CHAPTER SIX

EPILOGUE 230

Shivaji fought Mughals in the north and Bijapuri Sultans in the south and carved out an independent kingdom of his own out of his small Jagir of Poona. He had rare gifted qualities of winning the heart of common people, who became the basis of his Swarajya i.e., kingdom. He was a great military genius and a diplomat and above all a man of creative ability. He coronated himself on the 6th June, 1674 and declared to the world that he became independent sovereign ruler. He also declared to the world that he was no longer a jahagirdar but an independent sovereign ruler. Shivaji also founded his own administrative institutions such as Ashta Pradhan Mandal'*', a new system of military and civil administration etc. This system was based on regular payment to the officers and soldiers. They were also not hereditary. They continued in their respective position as long as they carried on their duties well. He discontinued the practice of giving lands, jagirs, saranjams to the officers including his ministers. His ministers were advisers, and remained in their offices as long as they enjoyed his confidence. The function of Shivaji*s council was merely advisory. All decision-making authority finally rested in him. Chhatrapati represented sovereign power both in theory and practice. Thus in Shivaji's time Chhatrapati was the fountain of final authority and of all sources of power.

After the death of Chhatrapati Shivaji on 5th April 1680, 231 Shivaji's elder son Sambhaji became Chhatrapati in the circumstances of stresses and strains. Due to court fractions on the issue of succession after Shivaji, Sambhaji started his stormy career. Meanwhile Aurangzeb's son Prince Akbar having been won by Rajputs, rebelled against his father and sought asylum with the Maratha king. Had Sambhaji been a diplomat and a man of ability like his father, he would have taken advantage of open rebellion staged by Akbar. But Sambhaji who was already facing difficulties in his hone front had to face the fresh problem from Mughal front also after Akbar's escape to Maharashtra. Sambhaji almost simultaneously fought

Siddis, Mughals, Portuguese very bravely but he was finally captured and put to death by Aurangzeb in 1689.

In spite of his multifarious problems Sambhaji maintained the policy of Chhatrapati Shivaji as sole decision-maker and a sovereign ruler. The Chhandogamatya, a special post was created by him for Kavi Kalsh who influenced his decisions from time to time due to his personal relation. Otherwise in matter of administration Sambhaji strictly followed the line of his father. He did not allow anybody to overpower the authority of the Chhatrapati. On the contrary the cruel way in which he was put to death by Aurangzeb, and the heroic death that he embraced with pride and self-respect made the position of Chhatrapati more powerful and inspiring. 232

After the cruel murder of Sambhaji, Rajaram, the second

son of Shivaji was proclaimed a king during the minority of

Shahu in 1689, At the very time Sambhaji's wife Yesubai and

his small son were captured on the fort of Raigad by 2-ulfiqar

Khan in 1689. Rajaram escaped to Jinji which became the

capital of Marathas for the time being, leaving Ramchandra Pant

Amatya tn Maharashtra, The cruel murder of Sambhaji inspired

Maharashtra for the cause of fighting to defend Maratha Swarajya.

Aurangzeb after extinguishing Golkonda and Bijapur, killed the

Chhatrapati of the Marathas. Perhaps he viewed that with the end

of the Chhatrapati there ended every opposition. But this was in

fact the beginning of his end. The leaders took solemn oath of

remaining faithful to Shahu as their Chhatrapati and carried

on the warfare in his name. The war continued for seventeen

years for liberating the country from the enemy's possession.

The notable Maratha generals like Dhanaji Jadhav, Santaji

Ghorpade, Pralhad Niraji earned fame for fighting against the

Mughals. Marathas harrassed the Mughal army by cutting supplies

and starving them. Marathas defeated Mughals not only in the

Sahyadri but also in open places in Desh area. Rajaram,

therefore, thinking that Satara would be suitable place from

strategic point of view, made his capital. Worn out by constant

activities, Rajaram fell ill and died in 1700 at Sinhagad. He

delegated his authority to two Brahmin officers - Pralhad Niraji

and Ramchandra Pant. 233

After the death of Rajaram his queen Tarabai placed her son Shivaji II and carried on the struggle against the Mughals,

Fran 1700 to 1707 she was the sole authority wielding all power of Chhatrapati in her. Mughals especially .^urangzeb understood that the war against Marathas is a futile exercise. Worn out emperor# 81 years old# died in 1707. The administrative set up established by Shivaji remained disturbed as regular routine during the war. At the same time the system of Ashta Pradhans was not changed except introducing the office of Pratinidhi,

Rajaram was weak-minded person and did not take any decision independently. Chhatrapati*s views and decisions for execution were represented by Pralhad Niraji and Ramchandra Pant.

Therefore the system of administration continued without any change. But the system of the Ashta Pradhans remained disturbed.

The very important notable change which can be called as an evil system in body politics of the Marathas was the system of giving jagirs and saranjams introduced during Rajaram*s time.

It must be noted here that Chhatrapati was not responsible for this system# it is circumstances that compelled Rajaram to introduce it. Aurangzeb# after his entry in Maharashtra# started encouraging Maratha generals to his side by giving Saranjams and Jagirs. To counteract it the Maratha Government adopted the same method. Rajaram profusely distributed the lands and watan and had the desired effect in checking the Maratha sardars 234 deserting.

The death of Aurangzeb (1707) marks a distinct break between the old order that was passing and the new that was coming. Pri nee Shahu who was in the captivity of Aurangzeb was released by Zulfiqar Khan for keeping the Marathas divided by domestic feud. Tarabai was the administrator of Maratha state and she declared Shahu as an imposter. This is the invitation for civil war between Shahu and Tarabai for ascendance to the Maratha throne. In the battle of Khed in 1708 Shahu showed his superiority and coronated himself at Satara on 12 Jan.

1708. With the help of Balaji Vishvanath Shahu strengthened his position as Chhatrapati. He defeated the internal and external enanies. Shahu was trying to seek sanad, which he was promised at the time of release. The satisfactory agreement was executed by Sayads and formal grants for restoration of Swarajya and collection of Chauthai and Sardeshmukhi were delivered to Balaji.

Shahu had instructed Balaji to try and obtain similar sanads for the Subhas of Malwa and Gujarat but the circumstances were not favourable.

Shahu*s position was stabilized when his Peshwa Balaji

Vishwanath died and his son Bajirao I succeeded him as Peshwa.

Bajirao had implicit confidence in his master, raised the necessary troops and strengthened the royal authority by eliminating opposition. The Nizam who had a peculiar attraction 235 for the Deccan# was appointed as viceroy# and he created problems for the Marathas. He resumed his friendship with Sambhaji of 2 Kolhapur# Chandrasen and the Maratha nobles. Besides recognizing the imperial grants Nizam agreed to subside Bajirao's army. In this struggle Raja Shahu desired that the Marathas should 3 remain neutral. But Nizam was studiously cautious in carrying out his designs against Shahu. But Nizam was defeated two times - once at Palkhed in 1727# and again at Bhopal in 1736, Thus,

Bajirao under the authority of Raja Shahu spread Maratha Raj in the north and south.

At the very time Shahu had faced the internal trouble. The controversy started between Peshwa and Senapati and Peshwa and

Pratinidhi. Sambhaji of Kolhapur started intrigue against Shahu with the help of Maratha Sardars and Shahu's enemy, Peshwa and

Dabhade developed discordance over Gujarati, Both fought a battle at Dabhai# Bajirao defeated and killed Dabhade in the battle. Shahu was smitten with remorse when he learnt the death of Dabhade. He next set himself to the practical side of the question and the boundaries of Malwa and Gujarat between

Peshwa and Dabhade, But in spite of the royal generosity# the house of the Dabhades never recovered from the ruinous defeat 4 of Dabhai. The victory of Dabhai marks the emergence of

Bajirao "with all but nominal control of the Maratha

Chhatrapati over him." 236

Shahu insisted on a personal discussion of the conflicting policies of the Peshwa and Pratinidhi with Bajirao. The independent proceedings of Bajirao, without reference to Shahu were not pleasing to him and appeared highly outrageous.

Sambhaji of Kolhapur persisted in his policy of opposition to Shahu and the demands of half of the Swarajya from him. He was preparing vigorously for a final trial of strength. His 5 Ashtapradhans and leaders of the army had been called with their quota and the troops had been gathered on the bank of

Warana. The battle was fought in 1731 and Shahu granted the 6 terms to Sambhaji. The Warana treaty decided differences between Satara and Kolhapur existing ever since 1708. It subordinated Kolhapur to Satara in all but name. It marked a distinct advance in the authority of Shahu within his territories and guaranteed his position from intermittent exposures to the sidewinds of civil strife. In the eyes of his own people as much as in those of the aliens he appeared to be the real

'Chhatrapati' now, Peshwa Bajirao I regarded his policy of

Maratha expansion, his chief's aim was to clip off parts of the Mughal Empire and establish the sway of the Marathas on them. He was deeply imbued with love of self glory though he was also deeply loyal to his chief Shahu and to the cause of his country. Under the control of Raja Shahu he made the expansion of Maratha power. Bajirao's policy of conquest and 237

expansion did not find favour with the king Shahu. He was

always grateful to the emperor and was averse to annexing his

territory. But the policy of peace and consolidation was

impracticable at that particular time.

Shahu had tremendous view and formula of right hand for

right work. After the death of Bajirao Peshwa (1740) he invested

the eldest son of the late Peshwa Nanasaheb to receive the robes

of Peshwaship. Nanasaheb*s succession to office was not secured without opposition, Raghuji Bhosale of Nagpur supported Babaji

Naik for Peshwaship. This created controversy between Raghuji

and Peshwa. Raghuji accepted the title Sena-Saheb-Subha in 1727

and extended his Jagir in the eastern India and Gondvan. By pushing his frontiers to the borders of Malwa, he came into

conflict against Feshwa. He had becane, of late, so arrogant

that he had not only defied authority of Bajirao but had treated 7 even Shahu with scant courtesy. While these transactions were

drawing to a close there came alarming news from Sahara. Shahu

had his last phase and had fallen ill and he had been fast

sinking in health for some time. Raghuji Bhosale had started

for Sahara, and his presence at such a critical situation would be injurious to his interests and to the security of the country.

For, if Shahu expired, his son Mudhoji might be adopted by Q Sagunabai. Peshwa came to Satara. Shahu, when he felc quite 9 well# sought to make up the quarrel between Bhosale and Peshwa. 238

The consequences of this settlement were fatal to the

Maratha confederacy. Shahu made Raghuji stronger and far more defiant of Peshwa* s authority than ever before. He assumed complete independence for all practical purposes and that organic sense of the Maratha confederacy, founded on the control of the central authority i.e., of the Peshwa was lost.

Naturally all organic growth was impeded. Shahu weakened the bond of the confederacy and since then Dabhade and later on his agent Gaikwad, chose to go their own way. So now, by making this arrangement, he contributed to the dissociation of Raghuji from the confederacy. The policy of the Peshwa to found a well- knit confederacy of different Maratha chieftains was thus defeated by the interference cf Shahu. But from these two incidents, one thing that was driven home to one* s heart, is that Shahu was not a figurehead in the Maratha affairs. He was not entirely under the control of the Peshwa. No doubt, the

Peshwas were powerful, they discharged the duties of the executive head. But they could not dispense with the royal authority, and the prestige of Shahu was great. The Peshwas were perfectly submissive to his orders and used to render account to him, periodically about their receipts, disbursement and balance. When the king sank to be a figurehead that the Peshwa assumed openly regal airs and the headship of the confederacy.

After this reconciliation, Bundelkhand, Malawa, Karnatak 239 were occupied by the Peshwa and made strong and superior to the

Maratha state than the other. But at the very time Shahu's health was perceptibly failing. It was a matter of no small concern to him and to those who were at the head of the state affairs. Besides the question of succession, which was a stand­ ing anxiety, factions were being formed at the court, and constant quarrels were going on between his two queens. Shahu by nature of an ease-loving and peaceful disposition, could never have a patience for all these. Everyone awaited with a sustained suspense, the course of affairs at Satara, and there was no knowledge what will be the sequel.'1'0 Shahu sought the help of Peshwa to settle the affairs.

Shahu's court was no less disgusting than his home. The party hostile to Balajirao was especially active at this time.

The Pratinidhi, Raghuji Bhosale and Rani Sakawarbai ranged one side, tried to poison the ears of the king against the Peshwa. Shahu was troubled at heart and his mind was never at rest.

Taking advantage of this restlessness they suggested that the

Peshwa was growing disloyal and defiant in his attitude towards the king. In effect, Peshwa was dismissed from the office and complications arose in the Satara Court. The affairs ended happily with the reinstatement of Nanasaheb in the office.1"1

3ut far more unpleasant affairs than these were happening at rhis time at Satara. In August 1748 Shahu was getting worse, 240

and died on the 15th of December 1749. This period is full of

intrigues and troubles and is one of the darkest in Maratha

history. Conspiracies and controversies raged fiercely round the question of succession, and none was there who was not

swayed one way or another. The story is best told by Malhar 12 Ramrao Chitnis in his chronicle of Shahu.

Shahu's reign (1707-1749) was transitional period in the

sense that the administrative system became a system of decentralized feudatory states. The centralized monarchy was

created by Shivaji the great by his own method. There were various causes to decentralise the monarchy which were as

follows: The system of Jahagir which brought into existence the powerful cause of feudatory chief was the first cause of weakness of monarchy under Shahu, Shahu's guiding principle in the state matters being "Don't destroy anything old and do not create anything new". He allowed things to remain as they were. The position of monarchy was further weakened by the 13 complicated revenue system of Balaji. In the administration the burden of the civil and military defence of the major portion of the empire, was thrown on these saranjamdars. To this neither the king nor even the Peshwa could have control over it. The king's position became weakened due to this system.

The king's military powers were gone and he became a pensioner of the feudatories in all but name. 241

The rising Peshwa had become whole and sole controller of the Maratha Raj, Shahu made the central government of Ashta 14 Fradhans but many changes were made in that. Peshwa Balaji

Vishvanath* s rise marked the beginning of the transfer of power from Chhatrapatis to the Peshwa slowly. They gradually worked their way up from an ordinary position to the headship of the state and eventually to de-facto sovereignty. The Peshwa became the head of the Maratha empire when Shahu appointed Balaji

Bajirao, "This transfer of authority from the master to the servant is so gradually# silently# carefully accomplished that the successive steps important as they were in relation to the 15 whole escaped all contemporary notice,"

Thus Peshwa became a supreme authority of the Maratha government. The difficulties cf Shahu and the great political unrest in Maharashtra were the chief factors in the rise of the 16 Peshwa. The council of the eight ministers in which Raja's influence was supreme had disappeared in the period of Bajirao I.

But this does not seem that Chhatrapati Shahu was a mere puppet in the hands of his powerful minister. He had inherited to considerable extent the administrative qualities of great

Shivaji. "In the forty years of rule enjoyed by Shahu# he was not merely a titular head of the Maratha government# but he directed all operations# ordered the recalled commanders# and 242

exercised a great controlling power on the chiefs, though he led 17 no armies in the field".

Shahu died, but the question of succession was not solved.

Shahu made up his mind to adopt the grandson of Tarabai, named 18 Ramraja. Shahu left two documents for Peshwa stating which

was the legitimate right to the headship of the Maratha state.

Ramraja was crowned under the authority of Peshwa on 4 January

1750 and the civil war started between Peshwa and Tarabai.

Peshwa informed Ramraja that he was young and inexperienced, and

therefore, it would be proper if the entire authority was left

in his hands. Ramraja easily agreed to this and contended to

remain in the background, enjoying the pension of sixtyfive

lakhs a year and the company of no less than three wives. Tarabai was not to acquiesce in the proceedings of the Peshwa and

started intrigues against him.

The Peshwa did not show any special kindness to Ramraja

and started his administration. When Tarabai left for Sinhagad,

-he king, the Peshwa, and Raghuji remained behind at Satara.

Afterwards Peshwa left for Poona and summoned a Poona conference

in 1750. In that conference the power of Pratinidhi and Sachiv

had dominated and Chhatrapati came under the control of Peshwa.

Grant Duff says, "Poona may be considered the capital of the

Marathas from this date. In October 1750 at Sangola Tarabai's 243 partisans were completely defeated by Peshwa. The arrangements were made at Sangcla by the king at the dictation of Peshwa known as "Sangola Agreement”. 19 This arrangement tied the hands and feet of Ramraja# and tightened the hold of the Peshwa on him. He depended cn the servants of the Peshwa for practically everything. The new arrangements brought out clearly one outstanding fact and that is the unrivalled supremacy of the

Peshwa# and vanishing power of Chhatrapati.

In the Sangola agreement Peshwa crushed all authorities of the Ashta Pradhan and Tarabai cursed Nana Saheb Peshwa for his successful proceedings. Hence she wished to seize Ramraja and with Ramraja under her# she would wield all the authority of the state. But to seize Ramraja was not to seize the state# or to capture the king was not to capture the power. The king v/as now divested of all the royal authority and real governing power. Imperceptibly the power had slipped into the hands of

Peshwa and so it did not matter much who captured the king.

Tarabai captured Ramraja on the Champashashthi on 24th

November 1750 and Chhatrapati of Satara became a prisoner of

Tarabai. Ramraja was strongly guarded by two of Tarabai's staunch adherents Naroo Kaka and Sambhaji Tatya# at fort Satara.

And with this all prestige and all power were departed from the house of Shivaji. Tarabai's initiable ambition for authority 244 resulted in this tragic end of the Chhatrapati*s sovereignty.

This incident marks the downfall of the House of Shivaji. But it was not Tarabai who brought about the downfall. It had long begun and without being a prisoner of Tarabai Ramraja was a mere puppet in the hands of Peshwa. Tarabai only gave a tangible shape to an already accomplished fact. She contributed to complete the downfall. Ramraja# however# had most miserable life during

Tarabai*s usurpation of power. He continued in confinement till her death in 1761,

Peshwa Madhavrao released Chhatrapati of Satara and made a formal coronation in 1763. But the administration came under the control of Peshwa. Madhavrao Peshwa made no innovation in the form of the system which had been established by the great king# but he tried to amend it.

After this Raja becomes then to exercise power for benefit of their subjects# as the best and only apology for having usurped it. Naturally Maratha administration and Chhatrapati became nominal. Chhatrapati of Satara was restricted by Peshwa's government# strict regulations were formed even about such minute details as the grains required. Venkoji Manekeshwar and

Vishnu Narhar are informed that requisition for the grain required for the horse# in the Raja's stable 20 , should be made every day. Not only that# but the Chhatrapati lacked even the 245 necessities of the middle class.

After the death of Madhavrao, the Maratha government/ which joined to the relative growth of force outside/ brought about the loss of Maratha independence. It was the break up of the solidarity of the Maratha dominions. The civil war at

Poona weakened the central authority. The guiding power in the administration inevitably passed on to a minister or board of ministers. But no minister/ however dictatorial/ can exactly fill the place of a lawful master. In this circumstance Nana

Phadnis took action for liquidating the council of Maratha state and make himself the sole autocrat.

Such was the situation when Shahu II was crowned as

Chhatrapati,'who was the adopted son of Ramraja. Shahu II had no power even to perform any ceremonial function. Maratha administrators like Nana Phadnis and Mahadji henceforth became important colleagues in the Maratha government. They were mutually indispensable and yet temperamentally antagonistic and suspicious of each other. The next fifteen years Maratha politics more or less revolved round than. Due to this circumstance Raja of Satara did not succeed in his attempt to make himself free. After the death of Madhavrao II Nana 21 Phadnis tried to restore the Chhatrapati, but in vain. 246

After the accession of Peshwa Bajirao II the administration

in Poona went beyond Peshwa's control. To seize the opportunity

Shahu II tried to move to be free. He had younger brother named

Chatursinh# a spirited lad possessing capacity. They at once

collected a few followers and attacked the residences of the

Peshwa's manager at Satara and became their own master both in

the fort and the town. But the Chhatrapati's attempt to obtain

his freedom failed due to timely action of Poona government and

he became state prisoner. This move is called by many historians

as a rebel of Raja of Satara. The king had supreme authority

and Peshwa was only a member of the Ashta Pradhan council. When

Maratha administration became diplorable# the Raja's movement was not a rebellion but an attempt to control the administrative

council.

After the death of Shahu II on 4th May 1308# Raja

Pratapsinh was crowned as Chhatrapati. But Bajirao II kept him

under the restrictions in Satara fort. He appointed many other 22 persons like Trimbakji Dengle to keep watch on the Raja. But

his mother Maisaheb# an intelligent and talented woman# prepared a plan with the help of British for making Raja of Satara 23 free. In his own administration the Peshwa was likewise not

free to exercise his authority# uncontrolled over his immediate

subordinate chiefs. To take the advantage of this British made

a treaty with Raja of Satara secretly. When Bajirao declared 247 war with the British/ he removed Chhatrapati with his family at Satara to Wasota. But in his fight against the British#

Bajirao took the Chhatrapati with him. British won the battle of Ashta on 19th February 1818 and captured the fort of Satara# there they prepared to restore Pratapsinh to his ancestral position. Thus Chhatrapati of Satara was restored by foreign power i.e.# British. Raja Pratapsinh of Satara was restored on

10th April 1818 and Capt, Grant was appointed as his Resident and guardian.

Under the orders of the Governor General a small territory covering the present district of Satara was assigned to the

Chhatrapati, The creation of this small kingdom was a measure of pure expediency# having been entirely conceived and executed by Elphinstone. There was general policy laid down by the

Governments of India and England. Raja Pratapsinh was invested with the power of administration in April 1822. In the words of a contemporary Maratha witness -

"Pratapsinh possessed a very keen intellect and an uncommon address. An expert rider, and brave soldier# a pure generous heart# trained in the traditional lore# he quickly detected the merits and foibles of those he came in contact with. He adjudicated complicated disputes with exemplary impartiality and conducted the administration with firmness and regularity. 248

He was ever disposed to forgive rather than to avenge. He was careful in his religious observances and took delight in 24 relieving the misery of the poor and the oppressed".

Shanaji the successor of Pratapsinh/ died childless on 5th April 1848# and the short-lived state of Satara was annexed to the British dominions. The annexation of Satara became a predisposing cause of the outbreak of 1857. Thus, after the death of Shahu the position of Chhatrapati of Satara was a political factor of no mean importance, but he was honoured in public.

Here, it should be noted that Chhatrapati Maharaj was not only the political but also the sovereign head in the period of

Shivaji, who was the founder of the Maratha Swarajya. After the death of Sambhaji the Peshwa exercised his authority as the authorised deputy of the Chhatrapati. He had inherited it with other royal prerogatives from Shahu. The Peshwas, if they liked, would have become at the most head of Ashta Pradhans and presided over its deliberation as the deputy of Chhatrapati. But their ambition led them to establish an autocratic government. The result was that the Maratha empire became like the Holy Rattan

Empire, a loose confederacy of ambitious feudal chiefs. And the Peshwa made himself head of the confederacy and the Chhatrapati became powerless. 249

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1 Dr. Sen - Administrative System of the Marathas, p. 23.

2 Sardesai - M.R.(M.V.) Vol. I, p. 16.

3 Ibid., p. 18.

4 Kincaid and Parasnis - History of Maratha People, Vol. II,

p. 194.

5 For Sambhaji's Ashtapradhans - See S.M. Garge -

Karveer Riyasat.

6 For the details of the treaty see -

Sardesai - M.R. (M.V.) Vol. I, p. 212.

7 Chitnis - T.S.M.Y. Charitra - p. 212,

8 Sagunabai was the younger wife of Shahu. Mudhoji's mother

was the sister of Sagunabai.

9 To this recondition see Chapter III of this thesis.

10 For Satara affairs see - Kincaid and Parasnis -

Vol. II, p. 320.

11 Chitnis - Life of Shahu Maharaj Elder, p, 119.

12 Chitnis - T.S.M.Y. Charitra, pp. 125-30.

13 Sinha - Rise of the Peshwa, pp. 77-78.

14 3.P.D., X, 27,91.

15 Sen - Administrative System of the Marathas, p. 118, 250

16 Sinha - Rise of the Peshwa, p. 9.

17 M.G. Ranade - The Miscellaneous Writings# p. 348.

18 Brij Kishore - Tarabai and Her Times# p. 169.

19 For agreement see -

Sinha - Rise of the Peshwa# p. 266.

20 Sardesai - M.R. (M.V.) Vol. Ill# p. 129.

21 Sardesai - New History of the Marathas - Vol. Ill#

p. 316.

22 Vad - S.P.D.S.R. diaries# Vol. V# p. 112.

23 Thakare - Pratapsinh and Rango Bapuji# p. 17.

24 Sardesai - Shedgaon Chronicle, p. 156 from

New History of the Marathas# Vol. Ill# p, 511.