Narrative Persuasion

Home , Persuasion, Reactivity (psychology)

CHAPTER 13

Helena Bilandzic and Rick Busselle

n the context of persuasion, narrative is most presence of narrative elements in arguments and commonly considered in opposition to argu- rhetorical elements in narratives. Consider that Imentation. This separation likely began with an argument may contain information, such as Aristotle’s distinction between logos and pathos, an example (e.g., Gibson & Zillmann, 1994), which has come to represent the domain of logic which audience members may process the same and reason on one hand, and emotion, poetry, way they do narrative information. Similarly, a and stories on the other (Herrick, 1997). Through- narrative may contain persuasive information out much of the 20th century, persuasion con- that takes the form of an argument (e.g., Hoeken noted argument—the putting forth of claims and & Hustinx, 2009) or claims and evidence (e.g., supporting evidence linked by rational or logical Dahlstrom, 2010). coherence (Salvador, 1994; Zarefsky, 1990). Con- Narrative persuasion may not be a mutually versely, narrative was thought of as a description exclusive alternative to other persuasive, rhetori- of events and characters (Abbott, 2002; Bruner, cal forms, or an alternative to traditional adver- 1986) presented possibly to enlighten, certainly to tising or health messages. Instead, one can entertain. This distinction between persuasion approach narrative persuasion from the perspec- and narrative also is reflected in the view of audi- tive that much of human communication and ences as processing information in either a para- interaction, including many forms of persuasive digmatic or narrative mode (Bruner, 1986). In the messages, contain narrative elements or may paradigmatic mode, audience members are activate in audiences processes associated with thought to gather information, weigh facts, and narrative comprehension (Schank & Abelson, evaluate arguments; while in the narrative mode, 1995; Schank & Berman, 2002). Over the past they are assumed to focus on understanding caus- decade, research in advertising, health communi- ally and chronologically related events played out cation, and entertainment education has incor- by sentient characters (Padgett & Allen, 1997). porated theoretical and methodological elements This dichotomy between argument and nar- of narrative persuasion (e.g., Durkin & Wakefield, rative may be heuristically useful. However, 2008; Escalas, 2007; Moyer-Gusé, 2008). Given there are risks inherent in a two-mode view of this, our approach in this chapter is to explore messages or processing (Keren & Schul, 2009): how narrative elements manifest in different Exclusionary definitions fail to recognize the types of persuasive content, the degree to which

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(c) 2013 Sage Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved. Chapter 13. Narrative Persuasion——201 people are aware of persuasive intent when dif- the story exist in a text, the realization of the fused in narratives, and the mechanisms leading story exists in the mind of audience members as to narrative persuasion. they experience the narrative. Bordwell (1985) describes a story as “the imaginary construct we create progressively and retroactively . . . the Defining Narrative in developing result of picking up narrative cues, Light of Persuasion applying schemata, and framing and testing hypotheses” (p. 49, also see Zwaan, Langston, & Narrative can be thought of, again broadly, as Graesser, 1995). symbolic representation of events (Abbott, 2002; A minimalist definition of narrative as a rep- Ryan, 2007, see also Escalas, 1998). Abbott (2002) resentation of events will include a range of illustrates how a narrative can be as brief as a media formats, such as images, phrases, and single sentence, such as “I fell down.” Explicitly, advertisements, even though they commonly this communicates the occurrence of an event would not be thought of as narratives. Certainly, and suggests states that precede and follow: The the depiction of a parent putting a bandage on a narrator was standing and then, as a result of child’s scrape suggests characters and events, as some mishap, found him- or herself on the well as several emotions. Such “drama ads” com- ground. Similarly, a sketch of a ship wrecked on municate a product’s features “through a story- a rocky shore suggests that the vessel once sailed like format” (Wentzel, Tomczak, & Herrmann, and that something happened, possibly a storm, 2010, p. 511). Advertisements or marketing mes- which led to its current state. This definition of sages containing testimonials and examples also narrative can easily be applied to a broad range may take a narrative form when a typical person of potentially persuasive content, from a novel describes an experience with a product or situa- like Uncle Tom’s Cabin, often cited as changing tion (e.g., Martin, Wentzel, & Tomczak, 2008). attitudes about slavery prior to the United States’ An alternative to this plot-focused definition Civil War (Strange, 2002) to a photograph of a is to consider narrative as a portrayal of the inner wrecked automobile accompanied by a textual world of a character—his or her views, perspec- reference to alcohol. This broad definition of tives, emotions, motivations, or goals (Fludernik, narrative emphasizes two elements that are not 1996). Narrative that is based on this “experienti- necessarily associated with other persuasive ality” is independent of plot. For example, brief forms: the suggestion of a character or characters testimonials from cancer patients (e.g., Kreuter and the representation of an event or events. In et al., 2010) about their current state represent a the shipwreck example, the sketch may not narrative. This definition emphasizes the notion include any humans. Yet, the ship’s passengers— of empathy (Zillmann, 1994, 2006) or identifica- at least a crew—are implied, as is the driver of a tion with a character (Cohen, 2001; Murphy, wrecked automobile. Frank, Moran, & Patnoe-Woodley, 2011), which Audiences do not receive stories passively. also are processes central to narrative experi- Instead, readers, viewers, or listeners construct ences. Here, even a fear appeal message may be the story’s meaning in their own mind; the considered a narrative if, for example, it includes result is referred to as the “realization” of some type of victim statement (e.g., Slater, 1999). the story (Oatley, 2002). Story realization is the Considering that consumers of stories are often audience member’s cognitive and emotional deeply moved by characters, it makes sense to understanding of events based on the text and extend the definition of narrative in this way. their own pre-existing, relevant knowledge of Ultimately, narrative persuasion can be the topic (Busselle & Bilandzic, 2008; Graesser, defined as any influence on beliefs, attitudes, or Olde, & Klettke, 2002). While the elements of actions brought about by a narrative message

(c) 2013 Sage Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved. 202——PART II. Theories, Perspectives, and Traditions through processes associated with narrative com- lose weight (Studies 1 and 3) and about alcohol prehension or engagement. With this broad defi- abuse (Study 2) were more persuasive than statis- nition in mind, we turn to the differences between tical evidence about these topics. However, the rhetoric and narrative persuasion. difference was present only among participants who were less involved in the issue, implicating a heuristic process. Niederdeppe, Shapiro, and Narrative Versus Porticella (2011) found a narrative about the Non-narrative Persuasion causes of obesity to be more effective in prompt- ing external attributions than a non-narrative A primary question among persuasion scholars summary explanation containing similar infor- has focused on the relative effectiveness of mes- mation. However, the effect was found only sages presented in a narrative form compared to among politically liberal participants. those taking a non-narrative form. This is a com- A number of studies also have found narrative plex question because non-narrative messages messages to be equal or inferior to messages tak- intended to persuade can use different strategies, ing a narrative form. Kopfman, Smith, Ah Yun, such as presenting statistical evidence, reasoned and Hodges, (1998) found that statistical evi- arguments, or non-narrative, celebrity endorse- dence messages about organ donation were ments. Similarly, potentially persuasive narra- evaluated more positively (e.g., credibility, appro- tives can vary in many ways, as previously priateness) and lead to more positive attitudes described, as well as with respect to the mere about signing an organ donor card than a similar quality of the story (Green & Brock, 2002). narrative message. However, the organ donation A number of studies have compared narrative narrative produced greater anxiety among par- to non-narrative persuasive messages. Kreuter ticipants than the non-narrative regarding the et al. (2010) found that a narrative about the need for an organ transplant. Dunlop, Wakefield, importance of mammography in breast cancer and Kashima (2010) recently found no advantage detection and survival told by survivors was of a narrative over an advocacy format in story- more effective than a comparable informational boards for advertisements about smoking cessa- video with respect to recall and behavioral intention or the importance of protecting oneself tion, but not actual behavior. However, Kreuter from sunburn. Similarly, Baesler and Burgoon et al. (2010) note that the non-narrative message (1994) found statistical evidence to be no more was relatively ineffective in its persuasive influ- effective than narratives in influencing beliefs ence, generally, as well as in comparison to the about juvenile delinquency. Greene and Brinn narrative version. Similarly, while de Wit, Das, (2003) found statistical evidence to be more and Vet (2008) found a narrative message supe- effective than narrative message in reducing tan- rior to statistical evidence in increasing perceived ning bed usage, and that difference was greater risk and severity of contracting hepatitis B virus, one month later. they note that the statistical evidence message A meta-analysis (Allen & Preiss, 1997) sug- was no different from a control message that gested that statistical evidence is more persua- contained no evidence. Ricketts, Shanteau, sive than narrative evidence, while a more McSpadden, & Fernandez-Medina, (2010) found recent meta-analysis did not reveal any signifi- that participants who read swing-set assembly cant differences between statistical and narra- instructions containing brief stories of play- tive messages when all outcome measures were ground injuries exhibited more safety behaviors pooled, and a stronger effect of narratives com- than participants who read instructions without pared to statistical evidence when attitudes as stories. Braverman (2008) found that narrative outcome measures were singled out (Reinhart & testimonials about drinking water in order to Feeley, 2007).

At present, results about the effectiveness of Second, stories may have been created for narratives versus non-narrative formats are some- entertainment purposes, but are recognized as what contradictory. However, as with most com- having persuasive potential, even though its munication issues, the most effective message form intended purpose was to attract and entertain an likely depends on a number of situational fac- audience (e.g., Slater, Rouner, & Long, 2006). For tors, such as ideology (Niederdeppe, Shapiro, & example, Moyer-Gusé, Chung, and Jain (2011) Porticella, 2011), involvement in the message or recently demonstrated the ability of an episode the topic (Braverman, 2008), the nature of the of Sex and the City to increase discussions about non-narrative evidence to which the narrative is sexually transmitted infections. being compared (Greene & Brinn, 2003), whether Third, instead of the story itself being the per- the message is congruent or incongruent with the suasive message, information intended to influ- individual’s existing attitude (Slater & Rouner, ence the audience may be embedded in a story 1996), as well as the temporal distance between (Dahlstrom, 2010; Greenberg, Salmon, Patel, exposure and outcome measurement (e.g., Appel Beck, & Cole, 2004; Hoeken & Hustinx, 2009). & Richter, 2007; Cody & Lee, 1990; Kreuter et al., This sometimes takes the form of a highly inte- 2010). Studies that compare narrative to non-nar- grated, complex storyline focusing on a topic, rative messages suggest that progress lies in asking such as breast cancer (Hether, Huang, Beck, Mur- when and under what conditions narrative mes- phy, & Valente, 2008) or organ donation (e.g., sages are appropriate and what makes them more Morgan, King, Smith, & Ivic, 2010; Morgan, and less effective. We now turn to these issues. Movius, & Cody, 2009) imbedded in an entertainment program. However, the persuasive message also may be less central or even tangential to The Integration of Narrative the overall plot (Valente et al., 2007), or take the and Persuasive Content form of nothing more than the insertion of a brand name or product image into a story (e.g., We suggested earlier that strictly distinguishing de Gregorio & Sung, 2010) or a piece of informa- between arguments and narratives does not tion related to a social issue or topic, such as the account for the variety of ways the two formats failure rate of condoms (Collins, Elliott, Berry, can be intertwined. A closer look is required to Kanouse, & Hunter, 2003). identify typical combinations, which may have Finally, a narrative example or testimonial different implications for effects. may be inserted into a message that is not neces- Probably the purest form is the story that is sarily narrative in its overall form. Zillmann and created with the intention of persuading. For colleagues (Gibson & Zillmann, 1994; Zillmann & example, in traditionally designed entertainment- Brosius, 2000) have demonstrated that the inser- education (E-E) narratives, the story is proscrip- tion of a narrative example into a news report can tively designed to include a transitional character increase the report’s influence on perceptions of who initially exhibits negative behavior and the report’s topic. Similarly, testimonials in which then is rewarded for positive behavior change an individual shares an anecdote or experience (Bandura, 2004; Sabido, 2004). It is the entire often take a narrative form (Braverman, 2008; story that is thought to have persuasive power, Brosius & Bathelt, 1994; Slater, 2002). rather than any individual fact or facts. Advertise- For two reasons, it is important to consider ments and public service announcements also how narrative and persuasive content are com- may take a narrative form. Such ads have been bined. First, research has recognized that the formally recognized by the advertising indus- extent to which the persuasive information is try as “drama” or “narrative” ads (Escalas, 1998; integrated into the story is important, with greater Wentzel, Tomczak, & Herrmann, 2010). integration positively related to the magnitude of

(c) 2013 Sage Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved. 204——PART II. Theories, Perspectives, and Traditions influence (e.g., Cowley & Barron, 2008; Dahlstrom, a topic to which we will return in detail in the 2010; Fisch, 2000; Russell, 2002). However, the following. Explicit messages also have greater extent of integration is to some extent dependent potential for being perceived as controlling or on the type of persuasion outcome under consid- manipulative by audience members. Awareness of eration. For example, from a failed condom story- persuasive intent, in turn, is an important deter- line in the sitcom Friends (Collins et al., 2003), minant of resistance. audience members may have learned the simple fact that condoms have a nontrivial failure rate. But they also may have gained insight into Awareness of Persuasive the complications of unintended pregnancy on Intent and Resistance the lives of sexual partners. That is, the fact of the condom failure rate may be integrated superfi- Some persuasive narratives come from sources cially (e.g., mentioned in a conversion between openly committed to changing the audience’s two minor characters) or deeply (e.g., motivating view to match their own. Explicit persuasive the central plot line of several episodes). Regard- intent is present in communicative forms, such less, of that particular fact, insight about the com- as narrative advertisements or public service plications of unintended pregnancy may be inte- announcements. Implicit persuasive intent is grated deeply into the plot and available to the present in formats such as entertainment- audience, independent of specific facts that are or education programs. Narratives with no explicit are not stated. or implicit persuasive intent, such as House, Second, in argumentation, it matters whether MD, or CSI, also may influence audience’s audience members are forced to draw their own views, as suggested by cultivation research conclusions or conclusions are drawn for them (Morgan & Shanahan, 2010). (Hovland & Mandell, 1952). Similarly, it matters When audience members detect persuasive whether the persuasive message associated with a intent, issues of resistance (Knowles & Linn, narrative is expressed implicitly or explicitly. 2004), reactance (Brehm & Brehm, 1981; Dillard Explicit statements represent everything that & Shen, 2005), and counterarguing (Petty & belongs to the story proper, such as, events, char- Cacioppo, 1979; Petty, Tormala, & Rucker, 2004) acters, settings; all of these can be elaborated or become relevant. Resistance is a reaction against counterargued. The same is true for explicit facts change, and more specifically, both the motiva- in the story, such as the existence of a rare disease tion to withstand pressures to change, as well as or the causes of lung cancer. They may even be the actual outcome of not having been changed explicitly verbalized positions, such as when a by a pressure (Knowles & Linn, 2004). Resistance mother warns her son against using alcohol. is articulated in several ways (Knowles & Linn, Implicit statements, on the other hand, are 2004): (1) as heightened scrutiny, where people expressed by the whole story, its facts, events, and become more alert when confronted with a per- character developments. Here, the story provides suasive message and carefully consider it in a grounds for inferences about the story’s overall more critical way than usual; as (2) distrust, message (e.g., by simply showing the conse- where people meet a message with caution when quences of an accident in which four friends of it comes from a source perceived to be persua- the drunk driver have been killed), but does not sive and, apart from negative affect, also generate state the position explicitly. Explicit messages can disbelief in the message; and (3) as reactance, be argued against—implicit messages need to be which is negative affect against the perception of inferred before counterarguing can occur. Thus, persuasive influence and the motivation to messages that are implicitly contained in the story counteract that pressure. A slightly different may be somewhat insulated from counterarguing, articulation comes from Dillard and Shen (2005;

(c) 2013 Sage Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved. Chapter 13. Narrative Persuasion——205 see also Shen & Dillard, 2005) who describe Mechanisms of reactance as an “intermingling” of negative cog- Narrative Persuasion nition (counterarguing) and emotion (anger). Among the most convincing arguments for The key to investigating the influence of narra- using stories to achieve persuasive goals is their tives is to understand the mechanisms that lead to ability to communicate a persuasive message while the adoption of narrative assertions. The poten- minimizing reactance, resistance, or counterargu- tial of stories to educate has been supported by ing in audience members. For example, stories the fact that stories are more easily remembered may be perceived as lacking a persuasive intent than abstract principles (Schank & Abelson, altogether (Moyer-Gusé, 2008), or provide a com- 2005). Story events and characters are linked with pelling diversion from the persuasive message each other through personal, causal, temporal, (Slater & Rouner, 2002). If an explicit persuasive and spatial associations, which facilitate retrieval message is absent, or is not perceived, and the of more complex sequences; one need only frame that is available is an entertaining one, unfa- remember a single story rather than a litany of vorable reactions like reactance, distrust, or scru- unrelated facts (Green & Brock, 2005). In a simi- tiny are less likely (Dal Cin, Zanna, & Fong, 2004). lar vein, narrative can be considered as a basic Readers or viewers do not expect to be influenced mode of communication (Bruner, 1986) that best by these stories, and are thought to lower their suits the way humans think and remember. guard. Dal Cin, Zanna, and Fong (2004) suggest Apart from this general advantage of stories, that narrative messages fly “under the radar.” most models of narrative persuasion assume that Which type of resistance occurs and how some sort of activity on the part of the reader or much it jeopardizes the potential for influence viewer mediates the persuasive effect of stories: appears to depend on the extent to which persua- Readers or viewers of narrative counterargue less, sive intent is evident within the story (Slater & elaborate more, make use of imagery, and vicari- Rouner, 2002). Moyer-Gusé (2008) and Moyer- ously experience the characters’ fates. While these Gusé and Nabi (2010) have developed a model four mechanisms of narrative persuasion are that explains how entertainment-education mes- plausible, they are generally not discussed in con- sages overcome resistance. Reactance is lowered junction or within a unified theoretical frame- (1) by disguising the persuasive intent within the work; also, they have received different amounts narrative structure, (2) through parasocial inter- of scholarly attention, which is reflected in our action with sympathetic characters who make synthesis that follows. the persuasive message seem less authoritative, less controlling, and more acceptable for the target group, and, for the same reasons, (3) through Counterarguing the audience’s liking or identifying with a central character. In this model, selective avoidance is The most prevalent explanation for a narrative’s overridden by transportation into the narrative persuasive potential is the premise that narrative and identifying with characters. Also, perceived forms of persuasion inhibit counterarguing. This similarity and identification reduce the percep- premise warrants consideration because the relation of invulnerability, which is another form of tionship between a narrative and a counterargu- resistance. Similar to Slater and Rouner (2002) ment depends on awareness of persuasive intent, and Green and Brock (2000), Moyer-Gusé (2008) the availability of a target for counterarguing, the sees transportation and identification as phe- nature of involvement in a narrative context, and nomena that reduce counterarguing (for a how counterarguing is measured. detailed discussion of counterarguing, see the Counterarguing typically is defined as the next section). generation of direct rebuttals toward an overtly

(c) 2013 Sage Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved. 206——PART II. Theories, Perspectives, and Traditions persuasive message or in response to a counterat- counterarguments and found that political lib- titudinal statement (e.g., Jacks & Cameron, 2003; erals were both less likely to produce cognitive Wellins & McGinnies, 1977). Cacioppo (1979, counterarguments to a narrative about the soci- Experiment 2) defined counterarguments as etal causes of obesity and were more supportive “statements directed against the advocated posi- than conservatives of the argument that societal tion that mentioned specific unfavorable conse- factors influence obesity. quences . . . alternative methods, challenges to the Second, several studies used summary mea- validity of arguments in the message, and state- sures of counterarguing, asking audience mem- ments of affect opposing the advocated posi- bers to estimate, for example, how much they tion . . . ” (p. 494, fn. 7). Bohner, Ruder, and Erb “wanted to ‘argue back’ with what was going on (2002) defined counterarguing as thoughts rele- onscreen” (Moyer-Gusé, Chung, & Jain, 2011, vant to a persuasive message and unfavorable p. 395), or “found myself thinking of ways I dis- with respect to an issue. agreed with what was being presented” (Moyer- Counterarguing in the context of narratives Gusé & Nabi, 2010, p. 36). Using this method, has been operationalized in two ways. First, one Moyer-Gusé, Chung, and Jain (2011) found method uses a thought-listing task to directly counterarguing with the program about sexually document audience members’ thoughts— transmitted infections negatively related to the including counterarguments—about a narrative. intention to discuss and discussions about Kopfman et al. (1998) found that, while narrative the topic. Further, counterarguing moderated the messages were no more effective than statistical relation between identification with characters arguments in garnering behavioral intention and intentions to discuss the topic. about organ donation, participants who read a There are advantages and disadvantages to persuasive narrative listed fewer thoughts of all both measures, which will become evident as we types (negative, neutral, and positive) about the proceed. For now it is sufficient to point out that topic than those who read a statistical argument. summary measures provide an indication of However, the prevalence of negative thoughts, counterarguing, but obfuscate the target of coun- indicating counterarguing was not statistically terarguments. Conversely, thought lists provide a different between participants who read the two more direct indication of the target of partici- different message forms. pants’ thoughts allowing researchers to distin- Slater, Rouner, and Long (2006) had partici- guish between thoughts about the persuasive pants list thoughts about the main themes of target and other aspects of the narrative. How- television drama programs (gay marriage and ever, selecting thought categories and establish- capital punishment) after viewing. They found ing intercoder reliability can be problematic. little evidence that participants counterargued Three factors complicate our understanding with these themes, suggesting either an absence of counterarguing in a narrative context. First, of counterarguments or that counterarguments engaging with a narrative involves processes and were focused elsewhere. Green and Brock (2000) motivations different from those involved in asked participants to list thoughts about a narra- processing overtly persuasive messages. Second, tive in which a young girl is murdered at a shop- the persuasive elements in a narrative may vary ping mall. They concluded that, “[a]lthough with respect to their availability to an audience participants were clearly thinking about and member’s awareness and therefore their avail- reacting to the story, it was impossible to code ability as the target of a counterargument. these thoughts as favorable or unfavorable Third, the nature of involvement in a narrative toward the focal belief items” (2000, p. 707). is not the same as involvement in an overtly Niederdeppe, Shapiro, and Porticella (2011) dis- persuasive argument. We address each of these tinguished between cognitive and emotional issues in turn.

In narrative comprehension, the primary cog- sponsored by, for example, an outdoor safety nitive activity is constructing mental models to organization. However, such consideration of represent characters, situations, and ultimately veracity or persuasive motive requires cognitive the meaning of the text (Graesser, Olde, & energy beyond that necessary for comprehending Klettke, 2002; van Dijk & Kintsch, 1983; Zwaan, the narrative and also requires a shift of cognitive Langston, & Graesser, 1995). Conversely, engag- focus toward evaluative processes rather than ing with a persuasive argument requires consid- narrative comprehension. This refocusing should eration of claims and evaluation of evidence interfere with the story’s progression. Subse- (Bruner, 1986; Zarefsky, 1990). To the extent that quently, the audience’s engagement in the narra- these are separate cognitive activities, they put tive experience should be compromised (Busselle separate demands on cognitive capacity and are & Bilandzic, 2008; Green & Brock, 2002), along more likely to interfere with than complement with enjoyment of the narrative experience itself each other. (Busselle & Bilandzic, 2009; Green, Brock, & Related to this is the idea that humans are Kaufman, 2004); all of which point toward accep- Spinozan processors when evaluating the truth tance rather than critical scrutiny as the default status of information (Gilbert, 1991). Evidence processing mode. suggests that humans initially accept informa- A second issue relates to the various possible tion, and then evaluate the veracity of that targets of counterarguing and their availability information only when and if motivated to do to the audience. Typically in advertisements and so (Bradley & Shapiro, 2005; Gilbert, 1991; PSAs, the persuasive intent is obvious to the Gilbert, Krull, & Malone, 1990). This suggests audience and the advocated position is explicitly that rather than suspending disbelief when articulated. This is true even when the message engaging with a narrative, audiences must con- takes a narrative form. This avails to the audi- struct disbelief (Prentice, Gerrig, & Bailis, 1997). ence the motivation and opportunity to coun- The implication for narrative persuasion is that terargue, as well as a target for that argument. for someone engaged in a fictional story, the Conversely, many narratives do not offer explicit initial truth status of an event, character, or sit- advocated positions, but simply show what hap- uation is neither real nor unreal. Instead, events pens to characters facing certain problems. and characters simply are accepted. Their status Essentially, such stories show lived experiences as fictional products only becomes relevant to that are difficult to argue against (Oatley, 2002). the audience member if something prompts Here, the story itself makes no assertion about evaluation about the truth or realism of story how representative or typical a case may be—it assertions (Busselle & Bilandzic, 2008). Such a shows specific people in specific situations, at a prompt may take the form of awareness of per- specific time and location. It is possible to argue suasive intent (Nabi, 2002), an observed incon- that such a portrayal is unlike reality or unlikely sistency within the text (Oatley, 2002), or an to happen in reality. This may occur, for exam- inconsistency between the text and an audience ple, when events seem incoherent (Oatley, 2002) member’s background knowledge or experience or behaviors and characters seem unrealistic (Busselle & Bilandzic, 2008). (Busselle & Bilandzic, 2008). But, again, this For example, consider a program in which a requires the additional cognitive work of police officer says that she and her partner must abstraction and generalization. Further, such recover a stolen snake-bite antidote because “mil- counterarguing may be focused more on the lions are bitten by poisonous snakes annually.” representation’s authenticity than on a specific An audience member may counterargue the advocated persuasive position. In some cases, premise that snake bites are so prevalent (“mil- audiences may infer a story’s point or morale, lions”) or become aware that the program is and use the inference for counterargument. It is

(c) 2013 Sage Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved. 208——PART II. Theories, Perspectives, and Traditions unlikely, however, that an audience member is ego is implicated. This suggests that the rela- more than minimally aware of such thematic tionship between engagement in a narrative and points as they process the narrative (Graesser, involvement in an overtly persuasive message is Olde, & Klettke, 2002). Indeed, a story’s the- surprisingly oppositional. While involvement matic point (e.g., one must take risks to gain enables counterarguing with overtly persuasive rewards) may be unavailable to the audience messages, involvement in the form of narrative until the story is near or at its conclusion. engagement or transportation is a mechanism The third point we will take up related to coun- that prevents counterarguing: When audiences terarguing is the issue of involvement in a narra- focus their mental capacity on processing the tive versus involvement in an overtly persuasive narrative, they should have neither the ability message. In attitude change models, such as the nor the motivation to counterargue (Green & Elaboration-Likelihood-Model (Petty & Cacioppo, Brock, 2000; Slater & Rouner, 2002). 1986), high involvement creates a mind set in audi- To sum up, the suppression of counterargu- ence members that fosters attention to the message ing, facilitated by a text’s narrative properties and and scrutiny of argument quality. People who are a reader’s narrative engagement, has been dis- involved make connections between themselves cussed as the most important mechanism for and the content, compare and judge media content narrative persuasion. As we have demonstrated, against their prior knowledge and experiences, and it is not easy to determine the target of counter- are motivated toward thorough evaluation. This, in arguing in a narrative. It seems to be necessary to turn, means higher involvement is positively separate the story itself from the persuasive mes- related to the likelihood that an individual will sage. However, such a separation suggests a more scrutinize the content for persuasive intent, accu- complex conceptualization of counterarguing, racy, and agreement with their own views. one in which counterarguing, when it does occur, Conversely, in narrative processing, the dom- may be targeted toward elements of the imbed- inant processing experience is transportation or ded or implied persuasive message, or toward narrative engagement—a state of intense cogni- elements of the narrative itself, such as plot or tive and emotional focus on the story (Green & character development that may be unrelated to Brock, 2000; Busselle & Bilandzic, 2009). This an intended persuasive point. form of engagement is different from involvement in that it does not necessarily activate the recipient’s self-concept, experiences, and life- Elaboration and Inference world. The character and plot of “Harry Potter” does not in any way refer to or reflect an average Elaboration of a persuasive message is consid- adult’s situation; nonetheless, readers may be ered an important factor in persuasion (Petty & highly transported into the plot and feel with Cacioppo, 1986). It describes the extent to which the young protagonist. On the other hand, someone is engaging in issue-relevant thinking involvement and narrative engagement are sim- and thorough weighing of argument quality. If ilar in that they represent intense, active pro- the arguments stands up to this critical scrutiny, cessing. A transported reader vividly relives the the persuasive message should change beliefs and story in her mind, extracts meaning from the attitudes. Issue involvement may increase the story without consciously investing effort, elab- likelihood of elaboration by increasing the moti- orates the story text, and understands hints and vation to attend to and process information clues provided by the story by drawing infer- (Petty & Wegener, 1999). ences. In this sense, engagement in a narrative However, as we have previously argued, parallels involvement in a persuasive message involvement is not sufficient to describe narrative but without the assumption that the audience’s processing. Slater and Rouner (2002) suggested

(c) 2013 Sage Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved. Chapter 13. Narrative Persuasion——209 replacing involvement with the more suitable content will be comprehended. Although this notion of engagement or transportation in their model is concerned with children, the same Extended ELM (E-ELM). In this model, elabora- principle should apply to adults. It should be tion is an outcome of engagement (not involve- recognized that there is a bit of a paradox here ment) and that changes attitudes and behavior. regarding a narrative and the integration of Similarly, the Transportation-Imagery-Model educational and persuasive content into that (Green & Brock, 2000) assumes that “all mental narrative: A story is likely little affected by infor- systems and capacities become focused on events mation that is not integrated, but that informa- occurring in the narrative” (p. 701). However, tion likely has little persuasive or educational Green and Brock (2000) derive different conse- influence. Conversely, when information is quences from this intensive focus on the story. It highly integrated, the information is likely to is not elaboration of story content that enhances have greater influence, but it also has greater persuasive effects (as is the case in the E-ELM), impact on the narrative, which may in turn ren- because there is no rational evaluation of argu- der the narrative less interesting or engaging. For ments. Rather, strong immersion into a story example, an action film with an un-integrated reduces counterarguments against story asser- comment about casual sex likely will have little tions, creates a lifelike experience, and provides impact on audience attitudes about sexual strong connections with characters, all of which behavior. But an action film with a strong safe- facilitate narrative persuasion. However, elabora- sex theme likely is not a typical action film, and tion may still be compatible with the assumptions may border on romance, drama, or tragedy, and put forward by the Transportation-Imagery-Model. may be less engaging to an audience that antici- Approaches that are concerned with elaboration pated an action film. seem to build on a capacity model of human infor- When there is no explicit persuasive message mation processing (e.g., Lang, 2009). Deploying to attend to and process, processing should first more resources to a task (manifested as involve- and foremost be directed at the story elements— ment, or transportation) improves task perfor- changes in characters, time, location, events, mance (elaboration). There is a limited pool of causality (Zwaan, Langston, & Graesser, 1995). resources, which is divided between the story itself In order to make the story coherent, readers or and the persuasive message. The capacity model by viewers make inferences where the story does Fisch (2000, 2009) is useful here. It explains how not provide enough information (e.g., Graesser, children learn educational content embedded in Wiemer-Hastings, & Wiemer-Hastings, 2001). stories. It assumes that both the story itself (events, The more capacity is used to process the story, characters, locations, time, etc.) and the educa- the richer the mental model of the story should tional content draw on a limited pool of capacity be. It makes sense to assume that people who are available in working memory. If story and educa- more immersed in a story also make more infer- tional content are not related to each other, the two ences about the implications of the story events. tasks will compete for resources. In general, com- More immersion also means that readers are prehension of the story will be prioritized in more affected by negative outcomes and story resource allocation. In contrast, when educational endings. In this case, people may engage in content is not tangential, but integral to the story “anomalous replotting” (Gerrig, 1993) or coun- (in other words, important for the development of terfactual thinking (Tal-Or, Boninger, Poran, & the plot or the actions of the characters), there will Gleicher, 2004)—a cognitive activity of imagin- be synergies between processing story and processing a different course of events that may have ing the educational content. prevented the negative outcome. However, it is The smaller the distance between story and difficult to imagine repotting before a story has educational content, the better the educational concluded. Thus, elaboration, inferences and

(c) 2013 Sage Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved. 210——PART II. Theories, Perspectives, and Traditions re-plotting should be increased when people are the narrative and facilitated by prior experiences engaged, and any of these cognitive activities that are consistent with the narrative. Specifi- may lead to more persuasion. cally, divergent prior experiences produce a Elaboration is stimulated by personal critical mode of viewing, which is characterized involvement—when people think that an issue is by the increased occurrence of negative thoughts relevant, or when it relates to their own lives and about the narrative and noticing flaws in the experiences. Evoking personal memories and narrative. Critical mode lowers narrative engage- experiences is also well-known as resonance in ment, as well as narrative effects. In contrast, other fields, such psychology of reading (Seilman consistent prior experiences reinforce narrative & Larsen, 1989) or cultivation (Morgan, Shanahan, engagement and produce an “enhanced engage- & Signorielli, 2009). Personal relevance may induce ment” mode of viewing, in which autobiograph- central processing and increase persuasive effects ical memories and emotions mesh together with (Petty & Cacioppo, 1986), and add autobio- emotions elicited by the story and produce even graphical emotions to the emotions evoked by stronger narrative engagement than in a situa- the narrative (Oatley, 2002). tion where there is no match between the story While transportation and involvement have and one’s experiences. The enhanced engage- similar properties regarding the intensity of ment mode should reduce counterarguing and information processing and also clear differences strengthen narrative effects. regarding references to the self, they most often The concept of self-referencing also deals with are not considered simultaneously. However, personal experiences, but places emphasis on there are some exceptions. For example, Prentice, how processing of information changes when the Gerrig, and Bailis (1997) explored the role of information is considered in conjunction with familiarity of story setting for processing fic- self-relevant information (Escalas, 2007). One tional texts and found that unfamiliar settings explanation for how self-referencing affects pro- support narrative effects. When readers are cessing is that it induces elaboration and turns familiar with the setting and read unsupported the reader’s attention toward argument quality. assertions in a story (corresponding to weak Effects only occur when strong arguments are arguments), they are more prone to critically present (e.g., Burnkrant & Unnava, 1989). Other assess the content and reject the assertions. research however suggests that self-referencing Wheeler, Green, and Brock (1999) failed to find binds cognitive resources and levels the influence the same effect of familiarity in an exact replica- of argument quality (e.g., Sujan, Bettman, & tion, but did find support for closer scrutiny of Baumgartner, 1993). To resolve this disparity in texts in familiar settings. Green (2004) found research, Escalas (2007) differentiates between that previous experience (i.e., having a homo- analytical and narrative self-referencing. In ana- sexual friend or family member and reading lytical referencing, information is related to self- story with a homosexual protagonist) increased structure in memory and leads to more attention transportation, but did not alter its effects on to argument quality. Narrative referencing, in beliefs. Strange and Leung (1999) found that contrast, evokes autobiographical memories that being reminded by a narrative (“remindings”) of are replayed in the mind. These thoughts are people one knows in real life facilitates the story’s similar to stories and can transport the reader effect on responsibility attribution. into past events, which leaves less capacity for Bilandzic (2006) argued that the consistency scrutinizing argument quality and should facili- of prior experience with the story is important. tate persuasion. This version of the relation with The model put forward by Bilandzic predicts the self is even more potent than simply being that persuasive effects of narratives should be involved, because readers or viewers actively gen- weakened by prior experiences that diverge from erate or retrieve a complete and self-specific

(c) 2013 Sage Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved. Chapter 13. Narrative Persuasion——211 story in their mind, and are transported into take on a specific meaning in the experience of a their own specific construction. narrative. Images have specific implications for Altogether, elaboration and inference repre- beliefs, and by leading readers to infer these, sent cognitive activities of the audience associ- images may oppose and change existing beliefs. ated with deeper reflection of the story and For example, the image of a violent psychiatric higher persuasive outcomes. While these cogni- patient stabbing a little girl to death supports the tive activities can be stimulated by any kind of belief that stronger security measures are neces- story, they are certainly encouraged by ambigu- sary for those patients to protect society (Green ous plots or characters, and open or negative & Brock, 2000). endings. A crucial question concerns the nature Consequently, imagery production is an inte- of elaboration. In a narrow sense, elaboration gral part of the transportation scale. However, can be understood as thinking about the argu- the imagery subscale has proven less predictive of ments of a persuasive message. However, as we effects than the overall transportation scale have pointed out already, narratives do not (Green & Brock, 2000). This may mean that always contain arguments, for example, if, in imagery is only effective if it occurs in the context Fisch’s (2009) terms, the distance between educa- of transportive experiences (this is the interpre- tional content and story is small. In this case, it is tation of the authors: Green & Brock, 2005, likely that people will elaborate the persuasive p. 129). Alternatively, the same results may be message by thinking about the story itself, or the explained by considering imagery production as fate of the characters (for example, the alcohol- one possible mechanism of narrative impact; related death of the protagonist’s husband). In other aspects (that react to imagery as a content this sense, it is useful to define elaboration in a feature) override the actual amount of imagery broader way, as thinking about an issue rather production (for example, strong emotional nar- than scrutinizing argument quality. rative experience). In a different study reported by Green and Brock (2005) the rated quality of imagery did have a mediating effect on beliefs Imagery (Livingston, 2003). Another explanation for why imagery may be In their Transportation-Imagery-Model, Green influential is that it is difficult to counterargue and Brock (2002) place imagery at the center of against images (Mazzocco & Brock, 2006). This is narrative persuasion. Narrative texts are consid- similar to the way a narrative may be to some ered to be influential if they evoke “measureable extent immune from counterarguing in a narrow images” (Green & Brock, 2002, p. 321). Readers sense. In contrast to rhetorical argumentation, are led by the narrative to generate visual, mental the criterion of an image is not whether it is representations of a narrative scene that has logically correct or not. A strong emotional qualities similar to a representation elicited by image persists in the reader’s mind regardless of external stimuli. These images are generated dur- reality status—it is the idea that a little girl may ing or after exposure and can be “recalled, recog- be stabbed to death that changes attitudes rather nized, and responded to” (p. 321), which explains than the fact that it did or did not happen. their potential for effects. Images have to be con- Mazzocco and Brock (2006) argue that imag- nected and evoked in a strong transportive expe- ery may be effective due to three processes: First, rience and be firmly connected to the story plot images can be encoded dually (analogically and in order to have effects—otherwise they would symbolically) and thus be better remembered; be random images that do not contribute to the second, they may award reality status to fictional progress and the experience of the narrative. The or unbelievable events; third, they provide expe- belief-changing mechanism, then, is that images riences that are close to sensations. The authors

(c) 2013 Sage Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved. 212——PART II. Theories, Perspectives, and Traditions also offer explanations that show how images plot and in processing the images. This is in par- may impact or alter the processing mode follow- allel to Fisch’s (2009) contention that the dis- ing the ELM. Images may be used as peripheral tance between story and educational content cues for attitude formation. We do not need an matters. Then, we may regard transportation as argument when we have an image. Mazzocco and greater investment in processing the story, which Brock (2006) also suggest that images are highly should result in increased resource availability. accessible and may act as peripheral cues that Summing up, imagery is an important charac- create enduring effects even in peripheral pro- teristic of all audiovisual stories and, to varying cessing. But central processing may also be degrees, of written or audio stories. There are strengthened with images when they are heavily good theoretical arguments suggesting images related to the theme of the message, they may influence persuasion outcomes. It stands to rea- entail a more thorough processing of the message son that not all imagery has this potential. For and increase central persuasive effects. Both example, descriptions of a landscape or a room paths are equally plausible and probably depend will create images, but are likely to be irrelevant on the specific characteristics of the image and to persuasion. On the other hand, strong trans- the message. portive experiences are possible without any Rather than relying on peripheral processing, imagery, for example, a detailed portrayal of a one may also argue that imagery is an argument character’s feeling and thoughts; their inner in and of itself, which may be used to form a world. It seems that imagery is neither a neces- judgment and save the reader or viewer from sary nor a sufficient direct condition for narra- having to consider the full range of rhetoric tive engagement; in many cases, however, it may arguments (Mazzocco & Brock, 2006). This is provide the basis for readers and viewers to react plausible in the example of Murder in the Mall emotionally, to engage with the narrative and (Green & Brock, 2000), where the image of the care for the characters, and subsequently for nar- mental patient stabbing the girl is closely con- rative effects. nected to or even stands for the more restrictive attitudes about criminal mental patients. Further, audiovisual material should support Vicarious Experience imagery construction in a way that is different from textual content. Mazzocco and Brock (2006) Media narratives provide rich depictions of social distinguish between image representations that experience, containing behaviors, motivations, automatically result in mental images, which is emotions, situational, and socials contexts to the case in pictorial stimuli (television, photos, which audiences usually do not have access. By etc.). The other case entails a more effortful con- understanding narratives, following the fates, struction of mental images from nonpictorial successes, and failures of characters, by emoting for stimuli that require “imaginal elaboration.” and identifying with the characters—essentially, Image elaboration competes for resources with by reliving the story in their minds—audiences the process of elaborating of a text’s arguments. may experience social life vicariously. Social Cog- Only if sufficient cognitive resources are available nitive Theory (Bandura, 1986) provides a good are images processed properly and influence on theoretical background for this. By observing persuasive outcomes possible. This would sup- models in the media, audience members learn port Green and Brock’s (2002) assertion that how successful a particular behavior is for achiev- imagery can only have influence when related to ing one’s goals, and whether it is easy or hard to the plot and combined with a transportive expe- perform (Bandura, 2004, 2009). Processes of rience: If the plot is closely related to the images identification support vicarious learning: First, used, we can expect synergies in processing the similarity to the model is important for viewers

(c) 2013 Sage Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved. Chapter 13. Narrative Persuasion——213 to accept a behavior as manageable within one’s motivations, thoughts, and feelings. In contrast own capabilities. If the model’s capabilities are to Social Cognitive Theory, the focus is not on perceived to be different from one’s own, vicari- behaviors, but on sympathetic and empathetic ous experience is less influential (Pajares, Pres- growth (i.e., learning to understand and antici- tin, Chen, & Nabi, 2009). Second, if people pro- pate other people’s states of mind and feel com- cess narratives in a transportive mode, they passion with their fates) and on the acquisition typically are able to take on the perspective of a of social knowledge (i.e., norms and values in a character and see the narrative through this given society). character’s eyes (identification as perspective This final mechanism of narrative persuasion taking, Cohen, 2001). may be the one that moves away most from A consequence of this perspective taking is rhetoric persuasion and comes closest to narra- that people are able to deeply understand the tive persuasion as an independent field. Only emotions and the motivations of a character, narratives can provide grounds to simulate a self and understand the joys of succeeding or the in a possible world; and only narratives carry a sadness of failing as if it was happening to dense array of social information. At the same themselves (Busselle & Bilandzic, 2008). Thus, time, these subtle experiences and effects are perspective taking should increase a message’s somewhat difficult to capture in empirical effectiveness as people care for the characters research. Especially since social knowledge is and internalize outcome expectancies. Also, per- omnipresent, it may be difficult to trace the spective taking should help with acquiring self- effects of single exposures or, in the long term, to efficacy: The story is perceived with reduced single out the specific influence of media. distance as the narrative experience resembles direct personal experience and the audience perceives the events as if they were part of the Conclusions and action themselves (Green & Brock, 2000). In Suggestions for the Future Entertainment-Education approaches, positive and negative models are strategically constructed People have probably always used narratives for this purpose; transitional characters offer an when attempting to persuade, and narratives opportunity for the audience to experience the have always had the potential to be persuasive. change from an undesirable behavior to a desir- Thus, it is somewhat surprising that over the able one, as well as the motivations and intrica- past century, with the exception of propaganda, cies of that change (Singhal & Rogers, 1999). narrative persuasion has received relatively little Indeed, narrative engagement has been inte- research attention. On the other hand, the sepa- grated in Entertainment-Education approaches ration of narratives from overt argumentation is to capture the specific potential for persuasion understandable, because, as we have articulated (e.g., Moyer-Gusé, 2008). in this chapter, narratives are fundamentally Mar and Oatley (2008) decrease the distance different from their non-narrative counterparts. between the model and the audience by stating When comprehending a narrative, audience that stories (they focus literary on stories) are members must focus on characters and events, “simulations of selves in the social world” rather than arguments and evidence, in order to (p. 173). While reading a story, people experience construct a coherent story. This process is dif- thoughts and emotions implied by the story, and ferent from that involved in comprehending in doing so, simulate the story in their minds. arguments and evidence, requiring its own cog- The stories themselves, Mar and Oatley argue, nitive resources and involving separate psycho- offer complex models of the human social world logical mechanisms. Fortunately, over the past and allow readers to understand other people’s decade this trend has reversed and scholarship

(c) 2013 Sage Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved. 214——PART II. Theories, Perspectives, and Traditions focused on narrative persuasion has progressed and evidence. Conversely, individuals highly quickly. In that time the focus has shifted from engaged in a narrative should be unmotivated comparing the effectiveness of narrative and and, to some extent, incapable of critical scrutiny, non-narrative formats to exploring mechanisms especially scrutiny targeted toward a persuasive that allow narratives to persuade, processes that argument that is implied and peripheral to the mediate effects, and individual differences that narrative’s main storyline. Research is needed to may render audience members more or less further investigate how all of these factors inter- susceptible. act with each other and intervene in a narrative’s We can conclude that the form a persuasive persuasive influence. For example, extant theo- narrative may take varies in three important rizing suggests that reactance and counterargu- ways. First is the level of integration between the ing are incompatible with persuasive messages story and the persuasive message. High integra- presented in a narrative form. While some tion is evident when the story itself is the persua- empirical evidence of this exists, it is not clear sive message, for example, when a story conveys exactly how to conceive of the relationship a lesson or morale or when PSAs or advertise- between narrative form and counterarguing. We ments take a narrative form. Low integration is might think of narratives as inhibiting resistance evident when a piece of information or a prod- in the sense that counterarguing may be initiated uct appears in a narrative but is only tangentially but narrative comprehension interferes with linked to the narrative’s main plot or theme. development and elaboration of counterargu- Second is the extent to which awareness of per- ments. Alternatively, narratives may prevent suasive intent is available to the audience. At one counterarguing in the sense that the presence of end of this continuum may be cases in which a narrative interferes with the initiation of criti- neither the content nor the setting suggest per- cal evaluation. suasive intent, such as when one sits down to Finally, one may not even suspect persuasive watch a medical drama program for entertain- intent because of narrative form, but may find ment purposes (as opposed to in a research set- aspects of the narrative that are unrelated to the ting). On the other hand, the persuasive purpose persuasive point objectionable in some way and of a 30-second commercial or PSA likely is obvi- counterargue with those targets (for example, an ous to most audiences, excepting children. A unrealistic plot or an inconsistent character). At third way that a potentially persuasive narrative this point it is not safe to assume that all forms of may vary is in the extent to which the persuasive counterarguing necessarily decrease persuasive point is made explicitly in the story or is left to effects. It is possible that, for example, counterar- the audience to infer. Of course these three guments focused away from a narrative’s persua- variations in form are interrelated and related to sive purpose may inhibit resistance to the both engagement in the narrative and involve- intended persuasive message or increase the ment with the narrative’s persuasive message. likelihood that the persuasive message will be Research is needed to better understand how processed heuristically, in turn facilitating per- integration, explicitness and awareness of persuasive effects. This is consistent with the basic suasive intent interact with each other and with assumption of the Transportation-Imagery- other phenomena such as involvement, reactance, Model (Green & Brock, 2000) that intense and counterarguing. engagement in a narrative reduces capacity and As we have argued, engagement in a narrative ability for critical scrutiny, which essentially should serve a function that is oppositional to means that the persuasive message is processed involvement in a persuasive argument. Individu- heuristically when audiences are primarily als who are highly involved in a persuasive argu- engaged with the narrative. Indeed, to the extent ment likely focus on critical evaluation of claims that becoming highly engaged in a narrative is

(c) 2013 Sage Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved. Chapter 13. Narrative Persuasion——215 similar to a real-life experience, it is possible that Appel, M., & Richter, T. (2007). Persuasive effects of that real-life experience includes heuristically fictional narratives increase over time. Media processed information about people, behaviors, Psychology, 10, 113–134. and products, again facilitating persuasive influ- Baesler, E., & Burgoon, J. (1994). The temporal effects ence. Further research into both the processes of story and statistical evidence on belief change. Communication Research, 21, 582–602. and the conditions under which the processes Bandura, A. (1986). Social foundation of thought and occur is warranted. action: A social cognitive theory. Englewood Cliffs, Narrative engagement appears to be an NJ: Prentice-Hall. important mediator in persuasive effects. More Bandura, A. (2004). Social cognitive theory for per- research is needed to better understand the pre- sonal and social change by enabling media. In cise nature of transportation, such as whether it A. Singhal, M. J. Cody, E. M. Rogers, & M. Sabido originates from identification or imagery, and (Eds.), Entertainment-education and social whether it is the same phenomenon when engag- change: History, research, and practice (pp. 75–96). ing with a 30-second advertisement or PSA, situ- Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. ation comedy, or a longer dramatic television Bandura, A. (2009). Social cognitive theory of mass program or motion picture. Similarly, research is communication. In J. Bryant & M. B. Oliver (Eds.), Media effects: Advances in theory and research needed to better understand the role of imagery (pp. 94–124). Los Angeles, CA: Erlbaum. in stories with strong visual descriptions versus Bilandzic, H. (2006). The perception of distance in the those focused on the inner world of characters, as cultivation process: A theoretical consideration of well as in different media, such as written short the relationship between television content, pro- stories versus 3-D movies. cessing experience, and perceived distance. Com- Thus far, the effects of narrative persuasive are munication Theory, 16, 333–355. discussed in terms of attitudes, beliefs, and Bohner, G., Ruder, M., & Erb, H. (2002). When exper- behaviors. However, the insight gained through tise backfires: Contrast and assimilation effects in identification with characters and experienced persuasion. British Journal of Social Psychology, events may be a fundamentally different kind of 41, 495–519. effect, one specific to narratives. Research inves- Bordwell, D. (1985). Narration in the fiction film. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. tigating insight as an outcome of narrative expe- Bradley, S., & Shapiro, M. A. (2005). Parsing reality: rience is warranted. The interactive effects of complex syntax and Ultimately, research in the merged domains time pressure on cognitive processing of televi- of persuasion and narrative have important sion scenarios. Media Psychology, 6, 307–333. implications for theoretical understanding and Braverman, J. (2008). Testimonials versus informa- practical application in health communication, tional persuasive messages: The moderating effect entertainment-education, and marketing, as well of delivery mode and personal involvement. as areas in which narrative effects traditionally Communication Research, 35, 666–694. have not been conceived as a form of persuasion. Brehm, S., & Brehm, J. (1981). Psychological reactance: A theory of freedom and control. New York, NY: Academic Press. References Brosius, H. B., & Bathelt, A. (1994). The utility of exemplars in persuasive communications. Com- Abbott, H. P. (2002). The Cambridge introduction to munication Research, 21, 48–78. narrative. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Bruner, J. (1986). Actual minds, possible worlds. Cam- Press. bridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Allen, M., & Preiss, R. W. (1997). Comparing the per- Burnkrant, R. E., & Unnava, H. R. (1989). Self-referencing. suasiveness of narrative and statistical evidence A strategy for increasing processing of message using meta-analysis. Communication Research content. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, Reports, 14, 125–131. 15, 628–638.

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