327 American Grand Strat Text
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Delegation for Relations with the Mashreq Countries
Delegation for relations with the Mashreq countries 6th European Parliament/Lebanon Interparliamentary meeting 1-6 May 2006 Report by Mrs Beatrice Patrie, delegation chairman I. Introduction The Lebanon visit by a working party from the Delegation for relations with the Mashreq countries, 1 to 6 May 2006, took place against a difficult political background; on the one hand, within the framework of the application of UN resolution 1559, the Syrian troops had left Lebanon, thus restoring a certain degree of sovereignty; on the other hand, several domestic problems are still awaiting resolution: independence of the judiciary, administrative and economic reforms, new electoral law, and the coalition of the various political groups. But what is above all at the heart of public life and Lebanon are the hidden facts behind - and the instigators of - the attacks on former Prime Minister Hariri and other politicians. The EP delegation made a point of meeting all significant political figures, including the UN Special Investigator, Serge Brammertz, and Lebanese religious leaders. There was no meeting with an official delegation from the Lebanese Parliament nor its President, despite the fact that the parliament’s services had been informed of the forthcoming EP delegation visit several weeks in advance and on more than one occasion, by the Commission Delegation Office. II. Meetings with political leaders, NGOs, etc. 1. Meeting with the Minister of the Interior, Mr Ahmed Fatfat The Minister began by asking for European support to put the final touches to independence. He then went on to discuss the issue of the drafting of the electoral law by the electoral commission set up for that purpose, which is taking longer than initially envisaged. -
Presidential Elections in Lebanon: Consensus Or Conflagration? by David Schenker
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 1299 Presidential Elections in Lebanon: Consensus or Conflagration? by David Schenker Nov 1, 2007 ABOUT THE AUTHORS David Schenker David Schenker is the Taube Senior Fellow at The Washington Institute and former Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs. Brief Analysis n October 31, Saad Hariri, leader of the "March 14" majority bloc in the Lebanese parliament, met with O opposition leader Michel Aoun, head of the Hizballah-allied Free Patriotic Movement (FPM), the largest Maronite Christian party in Lebanon. Discussions focused on the September 25-November 25 presidential elections, which will decide whether Lebanon's next chief executive will align with the pro-Western, reform-minded March 14 coalition or follow the path of current president Emile Lahoud and align with Syria. Despite increasing pressures on the March 14 forces -- including an apparent Syrian-orchestrated assassination campaign -- a breakthrough agreement between the majority and the opposition remains unlikely. Meanwhile, Hizballah has warned the March 14 bloc that if it does not compromise on the choice of president, the opposition will adopt a "more direct" approach. Background In the aftermath of the February 2005 assassination of former Lebanese premier Rafiq Hariri, Syria was forced to withdraw its forces, and the March 14 bloc won the parliamentary elections and formed a government. The government coalition included Hizballah ministers, but differences quickly emerged, primarily over the prospective international tribunal to prosecute Hariri's killers. In November 2006, Hizballah's ministers essentially quit after Prime Minister Fouad Siniora requested UN assistance to establish the tribunal, and tensions have been high ever since. -
Hezbollah, the Hidden Side of the Coin the Untold Story of Hezbollah
Hezbollah, the Hidden Side of the coin The untold Story of Hezbollah Written by : Massoud Mohamed Table of Contents: Research Question: ........................................................................................................................... 2 Is the Media hiding the truth or rather is it mediatizing a carefully crafted Hezbollah message? ............................................................................................................................................. 2 I. How did the Media present Hezbollah? ................................................................................ 2 II. To what extend is that true? And how Hezbollah managed to take over?.................. 2 The Story of Hezbollah which was never told: ........................................................................... 2 “Hezbollah” Significant Name: ........................................................................................... 3 The Islamic State (Shii vergin): ........................................................................................... 3 Why this specific name Hezbollah? .................................................................................. 3 Hezbollah Objectives: ........................................................................................................... 4 Our Objectives: ....................................................................................................................... 4 III. Promoting Hezbollah: ........................................................................................................... -
Real Renewal Means No Lahoud Or Berri
Real renewal means no Lahoud or Berri By Chibli Mallat Commentary by Opinion, Tuesday, June 21, 2005 With the exception of the third round of voting two weekends ago, the results of Lebanon's parliamentary elections have been pretty much as expected. The opposition now has a significant majority, which is normal considering the massive upheaval that took place following the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri in February. We should now speak of an "indigenous-led" opposition, which includes those who opposed the Syrian presence "in the field," of which the two tragic icons are Hariri and the recently assassinated journalist Samir Kassir (not to forget Marwan Hamadeh's dead driver, Ghazi Boukaroum, and those many other innocents killed in the Hariri assassination); and we should distinguish this opposition from the "exile-led" opposition, epitomized by Free Patriotic Movement leader Michel Aoun. One can lament the split within the opposition (although thanks to Aoun's stand - some would say stubbornness - suspense was injected into the electoral process), but the remarkably non-violent revolution we have lived through can now be brought to fruition. That is why there must today be two paramount objectives: the departure of President Emile Lahoud, so we can at last reconcile ourselves with our mistreated Constitution; and the election of a new speaker of Parliament in lieu of Nabih Berri, so that a fresh spirit can infuse legislative matters. Let us first look at the numbers. The 15 or so seats won by Aounist candidates on June 12 rattled opposition expectations in the Jbeil-Kisirwan district and the Metn, because of the unmerited defeat of three leading exemplars of Lebanese decency: Carlos Edde, Fares Souaid and Nassib Lahoud. -
Syria and the Polarization of Lebanese Politics | the Washington
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 961 Syria and the Polarization of Lebanese Politics by Robert Rabil Feb 18, 2005 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Robert Rabil Robert Rabil is the LLS Distinguished Professor of Current Affairs in Florida Atlantic University's Department of Political Science. Brief Analysis he assassination of former Lebanese prime minister Rafiq Hariri in a massive bombing in Beirut a few days ago T came at a time of growing Lebanese opposition to Syria’s fifteen-year "trusteeship" (occupation) of the country. Lebanese politics have become polarized by the September 2004 term extension of the pro-Syrian president Emile Lahoud. UN Security Council Resolution 1559, calling for Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon and the disbanding of Hizballah, was adopted that same month in reaction to the term extension. That resolution not only helped the Lebanese opposition to the Syrian presence broaden its base of support but also gave it an international political cover. Background Since its overthrow of the “First Republic” in 1990, Damascus has manipulated Lebanon’s parliamentary elections to prevent the victory of vocal or potential opponents, as well as coalitions of independent political candidates. The constitutional amendment to extend the term of President Lahoud in the face of almost universal Lebanese opposition was approved by a vote of ninety-six to twenty-nine with three members not present. Damascus manipulated the parliamentary elections by gerrymandering electoral districts and enforcing party lists. For example, prior to the parliamentary elections of 2000, Beirut was divided into three districts in order to reduce the number of seats won by Hariri, who had become a fierce critic of Lahoud and then-Prime Minister Salim al-Huss. -
Political Party Mapping in Lebanon Ahead of the 2018 Elections
Political Party Mapping in Lebanon Ahead of the 2018 Elections Foreword This study on the political party mapping in Lebanon ahead of the 2018 elections includes a survey of most Lebanese political parties; especially those that currently have or previously had parliamentary or government representation, with the exception of Lebanese Communist Party, Islamic Unification Movement, Union of Working People’s Forces, since they either have candidates for elections or had previously had candidates for elections before the final list was out from the Ministry of Interior and Municipalities. The first part includes a systematic presentation of 27 political parties, organizations or movements, showing their official name, logo, establishment, leader, leading committee, regional and local alliances and relations, their stance on the electoral law and their most prominent candidates for the upcoming parliamentary elections. The second part provides the distribution of partisan and political powers over the 15 electoral districts set in the law governing the elections of May 6, 2018. It also offers basic information related to each district: the number of voters, the expected participation rate, the electoral quotient, the candidate’s ceiling on election expenditure, in addition to an analytical overview of the 2005 and 2009 elections, their results and alliances. The distribution of parties for 2018 is based on the research team’s analysis and estimates from different sources. 2 Table of Contents Page Introduction ....................................................................................................... -
Vins Du Liban
V ins du L iba n: ars L e business en bo u t e il l e LMa v ie:, c ’esi extra SEPTEMBRE 1996, 5000 L.L. N o 10. sept embre 1996 So m m a i r e VOICE OF AMERIKA: U NE PRESSE À DEUX TEMPS 24 D E VISU : VIVIR LA MU ERTE 26 VINS DU LIBAN: LE BU SI- NESS EN BOUTEILLE 32 Q U AND LA Ont contribué VILLE DORT 38 à ce n um éro LA CH AMBRE INTROU VABLE EXTRÊMES: DABKÉ, 5-22 Hanane Abboud, Ziad N. Abdelnour, Paul MONT-LIBAN: LES MAILLES DU FILET Achkar, Jamal Asmar, SEXE, FOLKLORE ET Médéa Azouri, Chris- tophe Ayad, Nabih FANTAISIE 44 METN: COMMENT LAH OU D A TRA- Badawi, Nadine Che- hadé, Mona Daoud, MIXED MEDIA: L’OF- VERSÉ LE MURR N ORD: U N POTEN- Sophie Dick, Jabbour Douayhi, Patrick Hen- FENSIVE DE ÉLÉ nebelle, Vincent T - TIEL D’INATTENDU BEYROU TH : LES Homer, Anthony IBAN LGO Karam, Houda Kas- L 50 A - RATÉS DU ROULEAU COMPRESSEUR satly, Mazen Kerbaj, Charif Majdalani, RITHME: LA VIE, Farouk Mardam-Bey, ENJEUX ET SURPRISES: SUD, BÉKAA Marie Matar, Nada C EST EXTRA Moghayzel Nasr, ’ 54 Nada Nassar Chaoul, Reina Sarkis, Farès GH ASSAN FAWA Z : D ANS LES RECOINS Sassine, Michèle Standjovski, Jade D’UNE MÉMOIRE BLESSÉE 64 POÉSIE Tabet, Fawaz Tra- boulsi, Michael POUR GOURMETS 67 BIRUNI: L’INDE Young EN ARABESQUES 70 SAVEURS: D U RAISIN L’O RIENT-EXPRESS, IMM. MEDIA C ENTRE, 78 CARTE POSTALE: ALEP LA BLANCH E ACCAOUI, B.P. -
U.S.-Lebanon Dialogue Program Lebanon's Upcoming Elections
U.S.-Lebanon Dialogue Program Lebanon’s Upcoming Elections Summary Lebanon’s democratic process is a complex system intended to ensure a balance of ethnic and religious representation at all levels of government. Because certain electoral districts must be represented by a set mix of ethno-religious representatives, the prospect of a single party winning a broad mandate for leadership is very low. The nature of the governing coalition depends heavily on how electoral alliances are stitched together in the days immediately before and after the elections. According to the most recent polls, the elections today are still too close to call. What does seem clear is that whoever wins will likely hold a very slim majority in parliament, quite possibly leading to a continuation of some form of the current power sharing arrangement. This would mean that there would be no radical shift in Lebanon’s regional orientation, but would likely continue to slow further reform efforts with the need to secure approval from all sides. March 14 leaders have consistently rejected this idea, however, leading to fears that if Hezbollah and its allies win a majority, they may have to govern alone and face the curtailment of essential international aid. The Lebanese Political System Lebanon’s three top national positions – president, prime minister and speaker of parliament – are reserved for Maronite Christians, Sunni Muslims, and Shia Muslims respectively. The deputy premiership and deputy speaker of parliament are reserved for the Greek Orthodox. The parliament and cabinet are apportioned along a 50-50 split between Muslims and Christians, with proportional representation of each sect within those two blocs. -
A Critical Investigation of Power and Ideology Through the Special Tribunal for Lebanon
A Critical Investigation of Power and Ideology through the Special Tribunal for Lebanon Alexander Mark Baxter A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of Nottingham Trent University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy September 2019 This work is the intellectual property of the author. You may copy up to 5% of this work for private study, or personal, non-commercial research. Any re-use of the information contained within this document should be fully referenced, quoting the author, title, university, degree level and pagination. Queries or requests for any other use, or if a more substantial copy is required, should be directed in the owner(s) of the Intellectual Property Rights. Contents Table of Figures .................................................................................................................................... iii Abstract ................................................................................................................................................ iv Acronyms............................................................................................................................................... v Introduction .......................................................................................................................................... 1 Context and Rationale ....................................................................................................................... 1 Approach of the thesis ..................................................................................................................... -
La République En Ballottage
La République en ballottage L es l ie u x de l ’été L e T ibe t À LA RECHERCHE DU S hâNGRILA PERDU AOÛT 1996, 5000 L.L. N o 9. ao û t 1996 So m m a i r e VOICE OF AMERIKA: LE BIBI SHOW 26 D E VISU : À LA RECHERCHE DU SHAN- GRILA PERDU 28 SHOW-OFF OU SHOW-BIZ 48 EXTRÊMES: TERRE EN Ont contribué SU RSIS RANCIS à ce n um éro 52 F LA RÉPUBLIQUE EN BALLOTAGE 5-24 Hanane Abboud, Ziad BACON: LA DERNIÈRE N. Abdelnour, Paul LE PARLEMENT DE 92: ŒUVRES COM- Achkar, Jamal Asmar, TENTATION DU CORPS Médéa Azouri, Chris- PLETES SIMON KARAM: POUR tophe Ayad, Nabih Badawi, Nadine Che- 60 SÉLIM BARAKAT, L’UNITÉ DES OPPOSITIONS 16 hadé, Mona Daoud, UE FAUT IL EN ATTENDRE SSAM Sophie Dick, Jabbour LE KU RDE ET LA Q - : I Douayhi, Anthony N AAMAN, MICHEL SAMAH A, BOU- Karam, Simon Karam, BALEINE 67 BONNES Houda Kassatly, TROS H ARB ENJEUX ET SURPRISES: Mazen Kerbaj, Charif Majdalani, Farouk FEU ILLES: LA CAVE MONT-LIBAN, BEYROU TH , NORD Mardam-Bey, Marie Matar, Nada Moghay- DU H O LID AY 68 zel Nasr, Nada Nas- LES LIEUX DE L’ÉTÉ sar Chaoul, Reina 34-46 Sarkis, Farès Sassine, H UGO PRATT: VENISE Michèle Standjovski, BROUMMANA: ETDIREQUEC’ÉTAIT Jade Tabet, Joëlle N ’EST PAS EN ITALIE Touma, Michael LA VILLE DE MON PREMIER AMOU R Young 76 SAVEURS: D E LA D ERNIER TANGO À SOFAR D HOUR- FIGU E 84 CARTE CHOUEIR: N OUS N’IRONSPLUSAU L’O RIENT-EXPRESS, BOIS KESROU AN: L’AU TARCIE IMM. -
The Evolutionaries
THE EVOLUTIONARIES: TRANSFORMING THE POLITICAL SYSTEM AND CULTURE IN LEBANON By Anders C. Härdig Submitted to the Faculty of the School of International Service of American University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy In International Relations Chair: __________________________________ Dr. Diane Singerman __________________________________ Dr. Kristin Diwan __________________________________ Dr. Marwan Kraidy _________________________________ Dean of the School of International Service __________________________________ Date 2011 American University Washington, D.C. 20016 © COPYRIGHT by Anders C. Härdig 2011 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT The Evolutionaries poses the question: How can grassroots activists broaden the space for political participation in a factionalized and elite-centric, as opposed to citizen- centric, polity? This question is explored through a case study of a new ‘civic’ segment of civil society in Lebanon, which after the end of the 1975-1990 civil war managed to carve a space in which to operate and established itself as a factor in Lebanese politics. This ‘civic movement’ employs an incremental change approach in order to transform their patron-dominated ‘republic’ into a republic, which recognizes the rights and responsibilities associated with citizenship. To this end, civic activists link with political elites in time- and scope-limited campaigns. The temporary character of these coalitions reduces the risk of cooptation, and the limited scope reduces the number of stakeholders threatened by the campaign. However, while the Lebanese state demonstrates relatively low levels of constraints to civic activists, constraints emanating from society are at times severe. The historical development of the Lebanese state, especially the construction of a confessional political system, has reinforced a political culture centered on kinship and sectarian collective identities. -
Women's Participation and Representation in Lebanese Politics
Women’s Participation and Representation in Lebanese Politics: Electoral Performance, Challenges, and the Road Ahead .BS Report Policy Georgia Dagher Founded in 1989, the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies is a Beirut-based independent, non-partisan think tank whose mission is to produce and advocate policies that improve good governance in fields such as oil and gas, economic development, public finance, and decentralization. This report is published in partnership with HIVOS through the Women Empowered for Leadership (WE4L) programme, funded by the Netherlands Foreign Ministry FLOW fund. Copyright© 2021 The Lebanese Center for Policy Studies Designed by Polypod Executed by Dolly Harouny Sadat Tower, Tenth Floor P.O.B 55-215, Leon Street, Ras Beirut, Lebanon T: + 961 1 79 93 01 F: + 961 1 79 93 02 [email protected] www.lcps-lebanon.org Women’s Participation and Representation in Lebanese Politics: Electoral Performance, Challenges, and the Road Ahead Georgia Dagher Georgia Dagher is a researcher at the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies. Her research focuses on parliamentary representation, namely electoral behavior and electoral reform. She has also previously contributed to LCPS’s work on international donors conferences and reform programs. She holds a degree in Politics and Quantitative Methods from the University of Edinburgh. Executive Summary The representation of women in Lebanese politics has always been disproportionately low. Not only is the historical framework of power in Lebanon patriarchal in nature, but the country’s political families are all led by men as well. Under the majoritarian systems that have dominated parliamentary and municipal elections since the end of the civil war, electoral results have always sidelined women.