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One Shaping the Colonial City

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One Shaping the Colonial City NOTES One Shaping the Colonial City 1. According to Charles Gibson, the rainy season was delayed, with a corresponding drought in May of that year. Almost all the maize was destroyed by severe frost. Shortages began in September, with a corresponding sharp increase in the price of corn in the last months of the year, into 1786. See Charles Gibson, The Aztecs Under Spanish Rule: A History of the Indians of the Valley of Mexico, 1519–1810 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1964), 457–458. Between 1784 and 1787, in response to the drought, 40,000 people migrated into the city in search of work. See Silvia Marina Arrom, The Women of Mexico City, 1790–1857 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985), 6. 2. Although this process began to develop sooner in many regions of New Spain (i.e., Chiapas), one of the consequences of the Bourbon Reforms was to turn payment of Indian tribute from kind into cash, thus forcing many Indians into the fledgling cash economy of the cities. 3. John Kicza, “Migration to Major Metropoles in Colonial Mexico,” in Migration in Colonial Spanish America, ed. David J. Robinson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 193–211. 4. Ibid., 207. 5. Along with drought and famine, the other large-scale catastrophe that the population of New Spain faced in the eighteenth century was disease. Smallpox epidemics were constant during this time; Mexico City in particular faced crises in 1736–1739, 1779–1780, 1798, and 1804. The city also faced epidemics of measles in 1727–1728, and 1768–1769. Various diseases, fevers, and maladies were part of everyday life for the inhabitants of the Spanish colonies, especially in the cities; see Gibson, The Aztecs, 448–449. 6. Mexico City was not alone in this experience. In Paris, for example, there were connections made between the rise in urban populations and the general decline of health and cleanliness in the city. City leaders believed that migrants brought problems to the city, and they demon- ized the homeless in particular because of their inability to secure gainful employment. In return, they had to rely on begging and stealing to survive and were forced to live on the streets. All of their actions and behaviors, especially the “ones which pollute,” were on public display, and thus easy targets. See Louis Chevalier, Laboring Classes and Dangerous Classes in Paris During the First Half of the Nineteenth Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1973), 148. The same attitudes prevailed in Mexico City in regard to increasing problems with public sanitation. In their attempts to organize new sanitation programs, city officials perceived the daily activities of lower-class groups, such as public defecation and urination, and the indiscriminate dumping of garbage, as the main cause of urban pollution and the spread of disease. 164 Notes 7. Recent scholarship has done an excellent job at examining the role of crime in Mexico City for the late colonial and early independence periods. See Michael C. Scardaville, Crime and the Urban Poor: Mexico City in the Late Colonial Period. (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Florida, 1977); and Gabriel Haslip-Viera, Crime and Punishment in Late Colonial Mexico City, 1692–1810 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1999). 8. Archivo Histórico de la Ciudad de México (hereafter AHCM), Clausura de Callejónes, Vol. 443, Exp. 24. 9. AHCM, Clausura de Callejónes, Vol. 443, Exp. 25. 10. Pulque is an alcoholic beverage made from fermented agave cactus. It was extremely popular among the lower classes during the colonial period. 11. Linda Curcio-Nagy, “Giants and Gypsies: Corpus Christi in Colonial Mexico City,” in Rituals of Rule, Rituals of Resistance: Public Celebrations and Popular Culture in Mexico, ed. William H. Beezley, Cheryl English Martin, and William E. French (Wilmington: Scholarly Resources, 1994), 1–24; Susan Deans-Smith, “The Working Poor and the Eighteenth-Century Colonial State: Gender, Public Order, and Work Discipline,” in Rituals of Rule, Rituals of Resistance, 47–76; Cheryl English Martin, “Public Celebrations, Popular Culture, and Labor Discipline in Eighteenth-Century Chihuahua,” in Rituals of Rule, Rituals of Resistance, 95–126; Haslip-Viera, Crime and Punishment; Michael Scardaville, “(Hapsburg) Law and (Bourbon) Order: State Authority, Popular Unrest, and the Criminal Justice System in Bourbon Mexico City,” The Americas 50, 4 (April 1994): 501–525; and “Alcohol Abuse and Tavern Reform in Late Colonial Mexico City,” Hispanic American Historical Review 60, 4 (November 1980): 643–671; Pamela Voekel, “Peeing on the Palace: Bodily Resistance to Bourbon Reforms in Mexico City,” Journal of Historical Sociology 5, 2 (1992): 183–208; and Alone before God: The Religious Origins of Modernity in Mexico (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2002); Juan Pedro Viquera Albán, Propriety and Permissiveness in Bourbon Mexico, trans. Sonya Lipsett-Rivera and Sergio Rivera Ayala (Wilmington: Scholarly Resources, 1999); Silvia Marina Arrom, Containing the Poor: The Mexico City Poor House, 1774–1871 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2000). Mexico City was not the only city that was concerned with “unruly” classes. European cities, such as London and Paris, also suffered from the consequences of urbanization and the desire to alter the behavior of the lower classes. See M. Dorothy George, London Life in the Eighteenth Century (New York: Harper and Row, 1926); A.L. Beier and Roger Finlay, eds. The Making of the Metropolis: London, 1500–1700 (London: Longman Press, 1985); Jeffrey Kaplow, The Names of Kings: The Parisian Laboring Poor in the Eighteenth Century (New York: Basic Books, 1972); Robert Woods and John Woodward, Urban Disease and Mortality in Nineteenth-Century England (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1984); Chevalier, Laboring Classes. 12. James Scott argues that the ordinary weapons of powerless groups, such as foot-dragging, false compliance, and feigned ignorance, what he terms “everyday forms of resistance,” are just as effective as more overt, openly organized and violent uprisings. Everyday resistance is important in its implicit disavowal of elite goals, yet at the same time, the state often does not want to publicize the insubordination, for fear of admitting its policy is unpopular and a challenge to their authority. While Scott’s arguments are based on the peasant experience in Malaysia, his ideas are certainly applicable to colonial Mexico City. See James Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985). 13. Arrom, Containing the Poor, 17. 14. Ibid., 32–38. 15. Pedro Fraile, La otra ciudad del Rey: ciencia de policía y organizacion urbana en España (Madrid: Celeste Ediciones, 1997). 16. Josef W. Konvitz, The Urban Millennium: The City-Building Process from the Early Middle Ages to the Present (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1985), 46. Notes 165 17. In the case of Mexico City and Lima, the Viceroy’s palace would take up space along one side of the Plaza Mayor along with the residence of the Archbishop. 18. Christopher Lutz, Santiago de Guatemala, 1541–1773: City, Caste, and the Colonial Experience (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994), 45–49. 19. Ibid., 47. 20. This can certainly be seen in examining the developing sophistication and accuracy of maps of Mexico City. The maps of the early colonial period, especially through the sixteenth and into the seventeenth centuries, tend to be more illustrative in nature, depicting Mexico City as a landscape, and are generally inaccurate in size and scale. By the late seventeenth century, and into the eighteenth, mapmakers become much more accurate, as they master principles of mathematics and geometry and translate that knowledge into maps more accu- rate in scale. For examples of the development of maps of Mexico City, see Sonia Lombardo de Ruíz, Atlas Histórico de la Ciudad de México (México: Smurfit Cartón y Papel de México, 1997). 21. There are a number of excellent anthologies and monographs that deal in part with the his- tory of Mexico City during the colonial period. They include the following: Carlos Illades y Ariel Rodríguez, compilers, Ciudad de México: instituciones, actores sociales, y conflicto político, 1774–1931 (México: El Colegio del Michoacán y la Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, 1996); Regina Hernández Franyuti, ed., La Ciudad de México en la primera mitad del Siglo XIX, 2 volumes (México: Instituto de Investigaciones Dr. José Mariá Luis Mora, 1994); R. Douglas Cope, The Limits of Racial Domination: Plebeian Society in Colonial Mexico City, 1660–1720 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1994); Timothy Anna, The Fall of the Royal Government in Mexico City (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994); John E. Kicza, Colonial Entrepreneurs: Families and Business in Bourbon Mexico City (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1983); Linda Arnold, Bureaucracy and Bureaucrats in Mexico City, 1742–1835 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1988); Juan Javier Pescador, De bau- tizos a fieles difuntos: Familia y mentalidades en una parroquia urbana: Santa Catarina de México, 1568–1820 (México: El Colegio de México, 1992). See also Arrom, The Women of Mexico City, the chapter on Indians in the city in Gibson, The Aztecs, and Haslip-Viera, Crime and Punishment. 22. Throughout the colonial period in Mexico City, issues surrounding water, from drainage and flooding, to access to potable water, presented constant struggles for the city’s inhabit- ants. An excellent examination of one of the worst floods the city faced is found in Louisa Schell Hoberman, City Planning in Spanish Colonial Government: The Response of Mexico City to the Problem of Floods, 1607–1637 (Ph.D. Dissertation, Columbia University, 1972). 23. AHCM, Aguas: Fuentes Públicas, Vol. 58, Exp. 25. 24. AHCM, Aguas: Cañerías, Vol. 21, Exp. 107. 25. This term is used as a collective reference to people of lower class, common, status. It is jux- taposed against gente decente, or the “decent” people, who represented those within colonial society of high social and economic standing.
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