Quaderni D'italianistica : Revue Officielle De La Société Canadienne

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Quaderni D'italianistica : Revue Officielle De La Société Canadienne Elio Costa From locus amoris to Infernal Pentecost: the Sin of Brunetto Latini The fame of Brunetto Latini was until recently tied to his role in Inferno 15 rather than to the intrinsic literary or philosophical merit of his own works.' Leaving aside, for the moment, the complex question of Latini's influence on the author of the Commedia, the encounter, and particularly the words "che 'n la mente m' è fìtta, e or m'accora, / la cara e buona imagine paterna / di voi quando nel mondo ad ora ad ora / m'insegnavate come l'uom s'ettema" (82-85) do seem to acknowledge a profound debt by the pilgrim towards the old notary. Only one other figure in the Inferno is addressed with a similar expression of gratitude, and that is, of course, Virgil: Tu se' lo mio maestro e'I mio autore; tu se' solo colui da cu' io tolsi lo bello stilo che m'ha fatto onore. {Inf. 1.85-87) If Virgil is antonomastically the teacher, what facet of Dante's cre- ative personality was affected by Latini? The encounter between the notary and the pilgrim in Inferno 15 is made all the more intriguing by the use of the same phrase "lo mio maestro" (97) to refer to Virgil, silent throughout the episode except for his single utterance "Bene ascolta chi la nota" (99). That it is the poet and not the pilgrim who thus refers to Virgil at this point, when the two magisterial figures, one leading forward to Beatrice and the other backward to the city of strife, conflict and exile, provides a clear hint of tension between "present" and "past" teachers. The words "m'insegnavate come I'uom s'etterna" indicate a con- tinuous magisterium on the part of the old teacher, Brunetto, whose specific nature, however, does not seem to be conclusively connected to any particular aspect of Dante's literary or intellectual activity.' The period in question was probably 1285 (Dante's twentieth year) to 1294 (the year of Brunetto's death). This coincided with Dante's QUADERNI dilalianislica Volume X. No. 1-2. 1989 110 Elio Costa own emergence in the literary and eventually the political life of the city. The notary's literary activity had taken place during his exile in France (1260-1266), and in the last years of his life he had become an eminent intellectual-political-civic personality.^ This eminence in the Florence of his time was perhaps best illustrated by Giovanni Villani who, after quoting the titles of his major works (Rettorica, Tesoro and Tesoretto), wrote that he had been "cominciatore e maestro in di- grossare i Fiorentini, e farli scorti in bene parlare, e in sapere guidare e reggere la nostra repubblica secondo la politica" {Cronica 3:22). This striking statement is echoed in Dante's words "m'insegnavate come I'uom s'etterna." Both Villani and Dante attribute to Latini a didactic function. For Villani, Brunetto 's teaching raised the general level of Florentine culture, and seems to have had a particular impact on political thought. It must be emphasized that the intense outburst by the notary in Inferno 15 is centered on questions of a political nature, although in a context which is clearly more personal and sub- jective than Villani 's. The choice of Latini as the central figure in the canto, the spokesman of a past formerly shared by Dante, and his magisterial posture, therefore, seem to match his role as guide and educator for a whole generation of Florentines."* This explains in part the traditionally accepted, but ultimately misleading interpretation of the encounter as a moving interlude, a nostalgic "return" to the past, and as a scene of deep pathos and reverence.^ There is, however, ample evidence in the canto that justifies a dif- ferent approach which, while it does not reject the literal meaning, including the notion of Latini's sin as sodomy, also exposes a more complex poetic strategy of much deeper moral and spiritual signif- icance. Special mention must be made here to a remarkable book by André Pézard who produced a truly impressive array of evidence to support his theory that Latini's sin is "spiritual sodomy," Dante's way of eternally damning his old teacher for contravening the law of nature in writing the Trésor in French. Dante sous la pluie de feu, notwithstanding its great philological ingenuity and its erudition, has received only marginal acceptance. To it, however, we owe a debt of gratitude for opening the door to the need of examining alternative possibilities of interpretation in Inferno 15. The assumption by Latini of a paternal authority is clearly equated to his didactic and guiding role in the life of the young Dante: Front locus amoris lo Infernal Pentecost 111 che 'n la mente m'è fitta, e or m'accora, la cara e buona imagine paterna di voi quando nel mondo ad ora ad ora m'insegnavate come l'uom s'etterna. (82-85) If Brunette's paternal guiding and didactic role had been his in the past, it becomes patently incongruous in view of the presence of Vir- gil at the side of the pilgrim. It is made even more ironic when seen from the perspective of the sin for which he is punished. The very first words spoken by Latini after the initial mutual surprise (which in itself should serve as a clue on how to approach the episode), are two short sentences, each of which is prefaced by a captaiio bene- volentiae: "O figliuol mio, non ti dispiaccia / se Brunetto Latino un poco teco / ritorna 'n dietro e lascia andar la traccia" (31-33), and ." "O figliuol. (37). The prayer to turn back couched in this way is the first step in the seduction of the young poet by the authoritative figure of the old civic sage. A further clue in the subtle process by which the poet exposes the true image of the old teacher is found in Brunetto's enquiry about his pupil's voyage, and in the answer given by the pilgrim: El cominciò: "Quai fortuna o destino anzi l'ultimo dì qua giù ti mena? e chi è questi che mostra '1 cammino?" "Là su di sopra, in la vita serena," rispuos'io lui, "mi smarri' in una valle, avanti che l'età mia fosse piena. Pur ier mattina le volsi le spalle: questi m'apparve, tornand'ì'o in quella, e reducemi a ca per questo calle." (46-54) In thus synthetically informing his teacher of the high points and goal of his mission, the pilgrim is being both exhaustive and evasive. The answer complies with the notary's question by summing up the beginning of the journey, the circumstances of the smarrimento, the role of Virgil, but in doing so it evades the central issue of the real significance of the mission. In the reference to Virgil as "questi," which echoes the "costui" of verse 36, the role of the "new" teacher is bound to remain hidden to Brunetto. In this sense it has the same function as the "colui" in Dante's answer to Cavalcante in Inferno 112 Elio Costa 10.62, which gives rise to the famous equivocation on the part of Guido's father. Indeed, Brunetto remains in the dark, as befits all the souls of the damned, but sodomites in particular, blind to the salvational dimension in Dante's journey (Mazzotta 138-39). This inability by Brunetto to seize the implications of Dante's mission is made even more obvious in the notary's next words: Ed elli a me: "Se tu segui tua stella, non puoi fallire a glorioso porto, se ben m'accorsi ne la vita bella; e s'io non fossi sì per tempo morto, veggendo il cielo a te così benigno dato t'avrei a l'opera conforto." (55-60) The astrological allusion, the prediction of literary glory awaiting Dante, seemingly extend Brunetto's claim to paternal, guiding au- thority beyond death itself, were it npi for the ambiguous nature of these words in which the use of three hypothetical clauses clearly undercuts the old notary's tutorship in a task whose goal he believes he knows. The reason for this ironic equivocation is to be found in the pil- grim's recapitulation of the journey from the smarrimento in the "selva oscura" to this point in time. But while Dante's words ex- press a forward-driving impetus and point to Virgil as a guide to a "home" beyond, Latini is drawn backward to a consideration of a goal which has finite, worldly connotations. The nostalgic reference to the "vita bella," the regret for an "untimely" death, the prediction of glory for the talented pupil, all betray the essence of Latini's false vision. What triggers Brunetto's regression is the echo in the pil- grim's words of a similar experience by the notary as described in the TesorettoJ This literary "palimpsest" (Delia Terza 23) allows the notary to assume his magisterial position and thus to replace Virgil at the side of the pilgrim. Besides this ambiguous super-imposition of the Tesoretto on the Commedia, and vice-versa, other parallel lexical and stylistical elements emerge, revealing a more complex relationship between teacher and pupil than appears on the surface. The expression "a capo chino" (44), for example, which seemingly manifests the pilgrim's reverence for the notary, has quite a different function in the Tesoretto. There, in the passage quoted in the notes 3 From locus amoris lo Infernal Pentecost 1 1 (197), the expression is used as a prelude to the smarrimento, and is suggestive of the despair and anguish at the news of defeat and of exile.
Recommended publications
  • Emotional Minds and Bodies in the Suicide Narratives of Dante's Inferno
    Emotional Minds and Bodies in the Suicide Narratives of Dante’s Inferno Emma Louise Barlow University of Technology Sydney Abstract: Suicide plays a dynamic role in both the narrative and structure of Dante’s Inferno, and yet, in accordance with there being no term for the act in European languages until the 1600s, the poet mentions it only euphemistically: Dido ‘slew herself for love’ (Inf. 5.61), Pier della Vigna describes suicide as a process in which ‘the ferocious soul deserts the body / after it has wrenched up its own roots’ (Inf. 13.94–95), and the anonymous Florentine suicide simply ‘made [his] house into [his] gallows’ (Inf. 13.151). It is thus unsurprising that the notion of mental health in connection with suicide is eQually absent in explicit terms. Reading between the lines of Dante’s poetry, however, it becomes clear that the emotive language and embodied hybridity associated with the suicides within Dante’s oltremondo, and of Dante the pilgrim as he responds to their narratives, highlights a heterogeneous yet shared experience of loss and despair, mirroring contemporary understandings of mental health issues. Through an analysis of the emotive language associated with the narratives of a number of Dante’s suicides, and the hybrid embodiment of numerous suicides inscribed in Dante’s text, this paper hopes to explore the ways in which, even inadvertently, Dante reflects on the distancing of the suicides from the civic bodies of their communities, from their own physical bodies, and from the vital rationality of their human minds, and thus to investigate the ways in which the lack of emotional wellbeing experienced by the suicides forces them to the edges of society’s, and their own, consciousness.
    [Show full text]
  • Thomas Ricklin, « Filosofia Non È Altro Che Amistanza a Sapienza » Nadja
    Thomas Ricklin, « Filosofia non è altro che amistanza a sapienza » Abstract: This is the opening speech of the SIEPM world Congress held in Freising in August 2012. It illustrates the general theme of the Congress – The Pleasure of Knowledge – by referring mainly to the Roman (Cicero, Seneca) and the medieval Latin and vernacular tradition (William of Conches, Robert Grosseteste, Albert the Great, Brunetto Latini), with a special emphasis on Dante’s Convivio. Nadja Germann, Logic as the Path to Happiness: Al-Fa-ra-bı- and the Divisions of the Sciences Abstract: Divisions of the sciences have been popular objects of study ever since antiquity. One reason for this esteem might be their potential to reveal in a succinct manner how scholars, schools or entire societies thought about the body of knowledge available at their time and its specific structure. However, what do classifications tell us about thepleasures of knowledge? Occasionally, quite a lot, par- ticularly in a setting where the acquisition of knowledge is considered to be the only path leading to the pleasures of ultimate happiness. This is the case for al-Fa-ra-b-ı (d. 950), who is at the center of this paper. He is particularly interesting for a study such as this because he actually does believe that humanity’s final goal consists in the attainment of happiness through the acquisition of knowledge; and he wrote several treatises, not only on the classification of the sciences as such, but also on the underlying epistemological reasons for this division. Thus he offers excellent insight into a 10th-century theory of what knowledge essentially is and how it may be acquired, a theory which underlies any further discussion on the topic throughout the classical period of Islamic thought.
    [Show full text]
  • Appendix A: Selective Chronology of Historical Events
    APPENDIX A: SELECTIVE CHRONOLOGY OF HIsTORICaL EVENTs 1190 Piero della Vigna born in Capua. 1212 Manente (“Farinata”) degli Uberti born in Florence. 1215 The Buondelmonte (Guelf) and Amidei (Ghibelline) feud begins in Florence. It lasts thirty-three years and stirs parti- san political conflict in Florence for decades thereafter. 1220 Brunetto Latini born in Florence. Piero della Vigna named notary and scribe in the court of Frederick II. 1222 Pisa and Florence wage their first war. 1223 Guido da Montefeltro born in San Leo. 1225 Piero appointed Judex Magnae Curia, judge of the great court of Frederick. 1227 Emperor Frederick II appoints Ezzelino da Romano as commander of forces against the Guelfs in the March of Verona. 1228 Pisa defeats the forces of Florence and Lucca at Barga. 1231 Piero completes the Liber Augustalis, a new legal code for the Kingdom of Sicily. 1233 The cities of the Veronese March, a frontier district of The Holy Roman Empire, transact the peace of Paquara, which lasts only a few days. © The Author(s) 2020 249 R. A. Belliotti, Dante’s Inferno, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-40771-1 250 AppeNDiX A: Selective ChrONOlOgY Of HistOrical EveNts 1234 Pisa renews war against Genoa. 1235 Frederick announces his design for a Holy Roman Empire at a general assembly at Piacenza. 1236 Frederick assumes command against the Lombard League (originally including Padua, Vicenza, Venice, Crema, Cremona, Mantua, Piacenza, Bergamo, Brescia, Milan, Genoa, Bologna, Modena, Reggio Emilia, Treviso, Vercelli, Lodi, Parma, Ferrara, and a few others). Ezzelino da Romano controls Verona, Vicenza, and Padua.
    [Show full text]
  • Brunetto Latini's Tesoro in Print
    David Napolitano Ex Historia 19 David Napolitano1 University of Cambridge Brunetto Latini’s Tesoro in print Brunetto Latini (c. 1220-1294), a Florentine notary, wrote one of the first European encyclopaediae in the vernacular, Li Livres dou Tresor, during an exile in France (1260-1266/7).2 This literary work consists of three books, hence the plural in its title.3 The first book deals with theoretical knowledge. After a brief presentation of the encyclopaedia’s organisational plan this book starts with a discussion of theological matters. Its central section contains a universal history. It continues with physics, cosmology, and geography, and it ends with mechanical arts and a bestiary. The first section of the second book is a translation of Aristotle’s Nichomachean Ethics, while the second part contains a panoply of moral precepts. The third and final book revolves around the art of rhetoric and politics. The Tresor instantly became a bestseller and its fortune extended widely beyond its place of origin. Originally written in the langue d’oïl (Old French) translations into Old Italian, generally referred to as the Tesoro, were quickly produced. The manuscript tradition spanned almost three centuries 1 David Napolitano ([email protected]) is a Ph.D Candidate in History at the University of Cambridge (2011-2014). Under the supervision of Professor David Abulafia he is preparing a thesis, entitled "The professional profile and moral code of conduct of the podestà in thirteenth-century Italy". His academic interest lies primarily in studying the political history of medieval Italy with an emphasis on the functioning of the podestà as a professional city magistrate, the development of a podestà literature, and the nexus between ethics and politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Dante, Spenser, Milton
    religions Article Learning to Read Big Books: Dante, Spenser, Milton Christopher A. Hill Department of English and Modern Foreign Languages, University of Tennessee Martin, Martin, TN 38238, USA; [email protected] Received: 6 March 2019; Accepted: 18 April 2019; Published: 25 April 2019 Abstract: The interpretive challenges posed by dense and lengthy poems such as Dante’s Inferno, Spenser’s Faerie Queene, and Milton’s Paradise Lost can prove daunting for the average undergraduate reader whose experience of texts has been circumscribed by pedagogical mandates focused on reading for information. While information-retrieval based reading certainly has its place, the experience of reading these longer, more allegorical and symbolic poems can create in the attentive reader a far more valuable kind of learning, understood by Dante and his heirs, all working from Homeric and Virgilian models, as understanding. Each of these long poems pay very close attention to acts of interpretation, foregrounding the experiences of their characters to illustrate the proper way to move from sense, past speculation, to true understanding. Those who heed these lessons, and embrace the experience offered by the poet, find that the daunting task has been outlined as the necessary step to true knowledge rather than mere information. Keywords: Dante; Milton; Spenser 1. “Read It Well” In the introductory poem of Ben Jonson’s grouping of epigrams in his 1616 Folio, he makes a request of his reader: Pray thee, take care, that tak’st my book in hand, To read it well: that is, to understand. (Jonson 1996, p. 35) Jonson is famously impatient with the wrong kinds of readers—those unable to comprehend his carefully constructed epideictic poems even as he pulls from all the considerable Horatian and Ciceronian resources at his disposal.
    [Show full text]
  • Between Friends Discourses of Power and Desire in the Machiavelli
    JOHN M. NAJEMY Between Friends Discourses of Power and Desire in the Machiavelli-Vettori Letters of 1513-1515 PRINCETON LEGACY LIBRARY c."Between friends DISCOURSES OF POWER AND DESIRE IN THE MACHIAVELLI-VETTORI LETTERS OF 1513-1515 John M. Najemy PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS • PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY Copyright © 1993 by Princeton University Press Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street, Princeton, New Jersey 08540 In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, Chichester, Wesr Sussex All Rights Reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Najemy, John M., 1943- Between friends : discourses of power and desire in the Machiavelli-Vettori letters of 1513-1515 / John M. Najemy. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-691-03262-9 z. Machiavelli, Niccolo, 1469-1527-Correspondence. 2. Vettori, Francesco, 1474-1539-Correspondence. 3. Italy-Intellectual life-1268-1559. DG738.14.M2A4 1993 320.1'092-dc20 93-9737 CIP This book has been composed in Garamond typeface Princeton University Press books are printed on acid-free paper and meet the guidelines fur permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources Printed in the United States of America IO 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 Princeton Legacy Library edition 2019 Paperback ISBN: 978-0-691-65522-2 Hardcover ISBN: 978-0-691-65664-9 To the memory of Hans Baron (1900-1988) and Edward P. Morris (1924-1989) ?f CONTENTS ?f Prefac e ix Abbreviations xiii INTRODUCTION : The Letters in Machiavelli
    [Show full text]
  • Claude La Charité: La Rhétorique Épistolaire De Rabelais (Collection «Littérature(S)», Dirigée Par Guy Champagne, Vol
    Rhetorical Review 3:1 (February 2005) 1 _____________________________________________________________________________ Claude La Charité: La rhétorique épistolaire de Rabelais (Collection «Littérature(s)», dirigée par Guy Champagne, vol. 21) Québec: Éditions Nota bene, 2003 308 pages (tables; bibliography; appendices with illustrations; index) ISBN: 2-89518-102-0 Price: Can $24.95 Luc Vaillancourt: La lettre familière au XVIe siècle: Rhétorique humaniste de l’épistolaire (Études et essais sur la Renaissance, dirigés par Claude Blum, vol. 42) Paris: Honoré Champion, 2003 464 pages (bibliography; index) ISBN: 2-7453-0801-7 Price: €76 Although published on opposite sides of the Atlantic, the studies of sixteenth-century French letter writing by Claude La Charité, Professor at the Université du Québec à Rimouski, and Luc Vaillancourt, Professor at the Université du Québec à Chicoutimi, have similar structures and goals. These can be explained by their common scholarly mentors and models. They have been associated with the same circles: in Canada, with GARSE-XVI (Groupe d’analyse et de recherche sur l’écriture des femmes au XVIe siècle) led by Diane Desrosiers-Bonin, McGill University, and Jean-Philippe Beaulieu, Université de Montréal, and in France with the Atelier “Langue et littérature du XVIe siècle” led by Mireille Huchon, Université de Paris IV-Sorbonne. The model of both studies may be Jacques Chomarat’s magisterial, two-volume Grammaire et rhétorique chez Érasme (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1981), which treats the letter under “Les Genres Oratoires”. Following his examination of Opus de conscribendis epistolis, Chomarat analyzes Erasmus’ own use of the categories the treatise describes in four letters: deliberative, demonstrative, judicial, and familiar.
    [Show full text]
  • BRUNETTO LATINI, Livre De Trésor in French, Decorated Manuscript on Paper Western France (Brittany?), C
    BRUNETTO LATINI, Livre de Trésor In French, decorated manuscript on paper Western France (Brittany?), c. 1475-1500 i (paper) + 179 + i (paper) folios on paper (with watermarks similar to Briquet no. 2013, “Armoiries: Moucheture d’Hermine”: Beaumont, 1475, Saint-Malo, 1487; similar to Briquet no. 1565, “Armoiries: Une fleur de lis”: Saint-Malo 1494; similar to Briquet no. 15086, “Tête de bœuf”: Plouzané, 1477; similar to Briquet nos. 1526, “Armoiries: Une fleur de lis”: Orléans, 1444, Paris, 1445, Juigné-sur-Loire, 1446, Orléans, 1447-56, Anvers, 1448-49, Chartres, 1453, Lorris, 1455, Châteaudun, 1457 and 1530, “Armoiries: Une fleur de lis”: Tours, 1509, Rillé, 1513), modern foliation in pencil, top outer recto, 1-179, final flyleaf foliated in ink, top outer recto, 180 (collation, i10 ii-xii12 xiii10 xiv-xv12 xvi4 [-4, cancelled with no loss of text]), quire vii signed f in inner lower margin of first recto (f. 71), quires xii and xiv signed a and c in inner lower margins of final versos (ff. 142v, 164v), horizontal catchwords on the inner lower margin (quires iv-viii, x, xiv; partially cropped ff. 70v, 94v, 164v), parchment reinforcement strips pasted in the fold on the inner bifolia of each quire and on the outer bifolia of quires iii-xv, frame-ruled in brown or, in five of the six bifolia in quire vi, red ink (justification, 209-222 x 141-153 mm.), text written in brown ink in a French gothic cursiva script in 28 to 52 long lines per page, guide letters for initials, red rubrics, majuscules stroked in red, names of cited authorities written or underlined in red, 1- to 3-line plain initials alternately in red and blue, 4-line plain red initial (f.
    [Show full text]
  • Dante and Tolkien: Their Dei As About Evil John Seland Nanzan University, Japan
    Inklings Forever Volume 5 A Collection of Essays Presented at the Fifth Frances White Ewbank Colloquium on C.S. Lewis & Article 30 Friends 6-2006 Dante and Tolkien: Their deI as about Evil John Seland Nanzan University, Japan Follow this and additional works at: https://pillars.taylor.edu/inklings_forever Part of the English Language and Literature Commons, History Commons, Philosophy Commons, and the Religion Commons Recommended Citation Seland, John (2006) "Dante and Tolkien: Their deI as about Evil," Inklings Forever: Vol. 5 , Article 30. Available at: https://pillars.taylor.edu/inklings_forever/vol5/iss1/30 This Essay is brought to you for free and open access by the Center for the Study of C.S. Lewis & Friends at Pillars at Taylor University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Inklings Forever by an authorized editor of Pillars at Taylor University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INKLINGS FOREVER, Volume V A Collection of Essays Presented at the Fifth FRANCES WHITE COLLOQUIUM on C.S. LEWIS & FRIENDS Taylor University 2006 Upland, Indiana Dante and Tolkien: Their Ideas about Evil John Seland Seland, John. “Dante and Tolkien: Their Ideas about Evil.” Inklings Forever 5 (2006) www.taylor.edu/cslewis Dante and Tolkien: Their Ideas about Evil John Seland Introduction Dante: The Divine Comedy When we compare the lives of Dante Alighieri (1265-1321) with that of J.R.R. Tolkien (1892-1973), As in The Lord of the Rings, The Divine Comedy is we find that, although they lived in totally different presented in the form of a journey.3 The pilgrim is historical periods and in countries culturally and Dante himself, who hopes to profit from his experiences geographically far removed from each other (one in and to return to earth and share what he has learned Italy, the other in England), their lives as well as their with others.
    [Show full text]
  • Brunetto Latino&Q
    James T. Chiampi 1 SER BRUNETTO, SCRIBA AND LITTERATO he episode of the damnation of Brunetto Latini-or "Brunetto Latino", as he names himself-is an important moment in Dante's meditation on inscription, a meditation he carries out throughout Tthe Commedia as he elaborates a figured Christian metaphysics in both his narrative and in his addresses to the reader. Most importantly in the Paradiso: there Dante uses inscription to figure the reconciliation of the eudaimonistic with the deontological; that is, having chosen their good- and happiness-as God, the souls of the Just find their reward in forming letters which spell out the divine injunction, "DILIGITE IUSTITIAM.../ QUI IUDICATIS TERRAM..." (Par. XVIII, 91; 93), which is the first verse of the Book of Wisdom, for the edification both of the Pilgrim and the reader1. Perhaps surprisingly, the happiness of the Just is made to reside in their duty and their self-effacement; that is, in the spirit of humble Piccarda, they love their self-effacement. Theirs is a gesture of sublime humility, for Dante has these imagines Dei freely accept their secondary and derived status as copies, which makes their self-awareness both sacrificial and laudative. Put negatively, they thus acknowledge that they are neither the Exemplar nor unique-as if to demonstrate their innocence of pride, the primordial sin. After all, the Poet posits absolute creativity and uniqueness-be it of personhood or of activity-only of God: "Quei che dipinge lì, non ha chi 'l guidi; / ma esso guida, e da lui si rammenta / quella virtù ch'è forma per li nidi" (Par.
    [Show full text]
  • Civic Genealogy from Brunetto to Dante
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2016 The Root Of All Evil: Civic Genealogy From Brunetto To Dante Chelsea A. Pomponio University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Medieval Studies Commons Recommended Citation Pomponio, Chelsea A., "The Root Of All Evil: Civic Genealogy From Brunetto To Dante" (2016). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2534. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2534 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2534 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Root Of All Evil: Civic Genealogy From Brunetto To Dante Abstract ABSTRACT THE ROOT OF ALL EVIL: CIVIC GENEALOGY FROM BRUNETTO TO DANTE Chelsea A. Pomponio Kevin Brownlee From the thirteenth century well into the Renaissance, the legend of Florence’s origins, which cast Fiesole as the antithesis of Florentine values, was continuously rewritten to reflect the changing nature of Tuscan society. Modern criticism has tended to dismiss the legend of Florence as a purely literary conceit that bore little relation to contemporary issues. Tracing the origins of the legend in the chronicles of the Duecento to its variants in the works of Brunetto Latini and Dante Alighieri, I contend that the legend was instead a highly adaptive mode of legitimation that proved crucial in the negotiation of medieval Florentine identity. My research reveals that the legend could be continually rewritten to serve the interests of collective and individual authorities. Versions of the legend were crafted to support both republican Guelfs and imperial Ghibellines; to curry favor with the Angevin rulers of Florence and to advance an ethnocentric policy against immigrants; to support the feudal system of privilege and to condemn elite misrule; to denounce the mercantile value of profit and ot praise economic freedom.
    [Show full text]
  • Reading Charlemagne in Outremer.Pdf
    Reading Charlemagne in Outremer Laura K. Morreale (Affiliated Scholar, Harvard University, Department of History & Fordham University, Center for Medieval Studies) [email protected] Who will dare to preach and speak of God any more in square or cloister, and announce benefits and indulgences, [when no-one is disposed to perform] anything which can assist Our Lord to conquer and win back the land where He paid our ransom with His blood? Lord prelates, it is neither good nor just that you so delay helping Him: you, this can certainly be said, have made Roland of God and Ganelon of yourselves. From “Jerusalem se plaint et li païs” by Huon de Saint-Quentin, 13th century.1 As the lyrics of Huon de Saint-Quentin suggest, Charlemagne’s name and those of his household, including Roland and Ganelon, were easily recognized among Latin Christians living in the lands of the Levant during the crusading period, from the early twelfth until the late fifteenth century. Previous studies of Outremer literary culture have pieced together circumstantial evidence to claim that works from the matière de France and the Charlemagne-centered Cycle du Roi formed the basis for a cohesive cultural identity for Western Christians living in the East.2 However, at the same moment works belonging to the matière de France were flourishing in the West, scant evidence remains that these same texts were produced, copied, or circulated in Outremer.3 The near absence of these works or of the Frankish king in the eastern repertoire more generally highlights how writing and reading in Outremer followed a trajectory independent from these same activities in the West.
    [Show full text]