kapitalističkom (pod okriljem Sjedinjenih američkih država) bilo socijalističkom bloku (na čelu sa SSSR, čiju će dominan- tnu ulogu osporiti jedna druga socijalistička zemlja – Kina). Pokret nesvrstanih činili su narodi Trećeg sveta koji su se upravo oslobodi- li kolonizacije (ili bili u toku dekolonizacije) ili narodi podjarmljeni svojevrsnim neokolonijalizmom (setimo se Latinske Amerike), pa je za cilj imao promovisanje i branjenje suvereniteta svake zemlje, zala- žući se pritom za pravo na mir i nezavisnost svakog naroda. Pokret je podržavao borbe pa čak i ratove za nezavisnost naroda Trećeg sveta (u periodu od 1945. do 1975. godine sprovođen je proces dekolonizacije Azije i Afrike), jer su predstavljali put koji bi potom trebalo da dovede do istinskog mira među nezavisnim narodima oslobođenim koloni- jalnog jarma, na pravednijim i trajnijim osnovama. Na beogradskoj Konferenciji 1961. godine, sastali su se držav- nici koji su uživali ugled u čitavom svetu poput Tita (Jugoslavija), Nkrume (Gana), Nehrua (Indija), Nasera (Egipat), Sukarna (Indone- zija), kao i Benjusef Ben Keda, predsednika Privremene vlade Repu- blike Alžira. Jugoslavija je, na ovaj način, kao i zvaničnici afričkih i azijskih zemalja, prećutno priznala najvažniji alžirski oslobodilač- ki pokret – Narodnooslobodilački front. Na Konferenciju je, kao pu- nopravni član pokreta,1 bila pozvana i Kuba, mala latinoamerička 12 zemlja koja je, tada, bila u centru pažnje čitavog sveta. Već u apri- lu 1961. godine, kubanski režim (proistekao iz revolucije 1959. godine) otvoreno se izjasnio kao socijalistički. Zbog toga su iste godine njegovi protivnici, uz podršku SAD, pokušali da ga svrgnu (čuveno iskrcavanje u Zalivu svinja) u čemu ih je veoma brzo osujetio sve- opšti narodni pokret. Na međunarodnom planu, godina održavanja prve Konferencije prepuna je nemira i zategnutosti: bivša Istočna Nemačka (NDR) podigla je tokom leta Berlinski zid; posle uspešne destabilizacije zemlje koju su sproveli CIA i nekadašnja kolonijalna sila Belgija, protivnici su uhapsili i ubili Patrisa Lumumbu, predsednika Demokratske Republike Kongo. Ponižavajući snimci Lumum- binog hapšenja (pre njegovog pogubljenja daleko od očiju javnosti) izazvaće buru negodovanja, veliku ogorčenost i masovne demon- stracije u nekoliko gradova na svetu, a među njima i u Beogradu na čije ulice je 16. februara 1961. godine izašlo oko 100.000 ljudi.2 Prvi koraci ka održavanju osnivačke Konferencije nesvrta- nih načinjeni su jula 1956. godine na Brionima,3 na sastanku trojice državnika (Nasera, Nehrua i Tita) čiji su razgovori krunisani zajed- ničkom deklaracijom o načelima politike nesvrstanosti. Nesvrsta- ni pokret koji nastaje 1961. godine, proistekao je i iz Afro-azijske konferencije u Bandungu (Indonezija) održane aprila 1955. godine,4 često označavane kao prvi zvanični istup na nacionalnoj i interna- cionalnoj sceni5 zemalja Trećeg sveta, koje su nastojale da sudbinu

1 „Kuba je jedina latinoamerička i karipska zemlja koja je, kao osnivač, učestvovala u radu Prve konferencije nesvrstanih u Beogradu, 1961. godine, dok su Bolivija, Brazil i Ekva- dor prisustvovali kao posmatrači.”, Nouvel Ordre International et Non-Alignement/ Ban- dung/Bagdad 1955–1982, Paris, Éditions du Monde Arabe, 1982, str. 207.

2 Beogradske demonstarcije snimala je i ekipa francuske kuće Gomon: http://www. gaumontpathearchives.com/index.php?urlaction=doc&id_doc=309971 „U Beogradu je opljačkana belgijska ambasada” po izveštaju BBC-ja: http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/ dates/stories/february/19/newsid_2748000/2748931.stm.

3 Snimci Filmskih novosti sa Trilateralnog sastanka na Brionima. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pS9kSjPd0Q0

4 Nouvel Ordre International et Non-Alignement/ Bandung/Bagdad 1955–1982, Paris, Éditions du Monde Arabe, 1982, str. 207. U ovom delu, sabrani su najvažniji zvanični tekstovi i hronologija Pokreta nesvrstanih od 1955. do 1982. godine.

5 Alain Gresh, „Vies et morts du tiers-monde”, Le Monde Diplomatique – Manière de voir, №87, jun–jul 2006. preuzmu u sopstvene ruke i da učine sve kako bi se i njihov glas 13 čuo. Podsetimo da je pojam „Treći svet” uveo demograf Alfred Sovi 1952. godine.6 On se zapravo nadahnuo pojmom „treći stalež”7 koji, uoči Francuske buržoaske revolucije, za razliku od plemstva i sve- štenstva, na političkom planu nije predstavljao ništa. Čuvena je Sjejesova izjava da treći stalež nije značio ništa „u političkom po- retku a želeo je da postane nešto”,8 a Sovi ovu formulaciju prenosi u novu realnost: „Treći svet koga, kao i treći stalež, svi ignorišu i prezrivo gledaju, i sam hoće da bude nešto”.9 Za sve one koji su se borili (mirnim putem ili oružjem) protiv kolonijalizma, neokolonijalizma ili imperijalizma, kao i za umetnike koji su im se na svoj način, kroz umetnost, pridružili u toj borbi, najvažnije je bilo da se afirmiše postojanje Trećeg sveta, da se učini sve da on postane vidljiv, i da se dokaže legitimnost njegove oslobodilačke borbe, njegove želje za oslobođenjem. U ime na- čela internacionalizma i antikolonijalne i antiimperijalne solidarnosti, reporteri, fotografi, filmski režiseri i snimatelji doprineli su širenju prave slike o borbi za oslobođenje Trećeg sveta. Prisustvo Jugoslavije u grupi naroda Trećeg sveta može, na prvi pogled, da iznenadi. Ali „Treći svet nije predstavljao mesto. Pred- stavljao je projekat.”,10 kako kaže Vidžaj Prašad. Jugoslavija je trpela ropski jaram nekoliko vekova (otomansku okupaciju) i, za razliku od ostalih evropskih nacija, nije imala kolonijalnu tradiciju: nikada nije pokušavala da stvori kolonijalno carstvo u Africi ili Aziji.11 Osim toga, slika jugoslovenskog partizana koja se, tokom Drugog svetskog rata

6 Alfred Sauvy, „Trois mondes, une planète”, L’Observateur, 14. avgust 1952.

7 Za vreme Starog režima u Francuskoj, pre Francuske revolucije, treći stalež činili su predstavnici buržoazije u Skupštini staleža (prim. prev.).

8 Emmanuel Sieyès, Qu’est-ce que le Tiers-État ? (1788), Paris, Flammarion, Coll. „Champs classiques”, 2009.

9 Alfred Sovi citiran u Immanuel Wallerstein, „C’était quoi le tiers-monde?”, u Alain Gresh, op. cit., str. 6.

10 Vijay Prashad, Les nations obscures. Une histoire populaire du tiers-monde (The Darker Nations), prevod sa engleskog Marianne Champagne, Montréal, Les éditions Écoso- ciété, 2009, str. 9.

11 Videti: Ana Sladojević, Slike Afrike, MSU Beograd, 2015. 14 upečatljivo javlja u kontekstu oružanog otpora nacizmu, ponovo će oživeti i moći će da posluži kao primer i ogledalo za druge borbe za na- cionalnu nezavisnost u kojima se pribegava takozvanom „gerilskom” ratovanju. U članku objavljenom nekoliko meseci pred beogradsku Konferenciju, veliki alžirski romanopisac Kateb Jasin o Jugoslaviji govori kao o „primeru za Afriku”12 dodajući potom: „Oni su nam veoma bliski, i objektivno i subjektivno”.13 Zdravko Pečar ovenčava alžirsku revoluciju „oreolom pete narodne revolucije u svetu, posle Francuske revolucije, Oktobarske revolucije u Rusiji, Narodnooslobodilačke revolucije u Jugoslaviji i Kineske revolucije” a zatim dodaje: „Na vrati- ma Afrike, Alžir je bio i ostaje najveća nada čitavog kontinenta zbog svoje duge i krvave narodnooslobodilačke borbe koja je, svojom sušti- nom i ciljevima, već stekla mesto među velikim narodnim revolucija- ma u svetu.”14 Tito i Kastro su, iz različitih razloga, znali da moraju da se suoče s neprijateljskim okruženjem i da nastoje da izađu iz izolaci- je na međunarodnoj sceni. Odigrali su na kartu ambiciozne i dinamič- ne inostrane politike, kako bi stvorili brojne veze sa ostalim šefovima država Afrike, Azije i Latinske Amerike. Inostrana politika jedne zemlje za sobom povlači efekte na spoljnom i unutrašnjem planu: zahva- ljujući njoj, određeni režim može da postane popularniji na lokalnom i nacionalnom planu, jer se međunarodni ugled lidera zemlje (za koga se smatra da je predstavnik naroda), prenosi i na građane te zemlje.

12 Kateb Yacine, „Correspondances Yougoslavie” (1er avril 1961), u Minuit passé de douze heures. Écrits journalistiques. 1947–1989, Paris, Éditions du Seuil, 1999, str. 126.

U članku koji je napisao tokom boravka u Jugoslaviji, autor pohvalno govori o uspesima u opismenjavanju stanovništva, razvoju do tada gotovo nepostojeće industrije, oduševlje- no piše o samoupravljanju u preduzećima i hvali prava koja uživaju radnice. Kateb ustaje u odbranu zemlje od onih koji je optužuju za revizionizam: „Čime su oni to napustili socijalnu borbu? Ni na unutrašnjem, ni na spoljnom planu, nikada nisu u dosluhu sa imperijalizmom.” Kateb Yacine, op. cit., str. 127.

13 Čitav pasus glasi: „Mlade afričke države ne dobijaju slučajno, iz našeg ugla, često veoma veliku pomoć Jugoslavije. Tu se ne radi o iznenadnim simpatijama, o hladnom poli- tičkom računu, niti o nekakvoj formalnoj dužnosti koju nalažu načela. Ne, beogradski stu- denti zaista kao naša braća demonstriraju zbog Lumumbe ili prikupljaju pedeset miliona dinara za alžirske izbeglice. Oni su nam veoma bliski, i objektivno i subjektivno.” u Kateb Ya- cine, op. cit., str. 126.

14 Zdravko Pečar, Algérie, témoignage d’un reporter yougoslave sur la guerre d’Algérie, str. 16. ENAG, 1987 (drugo izdanje iz 2009. godine). Jugoslovensko izdanje objavaljeno je 1959. godine: Zdravko Pečar, Alžir, Beograd, Kultura, 1959. Nastavljajući politiku vođenu tokom rata za nezavisnost pod okriljem 15 Narodnooslobodilačkog fronta, alžirski predsednici Ahmed Ben Bela (od 1962. do 1965. godine) i Huari Bumedijen (od 1965. do 1978. godine), koji će, septembra 1973. godine, ugostiti veoma važnu Konferenciju nesvrstanih, takođe su razvili ambicioznu i za njihovu zemlju veoma uspešnu međunarodnu politiku.15

Od Nesvrstanih do Trikontinentala?

Na marginama Pokreta nesvrstanih, nekoliko godina posle Kon- ferencije u Bandungu 1955. i Samita u Beogradu 1961. godine, na- stao je Trikontinental, još jedan međunarodni pokret koji nasto- ji da promoviše jedinstvo i suverenost Trećeg sveta. Gde i kako, u odnosu na Pokret nesvrstanih, smestiti Trikontinentalnu konferenciju, to jest, prvu Konferenciju Organizacije solidarnosti s narodima Afrike, Azije i Latinske Amerike koja je januara 1966. godine održana u Havani? Da li je, zapravo, reč o struji koja je pridruže- na Pokretnu nesvrstanih ili o još radikalnijem pokretu, s obzirom da se nije ustezao da Sjedinjene Američke Države označi kao glav- nog neprijatelja niti da stane u odbranu oružane borbe u cilju po- litičkih promena? Zajednička za oba pokreta bila je želja da predstavljaju Treći svet i da stvaraju veze među njegovim zemljama, ali je Trikontinental osmišljen i ustrojen kao široka organizacija koja okuplja narode (Afrike, Azije i Latinske Amerike) i revolucionarne pokrete latinoameričkog potkontinenta (ne zaboravimo da su Kubu tada zvali „prvom oslobođenom teritorijom Latinske Amerike”), Dok je Pokret nesvrstanih uglavnom okupljao šefove neza- visnih država, (uz nekoliko izuzetaka kao što su alžirski FLN u Be- ogradu 1961. ili PAIGC u Kairu 1964) i imao za cilj odbranu procesa dekolonijalizacije, kao i primenu doktrine miroljubive koegzisten- cije unutar UN. Pokret je tu internacionalnu organizaciju koristio kao forum „za tretiranje slučajeva barbarskog kolonijalizma, a Ge- neralnu skupštinu kao sredstvo za komunikaciju i predstavljanje

15 Videti: Nicole Grimaud, La politique extérieure de l’Algérie, Paris, Karthala, 1984, i: Ar- davan Amir-Aslani, L’âge d’or de la diplomatie algérienne, Paris, Éditions du moment, 2015. 16 svetu zločina o kojima se ranije ćutalo”.16 S druge strane, u slučaju Trikontinentala „više se ne radi o Pokretu nesvrstanih, već o revo- lucionarističkom pokretu koji osporava utvrđeni poredak, i koji, kao jedini put do oslobođenja od imperijalističke dominacije (za- padni imperijalizam, a ne sovjetski) zagovara oružanu borbu”.17 Prema Mehdiju Ben Barki, lideru Trećeg sveta i glavnom protivniku marokanskog kralja, koji je po svemu sudeći otet i ubi- jen u Parizu oktobra 1965. godine, Trikontinental je trebalo da objedini dve struje: prvu „koja je nastala sa Oktobarskom socijali- stičkom revolucijom i onu koja se javila sa nacionalnom oslobodi- lačkom revolucijom”.18 Prema Ben Barki, kao i prema Ernestu Če Gevari i Kubancima, imperijalizam je delovao na međunarodnom nivou, ne hajući za granice, pa je samim tim trebalo ponuditi alter- nativu i na istoim nivou organizovati kontraofanzivu, kako bi se protiv njega moglo efikasno boriti. Kubanci su, zatim, avgusta 1967. godine, u Havani bili doma- ćini i konferenciji Latinoameričke organizacije solidarnosti, posle koje je brzo, tokom oktobra, došlo do zarobljavanja i smrti Ernesta Če Gevare u Boliviji (što je označilo propast njegovih planova da se revolucija prenese i u Južnu Ameriku), dok je aprila 1967. godine objavljena „Čeova poruka Trikontinentalu”, u kojoj je predlagao da treba „stvoriti dva, tri… bezbroj Vijetnama u svetu”. Krajem šezde- setih godina XX veka, i tokom naredne decenije, kubanski režim

16 Videti: Vijay Prashad, op. cit. p. 139.

17 Gérard Chaliand et Jean Lacouture, Voyage dans le demi-siècle. Entretiens croisés avec André Versaille, Bruxelles, Éditions Complexe, 2001, str. 285. Prema Šalijanu, „trikonti- nentalizam koji je zvanično uobličen početkom 1966. godine na Konferenciji u Havani, po- stojao je i 1961. godine kada je objavljeno delo Les Damnés de la terre” (delo Franca Fanon u izdanju François Maspero). Videti: Gérard Chaliand, Repenser le Tiers-Monde, Bruxelles, Ed. Complexe, Coll. „Historiques”, 1987, str. 39.

18 Mehdi Ben Barka citiran u: Albert-Paul Lentin, La lutte tricontinentale. Impériali- sme et révolution après la conférence de la Havane, Paris, François Maspero, Coll. „Cahiers Libres”, 1966, p. 43. U vezi sa životom i delom Mehdija Ben Barke, videti: Mehdi Ben Barka, Option révolutionnaire au Maroc. Écrits politiques, 1957–1965, Paris, François Maspero, Coll. „Cahiers libres”, 1966. Bachir Ben Barka, Mehdi Ben Barka en héritage. De la Tricontinentale à l’altermondialisme, Paris–Casablanca, Édition Syllepse – Tarik Éditions, 2007 ; René Galli- ssot et Jacques Kergoat, Mehdi Ben Barka. De l’indépendance à la Tricontinentale, Paris–Ca- sablanca, Karthala – Institut Maghreb Europe – Eddif, 1997. približio se sovjetskom „modelu”, ali je pritom nastavio i sa vođe- 17 njem dinamične politike na međunarodnom planu, naročito u zemljama Trećeg sveta i unutar Pokreta nesvrstanih. Uprkos veoma bliskim vezama sa SSSR, Kuba je, septembra 1979. godine, bila do- maćin Konferencije nesvrstanih. Intervencijom u Angoli, kubanci su podržali Narodni pokret za oslobođenje Angole (MPLA) u borbi protiv suparničkih pokreta, kako bi predstavljao protivtežu sever- noameričkom i južnoafričkom uticaju u tom regionu. Trikontinental, osnovan na konferenciji Organizacije solidarnosti s narodima Afrike, Azije i Latinske Amerike 1966. godine, predstavljao je, dakle, revolucionarno krilo Trećeg sveta. Pokret je kratko trajao (od 1966. do 1968. godine, iako su njegov duh i ideolo- gija opstali još nekoliko godina) i nije uspeo da razvije samostalnu i u pravom smislu reči nesvrstanu organizaciju. U vizuelnom materijalu u časopisima19 Trikontinentala, u prvi plan stavljani su lideri Trećeg sveta, predstavnici oslobodilač- kih i/ili revolucionarnih pokreta poput Ernesta Če Gevare (koji se borio na Kubi), Ho Ši Mina (Vijetnam), Amilkara Kabrala (Gvineja Bisao i Zelenortska Ostrva), Agostina Neta (Angola), kao i protivnici režima u svojim zemljama poput Mehdija Ben Barke (Maroko), Kamila Toresa (Kolumbija), Karlosa Marigele (Brazil), koji će na kraju biti ubijeni, ali i nepoznati borci, muškarci i žene, iz Azije, Afri- ke ili Latinske Amerike, koji s puškom u ruci otelotvoruju „narod koji je ustao na oružje”. Sve te ikoničke figure nadahnjivale su poli- tičke plakate. Svaki broj kubanskog izdanja časopisa Trikontinental (objavljivan na nekoliko jezika) donosio je po jedan poster20 pa su radovi kubanskih grafičara i umetnika iz šezdesetih i sedamdese- tih godina XX veka, često veoma daroviti i smeli na formalnom planu, izazvali veliku pažnju i daleko izvan granica njihove zemlje.

19 Časopis Tricontinental objavljivan je od 1967. godine, na nekoliko jezika (španski, francuski, engleski) a imao je i italijansko (Feltrinelli) i francusko izdanje (Maspero) između 1969. i 1971. godine.

20 Richard Frick, (ur.), L’Affiche tricontinentale de solidarité, Berne, Éditions Comedia Verlag, 2003; Peter Cushing, Lincoln, ¡Revolución! Cuban Poster Art, San Francisco (USA), Chronicle Books, 2003. Videti međunarodnu radionicu „Tricontinental, une expérience graphique” koju je organizovao umetnik Matje Abonank u l’École Nationale des Beaux-Arts u Lionu, novembra 2012. godine, u kojoj su učestvovali Zoran Erić i Olivje Aduši. 18 Slike geriljerosa i partizana

Dokumentarni filmovi o Organizaciji solidarnosti s narodima Afri- ke, Azije i Latinske Amerike (Trikontinental),21 zajedno sa posteri- ma izrađenim za nju, korišćeni su kao sredstva protiv-informisanja kojim je obnovljena upotreba agitpropa u domenu kinematografije. Od tih filmova, navedimo, na primer, dva dokumentarca Kubanca Santijaga Alvareza Hanoi Martes 13 (1968) i 79 Primaveras (1969, snimljen kao omaž Ho Ši Minu preminulom u 79 godini),22 u kojima autor kritikuje intervenciju američke vojske u Vijetnamu i ukazu- je na njena zverstva, veličajući pri tom narodni otpor vijetnamskog oslobodilačkog pokreta. Dokumentarno ostvarenje Madina Boe (Hose Masip, Kuba, 1968, naslovljen po istoimenom mestu u Gvine- ji Bisao) govori o vojnom i političkom delovanju Afričke partije za nezavisnost Gvineje Bisao i Zelenortskih Ostrva koja se tada bori- la protiv portugalskog kolonijalizma, prikazuje život u oslobođe- nim zonama i daje reč Amilkar Kabralu, jednom od vođa pokreta. Ta vrsta filmskih ili fotografskih reportaža, u kojima borci jednog oslobodilačkog pokreta iz Trećeg sveta dobijaju lice i glas, od veli- ke su koristi i od izuzetnog značaja jer u takvoj vrsti sukoba javno mnjenje, nacionalno i internacionalno, može da predstavlja najjače oružje. Zbog toga je trebalo dopreti do njega i pridobiti ga kako bi se zatim moglo uspešno pregovarati o nezavisnosti. Postoje li filmovi o Pokretu nesvrstanih, slični ostvarenji- ma o Organizaciji solidarnosti sa narodima Afrike, Azije i Latinske Amerike koja su uglavnom realizovali kubanski sineasti? Pokret nesvrstanih nije, naime, definisao određenu politiku o kinematografiji, iako su kulturne veze između zemalja njegovih članica sigurno bilo ojačane i krunisane različitim vrstama razmena i susreta. Jugoslavija, zemlja koja je ugostila konferenciju 1961. godine,

21 U doktorskoj tezi o kinematografiji, sastavljen je i predstavljen korpus filmova o Trikontinentalu. Videti: Olivier Hadouchi, Le cinéma dans les luttes de libération: Genèses, initiatives pratiques et inventions formelles autour de la Tricontinentale (1966–1975), mentor: Nicole Brenez, Université de Paris 3, maj 2012.

22 Žan-Lik Godar posvetio je drugi deo svoje serije filmova Histoire(s) du cinéma (1997) Santijagu Alvarezu. imala je laboratorije, bioskopske dvorane, obrazovane filmske rad- 19 nike, produkcijsku kuću i ustanovu koja je redovno snimala i pri- kazivala aktuelnosti – Filmske novosti. Krajem pedesetih godina, potpisan je sporazum između Filmskih novosti (koje je predstavljao direktor Sima Karaoglanović) i Muhameda Sadek Musauija po- znatog kao „Si Mahjedin”, prvog čoveka službe „Slika i zvuk” Pri- vremene vlade Republike Alžira,23 o čuvanju filmskih arhiva o alžirskoj borbi i razvijanja pokretnih slika. Drugi deo sporazuma predviđao je da se oslobodilačkoj vojsci na alžirsko-tunižanskoj granici pridruže snimatelj Stevan Labudović i jugoslovenski tehni- čari, kako bi pomogli u obrazovanju budućih alžirskih snimatelja i tehničara. Musaui je, 1960. godine, boravio u Beogradu sa nekoliko saradnika (među kojima su bili i Pjer i Klodin Šole) kako bi mon- tirao i završio postprodukciju filma Džazajruna (Naš Alžir), koji je zatim trebalo da bude prikazan u Ujedinjenim Nacijama. Bio je to zajednički film koji su režirali Džamel Šanderli i Muhamed Lakdar- Hamina koristeći različite izvore: snimke koje su u trenucima borbe realizovali brojni režiseri i snimatelji, kako o tome svedoče ko- autori komentara i montaže u dokumentarnom filmu Les cinéastes de la liberté (Snimatelji slobode), Said Mehdaui, Alžir (2009), u kojem se govori o delu i ulozi (alžirskih i inostranih)24 sineasta u oslo- bođanju zemlje. Na kraju krajeva, ostvarenje Džazajruna uspeva da prikaže na jednom mestu nekoliko aspekata borbe za nezavisnost,

23 Mohamed Sadek Moussaoui, „On imaginait un Cinecittà près d’Alger”, razgovori koje je vodila Charlotte Garson, u „Où va le cinéma algérien?”, Cahiers du cinéma, Hors- série, februar–mart 2003, str. 57.

24 Ovaj dokumentarni film snimljen 2009. godine govori o Džemelu Šanderliju, prvom alžirskom režiseru koji se pridružio partizanskoj borbi Narodnooslobodilačkog fronta, kao i o Ahmedu Rašdiju, Muhamedu Lakdaru-Harmini, ne zaboravljajući pritom ni sinea- ste izrazite levičare iz Francuske (Rene Votje, Sesil Dekiži, Pjer Kleman, Jan Lemason), Jugo- slavije (Stevan Labudović, Zdravko Pečar), Bugarske (verovatno se misli na Ganeva, autora filma snimljenog tokom leta 1962. godine kada je Alžir dobio nezavisnost) ili čak iz SAD (Herb Grir i Piter Trokmorton). Može se reći da je tokom rata za nezavisnost, spoljna politika Narodnooslobilačkog fronta bila pragmatična i nesvrstana. Prvi reporteri koji su snimali materijale pri Narodnooslobodilačkoj vojsci Alžira bila su dva Amerikanca: Herb Grir i Pi- ter Trokmorton. Videti Marie Chominot, „1956–1957: l’ALN sous l’objectif de deux reporters américains”, u Abderrahmane Bouchène, Jean-Pierre Peyroulou, Ouanassa Siari Tengour et Sylvie Thénault, 1830-1962. Histoire de l’Algérie à la période coloniale, Paris-Alger, La Décou- verte-Barzakh, 2012. 20 kombinujući sekvence borbe sa scenama koje prikazuju ratna pu- stošenja (naročito upotrebu napalma) kao i otpor i odlučnost stanovništva. „Rat u Alžiru nikako nije predstavljao običnu epizodu u me- đunarodnoj istoriji, već je bio simbol novog transnacionalnog siste- ma koji je nastajao”25 navodi Metju Koneli. Bio je to i rat slikama i prikazima,26 koji se okrenuo u korist Alžiraca, iako nisu raspolaga- li ni logistikom, ni industrijskom i kinematografskom infrastruk- turom, pa čak ni vatrenom moći koja se mogla porediti sa francuskom.27 Kako bi opovrgao francusku propagandu koja je govorila o neredima i policijskim intervencijama, ali nikada i o ratu za nezavisnost, Narodnooslobodilački front primao je u svoje redove strane novinare (pored nekolicine Alžiraca, poput Džamela Šanderlija, koji su znali da rukuju kamerom ili foto-aparatom, što je bila prava retkost za vreme kolonizacije) i ponekad im dozvoljavao da sni- me ili fotografišu28 grupu vojnika, imajući, pritom, na umu samo jedno: da će te slike doprineti promovisanju njihove borbe kako na lokalnom (u njihovom narodu) tako i na međunarodnom planu (na Zapadu i na Istoku).

25 Matthew Connelly, L’arme secrète du FLN. Comment de Gaulle a perdu la guerre d’Algérie (A Diplomatic Revolution. Algeria’s Fight for Independence and the Origine of the Post-Cold War Era, 2002), prevod sa engleskog Françoise Bouillot, Paris, Payot & Rivages, Coll. „Petite Bibliothèque”, 2014, str. 452. Autor pokazuje da je alžirska pobeda bila velika diplomatska pobeda protiv nekoliko uzastopnih francuskih vlada.

26 Videti: Ahmed Bedjaoui, Cinéma et guerre de libération. Algérie, des batailles d’images, Alger, Éditions Chihab, 2014, i Marie Chominot, „Quand la photographie vint à la Révolution. Petite contribution à l’histoire des services d’information du F.L.N. pendant la guerre d’indépendance algérienne”, u Omar Carlier, Images du Maghreb, images au Maghreb (XIX–XXe siècles). Une révolution du visuel ?, Paris, Cahiers du GREMAMO, № 20, L’Harmattan, 2010.

27 Sébastien Denis, Le cinéma et la guerre d’Algérie. La propagande à l’écran (1954– 1962), Paris, Nouveau Monde éditions, Coll. „Histoire et Cinéma”, 2009, koji uglavnom govori o sukobu iz francuske perspektive ukazujući na određene neuspehe francuske propagande.

28 Videti radove autora Benjamin Stora, Laurent Gervereau, Marie Chominot, Fabri- ce d’Almeida (o „Internacionalizaciji slika”), u: Laurent Gervereau i Benjamin Stora, Photo- graphier la guerre d’Algérie, Paris, Marval, 2004. Zdravko Pečar i Stevan Labudović: 21 portret reportera partizana i solidarnost jugoslovenskih reportera s pobunjenim Alžirom

Među ratnim reporterima i dopisnicima kojima je pošlo za rukom da prikažu drugačiju sliku o ratu za nezavisnost, nalaze se i dva Ju- goslovena, Zdravko Pečar i Stevan Labudović. Oni su odigrali zna- čajnu ulogu u pridobijanju javnog mnjenja za alžirsku oslobodilač- ku borbu. Prvi je delao i svedočio putem slike i pera, dok je drugi dokumentovao sukob i život boraca (nepokretnim ili pokretnim slikama, to jest, fotografijom i filmskim snimcima), na alžirsko-tu- nižanskoj granici, i dao veliki doprinos obrazovanju alžirskih snimatelja, u sklopu sporazuma između Titovog režima i čelnika Ge- neralštaba Narodnooslobodilačkog fronta. Tokom 1957. i leta 1958. godine,29 Zdravko Pečar boravi u Tuni- su (nezavisnom od 1956. godine) kao ratni reporter lista Borba. Tokom boravka, jugoslovenski ratni dopisnik, koji je i sam bio partizan tokom Drugog svetskog rata, upoznao je članove i političke čelnike Narodno- oslobodilačkog fronta, najznačajnijeg oslobodilačkog pokreta u Alži- ru i borce Narodnooslobodilačke vojske, vojnog ogranka pokreta. Za- jedno s Marokom, Tunis je tada predstavljao svojevrsnu pozadinsku bazu za alžirski pokret, a u njegovu prestonicu smestiće se i Privreme- na vlada Republike Alžira. Osim toga, novinar je bio svedok i prisustva alžirskih izbeglica u Burgibinoj zemlji, naročito posle izgradnje Mori- sove linije.30 Tu liniju su činile ograde od električne žice i minska polja, a nazvana je po Andreu Morisu, tadašnjem francuskom ministru odbrane. Njena izgradnja počela je 1957. godine, ali nije u potpunosti

29 Videti predgovor (iz 1959) dela Alžir Zdravka Pečara, koje je na francuskom objavljeno pod naslovom Algérie témoignage d’un reporter yougoslave sur la guerre d’Algérie, Al- ger, ENAG, 1987. (reizdanje 2009).

30 Dvoje francuskih sineasta koji su podržavali Narodnooslobodilački front, Sesil De- kiži i Pjer Kleman, snimili su dva filma (Dekiži je snimila film 1957, a Kleman 1958. godine) o alžirskim izbeglicama u Tunisu, kako bi ukazali na njihov dramatično težak položaj i veoma teške uslove života. Prisustvo alžirskih izbeglica u Tunisu bilo je i dovoljan dokaz da je Al- žir u ratu sa Francuskom i njenim institucijama i da se ne radi samo o nekoliko policijskih intervencija. 22 pratila trasu alžirsko-tunižanske granice već je zadirala duboko u al- žirsku teritoriju. Trebalo je da spreči slobodno kretanje boraca Na- rodnooslobodilačke vojske između dve zemlje, kako više ne bi mogli da sprovode napade u Alžiru i da se zatim sklone u Tunis, gde francuska vojska više nije imala pravo da interveniše. Francusko bombardo- vanje tunižanskog grada Sakjet Sidi Jusef (pod izgovorom napada na Narodnooslobodilački front), 8. februara 1958. godine, izazvaće veliku ogorčenost u čitavom svetu jer je u ovom napadu nastradao veliki broj civila, među kojima i izbeglice i deca. U početku, određene grupe alžirskih partizana nastavljaju da prelaze granicu i Morisovu liniju. U jednom od članaka, Zdravko Pečar poredi Morisovu sa „Mažino linijom”31 u Francuskoj, izgrađenom kako bi se sprečila nemačka in- vazija pre poraza iz 1940. godine, koja je brzo popustila pred nadira- njem nacističke vojske iako je smatrana neprobojnom. Reporter piše o različitim načinima na koje borci Narodnooslobodilačke vojske prelaze Morisovu liniju (namerno izbegavajući da ih sve otkrije) i dodaje „za prelazak linije Moris, specijalno su se izvežbali pojedini odredi koji taj posao obavljaju u stilu pravih specijalista. Jedan podnarednik, na primer, četrdeset puta je prešao tu liniju”.32 Međutim, ovakvo pre- laženje Morisove linije će se s vremenom sve češće završavati neuspe- hom i pogibijama. Utoliko više što će postojeća linija, 1959. godine, biti ojačana Šalovom linijom (nazvanom po generalu Morisu Šalu), pa će odredi Narodnooslobodilačke vojske stacionirani u Tunisu i Maroku (odnosno izvan Alžira) odlučiti da promene taktiku odustajući od po- kušaja prelaska te strogo nadzirane električne ograde i minskih polja. Prelasci te linije još uvek su bili veoma česti u vreme kada je Pečar bio prisutan na terenu i kada je pisao izveštaje, pa je saznao za surove i veoma žestoke borbe koje su se vodile oko Suk Ahrasa 1958. godine, verovatno zahvaljujući ljudima koji su u njima i učestvovali.

31 Zdravko Pečar, „Sur la ‘ligne Maginot’ algérienne” (Na alžirskoj „Mažino” liniji) u: Algérie témoignage d’un reporter yougoslave sur la guerre d’Algérie, str. 303.

32 Autor piše „Linija se prelazi na razne načine: seče se, na primer, bodljikava žica i čisti minsko polje za prolaz jednog vojnika. Prvi vojnik dolazi do električne žice, kopa ispod nje prolaz da bi se ostali mogli provući. Poslednji koji prolazi maskira iza sebe prolaz i zatr- pa rupu kako francuska patrola idućeg dana ne bi mogla utvrditi da je prolaz izvršen.” Za- tim daje još dva primera i zaključuje: „Ima još i drugih varijanti za prelaz preko linije, ali o njima kada se okonča rat.” Videti: Zdravko Pečar, op. cit., str. 303–304. Tokom boravka 1957. i leta 1958. godine, Pečar je delio svakod- 23 nevnicu bataljona Narodnooslobodilačke vojske na čelu sa majorom Abderrahmanom Bensalemom,33 koji je redovno upadao u Alžir kako bi izvodio napade na francuske snage i postavljao im zasede. Tako- zvani „gerilski” rat predstavljao je glavni oblik delovanja Narodno- oslobodilačke vojske u borbi protiv moderno opremljene francuske vojske, saveznice NATO pakta, koju su činili profesionalni vojnici – padobranci i pripadnici Legije stranaca – i veliki broj (nekoliko stotina hiljada) regruta na odsluženju vojnog roka. Gerilska borba je „poseban vid borbe kojoj protiv jačeg pribegava slabiji” i koji se „od- likuje izbegavanjem odlučujuće frontalne borbe, i primenom izne- nadnih, neprestanih i iscrpljujućih napada”.34 Kao svedok tih doga- đaja, jugoslovenski autor uviđa i jasno predočava povezanost između vojne i političke strane rata za nezavosnost koji se vodi protiv indu- strijske velesile, i podržava diplomatsku borbu Narodnooslobodilač- kog fronta koji je, krajem leta 1958. godine, dobio i novu instituciju, Privremenu vladu Republike Alžira. Jedan od njegovih tekstova ko- rišćen je i kao „radni dokument za potrebe prvih časova u školi poli- tičkih komesara u Gardimau (Tunis) koju je osnovao načelnik Gene- ralštaba Narodnooslobodilačke vojske, Huari Bumedijen”.35 Arhivski fond Zdravka Pečara sadrži nekoliko fascikli fotografija (negativi i fotografije) i pisanih dokumenata (tekstovi i prepiska) i čuva se danas u Muzeju afričke umetnosti u Beogradu. Za potrebe istraživanja dobio sam priliku da pregledam tu dragocenu arhivsku

33 „Ovu knjigu posvećujem borcima i oficirima Narodnooslobodilačke vojske Alžira čijeg sam junaštva i samopregora svedok bio, a naročito Abderrahmanu Bensalemu koji je komandovao svojim borcima i žrtvovao ih na Morisovoj liniji kako bi njihov prijatelj iz Jugo- slavije mogao da vidi ovaj rat i o njemu da svedoči”, piše Zdravko Pečar u predgovoru svog dela iz 1959. Videti Zdravko Pečar, op. cit., str. 6. Abderrahman Bensalem bio je bivši podofi- cir francuske vojske koji je prešao na stranu Narodnooslobodilačke vojske Alžira i boraca za njegovu nezavisnost.

34 Gérard Chaliand, Les guerres irrégulières. XXe–XXIe siècle, Paris, Éditions Gallimard, Coll. „Folio actuel”, 2008, str. 17. U ovom delu, koje predstavlja zbornik velikog broja značaj- nih tekstova o neuobičajenim vidovima ratovanja, nalazi se i svedočenje Vladimira Dedije- ra o jugoslovenskim partizanima, kao i teorijski tekstovi i nekoliko svedočenja o Vijetnamu, Alžiru, Kini ili Latinskoj Americi.

35 Ovaj tekst objavljen je kasnije i u časopisu Etudes méditerranéennes, Paris, 1960, № 8. Zdravko Pečar op. cit., str. 6. 24 građu, najviše se zadržavajući na svemu što je vezano za njegov alžir- ski period. Posle sakupljanja materijala u Beogradu, uvideo sam da nekoliko fotografija koje su pripadale Pečaru nije reprodukovano u delu Alžir iz 1959. godine. Autor i izdavač načinili su odabir među fotografijama snimljenim u redovima Narodnooslobodilačke vojske Alžira 1957. i 1958. godine. Pečar se, u nekoliko navrata, pojavljuje u vojnič- koj uniformi među alžirskim partizanima, a tada se, uglavnom, kao autor fotografije (u alžirskom izdanju knjige) navodi Abdelkader Lari- bi. Na tim fotografijama, Jugoslovena na prvi pogled ništa ne razlikuje od ostalih boraca: i on je u vojničkoj uniformi i s brkovima zbog kojih podseća na alžirskog partizana. Prijateljski osmesi i znaci koji ukazuju na solidarnost i naklonjenost veoma su česti. Fotografije odišu izuzetno jakom povezanošću, bratstvom ratnika i njihovog jugoslovenskog prijatelja naklonjenog njihovom cilju nacionalne nezavisnosti i borbi protiv kolonijalizma kao zajedničkog protivnika. Na jednoj fotografiji, može se videti reporter s turbanom36 kakav nose seljani u kraju gde se nalazio. Prihvatajući tradicionalnu odeću lokalnog stanovništva, Pečar se s njim na simboličkom planu u potpunosti poistovećuje. Izbegavaju se senzacionalističke fotografije, dok se prednost daje duboko ličnom: život boraca prikazan je iznutra, jer Pečar deli njihovu stvarnost i svakodnevnicu sa mršavim sledovanjima od jedne konzerve i malo hleba ili pogače koju bi im doneli seljani, a koje su jeli pod vedrim nebom. Kada partizani uspeju da ulove divljač, to postaje pravi događaj i gozba za jedinicu. Ova serija fotografija doča- rava iščekivanje, postrojavanje i pozdrav podignutoj zastavi, marš ljudi pod oružjem po šumi, pripremanje i ponavljanje postupaka tokom zasede, simuliranje borbe pred fotografovim objektivom. Rat- nici okreću oružje u istom pravcu, ka neprijatelju koji ostaje izvan kadra. U tom trenutku, vojnici, kao i sam reporter, verovatno su potpuno svesni značaja tih fotografija koje će doprineti vernom predstavljanju njihove borbe (s naoružanim vojnicima u unformi, s

36 Želja za prihvatanjem delova odeće i izgleda drugih naroda, može da nas podseti na Lorensa od Arabije koji je nosio kape iz arapskih zemalja. Međutim, Jugoslavija se, u svojoj po- moći, svakako vodila izvesnom geopolitičkom vizijom i jasno određenom politikom (nesvr- stavanja), ali nikada i kolonijalnim ili neoimperijalnim aspiracijama , pa Pečar sigurno ne pro- življava ista duševna stanja kao Lorens od Arabije koji oseća da je morao da izda svoje arapske saveznike kako bi ojačao britanske interese i njenju dominaciju u jednom delu Bliskog istoka. ritualima i simbolima prave narodne vojske a ne grupe krimimalaca) 25 i načina na koji je vode: puškama, minobacačima, kroz akcije i zasede svojstvene gerilskoj taktici i strategiji. Nisu izostavljeni ni trenu- ci odmora vojnika koji se okupljaju oko radio aparata u logoru, časo- vi predaha pre ili posle bitke. Ove fotografije predstavljaju izuzetno značajno svedočanstvo jer je nekoliko partizana (među kojima i Said Belil poznat pod nadimkom „Indokina”) poginulo u okršajima sa francuskom vojskom, nekoliko meseci posle Pečarove posete i tre- nutaka provedenih u njegovom društvu. Pored toga što je ostavio ova dragocena svedočanstva o živo- tu boraca, o pustošenjima prouzrokovanim upotrebom napalma koji je koristila francuska vojska, Pečar je bio veoma aktivan i na politič- kom i diplomatskom planu. Tako se, na primer, može videti na fotografiji sa Ferhatom Abasom, prvim predsednikom Privremene vlade Republike Alžira (od 19. septembra 1958. do 9. avgusta 1961. godine), koji u ruci drži otvoreni primerak Pečarovog dela Alžir (1959), dok, po svemu sudeći, autoru pokazuje jedan njegov odlomak. S njima je u društvu i Ahmed Bumendjel,37 savetnik u Ministarstvu inofrmi- sanja, koji se osmehuje gledajući ih. Na drugoj fotografiji, Pečar je u društvu Krima Belkacema, potpredsednika Privremene vlade Repu- blike Alžira (od 19. septembra 1958. do 22. jula 1962. godine).38 Oni se jedan drugom osmehuju i srdačno rukuju, a Krim Belkacem levom rukom uzima delo Alžir, čiji se naslov i naslovna strana (na kojoj je alžirska zastava) jasno vide u kadru.

37 Ahmed Bumendjel nalazio se u alžirskoj delegaciji koja se, prema nekim navodi- ma, tajno susrela s Titom 1960. godine, kako bi ojačala veze i razvila saradnju između Alžira i Jugoslavije, i pripremila održavanje konferencije Nesvrstanih 1961. godine. Kao portparol Privremene vlade Republike Alžira, učestvovao je u pregovorima o Evijanskom sporazumu, između Francuske i Narodnooslobodilačkog fronta (koji je predstavljala Privremena vlada Republike Alžira), kojim je sukob okončan.

38 Osim potpredsedničke funkcije, Krim Belkacem obavljao je naizmenično u istoj privremenoj vladi između 1958. i 1962. godine, i dužnosti ministra odbrane, spoljnih, a zatim i unutrašnjih poslova. „Prilikom susreta sa Krimom Belkacemom, u leto 1958. godine, nekoliko dana pošto je on i formalno preuzeo rukovođenje vojnim poslovima, opširno smo razgovarali o početku, razvoju i perspektivama ustanka. Pošto sam bio prvi strani novinar koga je Krim primio, nije mi bilo moguće da u svom tadašnjem izveštaju otkrijem njegov identitet”, piše novinar koji se, dakle, već sastajao sa alžirskim zvaničnikom i pre 1959. ili 1960. godine, u: Zdravko Pečar, op. cit., str. 27. 26 Kada je reč o Benjusef Ben Kedi, drugom predsedniku Pri- vremene vlade Republike Alžira (od 9. avgusta 1961. do 22. jula 1962. godine) – nasledniku Ferhata Abasa – koji je prisustvovao i Konfe- renciji nesvrstanih u Beogradu 1961. godine, Zdravko Pečar je, verovatno, i njega fotografisao u Tunisu (ali za to trenutno nema doka- za), a fotografija se još uvek može videti u ličnom arhivu budućeg jugoslovenskog diplomate. Na drugoj fotografiji, može se videti Omar Usedik (državni se- kretar Privremene vlade Republike Alžira i predstavnik Narodnoo- slobodilačkog fronta u Gvineji),39 koji kao da nešto šapatom govori Zdravku Pečaru koji ga, načuljenog uha, ćutke i skoncentrisano slu- ša, dok ih za to vreme pažljivo posmatra Franc Fanon (čuveni psihija- tar, teoretičar i aktivista u borbi za nezavisnost Alžira koji je pisao za štampu Narodnooslobodilačkog fronta, i bio predstavnik Privremene vlade Republike Alžira u Gani, pre nego što je prerano preminuo 1961. godine). Tu je i fotografija Pečara i Usedika na nepoznatoj lokaciji (u Gvineji ili gradu Tunisu?) koji, sede za stolom sa dve osobe crne puti (iz Podsaharske Afrike). Moguće je da se radi o dva državljanina Gvine- je, jer je Usedik bio imenovan za predstavnika Narodnooslobodilačkog fronta u toj zemlji, a Pečar ga je poznavao i sam onde boravio. Pečarovo angažovanje u borbi Alžiraca za nezavisnost jasno se vidi u pismu (od 30. marta 1960. godine) koje mu je napisao i po- slao Ferhat Abas u vreme kada je još uvek bio predsednik Privreme- ne vlade Republike Alžira:

„kako ste nastojali da budete verodostojni i kako ste se vo- dili strogom savešću pravog borca za slobodu, veoma ste dr- žali do toga da među našim borcima provedete dugo vreme- na. Učestvovali ste u njihovim akcijama i s njima podelili patnje. Došli ste da se lično uverite u stanje naše vojne organizacije i vojnu nadmoć neprijatelja. Sa sobom ste poneli

39 Prema istoričaru i nekadašnjem članu Narodnooslobodilačkog fronta, Muhamedu Harbiju, Omar Usedik uputio je Franca Fanona u „alžirski nacionalizam”, i „sa njim napisao program za nacionalni revolucionarni savet 1959. godine” i „bio njegov saputnik u zemljama Afrike”. Videti: Mohammed Harbi, „Frantz Fanon et le messianisme paysan”, u: Sonia Dayan-Herzbrun, „Vers une pensée politique anticoloniale. À partir de Frantz Fanon”, u Tumultes, № 31, 2008. dokumenta od nesumnjivog istorijskog značaja; dokumenta 27 koja ste se tako izvanredno dosetili da uključite u potresne strane svoje knjige. Na svemu tome, i na svemu što još uvek činite, srdačno Vam se zahvaljujem u svoje i u ime Vlade. Čineći to, slavim neprolaznu uspomenu koju ste ostavili među našim vojnicima i seljacima za koje predstavljate bra- ta po oružju. Dragi Gospodine i prijatelju, primite moje srdačne i brat- ske pozdrave.”40

U ovom pismu, Ferhat Abas opisuje Pečara kao „pravog borca za slobodu”, koji je za alžirske borce i seljake (felahe) „brat po oruž- ju”. Abas smatra da njegov rad ima veliki istorijski značaj, jer je o borbi svedočio tako što ju je dokumentovao, i priznaje mu zaslugu da je učestvovao u akcijama (kao bilo koji drugi borac) vojnika Na- rodnooslobodilačke vojske i da je s njima podelio patnje. „Alžirski” i „afrički” fond Zdravka Pečara ispunjen je i sve- dočanstvima o njegovim brojnim boravcima u Tunisu, Alžiru i u čitavoj Africi i posle 1958. godine, o putovanjima na kojima je upoznao ili ponovo sreo brojne istaknute političare Narodnoooslobodi- lačkog fronta i Privremene vlade Republike Alžira, kao i šefove dr- žava ili istaknute političare podsaharske Afrike. Reporter-istraživač nastavio je da gradi veze i da skuplja op- širnu dokumentaciju o Alžiru (koji je tema i njegove doktorske teze), i bio je neposredan svedok uspona Generalštaba – osnovanog 1960. godine kako bi, na čelu sa Huarijem Bumedijenom, objedinjeno komandovao alžirskim trupama stacioniranim u Maroku i Tunisu, odakle i potiče naziv „pogranična vojska” pod kojim je poznat – i njegovog puta ka dolasku na vlast kroz savez sa političkim zvanični- kom Ahmedom Ben Belom, koji će obrazovati prvu vladu nezavisnog Alžira leta 1962. godine, posle proglašenja nezavisnosti 5. jula 1962.41

40 Ovo pismo na francuskom jeziku nalazi se u arhivi Zdravka Pečara, u Muzeju afrič- ke umetnosti u Beogradu.

41 Mohammed Harbi, „L’implosion du F.L.N. (été 1962)”, u Gilbert Meynier (ur.), L’Algérie contemporaine. Bilan et solutions pour sortir de la crise, Paris, L’Harmattan, 2000, str. 29. 28 Na drugoj fotografiji, Jugosloven sedi u društvu Slima- na Hofmana, člana Politbiroa Generalštaba,42 i Alija Mendželi- ja,43 zamenika zapovednika Generalštaba, koji su obojica u vojnoj uniformi. Niz fotografija koje je snimio Pečar, naročito u gradu Suk Ahras (nedaleko od Morisove linije44 i granice sa Tunisom) tokom leta 1962. godine svedoče o postepenom napredovanju Generalšta- ba prema glavnom gradu Alžiru, na čelu sa pukovnikom Bumedi- jenom, i nekoliko njegovih najbližih saradnika – među kojima su Ali Mendželi, Sliman Hofman i visoki oficiri – koji se u uniforma- ma pojavljuju na nekoliko fotografija. Grupa ljudi koja je uspela da dođe na vlast proistekla je iz „saveza između vojske oformljenje izvan Alžira i Ben Bele. Njihova pobeda nad borcima za slobodu u samom Alžiru i nad Privremenom vladom Republike Alžira osta- viće posledice koje će teško opteretiti napredovanje zemlje,”45 piše Muhamed Harbi. Primetili smo da je Pečar pre toga, održavao veze i sa nekadašnjim članovima Privremene vlade Republike Alžira (poput Krima Belkacema), ali je, pored toga, prisustvovao i napredovanju vojske oformljene izvan granica Alžira, i to kroz nekoliko etapa. O tome svedoče fotografije na kojima su Bumedijen, Men- dželi, Hofman i drugi oficiri, na pojedinim snimcima u društvu jugoslovenskog reportera, čija je imena na poleđini nekih fotografija autor i zapisao.

42 Posle proglašenja nezavisnosti, Sliman Hofman postao je načelnik oblasti oko grada Alžira.

43 Posle proglašenja nezavisnosti, Ali Mendželi bio je poslanik, potpredsednik Narod- ne skupštine, zatim član Revolucionarnog veća od 1965 do 1967. godine.

44 Nekoliko meseci posle Evijanskog sporazuma i prekida vatre koji su zvanično označili kraj rata u Alžiru (iako je i tokom narednih nekoliko meseci dolazilo do sukoba), Ge- neralštab, odredi takozvane „pogranične” vojske, uspeo je da pređe Morisovu liniju (francuska vojska ih je propustila) i uđe u Alžir sa tenkovima i prikupljenim naoružanjem, i da pre- otme vlast od partizana iz samog Alžira koji su uglavnom bili iscrpljeni i slabo naoružani i koji su, tokom rata, pretrpeli teške gubitke (u ljudstvu i opremi). Međutim, posle mirovnog sporazuma i prekida vatre iz 1962. godine, francuske trupe nisu razminirale Morisovu liniju, pa su mine odnele još mnogo života posle sticanja nezavisnosti.

45 Mohammed Harbi, „L’implosion du F.L.N. (été 1962)”, u Gilbert Meynier (ur.), L’Algérie contemporaine. Bilan et solutions pour sortir de la crise, Paris, L’Harmattan, 2000 op.cit., str. 29. Pečar je verovatno prisustvovao donošenju deklaracije grupe 29 iz Tlemsena (grad na severozapadu Alžira) kojom je objavljeno osni- vanje Politbiroa, 22. jula 1962. godine, u cilju uspostavljanja rukovo- dećeg tela koje može da zameni Privremenu vladu Republike Alžira. Da li je on autor fotografije kojom je ovekovečen istorijski trenutak u kojem Ahmed Bumendžel pred mirkofonom čita saopštenje grupe, u prisustvu nekoliko istaknutih političara koji sede (Muhamed Kider, Ahmed Ben Bela,46 Ferhat Abas…) ili stoje (Huari Bumedijen, Kaid Ahmed, Abdelaziz Buteflika…) oko stola za kojim nekoliko ljudi hvata beleške? Ta fotografija se nalazi u njegovom arhivu, i na njoj je zapisao nekoliko činjenica u vezi s političkim događajem kojim je ova grupa (u kojoj su se našli Ben Bela i zapovednik Generalštaba, Huari Bumedijen, sa njihovim tadašnjim saveznicima) stvorila uslove za preuzimanje vlasti, do čega će i doći nekoliko nedelja kasnije. Nijedna od pomenutih fotografija u vezi s krizom u leto 1962. godine nije objavljenja niti uvrštena u bilo koje od nekoliko uzastopnih izdanja dela Alžir. Verovatno zbog toga što prikazuju elemente i događaje koji su tokom nekoliko decenija bili izostavljeni iz „zvanične” istorije zemlje, jer svedoče o urušavanju Narodno- oslobodilačkog fronta i njegovom cepanju na nekoliko suprotstav- ljenih frakcija tokom krize u leto 1962. godine. O ovim pitanjima poslednjih godina raspravlja se u alžirskoj štampi i u različitim na- učnim radovima.47 S druge strane, u prvo alžirsko izdanje dela Al- žir, uvrštena je fotografija iz 1960. godine (fotografija potiče iz „Fo- tografske službe Narodnooslobodilačke vojske”, ali je njen autor nepoznat), na kojoj se nalaze Šadli Bendžedid (budući predsednik

46 Pošto je došao na vlast uz pomoć Generalštaba (na čelu sa pukovnikom Bumedi- jenom) i drugih saveznika, Ahmed Ben Bela izabran je za predsednika Republike Alžira septembra 1963. godine. Pukovnik Bumedijen (ministar odbrane za vreme Ben Belinog pred- sedničkog mandata) nalaže njegovo hapšenje 19. juna 1965, i državnim udarom ga uklanja sa vlasti. Ben Bela će najpre biti u zatvoru, a zatim u kućnom pritvoru, da bi 1980. godine bio oslobođen.

47 Videti sledeće radove: Mohammed Harbi, „L’implosion du F.L.N. (été 1962)”, in Gil- bert Meynier (ur.), L’Algérie contemporaine. Bilan et solutions pour sortir de la crise, Paris, L’Harmattan, 2000 ; Gilbert Meynier, Histoire intérieure du F.L.N. (1954–1962), Paris, Fayard, 2002; Ali Haroun, Algérie 62. La grande dérive, Paris, L’Harmattan, 2005; i Amar Mohand-Amer, La crise du front de libération nationale de l’été 196: indépendance et enjeux de pouvoir, Pa- ris 7, doktorska teza, mentor Omar Carlier, 2010. Izlaganje Mohand-Amera (u vezi sa krizom 30 Alžira posle Bumedijenove smrti) i jugoslovenski ambasador Lalo- vić. To delo je objavljeno u gradu Alžiru 1987. godine, tokom pred- sedničkog mandata Šadlija Bendžedida, a omogućilo mu je da oja- ča svoj istorijski legitimitet jer svedoči o tome da je i tokom rata za nezavisnost već imao izvesni politički i diplomatski značaj. Kao i njegov, i ostali režimi u Alžiru posle sticanja nezavisnosti nastojali su da za sebe obezbede legitimitet pozivajući se na tu borbu. Reporter, snimatelj i fotograf „Filmskih Novosti”, Titov partizan tokom Drugog svetskog rata, Stevan Labudović, autor je često veoma ekspresivnih filmova i fotografija snimljenih na alžirsko-tuni- žanskoj granici između 1959. i 1962. godine, gde prisustvuje vežbama pogranične vojske, susreće se sa lokalnim stanovništvom, i upoznaje dva visoka oficira koji će zatim biti na čelu Alžira: Huarija Bumedijena i Šadlija Bendžedida. Nekoliko decenija kasnije, te filmove i fotografije poklonio je Alžiru gde se danas čuvaju u Državnom arhivu u gradu Alžiru, u fondu posvećenom jugoslovenskom fotografu i snimatelju. Na njegovim fotografijama, prepoznaje se izražena estetičnost, s dina- mičnim kadrovima i kompozicijama, kao i efekti dobijeni fotografisa- njem u kontralihtu i iz žablje perspektive. Uostalom, „i dugo posle nezavisnosti, Labudović je nastavio da dolazi u Alžir na proslave 1. Novembra i početka oružane borbe. Želeo je da se vrati i ponovo obuče svoju uniformu Narodnoo- slobodilačke vojske i da pozdravi podizanje zastave”48 piše Ahmed Bedžaui. Crno-beli portret Labudovića koji čvrsto, obema rukama, drži kameru, krasi naslovnu stranu dela Cinéma et guerre de libéra- tion. Algérie, des batailles d’images (Kinematografija i oslobodilač- ki rat. Alžir, bitke slikama)49 koju je Bedžaui objavio 2014. godine.

Narodnooslobiodilačkog fronta u leto 1962) može se pogledati na: http://www.canalu.tv/video/ecole_normale_superieure_de_lyon/08_le_fln_a_l_ete_1962_le_pourquoi_d_une_ crise.4378

U dokumentarnom filmu iz 2002. godine, Algérie été 1962, l’indépendance aux deux visages, (Alžir leto 1962, nezavisnost sa dva lica) koji su realizovali Banžamen Stora i Žan-Mišel Meri- ce, brojni akteri ove krize govore o letu 1962. godine.

48 Ahmed Bedjaoui, op. cit., str. 79.

49 Ibid. Izvor iz kojeg je potekla fotografija nije naveden, tako da se ne zna ime autora, uz nju stoji samo sledeće: „Stevan Labudović, snimatelj iz bivše Jugoslavije, koji je bio u redovima Narodnooslobodilačke vojske (od 1959. godine).” Ista fotografija nalazi se na naslovnoj strani kataloga (dvojezičnog, 31 na francuskom i na arapskom) naučnog skupa „L’introduction du visuel dans la Guerre de Libération Nationale. L’image et la Révo- lution” (Uvođenje vizuelnog u Narodnooslobodilački rat. Slika i Revolucija), organizovanog povodom pedesetogodišnjice alžirske nezavisnosti, i održanog 15. i 16. maja 2013. godine u Nacionalnom muzeju moderne i savremene umetnosti u gradu Alžiru, prilikom otvaranja izložbe „Les photographes de guerre. Djounouds du noir et blanc” (Ratni fotografi. Džunudi [vojnici] crno-belog), koja je na istom mestu bila postavljena od 14. maja do 30. avgusta 2013. Ste- van Labudović bio je prisutan među počasnim gostima na izlož- bi radova inostranih fotografa koji su, nepokretnim ili pokretnim slikama, svedočili o alžirskom ratu za nezavisnost, pa je tom prilikom nekoliko njegovih fotografija ponovo prikazano. Takođe, nekoliko članaka u alžirskoj štampi50 novoj publici predstavilo je La- budovićev život i delo (između 1959. i 1962. godine), pa je on dobio nekoliko alžirskih odlikovanja, poziva i zvaničnih priznanja. U maju 2015, godine, u Palati Raisa, poznatoj i pod imenom Bastion 23, održana je izložba Labudovićevih fotografija. „Veze između alžirskog i jugoslovenskog naroda istkane su u žaru naše borbe, i neraskidive su. Borba za slobodu alžirskog naroda po mnogo čemu podseća na borbu jugoslovenskog naroda. I u Al- žiru i u Jugoslaviji, seljaci čine i dušu i telo”51 narodnooslobodilač- ke vojske, napisao je izvesni alžirski autor 1956. godine, u članku u kojem poredi osobenosti zvanične istorije ove dve zemlje. Dve vojske narodnog karaktera, kako se tada govorilo. Uostalom, na jednoj od fotografija, Stevan Labudović izmenio je uobičajene uloge, pa u istom kadru prikazuje alžirskog seljaka koji drži pušku i gleda izvan kadra, i dva vojnika u uniformi, pognutih leđa, koji ašovom obrađuju zemlju.

50 Fateh Adli, „Un Yougoslave à l’avant-garde”, Memoria, avril 2014, voir: http://www.memoria.dz/apr-2014/la-photographie-pendant-la-r-volution ili S.K. Liberté-Algérie : http://www.liberte-algerie.com/culture/ les-larmes-de-labudovic-et-la-solidarite-du-jury-216325/print/1

51 Nepoznati autor, „29 novembre : Fête de la République Yougoslave” u El Moudja- hid, № 56, 27 novembre 1956, citiran u Slimane Chikh, L’Algérie en armes ou le temps des certitudes, Alger, Office des Publications Universitaires, 1981, str. 450–451. 32 Zaključak

Likovi partizana (geriljerosa) i/ili naroda pod oružjem koji će se veoma često, i u najrazličitijim verzijama, sretati u prikazima Tri- kontinentala – u vidu plakata i dokumentarnih filmova posle 1966. godine – u kojima svedoče o solidarnosti sa zemljama trećeg sveta u ratovima za nezavisnost (Mozambik, Gvineja Bisao i Zelenortska Ostrva, Angola…) ili u borbi protiv aparthejda (Južnoafrička Repu- blika), već su bili prisutni u radovima jugoslovenskih fotografa, reportera ili umetnika angažovanih u borbi za alžirsku nezavisnost. Oni su, kako smo to već napomenuli, ponekad i sami bili partizani tokom Drugog svetskog rata. U kontekstu ratova za nezavisnost, kamera se mogla sma- trati oružjem a autori, ili u nekim slučajevima čak i montažeri sni- maka ovih borbi – borcima. Tako je Zdravku Pečaru „1960. godine zabranjen ulazak i boravak u Francuskoj, imajući u vidu njegove aktivnosti u tadašnjem Alžiru”,52 stoji u faksimilu pisma objavljenom u alžirskom izdanju njegove knjige. Ova zabrana, navodi se u pomenutom dokumentu,53 ukinuta je 9. marta 1984. godine, posle gotovo četvrt veka. Neki umetnici i reporteri čija dela prikazuju solidarnost sa borcima za slobodu i sa internacionalistima, razvili su proces iden- tifikacije, svojevrstan efekat ogledala koji u obzir uzima slično- sti a ublažava razlike. U tom pogledu, brojni Pečarovi autoportre- ti kao partizana u redovima alžirskih partizana 1957–58. godine upućuju i na borca Narodnooslobodilačke vojske Jugoslavije tokom Drugog svetskog rata i Alžira tokom rata za nezavisnost od 1954. do 1962. godine što je primer efekta ogledala. U pomenutom filmu Trikontinentala, 79 Primaveras, zahvaljući smeloj i rečitoj monta- ži, vijetnamska deca plešu pred Ho Ši Minom uz zvuke kubanske muzike i glas pevačice Omare Portuondo. Pesmu koja se u filmu čuje u sekvencama Ho Ši Minove sahrane i njegovog „uskrsnuća”

52 Zdravko Pečar, op. cit., str. 4. Ovo pismo, datirano 15. marta 1984. godine, uputio je Moris Grimo, savetnik pri Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova Francuske, Žaku Dipuiu, francuskom ambasadoru u Jugoslaviji.

53 Ibid. (zahvaljujući arhivskim snimcima), „La era está pariendo un co- 33 razón” (Naša era rađa srce), napisao je i komponovao Silvio Rodri- gez, u čast Ernesta Če Gevare, čija je smrt bila objavljena nepo- sredno pre toga. U čitavom filmu, Ho Ši Min je prikazan gotovo istovetno kao Ernesto Če Gevara u drugim Alvarezovim ostvare- njima: kao primer koji treba slediti i koji još uvek živi, kao proleće koje se stalno ponovo rađa. 5

zahvalnost: Ana Sladojević • matje klejb abonank • Muzej afričke umetnosti, beograd • Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, beograd fotografije: [strane 1–9] Objavljene uz dozvolu Muzeja afričke umetnosti: zbirka Vede i dr Zdravka Pečara [strane 34–36] ljubaznošću Stevana Labudovića. Alžirski borci Narodnooslobodilačke vojske pred državnom zastavom blizu alžirsko-tunižanske granice (1960–1962) / Algerian fighters of the National Liberation Army with the flag of the country near the Algerian-Tunisian border (1960–1962) — Stevan Labudović s alžirskim borcima blizu alžirsko-tunižanske granice (1960–1962) / Stevan Labudović with Algerian fighters near the Algerian-Tunisian border (1960–1962) Seljak s puškom i dva alžirska borca Narodnooslobodilačke vojske koji obrađuju zemlju blizu alžirsko- tunižanske granice (1960–1962) / Peasant with a rifle and two Algerian fighters of the National Liberation Army working as farmers near the Algerian-Tunisian border (1960–1962) — Stevan Labudović i alžirski borac blizu alžirsko-tunižanske granice (1960–1962) / Stevan Labudović and an Algerian soldier near the Algerian-Tunisian border (1960–1962) 36

Alžirski borac Narodnooslobodilačke vojske blizu alžirsko-tunižanske granice (1960–1962) / An Algerian fighter of the National Liberation Army near the Algerian-Tunisian border (1960–1962) Regarding Benyoucef Benkhedda, the second President of the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic (9th August 1961 – 22nd July 1962), the successor to Ferhat Abbas and who at- tended the Conference of NAM in Belgrade in 1961, Zdravko Pečar probably photographed him also in Tunisia (but there is currently no available evidence that he took this picture). This photograph can still be seen in Pečar’s personal archives, who was himself later to become a Yugoslav diplomat. In another photograph, one can see Omar Oussedik (State Secretary of the Provisional Gov- ernment of the Algerian Republic and representative of the National Liberation Front in Guinea),39 whispering something to Zdravko Pečar who attentively, silently and concentratedly is listen- ing to him whilst the two of them are watched by Frantz Fanon (the famous psychiatrist, theorist and activist in the struggle for the independence of Algeria, who wrote for the National Liberation Front press and who was the representative of the Provisional government of the Algerian Republic in Ghana before he died prematurely in 1961). There is also a photograph of Pečar and Oussedik in an unknown location (in Guinea or the city of Tunis) who are sitting at a table with two black people (from Sub-Saharan Africa). It is possible that these are two Guinean citizens because Oussedik was nominated to be representative of the National Liberation Front in that country and Pečar was acquainted with him and resided there himself. Pečar’s engagement in the Algerian war of independence is evident in a letter (dated 30th March 1960) written and sent to him by Ferhat Abbas at the time when he was still president of the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic:

continued / xxi “the way you tried to be accurate and how you conducted yourself with the conscience of a true freedom fighter can be seen by the fact that you spent a long time among our fighters. You took part in their actions and you shared in their suffering. You came to be personally certain about the state of our military organization and the military superiori- ty of the enemy. You have documented facts of undoubted historical significance; facts which you so extraordinarily remember to include amongst the pages of your very dis- tressing book. For all that, and for everything that you are still doing, I heartfully thank you on behalf of myself and the Government. In doing so, I celebrate the eternal mem- ory you have left among our soldiers and peasants who perceive you as a brother in arms. Dear Sir and friend, accept my warm and fraternal greetings.”40

In this letter Ferhat Abbas describes Pečar as “a true fighter for freedom” who for the Alge- rian soldiers and peasants (felah) is a “brother in arms”. Abas believes that his work has great historical importance because he documented the war as he witnessed it and gives him credit for participating in the actions (just like any other fighter) of the National Liberation Army soldiers and sharing their suffering with them. The “Algerian” and “African” fund of Zdravko Pečar is also filled with the journals of his numerous trips to Tunisia, Algeria and throughout Africa and after 1958, of the journeys on which he was introduced to or reunited with the numerous prominent politicians of the National Liberation

xxii Front and the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic as well as heads of states or prominent politicians from sub-Saharan Africa. This investigative reporter has continued to build relationships and to gather extensive docu- mentation about Algeria (which is the subject of his doctoral thesis) and he was a firsthand witness of the rise of the military Headquarters (established in 1960 and headed by Houari Boume- diene in order to unify the command of Algerian troops stationed in Morocco and Tunisia, from which comes the name “Border Army” as it is better known) and its path to power via an alliance with the political official Ahmed Ben Bella, who will form the first government of independent Algeria in the summer of 1962 after the declaration of independence on 5th July 1962.41 In another photo, the Yugoslavian is sitting in the company of Slimane Hoffman (a member of the Politburo of the military Headquarters)42 and Ali Mendjeli,43 deputy to the commander of the military Headquarters, who are both in military uniform. A series of photographs taken by Pečar, especially in the city Souk Ahras (near the Morice line44 and the Tunisian border) during the summer of 1962, tell the story about the gradual advance of the military Headquarters towards the Alge- rian capital, headed by Colonel Boumediene, and several of his closest associates (among whom are Mendjeli, Slimane Hoffman and some senior officers), who appear in uniform in several photos. The group which managed to come to power came out of “the alliance between the army formed outside of Algeria and Ben Bella. Their victory over the freedom fighters in Algeria and over the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic will have consequences that will greatly

xxiii hinder the progress of the country”,45 as Moham- med Harbi writes. We noticed that Pečar before this maintained ties with former members of the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic (like Krim Belkacem) but that he was also present at the advancing of the troops through several stages beyond the Algerian borders. Photographs which testify to these ties show Boumediene, Mendjeli, Hoffman and other officers, and in some shots they are in the company of the Yugoslavian reporter, whose names are written by the author on the reverse side of some of the photographs. Pečar was probably present at the declaration of the group from Tlemcen (a city in north- western Algeria) which announced the establish- ment of the Politburo (22nd July 1962) which would create a governing body to replace the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic. Is he the author of the photograph which immortalises the historical moment in which Ahmed Boumendjel reads out over a microphone the statement of the group, in the presence of several prominent politicians who are either sitting (Mohammed Khider, Ahmed Ben Bella,46 Ferhat Abbas…) or standing (Houari Boumediene, Kaïd Ahmed, Abdelaziz Bouteflika…) around a table at which several people are taking notes? On this photograph, which is located in his archive, he wrote a few words relating to this political event at which this group (Ben Bella and the commander of the military Headquarters, Houari Boumediene with their then allies) set the conditions for the takeover that would follow a few weeks later. None of the aforementioned photographs which relate to the crisis in the summer of 1962 were published nor included in any of the succes- sive editions of Algérie. This is probably because

xxiv they showed things and events that, for several decades, have been excluded from the “official” history of the country because they testify to the collapse of the National Liberation Front and its fragmentation into several opposing fractions during the crisis of the summer of 1962. In recent years, these issues have been discussed in the Al- gerian press and in various works.47 On the other hand, in the first edition of Algeria there is a photograph from 1960 (the photograph is from “the Pho- tographic Service of the National Liberation Army”, though its actual author is unknown) in which appear Chadli Bendjedid (the future president of Al- geria after Boumediene had died) and the Yugosla- vian ambassador Lalović. This work was published in Algiers in 1987 during the presidency of Chadli Bendjedid and this enabled him to strengthen his historical legitimacy by providing evidence for the fact that during the war for independence he had enjoyed a certain political and diplomatic significance. As in his case, other regimes in Algeria after independence also strove to gain legitimacy for themselves by referring to this war. Stevan Labudović, the reporter, cameraman and photographer for Filmske Novosti and a Tito partisan during the Second World War, is the author of often very expressive films and photographs from the Algerian-Tunisian border between 1959 and 1962, where he was present at the drills of the “Border Army”, meeting the local population and two senior officers who would later become heads of Algeria: Houari Boumedi- ene and Chadli Bendjedid. A few decades later, he donated these movies and photographs to Algeria and they are now held in the National Archives (in Algiers), in a fund dedicated to this Yugoslavian photographer and cameraman. His photographs

xxv are recognizable by their strong aesthetic, their dynamic scenes and compositions, as well as the effects obtained by photographing with contra lighting and from a frog’s perspective. After all, “and long after independence, Labudović continued to come to Algeria for the celebration of the 1st November and the beginning of the armed struggle. He wanted to come back and wear his National Liberation Army uniform again and to salute the raising of the flag”48 writes Ahmed Bedjaoui. The black-and-white portrait of Labudović who is firmly holding the camera with both hands adorns the front cover of the book “Cinematography and the liberation war. Algeria, battles of images” (Cinéma et guerre de libération. Algérie, des Batailles d’images)49 which was published in 2014 by Bedjaoui. The same photograph is on the cover of the catalogue (bilingual, in French and in Arabic) of the scientific conference “The introduction of the visual in the National Liberation War. The image and the Revolution” (L’introduction du visuel dans la Guerre de Libéra- tion Nationale, L’image et la Révolution), orga- nized on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of Algerian independence and held on 15th and 16th May 2013 in the National Museum of Modern and Contemporary Art in the city of Algiers, during the opening of the exhibition “War photographers. Djounouds (soldiers) of black-and-white” (Les photographes de guerre. Djounouds du noir et blanc), which ran from 14th May to 30th August 2013. Stevan Labudović was present amongst the guests of honour at the exhibition of foreign photographers who had borne witness to the Algerian war for independence with still or moving images and several of his photographs were for this occasion displayed again. As well as this, there were

xxvi several articles in the Algerian press50 which presented Labudović’s life and work (between 1959 and 1962) to a new audience and how he had been decorated with several Algerian distinctions of honour, invitations and official recognitions. An exhibition of Labudović’s photographs was held in May 2015 in the Palace of Rais, also known as the Bastion 23. “The bond between the Algerian and the Yugoslavian people is forged in the heat of our struggle and is unbreakable. The struggle for freedom of the Algerian people in many ways is reminiscent of the struggle of the Yugoslavian people. Both in Algeria and Yugoslavia, the peasants are the soul and the body”51 of the people’s liberation army. This was written by a certain Algerian author in 1956 in an article in which he compared the official histories of these two countries, two armies with a national character, as it was then called. So that in one of his photographs Stevan Labudović switched the usual roles and in the same frame he places an Algerian peasant holding a gun and looking beyond the frame alongside two uniformed soldiers with shovels who bent over dig the earth.

Conclusion Partisan figures (guerilleros) and / or people under arms who would be very often seen in depictions of the Tricontinental (in posters and documentary films after 1966) in which they testify to the solidarity with Third World countries in the wars for independence (Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde, Angola…) or in the fight against apartheid (South African Republic), had already been present in the work of Yugoslavian photographers, reporters or artists engaged in the struggle

xxvii for Algerian independence. As we have already mentioned, sometimes they had themselves been partisans in the Second World War. In the context of the wars for independence, the camera could be regarded as a weapon and the authors, and even in some cases even the film editors of these battles, as fighters. Therefore, Zdravko Pečar was in “1960 banned from enter- ing or staying in France, as a consequence of his activities in the then Algeria”,52 according to a fac- simile of the letter published in the Algerian edition of his book. This ban, according to the aforementioned document,53 was lifted on 9th March, 1984 after almost a quarter century. Some artists and reporters, whose work show solidarity with freedom fighters and the internationalists, developed a process of identi- fication, a particular kind of mirror effect, which takes their similarities into account and dimin- ishes the differences between them. From this perspective, numerous self-portraits of Pečar from 1957 to 1958 as a partisan in the ranks of Algerian partisans refer to both the fighter of the National Liberation Army of Yugoslavia during the Second World War and that of Algeria during the war of independence from 1954 to 1962 which is an example of the mirror effect. The daring and expressive editing of the Tricontinental movie “79 Primaveras” (79 Springs) is evident in the scenes in which Vietnamese children dance in front of Ho Chi Minh to Cuban music and the voice of the singer Omara Portuondo. The song La era está pariendo un corazón (The Era Is Giving Birth to a Heart) which one hears in the film during the sequences of Ho Chi Minh’s funeral and his “resur- rection” (thanks to archival footage) is written and composed by Silvio Rodriguez in honour of

xxviii Ernesto Che Guevara whose death had just been announced. Throughout the film, Ho Chi Minh is shown by Alvarez in almost exactly the same way as he shows Ernesto Che Guevara in his other cre- ations: as a model to be followed and which is still living, as the eternal spring that is constantly and regularly rejuvenated. 5

With thanks to: Ana Sladojević • Mathieu Kleybe Abonnenc • the Museum of African Art, Belgrade • Museum of Yugoslav History, belgrade

Photographs: [pages 1–9] Published with the permission of the Museum of African Art: collection of Veda and Dr Zdravko Pečar. [pages 34–36] courtesy of Stevan Labudović.

xxix xxx Notes

1 “Cuba is the only Latin American and Caribbean country which, as a founding member, participated in the proceedings of the the Non-Aligned Nations summit meeting, Belgrade, 1 September 1961, whilst Bolivia, Brazil and Ecuador participated only as observers.”, Nouvel Ordre International et Non-Aligne- ment/ Bandung/Bagdad 1955-1982, Paris, Éditions du Monde Arabe, 1982, p. 207.

2 The French production house Gaumont recorded the Belgrade demonstrations: http://www.gaumontpathearchives. com/index.php?urlaction=doc&id_doc=309971 “The Belgian Embassy in Belgrade was sacked ” according to the BBC report: http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/february/19/ newsid_2748000/2748931.stm

3 Recordings of the Filmskih novosti of the trilateral meeting on Brioni. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pS9kSjPd0Q0

4 Nouvel Ordre International et Non-Alignement/ Bandung/ Bagdad 1955–1982, Paris, Éditions du Monde Arabe, 1982, p. 207. In this work are collated the most important official texts and chronicles of the Non-Aligned Movement from 1955 to 1982.

5 Alain Gresh, “Vies et morts du tiers-monde”, Le Monde Diplomatique – Manière de voir, № 87, June–July 2006.

6 Alfred Sauvy, “Trois mondes, une planète”, L’Observateur, 14 August 1952.

7 In the time of the Ancien Régime in France, before the French Revolution, the Third Estate made up the representa- tives of the bourgeosie in the Parliament of estates (as per the translator).

8 Emmanuel Sieyès, Qu’est-ce que le Tiers-État? (1788), Paris, Flammarion, Coll. “Champs classiques”, 2009.

9 Alfred Sauvy quoted in Immanuel Wallerstein, “C’était quoi le tiers-monde?”, in Alain Gresh, op. cit., p. 6.

10 Vijay Prashad, Les nations obscures. Une histoire populaire du tiers-monde (The Darker Nations), translation from English by Mari- anne Champagne, Montréal, Les éditions Écosociété, 2009, p. 9.

11 See: Ana Sladojević, Images of Africa, MoCA, Belgrade 2015.

12 Kateb Yacine, “Correspondances.Yugoslavie” (1er avril 1961), in Minuit passé de douze heures. Écrits journalistiques. 1947–1989, Paris, Éditions du Seuil, 1999, p. 126.

xxxi In the article which he wrote during a stay in Yugoslavia, the author speaks about the laudable successes and the literacy of the population, the development until then of what was an almost non-existent industry, and enthusiastically writes about self- management in enterprises and praises the rights enjoyed by workers. Kateb rose up to defend the country against those who who accused it of revisionism: “How did they abandon the socialist struggle? Neither on the domestic nor on the foreign stage did they ever collude with imperialism“. Kateb Yacine, op. cit., p. 127.

13 The whole paragraph is so worded: “The new African States are not receiving, from our point of view, by accident such frequent and considerable help from Yugoslavia. This is not about a surprising affinity, or about cold political calcula- tion, nor about some formal sense of duty based on false principles. No, the Belgrade students really are demonstrating like brothers because of Lumumba and are collecting fifty million dinars for Algerian refugees. They are very close to us, objectively and subjectively.“ in Kateb Yacine, op. cit., p. 126.

14 Zdravko Pečar, Algérie, témoignage d’un reporter yougoslave sur la guerre d’Algérie, p. 16. ENAG, 1987 (second edition from 2009). Yugoslavian edition was published in 1959: Zdravko Pečar, Alžir, Beograd, Kultura, 1959.

15 See: Nicole Grimaud, La politique extérieure de l’Algérie, Paris, Karthala, 1984, and: Ardavan Amir-Aslani, L’âge d’or de la diplomatie algérienne, Paris, Éditions du moment, 2015.

16 See: Vijay Prashad, op. cit. p. 139.

17 Gérard Chaliand et Jean Lacouture, Voyage dans le demi- siècle. Entretiens croisés avec André Versaille, Bruxelles, Éditions Complexe, 2001, p. 285. According to Gérard Chaliand, “tricontinentalism which was officially formed in 1966 at the Conference in Havana, existed in 1961 with the publishing of the work Les Damnés de la terre” (by Frantz Fanon published by François Maspero). See: Gérard Chaliand, Repenser le Tiers-Monde, Brux- elles, Ed. Complexe, Coll. “Historiques”, 1987, p. 39.

18 Mehdi Ben Barka is quoted in: Albert-Paul Lentin, La lutte tricontinentale. Impérialisme et révolution après la conférence de la Havane, Paris, François Maspero, Coll. “Cahiers Libres”, 1966, p. 43. In connection to the life and work of Mehdi Ben Barka, see: Mehdi Ben Barka, Option révolutionnaire au Maroc. Écrits politiques, 1957-1965, Paris, François Maspero, Coll. “Cahiers libres”, 1966. Bachir Ben Barka, Mehdi Ben Barka en héritage. De la Tricontinentale à l’altermondialisme, Paris–Casablanca, Édition Syllepse–Tarik Éditions, 2007; René Gallissot et Jacques Kergoat, Mehdi Ben Barka. De l’indépendance à la Tricontinentale, Paris– Casablanca, Karthala–Institut Maghreb Europe–Eddif, 1997.

xxxii 19 The magazine Tricontinental was published from 1967 in several languages (Spanish, French, English) and in Italian (Feltri- nelli) and French (Maspero) publications between 1969 and 1971.

20 Richard Frick, (ed.), L’Affiche tricontinentale de solidarité, Berne, Éditions Comedia Verlag, 2003; Peter Cushing, Lincoln, ¡Revolución! Cuban Poster Art, San Francisco (USA), Chronicle Books, 2003. See the international workshop “Tricontinental, une expérience graphique” which was organised by the artist Mathieu Abonnenc at the l’École Nationale des Beaux-Arts in Lyon, Novem- ber 2012 in which Zoran Erić and Olivier Hadouchi participated.

21 The corpus of Tricontinental films is collated and presented in the doctoral thesis on cinematography. See: Olivier Hadouchi, Le cinéma dans les luttes de libération: Genèses, initiatives pratiques et inventions formelles autour de la Tricontinentale (1966–1975), mentor: Nicole Brenez, Université de Paris 3, May 2012.

22 Jean-Luc Godard dedicated the second part of his series of films Histoire(s) du cinéma (1997) to Santiago Álvarez.

23 Mohamed Sadek Moussaoui, “On imaginait un Cinecittà près d’Alger”, conversations conducted by Charlotte Garson, in “Où va le cinéma algérien?”, Cahiers du cinéma, Hors-série, Feb- ruary–March 2003, p. 57.

24 This documentary film was made in 2009 and looks at the lives and works of Djamel Chanderli, the first Algerian director who joined the partisan struggle of the National Liberation Front, as well as Ahmed Rachedi, Mohammed Lakhdar-Hamina, not forgetting the outstanding left-wing French cinematographers (René Vautier, Cécile Decugis, Pierre Clémenti, Yann Le Masson), Yugoslavia (Ste- van Labudović, Zdravko Pečar), Bulgaria (probably this concerns Ganev, the author of films made during the summer of 1962 when Algeria got its independence) or even from the USA (Herb Greer and Peter Throckmorton). It can be claimed that during the war of independence, the foreign affairs of the National Liberation Front was pragmatic and non-aligned. The first reporters who filmed soldiers of the National Liberation Front were the two Ameri- cans Herb Greer and Peter Throckmorton. See Marie Chominot, “1956–1957: l’ALN sous l’objectif de deux reporters américains”, in Abderrahmane Bouchène, Jean-Pierre Peyroulou, Ouanassa Siari Tengour et Sylvie Thénault, 1830-1962. Histoire de l’Algérie à la péri- ode coloniale, Paris-Alger, La Découverte-Barzakh, 2012.

25 Matthew Connelly, L’arme secrète du FLN. Comment de Gaulle a perdu la guerre d’Algérie (A Diplomatic Revolution. Alge- ria’s Fight for Independence and the Origine of the Post-Cold War Era, 2002), translation from English Françoise Bouillot, Paris, Payot & Rivages, Coll. “Petite Bibliothèque”, 2014, p. 452. The author shows how the Algerian victory was a great diplomatic victory against several consecutive French leaders.

xxxiii 26 See: Ahmed Bedjaoui, Cinéma et guerre de libération. Algérie, des batailles d’images, Alger, Éditions Chihab, 2014, and Marie Chominot, “Quand la photographie vint à la Révolu- tion. Petite contribution à l’histoire des services d’information du F.L.N. pendant la guerre d’indépendance algérienne”, in Omar Carlier, Images du Maghreb, images au Maghreb (XIX–XXe siècles). Une révolution du visuel ?, Paris, Cahiers du GREMAMO, № 20, L’Harmattan, 2010.

27 Sébastien Denis, Le cinéma et la guerre d’Algérie. La propagande à l’écran (1954–1962), Paris, Nouveau Monde éditions, Coll. “Histoire et Cinéma”, 2009, which mainly looks at the conflict from the French perspective, showing unsuccessful cases of French propaganda.

28 See the works of Benjamin Stora, Laurent Gervereau, Marie Chominot, Fabrice d’Almeida (on “The internationalisa- tion of pictures”), in: Laurent Gervereau and Benjamin Stora, Photographier la guerre d’Algérie, Paris, Marval, 2004.

29 See introduction (from 1959) of “Alžir” by Zdravko Pečar which is published in French under the title “Algérie témoignage d’un reporter yougoslave sur la guerre d’Algérie”, Alger, ENAG, 1987 (reissue 2009).

30 Two French filmmakers Cécile Decugis and Pierre Clé- ment who supported the National Liberation Front recorded two films (Decugis filmed movie in 1957 and Clément 1958) about the Algerian refugees in Tunisia, to show their dramati- cally difficult situation and hard living conditions. The presence of Algerian refugees in Tunisia was sufficient evidence that Algeria is at war with France and its institutions and that it is not just about a few police interventions.

31 Zdravko Pečar, “On the Algerian ‘Maginot Line’”, Algérie témoignage d’un reporter yougoslave sur la guerre d’Algérie, p. 303 (French translation of Pečar, “Alžir”, 1959).

32 The author writes: “The line is crossed in different ways: for example, barbed wire was cut and the minefield was cleared to make a passage for one soldier. The first soldier comes to the electric fence to dig a tunnel under it so that the others could slip through. The last one who goes hides the tunnel behind himself and covers the hole so that the following day the French patrol cannot detect that a passage was carried out.” Then he gives two more examples and concludes: “There are other variations of how to cross the line but more about these when the war is over.” See: Zdravko Pečar, op. cit., pp. 303–304.

33 “I dedicate this book to the soldiers and officers of the National Liberation Army of Algeria whose heroism and self- sacrifice I witnessed, in particular to Abderrahmane Bensalem

xxxiv who commanded his troops and sacrificed them on the Morice line so that his friends from Yugoslavia could see this war and bear witness to it” wrote Zdravko Pečar in the preface to his work from 1959. See Zdravko Pečar, Algeria, op. cit., p. 6. Abder- rahmane Bensalem was a former noncommissioned officer of the French army who switched over to the side of the National Liberation Army of Algeria and fighters for its independence.

34 Gérard Chaliand, Les guerres irrégulières. XXe-XXIe siècle, Paris, Éditions Gallimard, Coll. “Folio actuel”, 2008, p. 17. In this work, which presents a large number of important texts about unusual forms of warfare, there is the testimony of Vladimir Dedijer on the Yugoslavian partisans as well as theoretical texts and several testimonies on Vietnam, Algeria, China or Latin America.

35 This text was released later in the journal Etudes Médi- terranéennes, Paris, 1960, № 8. Zdravko Pečar , op.cit., p. 6.

36 This desire to wear pieces of the clothing and to take on the appearance of others reminds us of Lawrence of Ara- bia who wore hats from Arab countries. However, Yugoslavia was in its support guided by a certain geopolitical vision and a clearly defined policy (non-aligned) but never by colonial or neo-imperial aspirations, so Pečar certainly did not experience the same mental state as Lawrence of Arabia who felt that in order to strengthen British interests and its dominance in one part of the Middle East he had to betray his Arab allies.

37 Ahmed Boumendjel was in the Algerian delegation, which, according to some sources, secretly met with Tito in 1960 in order to strengthen ties and to develop the cooperation between Algeria and Yugoslavia and to make preparations for the conference of NAM in 1961. As a spokesman for the Provi- sional Government of the Algerian Republic, he participated in the negotiations on the Évian Accords between France and the National Liberation Front (represented by the Provisional Gov- ernment of the Algerian Republic), which ended the conflict.

38 In addition to his presidential function, Krim Belkacem alternatingly performed the duties of Minister of Defense, of Foreign and then Internal affairs in the same provisional government between 1958 and 1962. “On the occasion of the meeting with Krim Belkacem in the summer of 1958, several days after he formally took over leadership of military affairs, we talked about the start, development and prospects of the uprising. Since I was the first foreign journalist to be received by Krim, it was not possible to reveal his identity in my then report” writes the journalist who then had already met with this Algerian official before in 1959 or 1960, in Zdravko Pečar, op. cit., p. 27.

xxxv 39 According to Mohammed Harbi, the historian and former member of the National Liberation Front, it was Omar Oussedik who introduced Frantz Fanon to “Algerian nationalism” and “wrote with him a program for a national revolutionary council in 1959” and “was his travel companion in Africa.” See: Moham- med Harbi, “Frantz Fanon et le messianisme paysan” in Sonia Dayan-Herzbrun, “Vers une pensée politique anticoloniale. À partir de Frantz Fanon” in Tumultes, № 31, 2008.

40 This letter in French is in the Zdravko Pečar archive fund, in the Museum of African Art in Belgrade

41 Mohammed Harbi, “L’implosion du F.L.N. (été 1962)”, in Gilbert Meynier (ed.), L’Algérie contemporaine. Bilan et solutions pour sortir de la crise, Paris, L’Harmattan, 2000, p. 29.

42 Following the declaration of independence, Slimane Hoffman became the chief of the area around the city of Algiers.

43 Following the declaration of independence, Ali Mendjeli was a deputy, the Vice President of the National Assembly and then a member of the Revolutionary Council from 1965 to 1967.

44 A few months after the Évian Accords and the ceasefire that officially marked the end of the Algerian war (although during the next few months conflicts occurred), the military Headquarters, the units of so-called “frontier” army, had managed to cross the Morice line (the French army allowed them to pass) and went to Algeria with tanks and collected weapons and took power from the Algerian partisans who were mostly exhausted and poorly armed and who, during the war, suffered heavy losses (in manpower and equipment). But, after the peace agreement and ceasefire in 1962, French troops had not demined the Morice line so that many lives were lost after the independence.

45 Mohammed Harbi, “L’implosion du F.L.N. (été 1962)”, in Gilbert Meynier (ed.), L’Algérie contemporaine. Bilan et solutions pour sortir de la crise, Paris, L’Harmattan, 2000, p. 29.

46 Since he came to power with the help of the military Headquarters (headed by Colonel Boumediene) and other allies, Ahmed Ben Bella was elected for President of the Republic of Algeria in September 1963. Colonel Boumediene (Defense Min- ister during Ben Bella’s presidency) ordered his arrest on 19th June 1965 and via a military coup overthrew him. Ben Bella will imprisoned and then put under house arrest until 1980 after which he was released.

47 See the following works: Mohammed Harbi, “L’implosion du F.L.N. (été 1962)”, in Gilbert Meynier (ed.), L’Algérie contemporaine. Bilan et solutions pour sortir de la crise, Paris,

xxxvi L’Harmattan, 2000; Gilbert Meynier, Histoire intérieure du F.L.N. (1954–1962), Paris, Fayard, 2002 ; Ali Haroun, Algérie 62. La grande dérive, Paris, L’Harmattan, 2005; and Amar Mohand-Am- er, La crise du front de libération nationale de l’été 1962 : indépen- dance et enjeux de pouvoir, Paris 7, PhD thesis, mentor Omar Carlier, 2010. Exposure of Mohand-Amer (about the National Liberation Front crisis in 1962) can be found at: http://www. canalu.tv/video/ecole_normale_superieure_de_lyon/08_le_ fln_a_l_ete_1962_le_pourquoi_d_une_crise.4378

In the documentary film from 2002, Algérie été 1962, l’indépendance aux deux visages, (Algeria Summer of 1962 The In- dependence with Two Faces) made by Benjamin Stora and Jean- Michel Meurice, many participants in this crisis speak about the summer of 1962.

48 Ahmed Bedjaoui, Cinéma et guerre de libération. op. cit., p. 79.

49 Ahmed Bedjaoui, Cinéma et guerre de libération. op. cit. The source from which this photo came from is not given so that the author’s name is unknown and only the following is written next to it: “Stevan Labudović, cameraman from the former Yugoslavia, who was in the ranks of the National Liberation Army (from 1959).”

50 Fateh Adli, “Un Yougoslave à l’avant-garde“, Memo- ria, April 2014, see: http://www.memoria.dz/apr-2014/ la-photographie-pendant-la-r-volution or S.K. Liberté- Algérie: http://www.liberte-algerie.com/culture/les- larmes-de-labudovic-et-la-solidarite-du-jury-216325/ print/1

51 Unknown author, “29 novembre : Fête de la République Yougoslave“ in El Moudjahid, № 56, 27th November 1956, quoted in Slimane Chikh, L’Algérie en armes ou le temps des certitudes, Alger, Office des Publications Universitaires, 1981, pp. 450–451.

52 Zdravko Pečar, Algérie, témoignage d’un reporter yougoslave sur la guerre d’Algérie, op. cit., p. 4. This letter, dated 15th March 1984, was sent by Maurice Grimaud, adviser at the Ministry of the Interior (France) to the French ambassador in Yugoslavia Jacques Dupuy.

53 Ibid.

xxxvii xxxviii xxxix nesvrstani modernizmi non-aligned modernisms — sveska #5 / VOLUME #5

Olivje Aduši SLIKE BORBE NESVRSTANIH I TRIKONTINENTALA — Olivier Hadouchi IMAGES OF NON-ALIGNED AND TRICONTINENTAL STRUGGLES izdavač / publisher: Muzej savremene umetnosti, Beograd / Museum of Contemporary Art, Belgrade • www.msub.org.rs • za izdavača / on behalf of the publisher: Slobodan Nakarada, v.d. direktora / acting director • urednik / editor: Zoran Erić • tekst / text: Olivje Aduši / Olivier Hadouchi • prevod s francuskog na srpski / translation from french into serbian: Branko Rakić • prevod sa srpskog na engleski / translation from serbian into english: Mark Brogan • grafičko oblikovanje / design: Andrej Dolinka • štampa / printed by: Publikum, Beograd / Belgrade • tiraž / print run: 500 • isbn 978–86–7101–324–6 podrška / supported by:

Olivier Hadouchi SLIKE BORBE NESVRSTANIH I TRIKONTINENTALA — IMAGES OF NON-ALIGNED AND TRICONTINENTAL STRUGGLES

5 hadouchi

muzej savremene umetnosti · beograd nm005 museum of contemporary art · belgrade