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WHEN POPULISM MEETS NATIONALISM Reflections on Parties in Power
WHEN POPULISM MEETS NATIONALISM Reflections on Parties in Power edited by Alberto Martinelli activities with a significant introduction by Paolo Magri caudem faudam mo con tatuit, firmant erfirios, nest ad Pennsylvania, ISPI placed first When Populism Meets Nationalism Reflections on Parties in Power edited by Alberto Martinelli © 2018 Ledizioni LediPublishing Via Alamanni, 11 – 20141 Milano – Italy www.ledizioni.it [email protected] When Populism Meets Nationalism. Reflections on Parties in Power Edited by Alberto Martinelli First edition: December 2018 The opinions expressed herein are strictly personal and do not necessarily reflect the position of ISPI. Print ISBN 9788867059003 ePub ISBN 9788867059010 Pdf ISBN 9788867059027 DOI 10.14672/67059003 ISPI. Via Clerici, 5 20121, Milan www.ispionline.it Catalogue and reprints information: www.ledizioni.it Table of Contents Introduction........................................................................ 7 Paolo Magri 1. Populism & Nationalism: The (Peculiar) Case of Italy............................................... 13 Alberto Martinelli 2. National-Populism in Trump’s First Year of Presidency.................................................... 47 Eliza Tanner Hawkins, Kirk A. Hawkins 3. Populism and Nationalism in CEE: Two of a Perfect Pair?....................................................... 71 Radoslaw Markowski 4. The Unsettling Shadow of the Past: National-Populism in Austria......................................... 95 Karin Liebhart 5. Turkey’s AKP and the West: Nationalism, -
Rosmini's Liberalism and the Shadow of Adam Smith
Journal of Markets & Morality Volume 21, Number 2 (Fall 2018): 271–295 Copyright © 2018 Rosmini’s Liberalism and the Shadow Alberto Mingardi* of Adam Smith IULM University of Milan The purpose of this article is to show the impact on Rosmini’s economic thinking from one strain of classical liberal economics—that of Adam Smith. Rosmini’s reflections on Smith, which are far from episodic, show a degree of affinity and a strong intellectual preference for laissez-faire versus economic intervention- ism. This article explores selected instances in Rosmini’s economic and political works in which either Rosmini himself quotes Smith, or the latter’s shadow seems unmistakable. It focuses in particular on Rosmini’s approach to economics as a science (and his criticism of “mechanical” utilitarianism); his views of competi- tion, monopoly, and protection; and his fiscal theory, as the places in which his reading of Smith most reverberates. Rosmini’s approaches to these problems constitute sufficient evidence to place him within the classical liberal tradition. Introduction “If [classical] liberal economics did not exist, Rosmini, for the sake of consistency with his own ideas, would have to invent it” (Piovani 1957: 79). This statement by Pietro Piovani (1922–1980) may sound astonishing, since it does not refer to an economist but to a Catholic priest, founder of religious orders, and philosopher. Antonio Rosmini (1797–1855) was indeed a passionate advocate of competition. Rosmini was no second-league thinker in nineteenth century Italy. He left behind an enormous body of writings: The still-incomplete critical edition of his works would amount to more than one-hundred volumes. -
K. Westphal, 'The Basic Context and Structure of Hegel's Philosophy Of
KENNETH WESTPHAL 8 The basic context and structure of Hegel's Philosophy of Right i My aim in this essay is to sketch the political and philosophical context of Hegel's Philosophy of Right and to reconstruct the basic aim and structure of its main argument.1 I argue that Hegel is a reform-minded liberal who based his political philosophy on the analysis and fulfillment of individual human freedom. Hegel gave this theme a profound twist through his social conception of human individuals. He argued that individual autonomy can be achieved only within a communal context. II To understand Hegel's political views, it is helpful to see how they stand with regard to conservatism, romanticism, and liberalism. He- gel has been accused of conservatism or worse. The most common basis for this charge is Hegel's claim that what is rational is actual and what is actual is rational (Preface 24/20). This claim has been taken as a blanket endorsement of the status quo, but in the para- graph headed by this statement, Hegel distinguished between phe- nomena that embody a rational structure and those that do not. The mere fact that a state exists, on Hegel's view, does not entail that it is either rational or, in Hegel's technical sense, "actual." Hegel's distinction between existence and actuality is tied to his metaphys- ics, according to which the universe's rational structure progres- sively actualizes itself. In the political sphere, this means that social institutions aspire and tend to achieve a fundamentally rational form. -
The History of World Civilization. 3 Cyclus (1450-2070) New Time ("New Antiquity"), Capitalism ("New Slaveownership"), Upper Mental (Causal) Plan
The history of world civilization. 3 cyclus (1450-2070) New time ("new antiquity"), capitalism ("new slaveownership"), upper mental (causal) plan. 19. 1450-1700 -"neoarchaics". 20. 1700-1790 -"neoclassics". 21. 1790-1830 -"romanticism". 22. 1830-1870 – «liberalism». Modern time (lower intuitive plan) 23. 1870-1910 – «imperialism». 24. 1910-1950 – «militarism». 25.1950-1990 – «social-imperialism». 26.1990-2030 – «neoliberalism». 27. 2030-2070 – «neoromanticism». New history. We understand the new history generally in the same way as the representatives of Marxist history. It is a history of establishment of new social-economic formation – capitalism, which, in difference to the previous formations, uses the economic impelling and the big machine production. The most important classes are bourgeoisie and hired workers, in the last time the number of the employees in the sphere of service increases. The peasants decrease in number, the movement of peasants into towns takes place; the remaining peasants become the independent farmers, who are involved into the ware and money economy. In the political sphere it is an epoch of establishment of the republican system, which is profitable first of all for the bourgeoisie, with the time the political rights and liberties are extended for all the population. In the spiritual plan it is an epoch of the upper mental, or causal (later lower intuitive) plan, the humans discover the laws of development of the world and man, the traditional explanations of religion already do not suffice. The time of the swift development of technique (Satan was loosed out of his prison, according to Revelation 20.7), which causes finally the global ecological problems. -
From Bühler to Wittgenstein1 Kevin Mulligan
On Being Guided, Signals & Rules: from Bühler to Wittgenstein1 Kevin Mulligan (Università della Svizzera italiana & Istituto di studi filosofici, Lugano) Abstract. Kevin Mulligan has examined in several papers and a book the conceptual relations between the descriptions of mind, language and colours in the philosophies of Brentano’s heirs and the descriptions given later by Wittgenstein. In Chapter 12, he looks at what Bühler and Wittgenstein have to say about the phenomenon of being guided by something and two of their favourite examples – reading and our relations to rules. §1 A Guide to Guidance §2 Reading & Guidance §3 Misleading Pictures & Pianolas: Machines & Modality, Rules & Rigidity §4 Early Bühler & Early Wittgenstein on Rule-Awareness §1 A Guide to Guidance Appearances, demonstratives, facts, knowledge, name tags, people, perceptions, pictures (misleading or not), quotation marks, 1 Versions of the material in this paper were presented most recently in Liège (2018 “On Being Guided: Bühler in the Brown Book” and in Vienna (2013). I am grateful to the audiences for their comments. Thanks, too, to Peter Simons for help with engineering terminology. rules, street signs, traffic signals, utterances, written signs, and many, many other things guide, lead, steer, control and influence us. In the writings of Brentano’s heirs and Wittgenstein, we find many verbs for such relations: trigger/auslösen follow/befolgen steer, control/steuern influence/beinflussen guide, lead/führen allow oneself to be led by/sich leiten lassen indicate/anzeigen The philosophers of guidance are Martinak, Marty and Ahlman, Husserl and Scheler, Bühler and Wittgenstein. Wittgenstein and his great predecessor, Bühler, sometimes use the term “signal” (Signal) for the first term of the relation of guidance2. -
The Category of Violence in Modern Philosophy
Anna Szklarska Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny w Krakowie ORCID: 0000–0003–4424–2143 DOI 10.24917/20838972.16.1 The Category of Violence in Modern Philosophy Introduction: on violence research In this article, the author tries to present an outline of positions with- in the framework of modern and contemporary discourse on violence in a philosophical perspective. Following the most important violence theorists1, the author analyses the role of violence in shaping of culture and civilisation and tries to answer the question: why do people use vio- lence? How is it somehow inscribed in our condition? However, it is possible to propose various ways of defining and un- derstanding violence, and not just because there are various forms of violence, and there is a dispute among the thinkers themselves wheth- er it is of rational (Hannah Arendt)2 or irrational (Max Weber, Konrad Lorenz)3 nature. Violence is often perceived as a tool for exercising pow- er, and even as a method of settling a dispute over values. Through the centuries, the question was raised: is there a justified violence (e.g. as in the view of George W. Friedrich Hegel and Georges Sorel where it constitutes the condition and driving force of progress, or on the ba- sis of political realism, where it is legitimised by its relationship with law) as opposed to the one which is deprived of arguments? It is also a question about threats and hopes that we associate with violence. After all, the consequences of violence towards men and the world around them are various: such as the moral effects resulting from acceptance or denying violence. -
Nine Lives of Neoliberalism
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Plehwe, Dieter (Ed.); Slobodian, Quinn (Ed.); Mirowski, Philip (Ed.) Book — Published Version Nine Lives of Neoliberalism Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Plehwe, Dieter (Ed.); Slobodian, Quinn (Ed.); Mirowski, Philip (Ed.) (2020) : Nine Lives of Neoliberalism, ISBN 978-1-78873-255-0, Verso, London, New York, NY, https://www.versobooks.com/books/3075-nine-lives-of-neoliberalism This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/215796 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative -
The Press in the Arab World
The Press in the Arab World a Bourdieusian critical alternative to current perspectives on the role of the media in the public sphere Hicham Tohme A thesis submitted to the Department of Politics in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy October 2014 1 Abstract The current literature on the role of media in the public sphere in general, and particularly politics, is divided among two opposing trends. The liberal/pluralists argue that media is playing a democratic role consisting of either representing public opinion and/or informing it. The critical theorists argue that media is in fact controlled by and represents elite interests. But even critical theories of the role of media in politics are driven by the belief that media ought to play a democratic and liberal role in society. Both theories therefore share a common normative understanding of what the role of media ought to be and are therefore the product of a common normative ideological framework, the liberal paradigm. This prevents them from properly framing the question of what media actually do in societies which lie beyond the scope of the experience of liberal Europe. This dissertation seeks to transcend this debate, and the liberal paradigm along with it, by arguing that, given a different historical context than the European one, the practice and ethos of media develop differently, and cannot therefore be understood from the lens of the European experience and the liberal paradigm born from within it. To do that, I use Bourdieu's theory of fields to trace the birth and evolution of the private press in Beirut and Cairo from 1858 till 1916. -
Russia's Emergence As an International Conservative Power
Russia’s Emergence as an International Conservative Power Russian Conservatism: An Ideology or a Natural Attitude? Paul F. Robinson Paul F. Robinson Graduate School of Public and International Affairs, University of Ottawa, Canada. Professor Scopus AuthorID: 57205126860 E-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 (613) 562 5800 ext 4174 Address: 120 University, Ottawa, Ontario, K1N 6N5, Canada DOI: 10.31278/1810-6374-2020-18-1-10-37 Abstract Since Vladimir Putin’s return to the presidency in 2012 it has become common to talk of a “conservative turn” in Russian politics. Various commentators argue that this ideological shift applies to external as well as internal politics, with Russia becoming an international conservative power. This article seeks to determine what being an “international conservative power” actually means for Russia, by means of an examination of four different variations of Russian conservatism—Orthodox/Slavophile conservatism, civilizational conservatism, isolationist conservatism, and state/official conservatism. It argues that these are not all fully compatible with each other. If Russia truly is emerging as a conservative international power, this could lead both Russia and the world in one of several different directions, depending on which version of conservatism comes to dominate. Overall, though, it seems likely that the result will be a pragmatic, moderate 10 RUSSIA IN GLOBAL AFFAIRS Russia’s Emergence as an International Conservative Power variety of conservatism rather than the more radical versions associated with conservative ideologists. Keywords: Russia, conservatism, international power, Orthodoxy, Slavophilism, civilizations, isolationism ince Vladimir Putin’s return to the presidency of the Russian federation in 2012, it has become common to talk of a “conservative turn” in Russian politics (engström, 2014, p. -
Geopolitics in the Black Sea Region - Tendencies and Challenges
Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Institute for the Study of Societies and Knowledge Centar for strategic researching and national security - CESNA B, Belgrade, Serbia BULGARIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES, INSTITUTE FOR CENTER FOR STRATEGIC RESEARCH ON NATIONAL THE STUDY OF SOCIETIES AND KNOWLEDGE SECURITY - CESNA B, BELGRADE, SERBIA THEMATIC PAPERS PHILOSOPHY NOWADAYS PHILOSOPHY GEOPOLITICS IN THE BLACK SEA REGION - TENDENCIES AND CHALLENGES PHILOSOPHY NOWADAYS SECOND INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERENCE PROCEEDINGS E D I T O R S Slobodan Neskovic, PhD Bogdana Todorova, PhD 1 Belgrade, 2019 Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Institute for the Study of Societies and Knowledge Centar for strategic researching and national security - CESNA B, Belgrade, Serbia Center for Strategic Research on National Bulgarian Academy of Security - CESNA B, Sciences - Institute for Belgrade, Serbia the Study of Societies Romanian Academy of and Knowledge Sciences - Institute of Political Science and International Relations “Ion I.C. Brătianu” University of Bucharest, University of Liège, Romania - Faculty of Belgium - Department of Philosophy Philosophy Azerbaijan National Slovak Academy of Academy - Institute of Sciences - Institute of Philosophy Philosophy Polish Academy of Uludag Sciences - Institute of University, Turkey - Philosophy and Sociology Department of Philosophy TEMATIC PAPERS GEOPOLITICS IN THE BLACK SEA REGION - TENDENCIES AND CHALLENGES PHILOSOPHY NOWADAYS SECOND INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERENCE PROCEEDINGS EDITORS Slobodan Neskovic, PhD Bogdana Todorova, -
Roger Scruton
ROGER SCRUTON Roger Vernon Scruton 27 February 1944 – 12 January 2020 elected Fellow of the British Academy 2008 by ANTHONY O’HEAR There can be little doubt that by the time of his death in 2020 Sir Roger Scruton had become one of the most important thinkers of his time, not just in Britain, but throughout the English-speaking world and in Europe, particularly in Central Europe. The term ‘thinker’ is used advisedly here. For while Scruton was primarily and pre- eminently a philosopher, indeed an academic philosopher, his range and influence extended into many fields, including religion, music, architecture, politics, the environ- ment, culture in a general sense, the writing of novels, the appreciation of wine, defences of hunting and traditional country life and the nature of animal rights. In addition to his writing, he composed music, including two operas, was a publisher and editor and advised governments. He was active politically in this country and played a significant role in dissident movements in the Eastern bloc before and after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the British Academy, XIX, 447–465 Posted 26 November 2020. © British Academy 2020. ROGER SCRUTON Academic career Roger Vernon Scruton was born in Lincolnshire in 1944, and educated at the Royal Grammar School in High Wycombe from 1954 to 1961. He then attended Jesus College, Cambridge, from 1962 to 1965 and again from 1967 to 1969. He took a Double First in Moral Sciences (Philosophy) in 1967, after which he spent a year as a lecteur in the University College of Pau. -
Nacjonalizm Wobec Problemu Europy
Nacjonalizm wobec problemu Europy ADAM WIELOMSKI Nacjonalizm wobec problemu Europy WARSZAWA 2018 © Copyright by Michał Marusik Recenzent: prof. UŁ. dr hab. Tomasz Tulejski Wydanie pierwsze Warszawa 2018 ISBN 978-83-949371-3-3 Książka ukazuje się w serii Biblioteka konserwatyzm.pl Wydawca: Klub Zachowawczo-Monarchistyczny Książkę można zamówić bezpłatnie pod adresem: sklep.konserwatyzm.pl Zamawiający pokrywa tylko koszt przesyłki. Printed in Poland Spis treści Michał Marusik, Wprowadzenie ................................................................................. 7 Kilka refleksji wstępnych od autora .......................................................................... 11 Rozdział I. Historia i definicje nacjonalizmu Trzy fale europejskiego nacjonalizmu .............................................................................17 Rozdział II. Nacjonalizm a chrześcijaństwo Nacjonalizm a katolicyzm. Pozycje i pojęcia od Piusa VI po Jana Pawła II ....................61 Religia a nacjonalistyczna myśl polityczna we Francji i w Hiszpanii. Nowe perspektywy badawcze ...................................................................................................99 ROZDZIAł III. IDEA NARODU I PAńSTWA NARODOWEGO WE FRANCJI Etat-Nation. O specyfice francuskiego rozumienia narodu ..........................................111 Pokojowa współpraca w Europie w programie francuskiego Front National ................165 Francuski Front National a kwestia religijna ................................................................177 Bibliografia