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CONDITIONS ON NUCLEAR EXPRESSIONS IN PHONOLOGY by MARGARET COBB Submitted to the Department of Linguistics in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL AND AFRICAN STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF LONDON March 1997 ProQuest Number: 10752726 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10752726 Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 ABSTRACT This thesis aims to provide a principled account of the distribution of ‘tense’/Tax’, and ‘high’/Tow’ vowels in vowel harmony systems. It is based on the principles and parameters of Government Phonology in which variation is accounted for by possible combinations of parameter settings. To explain variation in ‘tense’/lax’ and TiighV’low’ distribution, I exploit the interaction of the parametric aspects of three universal mechanisms: Licensing Constraints, Head-licensing (both Kaye (1993b)), and the Complexity Condition (Harris (1990a)). The type of language data this thesis seeks to account for has received some attention in the phonological literature, in terms of other frameworks as well as Government Phonology. These treatments are evaluated here. Two of the three main tools employed are recent inclusions in Government Phonology. The role of Licensing Constraints as parameters on element distribution is explored in the context of the principles and parameters drawn on in this thesis. Licensing Constraints have certain repercussions for other aspects of the theory. These are explored in detail. Licensing Constraints interact with Head-Licensing, a principle explaining ‘ATR’ distribution. Additionally, I claim that some aspects of Head-Licensing are subject to parametric variation. The possible combinations of parameter settings are presented, illustrated with a variety of language data. The Complexity Condition is claimed to apply parametrically in processes taking place at the level of nuclear projection. As Head-Licensing occurs at this level, some languages are expected to enforce the Complexity Condition. I examine cases where this takes place, and the variety of strategies employed by languages for its maintenance. Finally, I explore how the interaction of Licensing Constraints, Head- Licensing and the Complexity Condition might provide a unified account of harmony processes traditionally described in terms of ‘raising’, ‘lowering’, ‘+ATR’ and ‘- ATR’. I evaluate, and propose analyses of some cases from the literature. TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract 3 Table of Contents 4 Acknowledgements 8 Abbreviations 11 Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Overview 13 1.2 Vowel Harmony Phenomena 14 1.3 Theoretical Claims and Empirical Fit: language variation and the notion of markedness 19 1.4 Other Treatments of ‘height’/’ATR’ harmonies 25 1.5 Standard Government Phonology 30 1.5.1 Elements 31 1.5.2 Markedness and Charm Theory 32 1.5.3 Some Problems with Standard GP 35 1.6 An Approach to Problem Solving - A Revised GP 38 1.6.1 Headedness 40 1.6.2 Licensing Constraints 41 1.7 Summary 44 Chapter 2 Licensing Constraints 2.1 Overview 46 2.2 The Role of Constraints in Government Phonology 47 2.2.1 How Phonological Processes Occur 48 2.2.2 The Relationship of Phonological Domain to Phonological Domain 50 2.2.3 Levels of Representation 51 2.2.4 Language Variation in Constraint-Based Model 52 2.2.5 Structure Preservation 53 2.3 Explaining Element Behaviour in Phonological Processes 55 2.3.1 Phonological Processes in Uyghur 56 4 2.3.1.1 I -harmony 5 6 2.3.1.2 U-harmony 60 2.4 Licensing Constraint Theory 63 2.4.1 Structure Preservation and Phonological Expressions 66 2.5 Summary 69 Chapter 3 The Role of Headship 3.1 Overview 70 3.2 The Cold Vowel 71 3.3 Fusion and Headship 74 3.3.1 Fusion and Headship in K.LV (1985) and Standard GP 74 3.3.2 Revised Fusion and Headship 76 3.4 Theoretical and Empirical Issues 77 3.4.1 Theoretical Issues 78 3.4.2 Empirical Consequences 80 3.5 The element l+ 82 3.6 Headed and Headless Expressions Capture ‘ATR’ Properties 86 3.7 Summary 87 Chapter 4 Head Licensing 4.1 Overview 89 4.2 H(ead)-Licensing 90 4.2.1 H-Licensing in Vata 90 4.2.2 Projection Government 95 4.3 The Interaction of Licensing Constraints and H-Licensing 99 4.3.1 Vata 99 4.3.2 Akan 102 4.4 The Two Structures of Projection Government: evidence from Pulaar 106 4.4.1 Pulaar Vowel Distribution 107 5 4.4.2 Vata and Akan versus Pulaar: similarities and differences 113 4.5 H-Licensing in Pulaar 114 4.5.1 Modifying H-Licensing 119 4.6 H-Licensing in Zulu, Sesotho, and Turkana 122 4.6.1 Approaches to Zulu and Sesotho 122 4.6.2 Mid Vowel Distribution in Zulu 123 4.6.3 Previous Treatments of Zulu Harmony 124 4.6.4 The GP Approach to Zulu 126 4.6.4.1 Phonological Expressions for Zulu 127 4.6.4.2 H-Licensing in Zulu 130 4.6.4.3 ‘Syllabic Nasals’ in Zulu 132 4.6.4.4‘Long’Vowels in Zulu 134 4.6.5 Vowel Raising in Sesotho 136 4.6.5.1 Previous Analyses of Sesotho mid vowel raising 137 4.6.5.2 A GP Treatment of Sesotho mid vowel raising 140 4.6.6 Turkana Vowel Harmony 146 4.7 H-Licensing and other Types of Inter-nuclear Licensing 153 4.8 Summary 155 Chapter S Complexity Effects in H-Licensing 5.1 Overview 157 5.2 H-Licensing in Natal (Brazilian) Portuguese 159 5.2.1 The Natal Data 160 5.2.2 A Revised Government Phonology Analysis 163 5.2.3 Remaining Data 165 5.3 Complexity in Phonology 166 5.3.1 The Complexity Condition 166 5.3.2 Head-Dependant Asymmetries 167 5.4 Complexity Effects in Natal 171 5.5 Complexity Effects in Vata ■ 176 5.6 Complexity Effects in H-government: metaphony in north-western Spanish 178 5.6.1 Vowel Harmony in Lena Bable 179 6 5.7 H-Government and Complexity Effects in Yoruba and Ogori 183 5.7.1 Yoruba Harmony Data 183 5.7.1.1 H-Licensing in Yoruba 190 5.7.2 Ogori Vowel harmony 193 5.6 Summary 197 Chapter 6 Predictions and Possibilities 6.1 Overview 198 6.2 ‘ - ATR Y‘Height’ Processes as A-Spreading 199 6.2.1 Chukchee Vowel Harmony 200 6.2.1.1 Chukchee Data 200 6.2.1.2 An A-Spreading Account of Chukchee Vowel Harmony 204 6.2.1.3 A Revised GP Analysis of Chukchee 205 6.2.3 Bantu Height Harmony 209 6.2.3.1 Chichewa 210 6.2.3.2 Chichewa Vowel Harmony as H-Licensing 212 6.2.3.3 Vowel Harmony in Herero, Ndonga, and Kwanyama 214 6.2.3.4 H-Licensing in Bantu Without Complexity Effects 216 6.3 Height Harmony as A-Licensing 217 6.3.1 Vowel Harmony in Pasiego 217 6.3.2 Vowel Harmony in Kera 224 6.4 An Unresolved Issue 231 6.4.1 The Data 231 6.4.2 Theoretical Considerations 237 6.5 Summary 238 Conclusion 239 References 241 7 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation could not have been written without the support of the following people. First, I would like to express my gratitude to my supervisor Monik Charette for her valuable and stimulating comments and discussion, constant kindness and encouragement, and for providing me with teaching opportunities. She has been everything one would expect of a perfect supervisor. In addition to Monik Charette, I would like to express my sincerest thanks to those who have contributed to my understanding of phonology. My education in linguistics has been significantly shaped by the dynamic teaching of Jonathan Kaye, John Harris, and Jean Lowenstamm. My work is strongly influenced by their ideas and approaches to the field. This dissertation has also benefited from the generous help of a number of professionals who have contributed in terms of teaching, discussion, commenting, and providing practical help. I sincerely thank Elabbas Benmamoun, Nick Clements, Eugeniusz Cyran, Katrina Hayward, Jose Hualde, Harry van der Hulst, Nhlanhla Maake, Jaye Padgett, Ralph Penny, Nancy Ritter and Patrick Sauzet. I would especially like to thank Eugeniusz Cyran and Nancy Ritter for their endless patience in providing helpful comments on drafts of the first three chapters of this dissertation. My research involved a number of ‘fieldwork5 projects and would not have been possible but for the following people. I am sincerely grateful to Jacob Adeshina, Esteban Ayerbe, Paco Benitez, Chuguluk, Gemma de la Cruz, Johannes Flieger, Evans Joojo-Richards, Nhlanhla Maake, Taeko Maeda, Manuel de Malena, Dolores Perez Reyes, Susi, Talhat, and Yakup. I am especially indebted to my friends and colleagues. I have been lucky enough to have enjoyed great support and friendship from my SOAS contemporaries Esteban Ayerbe, S-J Chung, Jeanne Cornillon, Ann Denwood, Johannes Flieger, Yeng-Seng Goh, Marie Frost, Melanie Green, Sean Jensen, Sarah Llewellyn, Taeko Maeda, Lutz Marten, Denise Perrett, Anna Pettiward, Stefan Ploch, Ji-Young Shin, Andrew Simpson, James Strang, Stavroula Tsiplakou, David Swinburne, Noriko Uno, Caitlin Walker, Justin Watkins, Geoff Williams, S-F Yap, and Yuko Yoshida.
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