THE EVOLUTION OF THE STATE SYSTEMS AMONG THE

GBAGYI OF RIVER KADUNA VALLEY C.l860 TO L981

BY

ISA NANBO BABA

REGISTRATION NUMBER: 97514002

B.A.(HONS)(BUK), 1984; M.A. (BUK), 1991

A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE DEPARTMENT 01•' HISTORY,

UNIVERSITY OF ABUJA, IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE

REQUIREMENTS FOR THE A WARD OF DOCTOR OF

PHILOSOPHY (Ph.D) DEGREE IN HISTORY

APRIL 2006 CERTIFICATION

This Thesis ha been read and approved as having met the requirements of the

Department of Histmy, University of Abuja for the award of a Doctor of

Philosophy (Ph.D) Degree in Histmy.

.. � ...... fq� Dr (Mrs.) F.O Ifamose Department of Histmy Head of Department of Histmy (Supervisor)

Prof. Bingel Baba Thomas Extemal Examiner

II DECLARATION

I hereby declare that tllis Thesis is a product of an original research work conducted by the writer. It has not been presented before fo r the award of a Degree in any University. The ideas, observations, conunents, suggestions and expressions herein represent the ''rite(:.; convictiulb. c\ccpl quotations which have been acknowledged in accordance with conventional academic traditions.

Isa Nanbo Baba

April, 2006

Ill

J DEDICATION

Dedicated to my late mother, Hajiya Larni Baba Gawu.

IV TABLE OF CONTENTS

Pages

Title page ......

.. Certification ...... 11

Declaration ...... 111

Dedication...... IV

Table of Contents ...... v

IX Abbreviations ......

X Glossary......

Acknowledgement...... XI

XV Preface ......

Chapter One

1.0 Introduction and the evolution of state system...... 1

1.1 Aims & objectives...... 10

1.2 Scope of the Study ...... 11

1. 3 Limitations and discussions on the methodology of the study...... 12

1.4 Literature review ...... 14

1.5 Geographical description of the area of study...... 21

1. 24 6 People of the region......

1...... 31 7 Land tenure system and labour organization... .

1.8 Foundation of the state system...... 34

v

) Chapter Two

2.0 The reaction ofthe state system to the Fulani incursions ...... 60

2.1 Relocation ofHausa ntlers ofZazzau to Abuja in 1808...... 61

2.2 The Fulani incmsion from Lapai in 1828 ...... 62

2.3 The Fulani incursion from Bida in 1841 ...... 63

2.4 The Fulani incmsion by Umar Nagwamatse ofKontagora in 1856...... 66

2. 5 The Fulani incmsion by Ibrahim N agwamatse ofKontagora in 1881 . . . 72

2.6 The impact ofFulani incursions on the state system...... 79

Chapter Three

3.0 The state system and European activities in the early 191h century: Penetration, conquest and impact 1825-1932...... 92

3.1 European Explorers in 1825...... 92

3.2 The Royal Niger Company and other trading companies in 1897...... 95

3.3 The State System and British colonialrule 1900-1910...... 98

3.4 The establishment ofBritish colonial administration in 1910 ...... 102

3.5 The establishment of a Federated administration in 1932...... 123

Chapter Four

4.0 The state system and the British colonial rule, 1939-1960...... 133

4.1 The Administration ofthe Gbagyi Federation up to 1950...... 133

4.2 The Appointment ofChief of Minna and the paramount Chief 158

ofthe Gbagyi Federation in 1950 ......

4.3 Partisan politics and the Federated Council in 195 0-1960...... 17 4

VI Chapter Five

5.0 Political development in the post colonial period, 1960-1980's.... 201

5.1 Creation of Minna Chiefdom...... 201

5.2 Transformation of the Chiefdom to an Emirate and the reaction of the Gbagyi in 1981...... 207

Chapter Six

6. 0 Conclusion...... 217

Notes on Sources

7.1 Primary sources...... 225

7.2 Secondary sources...... 227

7.3 Published books...... 227

7.4 Articles in Journals...... 229

7.5 Government Reports and occasional published papers...... 231

7.6 Unpublished works...... 232

7.7 Niger State Archives, Minna...... 233

7.8 National Archives, Kaduna...... 234

7.9 Arewa House, Kaduna...... 237

7. 1 Briefs on oral evidence...... 23 8

Bibliography

NSAM...... 240

NAK...... 241

AJ!I(...... 245

Published works...... 245

VII Journals & magazines...... 249

Public documents, unpublished papers and Government Reports...... 250

Unpublished PhD Theses and Dissertations...... 252

Appendix I - XXV...... 254

Maps

Vlll ABBREVIATIONS

ABU Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria

AG Action Group

AHK Arewa House, Kaduna

ASP Assistant Superintendent of Police

BUK Bayero University, Kano

· · nlstrl,..t D.O. .iJ ..1 n Vt..f r;c e '-./r .LJ.1

DOM District Officer of Minna

JAH Journal of African History

JHSN Journal of the Historical Society ofNigeria

MBPP Middle Belt Peoples Party

MinProf Minna Provincial Office

NAK National Archives, Kaduna

NCNC National Congress of Nigeria and Cameroun

NEPU Northern Element Progressive Union

NPC Northern Peoples Congress

NSAM Niger State Archives, Minna

RNC Royal Niger Company

SNP Secretary to Northern Provinces

WAFF West African Frontier Force

IX GLOSSARY

Abawa Thread

Akali Judge

Ajale Owners of land

Chirani Dry season migration

Dobu Local silos for storing grains

Dodongwari Masquerade of Gbagyi

Epe-dagai/ epeda Head of the household

Etsu Chief

Ezhi Town

Fadagbe Cooperative farm service

Fago/Fako Family farm

Fakpa/Faba Suburb

Fatigo-da Head of the village

Jakada Courtier

Kakaki Trumpet

Kaura Permanent migration

Kofa Gate way

Kurmi Forest

Nugbanufa Individual farm

Sarki Chief

Sarkin mallamai Chief scribe

Yandoka Local police

X ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

This Thesis would not have been possible without the encouragement and

assistance of many individuals, whose names cannot all be mentioned.

However, I want to register my profound gratitude to my primary informants

for providing me their time and material infonnation towards the conduct of this

project. I would like to state that their contributions assisted me greatly in

overcoming some pre-conceived ideas and material records, which were

sometimes not detailed and explicit. They include my father, Alhaji Mohammed

Baba (Yakeke), former Walin Gawu; my tmcle, Alhaji Mohammed Sarkin Haya,

Galadiman Gawu; Alhaji Abdullahi Dada, retired District Head of Maikunkele and

Marafan Minna; Mallam Abubakar Pkottm, Gundumun-Gabas of Paiko; Mallam

Ahmadu Yohanna Kuta; Mallam Ibrahim Kafinta, Galadiman Paida Minna; Alhaji

Musa Abubakar, District Head of Bosso; late Alhaji Aliyu Mu'azu, Sarkin Yakin

Minna and Iliyasu Dako, Ajiyan Minna.

My special thanks go to my supervisors and their families, Prof. Aliyu A.

Idrees and Prof. J.A. Ohiare, who have over the years been patient with me and have shown their understanding of my several trips to their official residences for assistance and guidance. Their comments, observations, criticisms and corrections on the manuscripts were worthwhile. The sudden death of both Prof. Aliyu A.

Idrees and Prof. J. A. Ohiare was a great loss to the academic community,

XI considering their valuable contributions to academics. Prof. Aliyu A. Idrees died

1 6t11 on the I t 1 November 2004, five months after I had defended my Theses on the

June 2004 while Professor J. A. Ohiare died along with another member of the

History Department, Dr. Aliyu Hussani, on the 24111 February, 2006. T am full of

pain that both of them did not live to see the fruits of their labour, the final copy of

the Theses and my convocation. All I would say is that may Almighty Allah grant

them eternal rest. My sincere thanks go to Prof. Sa'ad Abubakar who went through

the manuscript to ensure that the thesis was inconfonnity with the standard of

University requirement. Also my thanks also goes to all members of staff of the

department of History for giving me all possible assistance through out the

duration of my course and the completion of the thesis.

I am grateful to the library staff of Bayero University library, Kano; Niger

State Archives Mitma; Sir Kashim Ibrahim library and Northern Nigeria History

Scheme, both at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria; Arewa House library and

National Archives library at Kaduna. My gratitude also goes to the staff of the

University of Abuja library, Presidency, Secretary to the Government of the

Federation library and the National Library, all in Ahuja, for their concem and for providing me with relevant reference books and materials for the Thesis.

I want to acknowledge the contributions of my former colleagues and staff at the Presidency, Secretary to the Govenunent of the Federation's Office; Office of

XII the Vice President, Special Adviser to the Vice President, Political and the

Ministry of Defence, where I had served at various capacities as a Researcher and

Administrative Officer; and to my fi·iends right fi·om my secondary school days till

date: Musa Aliyu, Abdul Zubairu, Sule Lawai, Noah Auta, EI-yakub Lamis

Mohammed and Zubairu Yusufu. I need to also mention Dr Mu'azu Babangida

Aliyu, Permanent Secretary, The Presidency, National Planning Commission, for

his assistance, support and interest in the research work, and, of course, Mr. Taiwo

A. Oyewale, System Administrator, the Presidency (Ecological Fund Office), for type-setting the Thesis. My most profound gratitude goes to my fom1er employers, the Presidency, Secretary to the Govenunent of the Federation, for granting me the approval, in the first place, to tmdertake the degree progrmrune.

I want to show my appreciation to my youthful friends in Paida, where I was bom and raised, some of whom were Ibrahim Tsiyaku, Musa Isiyaku, Ibrahim

Auta, Musa Garba, Yusuf Bawa, Ibrahim Dajigo, Ibrahim Hassan, Bala .Makka and

Audu Dogara. In nostalgia, we played together with the ruins of Minna town on the hilltop over looking the new outpost to its South, which was attacked by the British forces, before it was vacated by its Gbagyi inhabitants at the beginning of the 20111 century. It was this new outpost that later became the centre of intemal political crises and intrigues mnong the Gbagyi Chiefs during the British era. This led to the establishment of an Emirate among them in recent times, thus bringing the various

XIII confederate Gbagyi settlements in the region into one central authority, which is

the tluust of this Thesis. During the course of the research work, 1 lost some of 111)

beloved friends whose memory shall ever remain green; namely, Mohammed

Tanko Talib, a fo nner lecturer with the Department of Political Science, University

of Jos; Comrade Yahuza Abdullahi, fo nnerly with the Depmiment of Distance

Learning, University of Abuja; and AJiyu Mahamud Shehu, fo nnerly the

Academic Secretary, College of Education, Minna.

1 would also like to aclmowledge the patience and understanding of my

fam ily, especial1y my brothers, Mohammed Baba and Danlami Baba; my senior

sister, Hajiya Hajara Hassan; and my wife, Rabi Tsa. They have over the years

stood by me when my mother was down with stroke at the cmrunencement of this

d 1999 research work on the 22n August, until she passed on, on the 15th July 2004.

I want to give my utmost gratitude to her for providing me with the motherly care, comfmi and oppmitmities to pursue my goals in life. However, life is an opp01iunity that should be utilized to study the past in order to understand the present and plan for the future before it goes out. Thus, I give thanks to AJmighty

Allah fo r this oppmiunity.

Isa N. Baba (Walin Gawu) Ministry of Defence Abuja.

XIV PREFACE

This study is primarily concerned with historical developments that cover a

period of over three hundred years, with the purpose of establishing the evolution

of a state system among the Gbagyi that inhabit an area referred to as the River

Kaduna valley.

It was however, not in doubt that the Gbagyi settlements along the River

Kaduna never at the earliest times succeeded in forming large centralized political

settlements. They were confederate states, or what is popularly referred to as semi­

autonomous states, each with a different historical background before the 191h

century.

The study attempts to underscore this point, by undertaking an in-depth discussion and analysis of how these states gradually transformed into a centralized polity over the years. To this end, oral and archival materials were put to play through an analytical approach, in establishing the historical process leading to the establishment of a centralized polity among the people. The study has revealed that internal crises within the polity over the years brought about significant transformations in the structures of individual lineages and states, leading to the present political arrangement referred to as Minna Emirate.

XV The Thesis, therefore, is divided into eight chapters. This is in order to

provide a clear perspective on each stage of development, in the evolution of the

state system.

Chapter one contains the introduction, aims and objectives of the research.

This was necessary to shed light on why the study was carried out in the first place.

Similarly, limitations and the methodology used in the research were highlighted

including, of course, the reviews of existing literature. The chapter also contains

the description of the physical features of the area and how these have contributed

to human habitation. Attempts were also made to identify the peoples that have

inhabited the region over the years. In this regard, current scientific research into

linguistic and archaeological evidence were explored to establish the source of

migration of the people to the present location they occupy in the region. This is followed by a discourse on the socio-economic system of the people. The study was able to establish that, in spite of the varied nature of the people, land tenure system and organisation of labour were more or less the same. These variables were vehicles for social mobilization. Attempts were also made to identify the ten principal states that emerged in the region before the 19th century. Discussions were centred on how the states were established by the founders of the dynasties and how they inter -related with one another before the 19th century, in spite of their semi-autonomous nature.

XVI th Chapter two focuses on the outbreak of the 19 century Sokoto Jihad

activities in the region. Here, attention is given to the nature, course and reaction

of each of the polities towards the Jihad. In the first instance, attempts were made

to show how each of the Fulani powers from Wushishi, Kontagora, Bida, Lapai

and Zaria made incursions into the area and their impacts on the state systems in

the region.

th The third chapter exammes European activities m the 19 century,

penetration, conquest and their impact on the State System. The chapter sheds light

on European explorers and the activities of European trading companies. It went

further to demonstrate how each of the individual polities were conquered by the

th British colonial administration at the beginning of the 20 century and the

reactions that followed. Thereafter, attempts were made to analyse the disruption

and distortion of the existing state system by the British colonial administration.

And by the 1930s, we saw how the British policy suddenly changed from hitherto,

placing the region under Fulani rule, to the creation of an autonomous centralised

authority ofF ederated administration.

Chapter four gives an in-depth discussion on how the newly established

federation was administered and its collapse after almost twenty years of existence.

Sequel to the collapse of the federated administration, a more centralised single authority, Chief of Minna, was appointed in its place by the British colonial administration. The appointment marked the beginning of a single recognised

XVII ruler governing over the entire region. Similarly, attempts were made to discuss patiisan politics of the region in the wake of preparations towards political independence of the country.

Chapter five fo cuses on post-colonial developments; how the Chiefs position was further strengthened by the post colonial regional governments. This situation persisted till 1981, when the position of Chief was finally upgraded to that of an Emir, by the second civilian administration in Niger State. Chapter six contains conclusions on some of the findings made during the research. The last section of the thesis contains notes on sources, Bibliography, Theses and dissertations consulted.

XVIII CHAPTER ONE

1.0 INTRODUCTION AND THE EVOLUTION OF THE STATE SYSTEM

The evolution of the state system in the River Kaduna Valley can be defined

as the organisation of semi-autonomous ethnic groups into small political units.

The political units were governed by a clearly defined structure of state apparatus,

starting from the household, compound, village and the township levels, under the

1 headship of the Etsu. These political units were established about the early and

middle of 181h century. The states were made up of ten semi-independent political

units, founded by people of Gbagyi, Rausa, Bomo, Bassa and Kamuku origin.

They were essentially lineage based groups, whose political authority was

independent of clan confederacies. Thus, the administration of each of the political

units statted from the single-family household, which was made up of the father,

mother and their children. The father was naturally the head of the household and

referred to as epe-da/apeda. A group of five to six of such households constituted

a compound with common kindred, headed by the most elderly, who was referred

to as epe-dagai/Zakwai. A cluster of these households constituted a farm

settlement, called fa-kpa/afaba epo, and was usually headed by epo-dagai.

The village fatigo was usually made up of a fairly large farm settlement of a

household, made up of people as a result of common lineage and favourable

1 S.F. Nadel, A Black Byzantium London Oxford University Press 1942, P. l75. Aliyu A. !dress, Domination and reaction in Nupe land, Central Nigeria A Kyadya Revolt, 1857-1905, African Studies Vol. l5, Edwin Mellen Press UK 1996, P.6. Sa'ad Abubakar, "Political evolution or reolution: The Case of Kin Nupe before the advent of colonial rule" J.F. Ade Aj ayi and Bashir Ikara ed, Evolution of po litical culture in Nigeria, University Press Ltd 1985, P.68 farming conditions separated by farm lands and rugged terrains, headed by fatigo-

tsu. The main towns, referred to as Ezhi, which grew from cluster villages, were

fragmented on the hilltops, with stone-fortified walls and divided into wards,

headed by the Chief, Etsu.

Similarly, the chain of administration on these stmctures started from the

head of the household to the head of the farm settlement, who invariably

channelled all complaints to the village head. The village head, in turn, forwarded

such matters to the Chiefs-in-Council. The chiefs served as heads of both the

Traditional Council and the Council of Chiefs or title holders; the latter council

appears to be of foreign origin, since the titles themselves were predominantly

Hausa, Nupe and sometimes Islamic in content. The Council appears to have been

introduced and adopted in the last four hundred years as a result of being

contiguous neighbours to the Nupe and the Hausa. In addition to this, the people of the region, especially the Gbagyi, belong to the same genetic and linguistic

2 family group with the Nupe.

2 H.D. Gun and F.P. Connat "People of the middle Niger region of Northern Nigeria" Ethnograph ic Survey of Africa ed, Daryll Forde, West African Institute, London 1960.

2 Table 1: Some GbagyiTitles and their Equivalents in Hausa and Nupe

I SIN Gbagyi Titles Rausa Titles Nupe Titles Remarks I Group A 1. Etsu Sarki Etsu 1. Group A were referred to Shaba (Crown Prince) as Asaki Etsu. members of Kpotu (2"d Crown the Chiefs Council Prince) 2. Gaduma/galadima Galadima Nakorji 3. Wambai Wambai Maku 2. Group B 'were referred to as Atilli da/Ebai da, civil title holders 4. Dallatu Dallatu Lukpa 5. Machi/tswadu Madaki Lakpani Rani Group B Nagaya 6. Tachi Tukura Lefarma 3. Group C were referred to Kusodu as Eku tilli da, military title Nagenu holders 7. Mkama Makama Nkochi 8. Baje/Bhezhe Bar de Ndeji 9. Baruwa Barwa Nafenya 10. Pada Sarkin Pada Sakiya 11. Bagajiya Ajiya Tswakoko 12. Kuyambana Kuyambana Tsaduko 13. Chata/sata Sata Santali 14. Damidami Dan-madami Luci Tabo Group C Mayaki 15. Jagaba Jagaba Uwandawaki 16. Mayaki/sakwuyi Sarkin Yaki Ejiko 17. Zamai/Jami Jarumai Tsadza 18. San tali Pandaki Saganuwa

The Traditional Council, though relatively small, was made up of the

members of the same lineage, who were responsible for the appointment and

deposition of the Chief The Chief Priest played an important role in the council

whenever such decisions were brought for consideration. The Council of Chiefs was usually large, with membership drawn from both within and outside the

3 lineage. The heads of various specialised professions such as hunters, butchers,

barbers, dyers, cloth weavers, blacksmiths and drummers were members of the

council.

All appointments to the office of Traditional and Council of Chiefs were

carried out by the chiefs and confirmed by the Chief Priest. An individual could

belong to the two councils, depending on his lineage, rank and profession in the

state. Also, all titles were hereditary and were usually passed on to the most senior

member in the household or ward.

In Kuta, Bosso, Maikunkele and Paiko, the selection of a new chief was

done by the Traditional Council, headed by the Madaki, while in Galadiman-Kogo

the Traditional Council was headed by the Galadima. The difference in the choice

of the council head in these states depended largely on the powers and influence of

such a title holder among his colleagues over the years. Similarly, it was not

unlikely that prior to the new development, the traditional council was headed by

3 the Chief Priest, who was the link between the people and ancestral gods.

However, after the selection of a new chief, the information was passed to

the Chief Priest for his blessing at the ancestral shrine outside the town. None of the traditional council members was eligible to contest for the chieftaincy. An emblem of authority, made up of a knife, a spear and a hoe was handed over to the newly appointed chief by either the Madaki or the Galadima, depending on the state in the region.

3 Ibid, P.95

4 The Chief was seen as the political head of the entire community. His

powers transcended the villages and households. He wielded powers on equal

terms with fellow chiefs from other towns irrespective of the size and population of

their different political units. Thus, each of the political unit operated

independently of the other. However, the Chiefs powers were never absolute,

since he was constrained to abide by all decisions reached at either the Traditional

Council or the Council of Chiefs meetings. Deadlocked decisions by both

Councils were always resolved by the intervention of the Chief Priest, who

invoked the powers of ancestral gods to give the final verdict.

The Chief lacked absolute control over the administration of the town and its

entire village areas, as it happens in a centralised polity. The Chiefs had no powers

to appoint their own unit heads at village and ward levels rather, they only

4 confirmed such appointments, which were made by the people themselves.

In spite of the semi-autonomous nature of these states, they were founded on

a common homogeneity, rooted in the people's socio-economic and political life.

These ingredients became a binding force in creating common identity among the

5 states. Thus, the evolution of a seemingly centralised Authority was noticed about

the late 18th century, when Kuta, one of the states, began to assert its influence over

some of the neighbouring Gbagyi states; namely Maikunkele, Bosso, Minna,

4 Ibid, P.95 5 Ibid, P.l07. Ishaku Baraje Diko, Gbagyi/Gwari Culture, 2"d ed., Ebenezer Graphic Printers, Kaduna, 1988, P. l0- th th P.20. Isa Baba, "Cloth weaving in Gawu District in the 19 & 20 centuries", M.A. Thesis, unpublished, Dept. of History, BUK, Kano, 1991. Pp.l9 & 37.

5 Dangunu and Guni. It was reported that these states sent annual greetings in the

fonn of slaves and bulls to Kuta, in acknowledgement of its authority, while Kuta

6 on the other hand, sent Gbagyi woven cloth to appointed chiefs in these states.

The fragile nature of the evolving state system, coupled with the general

insecurity that pervaded the newly established states and the whole of the states

south of Zazzau, led to the establishment of alliances between them and Zazzau in

th 7 the late 18 century. At the turn of the century, Kuta and the other states in the region transferred their allegiance to Abuja, following the relocation of the Habe rulers of Zazzau to Abuja, as a result of the Sokoto Jihad that swept across Rausa

8 land in the early 19th century. The 19th century witnessed attempts by the various

Fulani Jihadists from Kontagora, Wushishi, Bida, Lapai and Zaria to overrun the states in the region. However, in all instances, they were repulsed after initial victories, either by the individual states or, as in some instances, through collective

9 efforts. The effects of these Jihadist activities were enormous. Firstly, the states

10 no longer looked to Zazzau but to Abuja for inter-state relations. Even though

6 Op cit, H.D. Gunn & F.P. Connant. .. Pp.96-97. NAK : MinProf 115/1910, Re-Organisation of Kuta Division, Niger Province, 1910, S.G. Taylor, Appendix 5.

7 Abdullahi Smith, "Some notes on the History of Zazzau under the Hausa kings" Zaria and its regions, ed M.J. Mortimore, occasioned papers No.4, Dept. of Geography, ABU,Zaria, Jan. l970, Pp.86-87.

8 M.D. Last, The Sokoto Caliphate. Longman Groups LTD London, 1977, Passim R.A. Adeleye, Power and Diplomacy in Northern 1804-1906, Longman Group LTD, London, 1977, Passism.

9 E.C.M. Dupigny "Nupe Province (1920)", Gazetteer of the Northern Nigeria Vol. III, Central Kingdom. A. H. M. Kirk Greene, Prefactory Notes, Frank Cass, London 1972, P.38-P.43. NAKSNP 7/24373 Vol.II Kamuku District, Kuta Division, Nigr Province. Report by Mr.D.F.H. Mac Bride, 1935, P.21. lONAK:MinProf llS/ 1910 Op cit, P.7

6 the states were never completely overrun, tribute in form of slaves was extracted

11 from some of the states that occasionally submitted to the Jihadists' incursions.

The demand for slaves and booty by the Jihadists were as a result of general

decline in religious motivation and learning in the caliphate after the death of

12 Mohammed Bello in 183 7. After his death, the payment of annual tribute by the

Emirates to Sokoto were no longer voluntary, but decreed to ensure loyalty and as

13 such non payment of such tribute amounted to a breach of obligation. The

practice of absorbing slaves into the state structure depopulated the region while at

14 the same time, increasing that of the caliphate.

Similarly, the Jihad brought about the immigration and relocation of people

15 within and outside the region. Consequently, the major trade routes that cut across the region from Raba, and later Bida to Rausa land, declined and gave way

16 to a new route from Bida through Wushishi, Kagara, Birnin-Gwari to Rausa land.

It was the intervention of the Royal Niger Company in the late 19th century that brought the incursions of the Jihadist activities and their attendant effects in the

11 NAK:SNP 7/234373 Op cit, P.14

12 M. Crowder, The Storyof Nigeria, Faber and Faber, London 1962 (rep.) 1978 P.l72, P. 174-P175. Also cited from J.S. Trimingham, A Histroy oflslam in West Mrica, London, 1962, P.205.

13 M.D. Last, The Sokoto ... Op cit, P. 106, R.A. Adeleye, Power and Diplomacy ... Op cit, P.84

14 S.F. Nadel, Op cit. P. l06, M.G. Smith, Government in Zazzau: 1800-1950 Oxfo rd University Press, London (reprint), 1964, P. 83.

15 Mahdi Admau, "The Hausa Factor in West Mrica", Ph.D Thesis, Centre for Mrican Studies, University of Birmingham, London, 1974, P.185. Isa Baba, "Cloth weaving ... Op cit, pp.89-90.

16 Op cit, Isa Baba, P.83.

7 17 region to a fmal halt. The relative peace brought about by the European firms

provided another opportunity for the development of a new phase of state system.

Sequel to the conquest and subjugation of the region by the British colonial

th government at the beginning of the 20 century, the former Individual States

became known as District Areas by the British administration. In its pursuit of a general policy of placing non-Muslim areas under the authority and supervision of

Muslim Emirate, the colonial government brought parts of the region under the authority of one of its former enemies, the Chief of Wushishi, while the remaining parts were administered as independent district areas by the British colonial government. The Chief of Wushishi administered the former for twenty three years before he was instructed by the colonial government to relocate to his

18 domain at Wushishi. His role was then taken over by the Chief of Bosso in 1923.

Following the introduction of a new philosophy of administration in the non-

Muslim areas of Northern Nigeria in 1933, these semi-autonomous districts were brought under one single centralised administration, called Kamuku-Gbagyi

Federation. These were later separated in 1936. In the Federation, the headship

19 was rotated among the District Heads, who were constituted into a Council. It was not until November 1950, following the scrapping of Minna Town Cmmcil in

194 9, and its replacement with the appointment of a District Head of Minna in the person of Alhaji Ahmadu Bahago Kuta that a new lease of life was injected into

17 R.A. Adeleye, Power and Diplomacy .. . Op cit, P.84.

18 NAK:MinProf 1 15/1710, Op cit, Sule Mohammed, "The Impact of British Colonial Rule on the Gbagyi 1900- 1960 A Study ofpolitical changes" M.A. Thesis, Department ofHistory, Ahmadu Bello University Zaria, 1988, pp.l87-188

19 NAK:SNP/17/24373 Vol.II Kumuku District Kuta Division ...Op cit, pp. l45-153.

8 the Federated Council. 20 On 31st December 19 57, eighteen District Heads that

constituted the council in the Federation elected the Chief of Minna, Alhaji

Ahmadu Bahago Kuta, as the paramount Chief of the Gbagyi Native Authority

1 Council, thus extending his powers and control over the entire region? This

marked the beginning of a single authority in the entire region. Further to this, in

November 1962, the Premier of Northern Nigeria approved the appointment of

Alhaji Ahmadu Bahago Kuta, as the Chief of Kuta, following the death of his father, Mallam Umar Abubakar, the District Head of Kuta. In addition, he was elevated to the position of a third class Chief 22

Alhaji Ahmadu Bahago Kuta therefore doubled as the Chief of Minna and the District Head of Kuta, in addition to his paramount Chief position in the

Gbagyi Federated Council. In October 1973, the Military Governor of North-

Westerr1 State, Assistant Commissioner of Police, Alhaji Umar Faruk further elevated his position to a second-class chief 23 The final lap in the transformation

t of the state system came on 26 h December 198 1, when Alhaji Awwal Ibrahim, the

Niger State Governor in the Second Republic, elevated his status to that of an

E mir.. 24

20 NSAM:No/Gov/63 History of Minna Township in 1910 by Alhaji Ahmadu Bahago Kuta Emir of Minna (translated from Hausa) 4th August, 1966.

21 NSAM:ACC/APN/983 Divisional Intelligence Report - Minna, Abuja and Kontagora, 1951-1955, P.2.

22 John N. PADEN, Ahmadu Bello Sarduana of Sokoto, Values and Leadership in Nigeria, Hudahuda Publishing company, Zaria, 1986, P.443.

23 North-Western State of Nigeria Gazette No. I Vol.8 28th February, 1974. Similar edict were promulgated for Kagara, Zuru and Agaie District in Niger province.

24 Oral evidence: Alhaji Mohammed Sarkin Haya Gawu and the Galadiman Gawu. Interviewed at Minna on 20u' April, 1984.

9 1.1 Aims and objectives of the study

The aims and objectives of this study are to establish that the region so h defined as the River Kaduna Valley had developed a state system before the 1 9t century. Even though the states never succeeded in forming a large centralised polity, they were semi-autonomous states with defined structures and related with one another as such. Thus, it will showcase how these previous non-centralised polities were gradually transformed into a centralised emirate system by the 20th century.

The study was timely and worthwhile for the purpose of debunking the past erroneous impression that the people of the region, especially the Gbagyis, had no cohesive political institution and neither were they subject to changes and adaptations.

At the beginning of the century, the British colonial administration disrupted and distorted the State system until the 1950s, when seemingly centralised structures were put in place. These feeble centralised structures continued to exist far into the post colonial era until 1981, when the second civilian administration in the country established a centralised emirate-like structure in the region.

10 1.2 Scope of the Study

The River Kaduna Valley is a strip of land area that stretches along River

Kaduna, starting from the present Kaduna township, moving southwards to Wushishi

area in Niger State. The study will therefore focus on states and people who

presently constitute communities along the valleys of River Kaduna. These

communities comprise Gbagyi, Koro, Bassa and Kadara, organised in their village

settlements. Some of the principal settlements of these groups of people are Kuta,

Galadiman-Kogo, Guni, Dangunu, Bosso, Gini, Maikunkele, Fuka, Paiko and Minna.

The entire area was referred to by the British colonial administration as Kuta

Division. This was later changed to Minna Division, which is presently known as

Minna Emirate. The region shares common boundary with Kaduna State to the north

and north-east, Suleja Emirate to the east, Bida and Lapai Emirates to the soutl1 and

south east and Kagara Emirate to the north west.

The study attempts to focus on the evolution of state system, in some of the

principal settlements identified in the region. The study also examines the socio­ economic and political aspects of the people, which served as an impetus in the evolution of the state system in the region over time.

The study covered the period between 1860, when the process of state formation began in the region, and 1981, when the second civilian administration of Niger State elevated the status of the Chief of Minna to that of an Emir, thereby signalling the centralization of the authority of people in that region. In all,

11 attempts were made to discuss the efforts brought forward in strengthening the

state system and, of course, examines the challenges and development that have

taken place over time.

The delineation of the scope of the study becomes necessary because the

evolution and development of centralised polity in the region was consistently

disrupted by other developments that also formed part of the discussion in the

research, which rather than hasten its evolution, slowed it down until recently.

The scope was therefore intended to provide the needed information relating

to how state system was developed in the region. Thus, material information were

th carefully selected and analysed from pre-19 century to the present with a view to achieving the desired objectives.

1.3 Limitations and Discussions on the Methodologyof the Study

The methodology of the study centres on two sources of history employed during the research work, oral and written sources. The first method had to do with conducting oral interviews with groups and individuals with information regarding the study from earliest times to the present. Thus, oral interviews were conducted across the length and breadth of the region in Minna, Bosso, Paiko,

Maikunkele, Kafin Koro, Galadiman Kogo and Kuta. This methodology was supplemented by taking notes of some relevant written works and documents on the region.

12 It should be pointed out that, notwithstanding the weakness associated with

both sources of history, other sources of history such as archaeological and

lmgmstlc eVIdence on the region have not yet been fully developed. It thus became

apparent that the only choice left was to resort to the use of oral and documentary

evidence, albeit employing interdisciplinary skills to establish historical tmths on

the sources. Further to this, other techniques were deployed in authenticating some

of the information collected, especially as regards dating for king lists that were

collected from oral evidence in some of the places visited.

In order to correct and corroborate some of the oral evidence used in the

research, material documents were collected and used from Niger State Archives,

Minna, Arewa House library, Kaduna, National Archives, Kaduna, Bayero

University library, Kana, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, National Library, Abuja

and the Presidency, Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation

(SGF)'s library Abuja. The cross reference of material documents collected from

these institutions, University thesis, journals and published works, were used in

corroborating information retrieved from oral and written sources with a view to

establishing their authenticity.

The major impediment encountered was the lack of local pre-colonial written records in the region. These would have provided an insight into the history of the region and, of course, aided the research. Besides, available European travellers and trading companies' accounts gave feeble description of settlements in the region. Most of these accounts were themselves very scanty with sketchy references. On the whole, a critical analytical approach was however, adopted on

13 all the available sources in ensuring that the weakness associated with each of them

were avoided.

1.4 Literature Review

It is important to state that while considering literature for review, an attempt

was made to select a large number of works that were directly or indirectly related

to the research topic, the scope of the study and the region. This was deliberately

done in order to provide a clear perspective of existing literature. Thus, the

selected literatures include publications, University Thesis, magazines, Book

chapters, Articles in Journals and occasional papers.

The first category included published works by C.L. Temple, Notes on the

Tribes, Provinces, Emirates and States of Northern, Frank Cass Ltd, London, 1922

(reproduced) 1965; E.C.M. Dupigny "Nupe Province 1920" Gazetteer of Northern

Nigeria Provinces of Nigeria Vol. III; A.H.M. Kirk Greene Prefatory Notes, Frank

Cass, London, 1972; H.D. Gunn and F.P. Connant, "People of the Middle Niger

Region of Northern Nigeria", Ethnography Survey of Africa, ed, Daryll Forde,

West African Institute, London, 1960 and S.F. Nadel, A Black Byzantium: The

Kingdom of Nupe, Oxford University Press, London, 1946 (reprinted) 1973.

These authors were sponsored and motivated by the British Colonial Government to provide an insight into the history of the people of Nigeria. They were not trained historians but anthropologists and administrators. This explains why they

14 laid emphasis on the hamitic hypothesis in their discussions on the origin of the

people. However, H.D. Gunn and P.F. Connant tried to explain that the Gbagyi

polity was a District-like organisation. S.F. Nadel on the other hand gave a

description of political systems in modern Bida, as illustrated in the relationship

between social structures in Nupe society and the Native Administration.

The published work of Alhaji Hassan and Mallam Shu'abu Naibi on A

Chronicle of Abuja, Africa University Press, Lagos, 1962, and Gwari, Gade and

Koro Tribes, Ibadan University Press, 1969, alongside the work of M.G. Smith,

Government in Zazzau 1800- 1950, Oxford University Press, London 1960 and

Abdullahi Smith, "Some Notes on the History of Zazzau under the Rausa Kings",

Zaria and its Regions, ed M.G. Mortimore, Occasional Papers No.4, Department of

Geography, ABU Zaria, 1970 can be categorised into one group, dealing with

Zazzau's relationship with the region. The published works by Alhaji Hassan and

Mallam Shu'abu Naibi both give an in-depth history of the Habe of Zazzau before

th the 19 century and the relocation to Abuja at the beginning of the 19th century.

The study also contains pre-Islamic traditions and socio-economic life of the Habe of Zazzau, while the second published work dealt with the history of the Rausa, with emphasis on Hamitic hypothesis and customs of the three major ethnic groups they found in the Abuja region. M.G. Smith and Abdullahi Smith on the other

th hand elucidated on how Zazzau, before the 19 century, administered the region as

15 vassal states. The collected published works on Gbagyi History include Shednayi

G. Bawa, Gbagyi and the Nigerian Nation, Luradd Ventures, Mirma, 1999; Chief

Nana Fyenu Byanyiko, Topics on Gbagyi History, Idakula Press, Jos, 1979;

Mahamoud Amin Mohammed, Attribute of a Deputy Mayor: Samuel Etsu Lanto,

Garkida Press, Abuja, 1993; Isa Baba, History of the People of Gawu, Nanbo

Investment Limited, Minna, 1998; A.S. Chiroma, The Gawu History and

Traditions, Radesco Printers, Mirma, 1995. Shednayi G. Bawa and ChiefNana F.

Byanyiko in their publications approached the origin of the Gbagyi using the

Hamitic Hypothesis as a frame of reference. They discuss the socio-economic and political life of the Gbagyi with no serious discussion on the evolution of state polity among the people. Mahmoud A. Mohammad's publication, on the other hand, looks at the history of Lanto village in the Abuja area, including some of the achievements recorded by one of its sons, Samuel Etsu Lanto, when he was the

Chairman of Kuje Area Council and Deputy Major in Abuja (l\1FCT) in 1991; while the publications by Isa Baba and A.S. Ciroma were essentially on the history of Gawu and the socio-economic life of the people, with no discussion on state polity.

Selected published works on Nupe History included Alhaji Muhammadu

Kobo, A Brief Foundation Historyof Lapai Emirate, Fourth Dimension Publishers,

Enugu, 1981; Alhaji Mamudu Tsazan Lapai, Etsu Muhammadu Kobo: A Short

16 Biography, Halygraph Printer, 1993; Saidu Ibrahim, The Nupe and their

Neighbours from the 1 4th Century, Heinemann Education Books, Ibadan, 1992 and

three works by Aliyu A. Idrees, "Domination and Reaction in Nupe Land, Central

Nigeria", African Studies Vol.5, Edwin Mellen Press, London 1996; Political

Changes and Continuityin Nupe Land, Caltop Publications Ltd, Ibadan, 1998 and

The Patigi Regatta Festival: its Historical Perspective Since 1950, Caltop

Publications Ltd, Ibadan, 1998. The first two publications on the history of Lapai

Emirate and a short history on Etsu Muhammadu Kobo of Lapai were more or less

the same in content. The two publications were on the establishment of Lapai

Emirate in 1825 alongside the achievements of each of the succeeding Emirs after its founder Daudu Maza to the rein of late Emir Alhaji Muhammadu Kobo. Some of the accounts, especially on its wars with some of the Gbagyi States, were anachronistic in content.

Saidu Ibrahim's publication, as clearly depicted by the caption, was on the general history of the Nupe and their neighbours, which included the Nupe of

Pategi, Shunga, Lafiyagi, Agaie, Lapai, Fulani of Kontagora, Rausa of Abuja,

Gbagyi, Kamuku, Kambari and Dakarkari. The author, without reference to any historical evidence, concluded that these neighbours were vassal states of Nupe

Kingdom before the advent of the British colonial rule in the 20th century. Aliyu

A. Idrees' publications were on three different topics. The first publication

17 demonstrated how one of the Nupe subgroups, Kyadya state emerged as an

independent state along River Niger. The state depended purely on fishing and

canoe ferrying as its staple economy. He analyses how the state was initially able

to assert its independence from the central authority at Bida before it was subdued

by the Fulani Jihadists in the late 19th century and the British at the beginning of

the 20th century.

The second publication, gave a new approach to the political developments

that took place in Nupe land. In this attempt, he vividly captures the past Pre- 19th

century political organisation, Edegi dynasty and illustrates how the dynasty had

ruled over Nupe land five centuries before it was eclipsed by the Fulani Jihad in

the 19th century, while the last publication was a historical perspective on the canoe

cultural festival among the riverine Pategi Nupe, who inhabit the banks of River

Niger.

Two magazine publications on Gbagyi history were also reviewed. They are;

"Gbagyi Begye", a magazine by Gbagyi Student Association, ABU Zaria, first edition, vol. 1 April 1989 and "Gbagyi Journal" edited by Gwamna D. Je'adayibe

Vol. I No.1 2001. The first magazine dealt with the various aspects of Gbagyi life.

However, only one article that touched on the traditional administration among the

Gbagyis by Ibrahim Freeman appears to be closely related to the subject matter. In his analysis, the author failed to provide essential materials on how state system

18 developed among the Gbagyis in general and Karu his main fo cus in the discussion

in particular. The second journal contains about fo ur interesting articles on the

Gbagyis but the most relevant of all is the article on the intellectual justification fo r

the suppression of Gbagyi historiography by the British colonial administration

written by Mailafiya A. Filaba. The author gave an analysis of Gbagyi

historiography and tried to correct some of the distortions on Gbagyi history by

European travellers and the British colonial administrators.

Two Book chapters that appear relevant to the subject matter were selected

fo r review . The first article was by Sa'ad Abubakar, "Political Evolution or

Revolution. The Case of Kin Nupe before the advent ofthe Colonial Rule" by J.F.

Ade Ajayi and Bashir Ikara (ed), Evolution of Political Culture in Nigeria, Ibadan

University Press Ltd, 1985, and the article by Ade Obayemi, "States and People of

the Niger-Benue Confluence Area" ed, Obaro Ikime, Groundwork of Nigerian

History, Heinemann Educational Books, Ibadan, 1980. The first article gave a vivid account of how the fugitive prince from Igala area, Tsoede established himself among the Nupe Beni confederate states that emerged on the River Niger

th in the 15 century before it transformed to a kingdom after its unification. And by

th the early 19 century, the kingdom was radically transformed to an Emirate by the

Fulani Jihadists, while the second article provided an in-depth account of the relationship that existed among the various ethnic groups that once inhabited the

19 confluence of Rivers Niger and Benue from the middle stone age to the present.

These ethnic gr oups included, !gala, Idoma, Alago, Afo, Gade, Igbira, Y oruba,

Nupe, Juktm and Gbagyi. He said that inspite of the differences in language and

political organisation, these group s shared and borrowed a lot of cultural traits

from each oth er to forge a common identity. He suggested that the dispersal of

these groups from the Niger/Benue confluence area could have occurred about

6,000 years ago.

Four recent published materials were collected for the review, they include,

Alhaji Ahmadu Bahago's, "The History of Minna Township: 1910" written in

1966; Adamu A. Sabo, "People of Minna: A Historical Reconstruction" Niger

State Council of Arts and Culture, Minna written in 1987; Handbook on the

t turbaning ceremony of Dr. Mu'azu Babangida Aliyu as the "Taiban Minna", 20 h

January 200 1, printed by Regent Printers and Publishers, Kaduna; and Sh e'abaze

G. Shekwogaza, "Minna as Gbagyi land: The Truth must prevail." Printers and

Publishers not stated July 200 1. The first three dwell on the history of Minna as depicted in the respective captions. The three articles gave some insight into how

Minna was established by the British colonial government and its local administration while the last article was a reaction to the handbook on the Taiban

Minna. Its aim was to reinstate that Minna belongs to the Gbagyi and serves as their political headquarters in the region.

20 1.5 Geographical Description of the Area of Study

The region, referred to as the Middle Kaduna Valley is ch aracterised by

c1ystallined rocks of sedimentary origin. Dr. W. Russ of the Nigerian Geological

survey in his description ofthe region asserts that;

Th e crystalline area is characterised by rocky undulating country with wide valleys well diversified by isolated or grouped inselbergs and occasionally massive mountain groups in contrast to the sedimentary belt which gives rise to the flat plateau country, deeply incised by the narrow gorges which are not actually canoed like, are filled with dense bush and occupied by streams of remarkably fine,

clean water. 25

The region belongs to what could be referred to as Kaduna hydrographical basin, being watered by River Kaduna's several tributaries; the main being Kogin

Sarkinpawa and River Muye. Both of these tributaries are located on the extreme north eastern part of the region and join the River Kaduna separately at Shiroro

(Galadiman-Kogo area) and Zumba respectively. Similarly, other minor tributaries such as Rivers Essai emanate from the hills of Guni town also in the north eastern part of the Emirate and transverse through the Emirate before joining River Kaduna at Manta. On the opposite side of the region to the north west, River Bassa, which sources its water from the streams of Lai and Kwadangolo, joins River Kaduna at

Beri. One major river which has no direct link with River Kaduna but passes through the region from the south eastern part is River Chanchaga or Gbago. It derives its

25 NSAM: APN/1003/ACC 29 Historicalnotes on the tribes of Niger province, P.3

21 source from the forest of Fuka to the north east and flows down south east of Minna

town, before joining the River Niger in Gbara to the south.

The main river in the region is River Kadtma. It has a length of 420 kilometres.

It derives its source from the Jos Plateau and runs midway through the region from

the north to the south of the Emirate. Dr. W. Russ described the river as follows :-

Th e character of its course over the crystalline rocks, which is typ ical of all other tributaries, consists of an alteration of rocky channel and Lagoon, which effectively stop all but local navigation, while its course through the sedimentary belt gives rise to a wide, trench-like valley choked with sandy detritus, through which the thawing meanders. 26

Thus, the region provides a conducive atmosphere for human habitation due to

the availability of water supply from the streams and rivers that transverse from its

earliest times to the present.

On the topography of the region, Dr. W. Russ was of the opinion that two earth movements, perhaps in Palaeolithic times or much earlier, had consequent effect on the region. According to him, the first earth movement subjected the region to extreme powerful equatorial forces which compressed the eastern part against the western part. Tlus folded the rocks so powerfully that its compression had affected all the rocks even the hardest. An example of such is the white qu artzites of the Zungeru gorges which are also found in other parts of the region . The other earth movement

26 Ibid, P.4.

22 occwred in relatively recent times and had in general resulted in tilting the region and

the cmmtry at large with relative elevation in the north and depression to the south.

This movement had important effect on all the rivers flowing to the River

Niger. According to Russ, the two earth movements had two important explanations

on the topography of the region. Firstly, it had exerted a directional influence on all

the rivers and increased their velocity and power of erosion and developed the

surface fe ature?7 The topography of the region, which was characterised by Selbergs

and forests was the determinate factor for the settlement pattern fo und in the region .

M.J. Mortimore attributed the settlement pattern in this region to security reasons

th against slave trade before and during the 19 century.28 The climate of the region is

roughly intermediate between dry season in the north and wet season in tl1e southern

part of Nigeria. The average mean temperature in the shade is 76.6° in August and

85.4° in February, the greatest decimal variation average of 18° is witnessed in

August and 36° in February. Rainy season is well defined and comparatively regular,

starting from the month of April to the month of October. The rain-fall is evenly distributed with maximum precipitation in July and August though varying considerably from one area to another. It has an average of about 50 inches.29 The vegetation of the region is a combination of the savannah and forest fe atures, which

27 Ibid, Pp.3-4

28 Ibid. Pp.9 -11

2 9 NSAM: APN/695 Niger Province (Geography, History and Notes on the Division) , 1950, P. J.

23 is typical of the middle belt region of the present day Nigeria. It consists of rolling

orchard bushes broken by small parches of high fo rest to the north and eastern part of

the region?0 The climatic conditions and vegetation of the region, which were not

in the extremes, naturally makes the occupational choice of the people to be

agriculture.

1.6 Peopl e of the Region

There are six identifiable linguistic groups fo und in the regwn today.

However, it should be pointed out that each of these groups had traditions of their

origin and locations in the region.

(i) The Gbagyi

The Gbagyi, the fo cus of this study, incidentally constitute the largest group

of people fo und in the region. Their settlements are fo und in Kuta, Galadiman-

Kogo, Fuka, Guni, Gini, Sarkin-Pawa, Dangunu, Allawa, Bosso, Erena,

Maikunkele, Minna, Manta, Gussoro and Paiko in the region. 31

The Gbagyi are also generally fo und in other parts of the Middle Belt of the

country. Generally speaking, Gbagyi tradition claims that the people migrated from

Bornu to their present location. They are culturally homogeneous groups, made up of two main dialects, fondly referred to by their neighbours, the Hausas to the north and north-east, as Gbagyi Yamma (western) and Gbagyi Genges (supposedly

30 Ibid, P.3

31 NAK: SNP 17-5206/1911 map on Kuta Divi sion, Niger-Province 1911.

24 eastern). The delineation of the Gbagyi' into 'Western' and 'Eastern' by the Hausas is

conventional and meant only for easy identification and the location of each of the

3 two groups. D1alectical differences between the two is another justification. 2 The

Nupe, their neighbours to the south, refer to them as Gbari. On the whole, the

Gbagyi Yamma call the Gbagyi Genga, Matai or Genge wh ile the Gbagyi

Genge call the Gbagyi Yamma, Gbagyi Botai (south or Kwange). They share

many cultural traits with a general sense of affinities. Similarly, the two groups

tn1derstand each other with only slight difficulties. It is argued that the original centre

33 fo r the two dialects or sub-groups is located in the present Niger-state.·

(ii) The Koro

The Koro are found in Kafinkoro, Chimbi, Muya, Kaichi, Chichai, Essum,

Kmachi, Manachi and Jibidigga. The origin of Koro in the area is not clear.

However, popular tradition among the people states that they migrated from Bomo

and share the same origin with the Jukun. The present ruling class in the region, was

th established at Zan Kwolo in the 18 century, and was always appointed from

Zunagwa fo rest, which serves as the head of the Koro groups in the area. The Koros are a heterogeneous group of people, who are diffused in nature with divergent language and culture. As a result of these divergences, they are known by their location and some times dialects of the different sub-groups. These sub-groups are

32 H.D Gunn and F.P. Connant, "People of the Middle Niger Region of Northern Nigeria "Ethnograph ic Surveyof Africa, ed. DaryJI Forde West African Institute, London, 1960, Pp. 109-110. Oral interview with Alhaji Moharrunadu, Sarkin Haya of Gawu and Galadiman Gawu interviewed on 3'd December, 1998.

33 Ibid, P. llO

25 known variously as Koro Ache; Koro Agweshi; Koro Funta; Koro Ij a; Koro Lafia;

Koro Zane; Koro Aso and Koro Zuba?4

(iii) The Bassa

Bassa tribes are mainly found in Kurmin Gurmana and other areas such as

Kuchena, Kasumi and Madaka. A colonial account, which claims to be authentic, states that Gunna-Kamuku was the original Bas sa stronghold, from where sprang the section which subsequently spread to Katsina, Zamfara, Nassarawa and Lokoja.35

This report needs to be further validated in the light of the fact that what is known to be Bassa tribe in these locations, had no intelligible relation with the Bassa Kamuku in Gunna; even though the Bassa found in Lokoja belong to the same linguistic (Kwa family) group with the Kamukus. However, the Bassa-Nge or Nayba Tako that are found in the Lokoja area were a subgroup of the Nupe while Bassa-Komo fo und around Nassarawa were a subgroup of the Bassa fo und in the Abuja area and are 6 referred to as another branch of the Jukun stock.3

(iv) The Kadara

The Kadara are also found in the Middle Belt of the country and they were reported to have intermingled with other tribes especially with the Gbagyi and the

Koro people over the years. They are considered to be a sub-group of the Kajeh and the Katab tribes. Tradition of their migration to the region claimed that they came

34 Ibid, Pp. l09 - 110

35 NSAM: ACC/168 HistoryofTegina- 1936-1948, Pp. l-2, see also H.D. Gun and F.P Connant, Op cit, P. 89.

36 S.F. Nadel, A Black Byzantium. The Kingdom ofNupein Nigeria, Oxford University Press, London, 1973, Pp. l2-l3

26 from Ankwa near Kachia. The tradition went further to state that on arrival at the

area, they drove out the Koro, before occupying their present settlement. 37 There are

two main Kadara settlements in the region, Adunu and Ishau, the chief being the

latter.

(v) The Kamuku

The origin of Kamuku people still remains obscure; however, the most popular tradition claims that they originated from Katsina to the region thousands of years ago ?8 They are fmmd in the southern fringes of Birnin-Gwari stretching down tothe valleys of River Kaduna to the north east. The Kamuku ethnic group are made up of six major dialects. The Makangara dialect are found in the Kuskeriki area, Ura and

Ingawa dialect are located in Kwongoma area, Bauchi (sic South) and Pangu dialect are in the Tegina area.39

(vi) The Rausa

The history of Rausa elements and other people of Northern origin in the

t t region can be traced back to the 17 h and 18 h centuries. According to Mahdi Adamu, before the 19th century, military campaign in Rausa land, search for new homes due to dissatisfaction at home and the search for better economic opportunities, were the reasons fo r the migration and export of Rausa culhrre and influences to its southern

37 NSAM: ACC1665 the Kadara Tribe - Minna Division, 1934, Pp 1-3.

38 NAK.: SNP-17 243373 Vol. Kamuku District - Kuta Div. Niger province Report by Mr.D.F.H. Mac Bride 195, P.2.

39 Ibid, Vol .II, P.2.

27 40 region. In specific terms, land degradation had to a large extent propelled

traditional practice among Rausa to embark on dry season migration Chirani and

Kaura permanent migration to other areas for settlement. It was observed that the

region being on the major trade routes, Rausa's to a large degree have diffused with

41 some of the state polity at least a centrny before the Jihad. As a result of this long

fusion, some of these later migrants, especially from Rausa land, were able to

42 entrench themselves on the indigenous people in the region as would be noticed.

It is important at this point to state that whatever the claims to these traditions,

more reliable information from both archaeological and linguistic sources indicate that these people must have emerged from an earlier population, with the exception of the Rausa group. Archaeological evidence in the region indicated human habitation of the region dating to fo rty thousand years ago. The discovery further showed that the ancient population that occupied the Niger-Benue confluence

43 witnessed stone and metal-age dating back to the third millennium. Further to this, linguistic smvey of the area classified the languages into the Benue-Congo groups and made it a sister language to the other languages who share boundaries with the

Gbagyi. These three languages are Nupe, Gade and Ebira. The four languages are

40 Mahdi Adamu, "The Hausa Factor in West AfricanHistory" , PhD Thesis (History), Centre of African Studies, University ofBirrningham, 1974 PP.43-44.

41 QQ.Q!-NAK.:SNP-17 24373, Vol.l,Pp.5-6.

42 Ibid - P. lO.

43 Ade Obayerni, "States and peoples of the Niger-Benue Confluence Area" Ground work of Nigerian History, ed. Obaro Ikime, Heineman EducationalBooks (Nig) Ltd, 1980, P. l45; R.C. Scoper, "The Stone Age in Northern Nigeria", Journalof the Historical Society ofNige ria, Vol. III, No .2, Dec., 1965, P.185.

28 referred to as Napoid-linguistic. They must have started divergence not less than five

44 thousand years ago.

H.D. Gunn and F.P Connant, while hinging on J.H. Greenberg's linguistic

classification, suggested that local traditions from Katsina, Daura and Zmia

supported the claim that the Gbagyi and Nupe may have occupied their present

location fo r a very long time and that the Gbagyi were displaced by the Rausa

45 speaking people during the era of state fo rmation. Similarly, legendary fo lk tales of

the seven Rausa states and the seven illegitimate or inferior Rausa states which

46 include Gbagyi, attest to this fa ct. However, the significance of the legend here was

to show that during the era of state formation in Rausa land in the 16th century, the

Gbagyi along with other ethnic groups mentioned above were close neighbours to the

Hausa.

Abdullahi Smith drew a more vivid boundary between the Rausa and the

Gbagyi people as a result of north-south movement by the Chadic speaking people

(Rausa), caused by the desiccation of their land in the north in the last seven

Millennia.

Th e southern fr ontier of the region here is a linguistic fr ontier marking the dividing line between Chadic sp eech and the quite diferentf Niger-Congo sp eech to the south. Th is fr ontier may have been established as a result of the southward displacement of the

44 Ade Obayemi "The Yoruba and Edo speaking peoples and their neighbours before 1600" Historyof West Africa, ed J.F. Ade Ajayi and Crowther, Vol. I, Second edition, London, 1979, Pp.255-256.

45 H.D. Gunn and F.P. Conant-op cit, Pp.87 and 89

46 Akin Mabogu nje, "The Land and People of West Africa-opcit Pp.20-21

29 Niger-Congo-speaking peoples in the invasion of Chadic Language­ speaking groups fr om the North. Certainly some Niger-Congo language-speaking groups immediately south of the fr ontier, such as the Gwari people, have traditions of ancient migration from the 47 North.

Abdullahi Smith went further to state that the assimilation of Rausa colonies

by other people on the border lines with the Rausa, such as Kambari, Acipawa,

Dakarkari, Kamuku and Gbagyi was supposed to have taken place much later in the

48 15th, 16th and the 17th centuries.

In view of the current linguistic studies of ethnic groups in Nigeria, it is

therefore glaring that the Gbagyi and the other groups may or may not have migrated

from elsewhere. The Gbagyi may have been the earliest group among the Niger-

Congo family groups to have migrated from the Niger - Benue confluence and

occupied territories to the north in present day Katsina, Daura and Zaria region,

including the areas they now occupy, before they were displaced as a result of north- south movement of the Hausa to the region, thus becoming the most northern member of the "Kwa" group, while other ethnic groups in the region, especially,

Kamuku, Kaduna, Koro and Bassa belong to the same family group with Jukun (Nok culture) of the Benue-Congo family. It is also pertinent to note from this discourse that the Gbagyi are not genetically and linguistically related to either the Rausa or the

Kanuri. It is therefore unlikely that the Gbagyi migrated in large numbers from Zaria,

47 Abdullahi Smith "The early states of the central Sudan" Historyof West Africa" - ed. J.F. Ade Ajayi and M. Crowther, Vol. I, 2nd ed. Londgman, London 1979, pp. l57-179.

48 Ibid, P. l79.

30 Kano or Bomo to their present location. It is more fe asible to posit that they came

from the south over a period of several thousand years ago, which would not have

been adequately captured by oral traditions. This of course does not mean that some

group or individuals from either the east or elsewhere who were not Gbagyi did not 9 come to fo ist a ruling dynasty on the Gbagyi.4

1.7 Land tenure system and labour organization

Land was regarded as the property of a family or clan rather than the

individual, the family being a corporate body that cannot die. In case the family

dies out, the land lapses to the state in the person of the village head, who re-

allocates such land. Similarly, there was family ownership of the rights to fish

pond, palm, shea and locust bean trees. These properties were looked upon as

common property of the state. Private ownership of these trees only arose from

those grown in individual farm land. Thus, whatsoever was cultivated on the land

belongs to the family. As an agricultural region, the chief crops grown by farmers

were yams, guinea com, beans, millet, rice, maize, beniseed, cotton, acha and

grOtmdnuts. The organisation of labour among these groups of fa rmers fo r the

cultivation of land to increase production were possible through individual effort,

the family and the state.

49 Isa Baba, "Role of the Gbagyi in the Hausa state of Abuja 1807-1979", B.A. Dissertation, unpublished, Dept. of History, Bayero University Press Kano, 1984.

31 Firstly, there was the individual (Nugbanu, in Nupe, Buci) fa rm in the

household. In every household each unmarried youth owns a farm to his credit.

One or two days of the week were devoted to such type of farms. Harvest from

such fa rms was stored in personal grain store called Dobu for personal use or for

sale. This farming practice was fo llowed by what could be regarded as fam ily

fa rm or Fako (in Nupe, Efako). Its membership was opened to every adult in the

compound not exceeding ten members whether married or not married. Three to

fo ur days of the week were devoted to cultivation on such farms. The head of the

compound supervised the cultivation, harvest, storage and the distribution of

whatever was reaped from such farms. In most cases, the proceeds got from such

harvests were used to finance the payment of dowry for members or to reinvest in

handcrafts and farming. The last was called Fadagb e (in Nupe, Egba). This

farming practice could be regarded as a cooperative service. The cooperative

farming method was made up of twenty members under the supervision of an elderly person in the ward or ward head. The services of members were mostly sought at the beginning of the rainy season and two to three days of the week were devoted on such a farm on rotational basis. Harvest reaped on such farms were mostly used to fe ed the family, sold or used to engage in other crafts. In addition, a member could utilize the services of the cooperative farm for his intended in-law before wedding. 50

50 S.F. Nadel, Opcit. P.241

32 Similarly, this fa nning practice was carried out on request the chiefs fa nn

by the entire adults in the commtmity, since the chiefs farm was usually worked

by lus sons and dependants. Two or three days were devoted to such fanns. The

yield from the fann provided the chief additional revenue to assist visitors,

including immigrants to the community, to buy seeds and seedlings to start off

51 their own fanns, or capital to start-off a business. It was at the end of this

fanning season, that the best fa rmer of the year was selected by the chief, based on

52 one's exceptional hard work during the fa nning season.

Mallam Shuaibu · Naibi and Alhaji Hassan summarised the entire fanning

practices as fo llows:-

If the owner of the fa rm could see that the work was too much fo r his people or that he would be late in sowing, then he would send to the other compounds to ask that they should come and help him so too, the Emir or any chief would call together the people of his own

or of a nearby town to come and help on his fa rm. 53

Between the months of December and March when there was less work on the farm, farmers engaged in crafts and industrial occupations. A.G. Hopkins vividly explains this point further:

It is not, and was not necessary to give up fa rming in order to enter occupations such as craft, manufacture and trade which are fr equently undertaken on a part time or seasonal basis. On the

51 Isa Baba,Cloth Weaving --- Op cit, Pp.23 -24.

52 H.D. Gunn and F.P. Connanl QQ.Q!,_ Pp.89-90.

53 Mallam Shuaibu Naibi and Alhaji Hassan --- Op cit. P.41

33 contrary, an Agricultural surplus of ten made it possible to finance additional types of productive enterprises. 54

The activity of the farmers were supported by seasoned professional groups of

craftsmen, some of whom were of non-Gbagyi origin, mostly Nupe and Hausa

migrants. These group of seasonal craftsmen included pottery makers, mat

weavers, grass weavers, wood carvers, leather workers, black smiths, cloth

weavers, hunters, musicians, drummers, praise singers, tailors, carpenters, dyers,

tanners, barbers, herbalists, charm sellers, fishermen, canoe builders, butchers,

traders, etc. 55 The specialisation of each group in such occupational skills explains

the complementary role between "land owners" and late migrants. 56

It is important to state that the participation of the community in these socio-

economic activities, which sometimes involved the assemblage of the entire

community, was in itself a vehicles for social mobilization, aimed at fo rging a

common identity among the people providing opportunities to exchange ideas in

fa ith, state matters, skills in crafts and trade among the states.

1.8 The Foundation of the State System

The people that constituted the region never succeeded in forming large centralized polities before the advent of British colonial administration. However,

54 A. G. Hopkins, An Economic History of West Africa, Longman, London, 1973, P.28.

55 Abdu1lahi Smith, "Some Notes on the History ofZazzzau under the Hausa Kings" Zaria and its Regions ed. - Op cit.

56 Robin Horton, "Stateless Societies in the History of West Africa" Opcit, P.89.

34 they were mostly lineage based societies whose highest level of political authority

was the clan. The base of the political authority of the people starts from the head of

the household or clan to the head of the compound or kindred, to the village head and

finally to the head of a town that is made up of villages. However, long years of

interaction with other people especially inunigrants from Borno and Hausaland,

caused by long years of external trade, coupled with internal development, led to the

emergence of ten state polities founded by the people of Gbagyi, Koro, Kadara,

Kamuku, Rausa and Borno origin. Conscious of the common identity and custom,

these separate states were able to achieve some level of unity among themselves that

can be described as confederate relations before the 18th century.

(i) Galadiman Kogo (Kungo)

Galadiman Kogo was situated on the hilly plains to the north of River

Kaduna and to the northwestern part of the region. The region is watered by River

Bassa (Unatu or Koriga), which flows from the northeast to the southwest of the

region, its tributary, River Kwadangolo, runs almost throughout the year. River

Kaduna, on the north-east, flows to the south-east along with the two tributaries,

57 Rafin Sarkin Pawa and Dinya (lai of Jedna).

The area was bounded to the north by K wongoma Division with River Bassa as its tributary, River Kiyau, forming the boundary lines to the northeast and east. It

57 NAK: Minprof SNP-7/5206/1911 Kuta Division, Niger Province Assessment Report by H.O. Lindsell. Assessment Report on G/Kogo. NAK:MinProf 115/1910 Re-organisation of Kuta Division Niger Province, 1910. S.C. Taylor Appendix 1, P.4

35 was also bordered by the present Kaduna State across River Kaduna and its tributary

58 River Gudungu. To the northwest along the Fadama Gwapa, the border lines

stretch on until they join the upper waters of River Kunubu and River Erena and

fo llow the later until it joins River Bassa on this stretch, also the River Nakwoi and

River Bassa define the boundary between Galadiman Kogo and Kurgmin-Gurrnana

59 village.

According to tradition, Iburu was the largest Gbagyi settlement in the region

before the coming of the ruling dynasty. The settlement includes Chikwanya, PalGu,

Pai, Biko and Nakunda. The founder of the ruling dynasty in Galadiman Kogo was

reported to be of Zazzau origin, named Galadima Maiko go Gwankwoto C.171 0. He

left Zazzau along with his fo llowers after quarrelling with the Habe King of Zazzau,

probably during the reign of Balm Dan Sunkuru C. 1704 -1715 to establish himself

on the hills of Galadiman Kogo (called Kungo by the Gbagyi). Galadirnan Maikogo

Gwankwoto was succeeded by his brother and nine others before the advent of the

British Colonial administration. They include, J abasa; Isiyaku; Alhassan; Kaka;

Habu; Inusa; Idris; Salihu, Ibrahim 1910 - 1915; Abdullahi 1915-1920; Dami-Dami

0 1920-1922; Darni 1922-1928; Darnishi 1928-1932 and Maikarfi 1933-1939.6

58 Ibid, P. I

59 Ibid. Pp.6-IO

60 Ibid.

36 On the other hand, the Gussoro ruling dynasty was fo unded by the younger

brother of Galadiman Mai Kogo Gwan-Kwoto, who accompanied the latter from

Zazzau. It was reported that after consolidating his hold on the area, the Gbagyi

gradually settled around him to fo und Gussoro. However, there are six principal

settlements that came under the authority of the Chief of Galadiman Kogo at one

time or the other. Kucheni was along the border line between Galadiman Kogo and

Gtmnana. The settlement was initially fo unded by people of Galadiman Kogo origin.

Late in the 18th century, Allawa destroyed the settlement and its inhabitant ran to

Gussoro fo r safety. Later, a member of the Galadiman Kogo ruling dynasty rebuilt

the town and thus became part of Galadiman Kogo, even though its inhabitants are

Bas sa. Kushaka was a Gbagyi Kungo settlement with Jikko and Shafia as its out­

lying areas . The founder of the settlement was said to be Rausa immigrant from

Zazzau, who was installed on the throne by the authorities in Galadiman Kogo.61

Gwadara, on the other hand, was originally a Bassa settlement on the right

bank of River Koriga. However, the inhabitants of the settlement paid allegiance to

Galadiman Kogo. The boundary between Allawa and Galadiman Kogo passed

through the settlement. Chikoba settlement includes Burwayi and Bataru. The region was essentially a Gbagyi Kungo settlement but the present generation are mixed with Kamuku migrants. The latter migrated from Kwongoma and speak

Rausa and not Kamuku. They claim to be Rausa of Katsina origin. Kwaki was

61 Ibid P.IO. Oral interview with Mallam Ahmadu Yohanna Kuta interviewed on 15111February, 1999.

37 another Gbagyi settlement to the extreme north of Galadiman Kogo. The settlement

includes Gwassa, Kushama, Kami and Katupe. The hilly nature of its terrain was a

natural defence against external attacks. Kakuri settlement includes Tija, Kapapana,

Kuepe, Lukwuda, Kuchi and Chibiani. These Gbagyi settlements paid homage to the

Chief of Galadiman Kogo. The region is less hilly and more thicklywooded.

The area was situated on the local caravan trade routes connecting

Galadiman Kogo with K waki, which was the market centre via Iburu, south of

Rafin Sarkin Pawa, where it joins the Zaria-Minna main trade routes across the

River Kaduna. The River Kaduna was an obstruction to the flow of trade during the height of the rainy season. The people of the region were farmers, their main crops include millet, beans, acha, beniseed, tobacco, rice, cotton and yams. The market was well attended by people from Kushaka, Allawa and traders from Zaria.

The people of the region also weave cloth and use pot pits for dyeing during the dry season. 62

(ii) Dangunu (Ka buru)

Dangunu was the most northernly of the states in the region. At the inception of the British Colonial Administration, the area was grouped along with Guni, but for the fa ct that it was cut off by the strips of Galadiman Kogo, it became expedient to create a separate unit fo r Dangunu. Dangunu itself was situated on the hills close to

62 Ibid P.lO. Oral interview with Mallam AhmaduYohanna, Opcit, 15u' February, 1999.

38 Rafin Sarkin Pawa to the north. The area consists of a long range of rocky hills

bordering Kadara to the south and east. All other settlements in the area are perched

on these hills and surrotmded by trees, practically thick fo rest (Kurumis). The area

was well watered by numerous streams which flow from the hills to either Ra:fin

Sarkin Pawa to the north or River Lani to the south. At the northern and eastern

boundary was Rafin Sarkin Pawa which fo rms the boundary line between the present

Niger and Kaduna States. The southern boundary was half way between Kumboda

and Chibiani, while its western boundary was also half way between Kuchi and Rafin

Sarkin Pawa, passing between Kapana and Danguna, before joining Rafin Sarkin

Pawa, to the northwest of Danguna. 63

According to oral traditions, Dangunu was fo unded in Cl700 AD by a

Gbagyi htmter named Kaburu, after whom the place was originally named. It is

still referred to as Kaburu by the Gbagyi. He used skill and tact to bring all the

Gbagyi together under his control. The name Dangunu was given to it by a new

wave of Rausa migrants. It was reported that the fo under of the ruling dynasty

came from the Zaria region along with two of his brothers. One of his brothers was

said to be responsible for the establishment of Zumba (on the hills) to the

northwest. Traditions also had it that it was from Danguna that a certain Kanuri

migrant, named Bodo, leftto establish Kuta ruling dynasty in about 1750 A.D.64

63 NAK: SNP-7 /5206/1911 Kuta Division, Niger Assessment Report: Assessment Report on Dangunu District, Pp.l-2

39 The state owed its allegiance to Zazzau and transferred the same when t Habe rulers of Zazzau later relocated to Abuja (now Suleja) early in the 19 h century

It was also reported that when the Habe ruler left Zazzau to the south, he passed

through Dangunu before establishing himself at Abuj a in 1828. The Magajiya of

Zazzau, tired of wondering about with the Chiefs Party was left behind to establish

herself at Kumboda. Until today, the mler-ship of the area is held by a woman who

is appointed from Abuja (now Suleja). It was reported that, in addition to Kumboda,

the Magajiya also ruled one of the neighbouring villages of Kabula, having been

married to the Chief of the town. At the inception of British colonial Administration,

the area consisted of fo ur Gbagyi villages; namely Kabula, Eggu and Kapai, with

65 Hausa settlements at Rafi.n Sakin Pawa and Kumboda.

There were two markets at Sarkin Pawa and Kabula, which were dominated

by Hausas and Gbagyi. Coloured grass mats were brought to the markets by

Kadara from Fuka area. Crafts, including straw hats, mats and string bags, were

fo und in abundance in the market; so were agriculture produce such as guinea

66 com, maize, and acha etc.

t 64 Ibid P.8. Oral Intetview withMallam Ahmadu Yohanna, Op cit, 15 h February, 1999.

65 Ibid, P.7

t 66 Ibid, Pp.4-5. Oral Intetview with Mallam Ahmadu Yohanna, Qp_Q!,_l5 h February, 1999.

40 (iii) Kuta

Kuta was located on the northwest part of the region. Galadiman Kogo was

to its north, Paiko to its southeast; Wushishi, Bosso and Minna were to its south

and southwest. River Muye was to its east. The area consist of seven villages:

Egwa, Zumba, Pinna, Gua, Kammi, Shakwatu and Nabi. Local trade routes from

Zazzau to the north pass through Kuta to Guni and Zumba. Similarly to the south

of Kuta, the routes divide into two; one of the routes heads to Fuka and the other to

Minna and Bosso through Pinna. Rubber trees, yam, guinea corn, millet, maize

were the main crops produced by the inhabitants of the area. Crafts such as cloth

and mat weaving were popular.

Kuta was founded by a Bomo migrant called Bodo, who first settled in

Dangt.mu, before establishing himself in Kuta at about 1750 A.D. At the peak of its

reign, Kuta rulers were reported to have held Maikunkele, Bosso, Guni, Dangt.mu,

Minna and Galadiman Kogo as tributary states. Birnin-Gwari, a neighbourhood of

Kuta was fmmded by a migrant of Katsina origin, who, after a brief stay in Kuta,

married a woman of Gbagyi origin, before leaving to establish his ruling dynasty in

Birnin Gwari in 1800. It is not certain whether the fo under of the ruling dynasty was

67 a relation of Bodo or had settled in Kuta before his arrival in 1750 A.D.

However, Bodo was succeeded by eight other rulers before the advent of the

British colonial Administration in the country, namely Monda, Tasunda, Bwotta,

67 NAK: SNP-7/5206/1911 Kuta Division, Niger Province Assessment Report by H.O. Lindsell Assessment Report on Kuta P.28.

41 Mai, Alhassan, Abubakar, Usman, Bayanzu Dangunu 1900-1901; Dada Ali 1901-

1904; Musa 1905-1932; Masai 1932-1939; Umar 1939-1963 and Alhaji Ahmadu

Bahago 1963-1987. The Authorities in Kuta owe special allegiance of trust to Zazzau

68 before the 19th centmy and transferred the same to Abuja.

(iv) Bosso

The northern part of Bosso lies in an undulating plateau, which rises from

the bank of River Essai in the north and extends as far as to Bosso and Minna to

the east; it then slopes down to the plain and stretches southwest to river

Chanchaga (Gbago). Towards Gurrosu to the east, the area was thickly wooded, and fo rms the southern part of Kuta and Fuka. On northeastern part of the area is river Essai, which separated Kuta and Bosso areas. The western boundary is river

Chanchaga, which also separated Bosso from Paiko District. The western boundary was fo rmed by Maikunkele while its southern boundary was with Bida and Lemu

69 areas.

Bosso tradition has it that it was the brother of Bodo, the fo under of the present ruling dynasty in Kuta that was responsible for establishing his ruling dynasty in

Bosso at about 1750 A.D. The present generation in Bosso cannot remember his name but could remember the names of seven successors prior to the establishment of British colonial Administration in the country. They were Banze, Suadai, Wofi,

68 NAK: MinProf 115/1910 Re -organisation--QQ_gt. Appendix Pp.3-4.

69 NAK: MinProf 3 l6/l917 Bosso District Assessment Report by A.E.Vere Walwyn. Pp. l-2.

42 Kangbe, Shekwoi and Dada Milllgba; Gwadenzi C. 1898 -1918; Abubakar Zarumi

1918-1971 and Alhaji Musa Abubakar 1971 to date. 70

Bosso in Gbagyi means "may all evils pass us by". It sometimes means the

"hidden place". The foilllder of the ruling dynasty initially established himself at

Edna by the north bank of River Essai before the settlement expanded with fugitives

th from other Gbagyi settlements who migrated to it in large munbers by the 18 century. Having felt its strength, Bosso invaded Shatta, which was fo illlded by people of Kuta origin. No wars were illldertaken against Pyetta also of Kuta origin and Minna except occasional disputes arising from matrimonial affairs. However,

Bosso owed its allegiance to Kuta, and in turn, to Zazzau.7 1

(v) Minna

The origin of the ruling dynasty in Minna is not certain. However, oral tradition had it that they were Gbagyi who had settled on the present Minna hills for a very long time. The settlement had a fortified wall made up of large stones in circumference, which was a defensive shield against external attack. The ruins of this stones wall remain a remarkable landmark today. The present generation cannot recall the name of the fo illlder of the ruling dynasty but name fo ur rulers that reigned before the advent of the British era. The names of the rulers were Y akonko; Gbwako;

tl' 70 Oral Interview with Alhaj i Musa Abubakar, District Head of Bosso, 7 February, 1999.

71 NAK : Min Prof316/1917--0p cit. Pp. ll-12.

43 Shago; Gboba, C.1897-1926; Galadiman Paida, 1926-1941; Musa Kpottm, 1941-

1948; Shababi, 1948-1972; Malam, 1972-1980; Suleman, 1918-1990; and Shako,

1990 to date. Mirma tradition states that the settlements on the hill were made up of

parched settlements; the biggest was Mirma itself, thus the meaning of Minna in

Gbagyi implies numerous and sometimes the spread of fire, derived from the annual

festival of the people which was marked once in a year. The traditions went further

to state that during the annual festival, every household was not expected to cook or

make use of fire on that day until the ritual was over. Thereafter, a burning stick was

then issued out from the Chiefs house to every household to start a fire in their respective homes. There were seven villages on the hill, these were; Minna itself,

Paida, Dabwo, Pyasi, Tayi, Gbadnayi and Shako settlements. On its relationship with

Bosso, it was reported that Mirma was the maternal parent of the ruling dynasty in

Bosso. The tradition also had it that Mirma was the most influential local settlement in the region though it had no authority over its neighbours before the quarrels of its local chiefs ruined its prosperity. The population of the settlement had been mixed with inhabitants of neighbouring Gbagyi areas seeking refuge on the hilltop during

. war hmes. 72

In its neighbourhood was Gurrosu, whose early history was not known.

th However, before the 19 century, the people owed their allegiance to Kuta and in tum to the Habe of Abuja. The area was strategically located on the caravan trade

72 Oral evidence : Mal. Ibrahim Kafinta, Galadima. Interviewed on 4thFebruary, 1999.

44 routes from Zaria through Kuta to Bida. It was regarded as the most southern trade

port between Zaria and Bida. 73 The chief crops grown and marketed by the

inhabitants were yams, millet, maize, rice, and tobacco. The main market of the

inl1abitants was Minna. The people wove cloths, mats and engaged in dyeing. 74

(vi) Maikunkele(Egben )

Maikunkele was an undulating strip nmning from near River Essai to its

northern boundary with Beji, previously in the Wushishi area. The settlement was

watered by a number of streams nmning either to River Essai to the north or River

Chanchaga to the southeast. The town of Maikunkele lies at the fo ot of a long low chain of hills running northwards to River Essai. The area was well wooded in the low lying parts, which form fertile farming ground. It was bounded to the north and east by Bosso while Manta fo rmed its western boundary. The southern boundary was the River Popoyi which formed the northern boundary with Beji and

WUS h.lS h' 1. 7 5

The name Maikunkele was derived from the Rausa word "Kunkele" meaning a small shield and the possessive "Mai". This was attributed to when the people first

73 NAK: MinProf 5911925 District Head of Bosso- Kuta Division 1925. Memo to the Senior Resident, Niger Province t dated 28 h March 1925 by the District officer P.2. NAK: MionProf 316/1917--0pcit, P.11

74 NAK: MinProf 316/1917--0pcit, P.4.

75 NAK: MinProf 318/1917 Maikunke1e District Kuta Division Assessment report 1917-1918 Pp. 1-2 NAK: MinProf 1 15/1910 Re-{)rganisation --Op cit, Appendix, Pp.3-4

45 th came into contact with Umar Nagwamatse in the mid 18 century. He commended

the large number of people he saw with shields when he attacked the area. The name

Mai-Kunkele has stuck to the town ever since then. The people of Maikunkele

previously occupied two small hill settlements to the north of their present site called

Kuchiko and Geje. The sites were discovered as a result of hunting expeditions,

which were then a thick fo rest before the movement to the new site, as a result of the

76 increase in population and availability of land to fann.

The origin of the mling dynasty was not known. However tradition listed

fo ur mlers before the British era. The first mler was Subeize Ded, Denze; Jeko,

1910-1934; Kadakaraba, 1934-1946; Babandabo, 1946-1965; Abdullahi Dada,

1965-1975; Mal. Isa, 1975-1980; Ahmadu Shaba, 1980 to date. All the

neighbouring settlements, comprising Kango, Bako, Yadna, Paka and Ndagi, owed

their direct allegiance to the Sarkin Maikunkele. Maikunkele in tum owed its

allegiance to Kuta to whom it paid an annual tribute of fo ur hundred cowries.

There was no major trade route passing through the area, except Manta route from

the north which terminated at Maikunkele. The only major trade link from the area

was through Bosso and Minna routes. The only market in the area was the Minna

market where agricultural products such as guinea com, millet, acha, yams were

marketed by the inhabitants. Also a little of mat and cloth weaving was done by the

77 people.

76 Ibid, Pp.5-6.

t 77 Oral inteiView wi th Alhaji Abdullahi Dada, fo nner District Head ofMaikunkele, 1963-1967. InteiViewed on 9 h February, 1999.

46 (vii) Paiko (Pa igo)

The area consists of undulating plains of drifts With detached outcrops of

extruded granite, hom blade and broken but parallel chains of the Paiko, Kpanayi

Dabbwa, Gwam, Zuru and Pitta hills. east of these lies the lower tmdulating plateau that fo rms the Fuka and Koro settlements, the scrap of which was fo rmed by the lower ridge of quartzite on the western slopes, of which lies the village of

Kwakuti, Jigwoddo and Gayeggi. On the south and eastern part of the area is

Gurara River; stretching towards River Jatau (Ebba) and to the northwest lies the valley of River Chachaga. The area is watered by the tributaries of Chanchaga,

Ebba and Gurara. The area is bounded to the south by the plains of Agaie Emirate; to the west by Takuti. To the north, it is bounded by Bosso, Kuta and Fuka areas and to the east by Gawu. On the south, the boundary is fo rmed by River Jatau (Ebba) on the west by Rivers Udna, Zaje, Jiru and Mujere and to the north by River Gbago or

Chanchaga. 78

The origin of the fo under of the ruling dynasty appears conflicting. One tradition claims it was founded by a woman named Zare of Bomo origin and linked to Bodo, the fo under of Kuta ruling dynasty, while another tradition claims that she was from Gwandu. 79 Whatever her origin, both traditions admit that she first

rd 78 NAK: MinProf 318/1917--QQ.Ql,_ P.5. Oral evidence:Mallam Abubakr Pkotun, Gunduman Gabas interviewed on 3 February, 1999.

79 NAK:SNP-7 /5206/191 1 Kuta Division Assessment Report Paiko by H.O Lindsell, Pp.1-2

47 established herself as the head of the settlement at Ware, north-west of Paiko hills,

before ascending to it where she fo rtified the new settlement with walls against

external attacks. Zare's children became the first ruling dynasty to establish

themselves in Paiko; they were Masuza ; Pana and Fangbwe. Fangbwe's children

became the second generation of the ruling dynasty. They were Shabwai, Ndako and

Zubairu. Similarly, Zubaint's children became the third generation of Paiko rulers;

Kura, C.l891-1911; Kurako, 1911-1 918; Karabo, 1918-1 936; Daudu, 1936-1946;

Daudu II, 1946-1950; Adamu, 1950-1953; Bello, 1953-1972; Abdullahi, 1972 to

80 date.

However, Paiko made strenuous efforts to establish their hegemony over

Gbagyi settlements around it by subduing Shape, Shapaiko, Dubbwa, K wonayi, Busi,

Kwakuti, Bugo, Dakogi, Darre, Bahan Zaure, Bogi and Kurmin Mariki. These settlements owed their allegiance to Chiefs of Paiko who, in turn, paid homage to

Zauzau. Due to its fighting spirit, Gwam was the only neighbourhood settlement that

th was never conquered by Paiko up to the 19 century, when the Fulani appeared on the scene.

It was reported that by the end of the 18th century, the area was part of the

Habe Kingdom of Zazzau. Tradition had it that during the visit to the area by one of the Habe rulers of Zazzau, probably before the reign of Ishaku Jatau (1782-1 804)

80 Oral evidence : Alhaji Abubaka Kpatun, Gundwnan-Gabas Paiko. Interviewed on 3rd February, 1999.

48 Shape town was sacked and handed over to Paiko for being the only settlement that

showed hostility to the Habe mler during the visit. On his return to Zazzau, he left

one of his fo llowers to become his representative and adviser to the Chief of Paiko.

This was the origin of the Tukuran Hausawa, which is still held by one of Tukura's

81 great grand children.

The old caravan route from Minna to Abuja starts from the bank of River

Chanchaga to the bank of River Jatau via Paiko. An alternative route starts from

Chanchaga, via Derre, Gwam, Kwakuti to Tuchi Koro and Abuja. On the southeast, the route from Katcha (on the bank of the River Niger) regarded as the main salt, pahn oil and other European goods centre, leaves Katcha through Agaie, Lapai,

Tungan Mallam Umar (Gbasha) to Paiko, before heading for Fuka to the northeast

82 through Dere and Essan, while to Bida, the route is via Kurmin Mariki.

There were eight established markets in the area, these included Kafi,

Chekperi, Kwakuti, Gwam, Bugo, Kalakuti, Kurmin Mariki and Jedna. The markets were attended by Gbagyi, Koro and Kadara in the District and Nupe from Agaie,

Lapai Emirates and Gbagyi from Minna. The principal products exported out of the area included yams, rice, guinea com, acha, sugar cane, rubber, honey, cotton, she

83 nuts, butter and pahn oil and kemels.

81 NAK: SNP -/5206/1911 Kuta Division Assessment Report by H.O Lindsell. Assessment on Paiko.

82 NAK: SNP-7/5206/1911---0p cit, P.22

83 Ibid, _p.2

49 (viii) Fuka

The area is located northeast of Paiko. It shares boundary with Galadiman

Kogo to the north, Kuta to the west and River Gurara to the east. Fuka tradition

states that the people originated from Kurumi Tagbare on the bank of River Essai.

Takugma (C.1750) was reported to be the fo under of the first ruling dynasty. He

led the migration from Tagbare Kurumi to the present location to assert his control

over the Koro and Kadara in the area. Takugma was succeeded by seven other

84 rulers before the advent of the British era. These rulers were Abdullahi; Aliyu;

Bekpe; Ibrahim; Bawa; Ibrahim II; Massalachi, 1918-1932 and Bawa, 1932-

85 193 9. The tradition further states that the Gbagyi fo und the Kadara already

established in Fuka when they came and drove them out. The latter then passed

south-eastwards beyond the Koro and fo und the new settlement, where they now

86 live.

It was reported that all the Gbagyi, Koro and Kadara settlements in the area paid their tribute to Abuja through three ways. Firstly, the Koro villages of

Zankwolo, Kuna, Kunukunu, Gwaram, Kakuri Gboani and Juli fo llowed Zunagwa, which in turn paid tribute to Fuka and Fuka in tum to Abuja. The Kadara villages around Adunu, and Ishau paid their tribute directly to Abuja. Finally, the Gbagyi

84 Ibid, P.3

85 NAK --SNP-10/102P/1918 Nupe Province Kuta Division. Fuka District Assessment Report by A. E. Vere Walwyn, P.24.

86 Ibid, P.26. Oral interview with Mallam Alunadu Yohanna Kuta, Op cit, 15th February, 1999.

50 of Fuka, Tagbara, Duaye and Koro's of Zubakwere paid their tribute to Abuj a

. d1rect l y.8 7

The main caravan trade routes from Zazzau to Paiko passed through the area

from Kaffafago close to Fuka and Paiko. The route branched from Paiko to Bugo,

Kwakuti, Kafi, Jibidigga, Zunda and Fuka to join the main trade route again at

Kaffafago. There were four popular markets in the area, K wakuti, Zinda, Shakperi

and Kafi where fo odstuff, mainly guinea com, yams, palm products, woven mats,

basket straw etc were found. The markets were attended by inhabitants from Abuj a,

. 88 Minna, Gunm .

(ix) Gini

Gini was one of the smallest Gbagyi settlements in the region. The area was

situated on the main caravan routes from Zazzau to Bida. The area was bounded by

Kuta on the west, Fuka to the south, Guni to the north and Galadiman Kogo to the

east. The land area was divided into open plain and low bushes with most of the

hamlets located in the forest. 89

The people of Guni migrated to their present location from a fo rest not too far away from the present settlement. The migration was led by Betagba, C. l833 -1857,

87 Ibid, P.27

88 Ibid, P.25

89 NAK: SNP-7/5206/1911 Kuta Division Niger Province, Assessment Report H.O Linsdell. FukaAssessment Report 1913-1914, P. l.

51 who became the first ruler of the settlement. The reason for the migration of the

people was to secure a more commodious site, to assert his control over the other

Gbagyi settlements in the area and for safety against external attacks. Betagba was

succeeded by his son Tapache, C.l853-1873, who was fo llowed by Nabeji, C.l873-

1893, younger brother of Tapache and Tana, C.l893-1913, the younger brother of

. 9 Na b eJ L. 0

(x) Guni

Guni is located between River Muya on the west and River Lani on the east.

River Lani joins River Muye south of Zumba. The whole area was thickly wooded

and undulating, Ikwa hill being the highest in the area. There is visibly a round

topped rock south of Guni, which forms a landmark that can be seen kilometres

away. Guni and the other village areas were situated in the middle of the dense

forest and surrounded by small streams.91 The area was bounded to the west by

River Muye, which separates Guni from Gini and Fuka areas. The southern

boundary is formed by the eastern boundary of Fuka running from the northeastern

comer of Fuka beyond Beni rock to River Lani. The eastern boundary is River

Lani stretching to Ikwa hills while the northern boundary starts from River Lani to where it meets up with River Muye.92

90 Ibid, Pp.1-2.

91 NAK: MinProf 317/1917 Guni District Kuta Division Assessment Report, 1917-1918, Pp. l-2.

92 Ibid. Pp.2-3. Oral interview with Mallam Alunadu Yohanna Kuta, op cit. 15thFebruary, 1999.

52 The people of Guni originated from a place named K watswa, near Chiri and

Warwar in Kuta area. However, by the late 18111 cenhrry, Guni broke its vassal status

with Kuta. It was reported that the move to fortify the old site was partly to avoid the

attacks from Kuta and to obtain a more accommodating site for the purpose of

expansion and defence. The old site was abandoned in the mid 19th century, fo llowing the menace of Umar Nagwamatse raiding activities; thus it relocated to a large dense Kurmi near the bank of River Lani, equally fortified with a double wall and a double moat.93

The site was recently abandoned as a result of the construction of the Hydro- electricity power station at Shiroro in 1978; the dam has since enveloped the two ancient abandoned sites. The present site is situated further north-east of the two abandoned sites, across the railway line in an open muddy swamp, about fo ur kilometers from the new railway station. 94

There were two main villages in the area, Kezai and Ikwa. Kezai village was made up of five wards Kezai itself, Kabuluwi, Komachi, Beni and Nagbaji,

95 while Ikwa village comprised three wards; Ikwa, Gwadare and Kubi wards. Due to its terrain, there was only one main trade route that ran through the northern part of the village area. It was on the main trade route from Zazzau to Bida which enters

Guni, close to a small Rausa settlement at Giddan Dungeru, across River Lani (at

93 Ibid. P. l1

94 The National Hydro-electricity Power project was conceived by Federal Government in the 1970s to supplement the existing National grid power supply in the country. The project was completed and commissioned by the then Military Head of state, Gen. Ibrahim B. Babangida in 1991.

95 N AK MinProf 31711917 --Op cit, Pp9-l 0

53 Tungan Sarki Noma) and passed through Guni. To the west of Guni, the route divide

into two, one route runs southwest to Gini while the other goes towards Minna. The

96 two routes meet again at Tagbare (in Fuka) after crossing Rivers Muye and Essai.

There was one market in the area located at Guni. During the rainy season, it

was the only market frequented by Kezai and Ikwa villagers because they were cut

off from other markets at Kafi, Kuchi and Kabula due to the number of streams that

served as obstacles to crossing. The export crops fo und in Guni are rubber, rubber

vines, palm oil and cotton, which are usually exported to either Minna or Abuja markets. The main agricultural crops of the people are guinea com, maize, beans and

97 98 acha. Mats, grass bags and local cloth were woven in the area.

(xi) Other states within the region

Besides these fairly large states, there were other state polities that emerged in the region. These states included Manta, Kurmin-Gurmana, Allawa and Erena.

Oral and written historical sources from these states are scanty. The present

99 generation appears not to have substantial memory of their history. However, available information indicate that Manta was fo unded in the early part of the 19th

96 Ibid, P.4.

97 Ibid, P.6.

98 Ibid, P.7.

99 E.C.M. Dvpigny, "Nupe Province 1920" Gazetter of Northern Nigeria, Vol.III Central Kingdom A.H.M. Kirk Greene Prefatory Notes, Frank Cass, London 1922. P.53. At the inception of the British colonial Administration in the country, Manta and Kurmin Gurmana were grouped under Wushishi District while Allawa and Erena were grouped under Zungeru, later Kwongoma Division.

54 century by a Gbagyi immigrant from Ahuja, fo llowing the location of the latter in

the area in about 1828. It was reported that he settled among the Gbagyi on the

north bank of River Kaduna. The boundary to the south of Manta is River Koriga

and Gunna settlement. Manta acknowledges the suzereignty of Gunna which gave

100 its fo under the knife edge by his descendant today. The people who inhabit

Kurmin-Guruma, on the other hand, were said to have migrated to their present

settlement south of Galadiman Kogo from Katsina or Daura at about the middle of

the 18th century. They recognised the suzereignty of Galadiman Kogo fo r offering

1 them land fo r settlement. 01 Allawa was originally inhabited by Bassa and Gbagyi

th people until about the 18 century when the fo rmer were displaced by migrants

from Bauchi and the latter by the Gbagyi Waiki from Katsina. The reigning

dynasty was established by Zakwalla and was succeeded by Al-hassan who died in

1876, after reigning fo r seventy years. Erena was reported to have been

established also about the middle of the 18th century by Rausa elements from

Zazzau. They were tributary states to Zazzau and occupy the northwestern fringes of the region. As a result of their association with their neighbours (the Gbagyis

100 NAK: SNP-17/24374 Vol II Kamuku District - Kuta Division, Niger Province Report by Mr. D.F.H. Mac Bride, 1935, P.ll

101 NAK: MinProf 70/1919 Wushishi District Kuta Division Re-Assessment Report 1920 by H.M. Brice Smith . A memo from Kuta District officer to the Resident Niger Province 17th September 1920, Pp.2-3.

55 and Kamuku), the present generation, have since been acculturated to Gbagyi and

102 Kamuku.

In the neighbourhood of these Gbagyi states, to the North were the Kamuku,

whose history and association with these states cannot be ignored. Along this semi-

autonomous status, three major Kamuku dynasties emerged. Kwongoma dynasty

was fmmded by a member of the Zazzau royal stock, called Ibrahim. He established

the Kwongoma dynasty in 1760 during the reign of Jatau of Zazzau and Waike of

Birnin Gwari. Ibrahim first settled at Kurumaza, a Kamuku town on the border

between Allawa and K wongoma. After a while, he was invited by the Ura people of

Ringa, Tugulbe and Gabi to become their leader. Thus, he founded the first

Kwongoma town at the foot of Tsugugu hill, before relocating to the present site.

The Tegina dynasty was founded by a senior member of the two Bassa royal houses in Gunna called Gamba. Before the dynasty was established, the local Kamaku inhabitants of Tegina were made up of Ugun Dutsi, Gu1angi, Biyitu Uba, Ussan and

Inga villages. However, the fussion of these group of Kamuku with the Bassa from

Gunna has become so thorough that the later group abhor being referred to as Bassa.

Kusheriki dynasty, on the other hand, was founded by Katsina migrants, alongside

Randeggi, Kuyambana, and Kumbanshi settements long before the Jihad. The cause of migration was linked to schism in the Kurfi royal house in Katsina. The

102 NAK: SNP -7/5206/1911 Kuta Division, Niger Province Assessment Report by H.O. Linsell, Pp.7-88. Nak: Minprof- 667 Assessment report on Allawa District of Gwari Federation by P.M. Wan-tetley ADO 1948.

56 Makangara Karnuku lived in a confederate state with their hill neighbours at Kashira,

Uchinda, Uchanja, Ugwarna and Uragi, before the dynasty was established.103

The fragile status of these semi-autonomous states was perhaps one of the major concerns among these Gbagyi Chiefs, coupled with the fa ct that some of them were of 'foreign' origin, which created the general insecurity over territorial control that characterised their voluntary acknowledgement of a neighbouring

10 bigger power such as Zazzau. 4 Kuta, at its zenith was reported to have held

Maikunkele, Bosso, Guni, Minna, Dangunu and Galadiman Kogo, later Fief of

Zazzau as tributary states; moreso that the fo unders of most of these states and their outlying areas were people of Kuta origin. The appointment of Chiefs to these states was officially confmned and received a turban of a Gbagyi woven cloth

1 from Kuta. 05

These independent states were, in tum, obliged to send annual 'greetings' of gift not extracted as a result of conquest to Kuta. It was reported that each of these

States sent the following to Kuta: "Bosso, three slaves and five bull; Egba, two slaves; Maikunkele, three slaves and five bull; Minna, two slaves and five bull".106

103 Op cit .. NAK : SNP - 17 24373, Vol.II, P.22 NAK : Min Prof 2436/1913 Assessment Report on Tegina District Minna Div. 1913 by G.L Monk P. 1 NAK: Minprof 23/1913 Assessemnt Report on Kwongoma District, 1913, G.L. Monk, Pp. 9-12. NSAM: ACC/6/ 1668 Historyof Tegina, 1936 - 1948, P.3

104 H.D. Gun and F.D. Connant ---- Op cit. Pp.96-97.

105 Ibid. P.97

106 Mallam Shuaibu Naibi and Alhaji Hassan, A Chronicle, op cit. P.4. Shuaibu Balm, Op cit. P.62.

57 It should be pointed out that these slaves were not criminals or persons sold

fo r ptmishment but free born that were each contributed by family compound on

rotational basis. Kuta owed its allegiance to Zazzau and equally sent large amount

of annual 'greetings ', consisting sometimes of slaves, cowry shells and produce

from these states to Zazzau. Similarly, other states such as Paiko, Kafin Koro, 7 Fuka and Gini owed their allegience independently to Zazzau. 10

On a wider perspective, it was these allegiances towards Zazzau that fo rmed

the basis for what was later referred to as the tributary status or loose association

h with Zazzau before the 19t century. Thus, the effect of this relationship ensured

the entry of these people south of Zazzau into the central administration and the

ruling class.

Th us a nember of the great Sarauta of Zazzau, especially that of Galadima, members of the Rukuni and a leading public adviser to the Sarki and that of Makam Karami, Chief of Yan Fada chamberlain of the kings-came eventually to be held exclusively by slaves of southern origin, dominating the central government through the power which they wielded in the Southern country. 108

Thus, the evolution of the state system in the 18th century remained primarily semi-autonomous without an effective centralised state administration. Kuta, which made attempts to establish its sway over other Gbagyi states, was itself in tenuous allegiance with Zazzau, an example independently fo llowed by most of the states later.

107 NA.K: MinProf 115/1910, op cit Appendix, P.7.

108 Abdullahi Smith, "Some Notes on the History", Op cit, Pp.86-87.

58 However, at the turn of the centwy, the relationship between these independent states themselves and their "over lord" Zazzau changed dramatically fo llowing the outbreak of the Usman Danfodio Jihad in Gobir in 1804. The outbreak of the Jihad, its course and its attendant consequences is intended to be the fo cus of the next chapter.

59 CHAPTER TWO

2.0 THE REACTION OF THE STATE SYSTEM TO THE FULANI INCURSION

The fo cus of this chapter is on the incursion on the state system by the

various Fulani interest groups in the region. Along this line, it is intended to

examine the reaction of the states to the incursions and the impact on them. It must

be pointed out, once more, that the region could be likened to a buffer state,

sandwiched between big powers; Nupe Kingdom to the south and Zazzau to the north, already taken over by the Jihadists at the beginning of the century. It was therefore obvious that the effects of the Jihadist activities in these two neighbouring powerful kingdoms would have eventually spread to the region.

Thus, the state system that emerged in the region prior to the outbreak of the

Jihad could best be described as fragile and politically fragmented. The system of allegiance towards the suzerainty at Zazzau was divisional. Paiko, Kafin Koro,

Fuka and Gini owed their allegiance independently of Zazzau; while Maikunkele,

Bosso, Guni, Dangunu, Minna and Galadiman-Kogo owed their allegiance to

Zazzau through Kuta as tributary States of the latter. It was this fe eble state of affairs that they had to contend with during the 19th century Fulani incursions.

However, in some instances, these States were compelled to defend their territorial integrity independently or temporarily submit to the invaders, and, in some

60 instances, when opportunity warranted, through collective efforts they repulsed the

incursions as would be discussed later.

2.1 The Relocation of the Habe Rulers of Zazzau to Ahuja in 1808

The fa ll of Zazzau to the Fulani Jihadists at the beginning of the century had

a direct consequence on the state system. Firstly, all the states continued their

allegiance to the Habe rulers of Zazzau that had relocated to Abuja with the

exception of Galadiman-Kogo, that maintained its allegiance to the new Fulani rulers of Zaria. 1

However, the Habe ntlers migrated to the Abuj a area, where they settled

2 among some of these subsisting vassal states. The events that ensued later after the relocation of Habe Zazzau in Abuj a did not indicate that such mutual relationship existed between these vassal states and the rulers of Abuja, considering the state of warfare that ensued later between the rulers of Abuj a and these subject states,

3 especially those states within the Abuja area. Mahdi Adamu expressed similar reservations, he argued that Zazzau's relationship with these states was only tenuous, which was tied to frequent raids and plunder for slaves. He contended that if all these areas were actually accorded vassal status by Zazzau, they would

I NAK: SNP-7/5206/ l9ll ...... Op cit, P. 9 11 Oral evidence: Mallam Ahmadu Yohanna Kuta, interviewed on 15 1 February, 1999.

2 M. G. Smith Government in Zazzau: 1800-1950, Oxford University Press, 1969, P.36. In the present Abuja t area, the vassal States of Zazzau before the 19 h century were !zorn, Kawu, Jiwa and Zuba, just like Kagarko, Jere, th Keffi, Nassarawa Kwoto were to the Fulani of Zaria in the 19 century.

3 Alhaji Hassan and Mal. Shuaibu Naibi, Op cit Pp.6- 24, Oral evidence: Alhaji Mohammadu, Sarkin Haya of Gawu and Galadiman Gawu, interviewed on 3rd December, 1988.

61 not have been kept under persistent attack for slaves; and neither would they have

4 welcomed the Habe rulers with open hostility.

2.2 The Fulani Incursion from Lapa i in 1828

The activities of the Lapai authorities in the region were reported by its

chroniclers, that even before Lapai Emirate was established by Daudu Maza in

1825, he conquered neighbouring Gbagyi settlements of Shaku, Gawu, Bonu,

Boku and later Paiko, incorporating them into the sphere of the state system. 5

However, a recent study on Gawu-Lapai relationship debunked such claims.

Besides, the claims appear anachronistic, for before 1825, Daudu Maza was under

the tutelage of Mal. Baba, a fe llow Fulani compatriot in the Agaie region.

Th e North-East corner of Lapai which is inhabited exclusively by the Gwari Yamma, fo r several generations, (this tribe) has had to stand the fu ll brunt of the Fulani slave raiding expeditions and the fa ct that even at the end they still had the spirit to rebel against the Fulani whenever opportunity offered, speak much of their tenacity. Indeed, the hill village of Gawu was never taken despite a three month siege by the combined Lapai and Bida armies. However, the Gwari have paid heavily fo r their resistance fo r there can be little doubt that their numbers have been very severely depleted by war in 1828.6

4 Mahd: Adamu, The Hausa factor in West African History, ABU Press, Zaria. 1978.P.29

5 Alhaji Muhammadu Kobo, A brief foundation Historyof Lapa i Emirate, Fourth Dimension Publishers, 1981 Pp.6-12 Alhaji Mamudu Tsazan Lapai, Etsu Muhammadu Kobo : A Short Biogr aphy , Halygraph printed, 1993. Pp.24-25

6 NSAM: 985/ACC/12 Extracts from Mr. Blairfish's Secret Report of 1948 on Gawu village- Lapai relationship. Memo on Gawu village Area petition to separate from Lapai, P. l Para. l,.Oral inter with Alhaji Muhammadu, Sarkin Haya of Gawu, Op cit 3rd December, 1988.

62 Gawu traditions support this assertion; in addition, it stated that fo llowing

the tensed Jihadist activities in Agaie and Lapai area, most inhabitants of these

areas, mainly of cloth weaving families, sought refuge at the middle of the century

on the hills of Gawu, Shaku, Paiko and Tatiko which were strong barriers against

incursions. These groups of immigrants, were generally referred to in their new

abode as Abawa, which was sometimes mistake for Bawa (slave). 7

2.3 The Fulani Incursion from Bida in 1841

The early activities of the Nupe of Raba and later Bida in the region were noticed on the peripheral Gbagyi settlements outside the state system. S.F. Nadel stated that since the mystical expansion of the Nupe Kingdom by Tsoede in the t 16h Century towards Yagba, Bunu, Kakanda and Akoko to the south and to Ebc,

8 Kambari and Kumuku to the north, it was not until the beginning of the 19th century that hitherto Gbagyi settlements of Lemu and Kataeregi and beyond were

9 incorporated into the Kingdom. These states were regarded as "outside people" and not administered directly by the Central Government. On this account, they paid annual tribute in the form of slaves fo r their protection. 10 It was also not until

t t 7 Isa Baba, "Cloth weaving in Gawu District in the 19 h and 20 h centuries" M. A. Thesis, (unpublished) Department of History, Bayero University, Kano. 1991, P.88. Oral interview with Alhaji Mohammadu, Sarkin Haya of Gawu, Op cit. 3rd December, 1988.

8 S. F. Nadel, Op cit. P.74

9 Ibid, Pp.2 l and 71

10 Ibid, P. l 15, Oral evidence: Alhaji Musa Abubakar, District Head of Bosso, interviewed on i" February, 1999.

63 the middle of the century that the impact of the Fulani Jihadists at Raba were fe lt in

. 1 1 th e reg1on.

S.F. Nadel also stated that during the short reign of Masaba (first outing

1841 - 1844), after ousting his brother Usman Zaki from power, he was credited

with the expansion of the frontiers of the new Nupe Emirate, by first residing at

Lade across the Niger before raiding the Kakanda to the south, the Kamuku to the

north and Gbagyi to the east. 12 It was the first concerted effort made by the

Fulani- Nupe of Bida especially towards its northern borders. It is not certain which Gbagyi and Kumuku communities were brought under the Administrative control of Masaba at this period. Since there is no evidence from any source in the region to support this claim, it would be precarious to assume that the whole of

Gbagyi and Kumuku land were conquered by Masaba. It was, however, not unlikely that Masaba's attacks were restricted mainly to the already conquered

Gbagyi settlements to the north and north east of Bida, which were not to be raided by any power without impunity, but subjected only to the raids and taxes as decreed by the kingdom. 13

After his short reign and the subsequent political impasse that set in among the Fulani leaders, which resulted in the elimination of its usurper, Umar

11 Ibid P.77

12 Ibid, P.80

13 Ibid, P. ll5

64 Bahaushe, his successor, Usman Zaki was re-appointed into office as the new Emir

fo r the second time in 1850 - 1859, with the capital already moved from Raba to

Bida further to the north. Two years before his death, Usman Zaki sent Masaba on

14 two expeditions against the Gbagyi communities around Minna. The two

expeditions were apparently tmsuccessful, as the Fulani fo rces were successfully

repelled by the Gbagyi of Minna. On the death of U sman Zaki, he was succeeded

by Masaba, heralding his second time on the throne in 1859 - 1873. His ascension

to power coincided with the appearance of Umar Nagwamatse on the scene. Umar

Nagwamatse had earlier entered into a bond of friendship and understanding with

Masaba when the latter gave his daughter in marriage to the fo rmer. Similarly,

Masaba's brother, Umar Majige gave his daughter in marriage to Umar

N agwamatse' s son, Isa. After the bond, it was not certain whether the two had

entered into secret military alliance on how to subjugate the region and avoid clash of interests. However, it became clear that there was a complete change of policy from Bida in its expansionist policy towards the region. It would be argued that the change in policy was designed to avoid collision with fe llow Fulani compatriots. Secondly, the south offered a new densely populated area fo r slave

14 S. F. Nadel Opc it Pp.81-82 E. C. M. Dupigny "Nupe Kingdom" P. l5. Oral interview with Alhaji Musa Abubakar, op cit, 7111 February, 1999.

65 raiding and control of the main trading routes to the confluence of the River Niger

and to the slave ports to the coast. 15

2.4 The Fulani Incursion by Umar Nagwamatse of Kontago ra in 1856

Umar Nagwamatse was the grandson of Usman Danfodio, the leader of the

Gobir Jihad. He carne to the region about the middle of the century on what could

be referred to as military adventurism. His military campaign in the area

demonstrated how vulnerable the States were to external attacks.

When he appeared on the scene from his military base at Bogi, Paiko Fuka,

Maikunkele immediately acknowledged his suzerainty without opposition, largely

on account of exhaustion and decline of Kuta authority, which had hitherto

exercised some elements of control over some of the states in the region. 16 It was

reported that when Umar Nagwarnatse advanced to Maikunkele, the chief of Denzi

quickly visited Kuta to inform the chief that he would not resist the Fulani fo rces

and that it would be wiser to submit to him. The chief of Kuta agreed and they parted on friendly terms. Umar Nagwamatse was thereafter assisted by Maikunkele

15 M. Mason .QQ__9!,_ P. 186, S.F.Nadel ....Op cit, P.38. NAK:SNP-7/243748 Vol.II Kamuku District, Kuta Division, Niger Province report by Mr. D.F.H. Mac Bride, 1935, Pp 12-13. Umar Nagwamatse was the grand son of Usman Dan Fodio and son of the third Sultan, Abubakar Atiku, 1837-1859. He left Sokoto during the reign of Aliyu Baba, the fourth Sultan in 1845. Umar Nagwamatse left Sokoto in company of his wife, Saude and Tukura Dan Ma'aji to Zaria where the Emir gave him a slave called Barwa and a horse. He left Zaria for Keffi where he was given a horse by the Emir and at Kwatto, where he got a slave called Samu and a horse. He next visited Bida where Masaba gave him a generous present of slaves and a gown as inducement to leave his domain and return to Sokoto. He left Bida and established himself among the Gbagyi at Bogi south of Wushishi. It was at Bogi, Umar Nagwamatse converted some of his proceed to purchase arms from Masaba and European trading firms at Bida, which he later used for his military adventure.

t 16 E. C. M. Dupigny "Nupe Province" Op cit. P.51. Oral interview with Alhaji Musa Abubakar, Op cit, 7 h February, 1999.

66 forces to raid Bosso and other neighbouring Gbagyi towns. At Bosso, Chief

Mungba resisted the Fulani attack after obtaining assistance from Ahuja, but the

Fulani fo rces appeared too strong for the combined Bosso and Abuj a troops. After

two sanguinary attacks, Bosso was subdued and fo rced to pay homage to the

Fulanis. At Pyetta, the inhabitants · fled to Kuta, Umar Nagwamatse then advanced

into Shatta and destroyed the town, on the excuse of granting refuge to Bosso

fugitives. He thereafter built another war camp at Shatta, leaving behind his son

Abubakar Madibo to ensure the submission of the Gbagyi. In Minna, Umar

N agwamatse played on the disharmony caused by succession dispute between the

Chief and the Galadima Paida and won over the Galadima with empty promises, before he sacked the town. Gurusu offered no resistance; they succumbed to his attack and paid tribute to him. 17

After securing the submission of Maikunkele, Bosso and Minna, Umar

Nagwamatse advanced on Paiko. At Paiko, owing to the instigation of its Tukuran

Hausawa (representative of the Habe ruler of Zazzau who was living in Paiko) towards Kuta, Paiko transferred its allegiance to Umar Nagwamatse without any resistance. This action led to the strained relationship between Kuta, Gwam and

17 NAK:Minprof 318/1917 Op cit, Pp.5-6 NAK:Minprof 316/ 1917 Op cit, Pp. l2-14 E. C. M. Dupigny, "Nupe Province" Op cit. P.51 E. C. M. Dupigny, "Kontagora Province" Op cit, P.9.

67 18 Abuja against Paiko as would be noticed later. After ensunng the easy

submission of Paiko, Umar Nagwamatse advanced northwards towards Fuka. At

Fuka, the Sarakuna also offered him their allegiance without any resistance. They

were, however, subjected to pay regular tribute in slaves and supply of fo od to the

Fulani annually. The inhabitants of Tagbare one of the village areas of Fuka, fled

to Zumba fo llowing the advance of Umar Nagwamatse. Kadara village areas were

attacked and their population seriously depleted by the Fulani. The Koro, on the

other hand, took refuge in their Kurumis. It was only Zubakwere that offered little

resistance against the advancing Fulani fo rces. At the end, Umar Nagwamatse

19 collected a large number of Koro women as slaves.

It was glaring that these large scale initial attacks on the region by Umar

Nagwamatse tested the efficacy of the state system that was already in place.

Firstly, Kuta whom most of these principal states had looked up to for leadership could not offer the needed military assistance to Maikunkele and any other state that came under Umar Nagwamatze's attack, perhaps due to the military superiority of the later. Similarly, Abuja the supposed suzerainty could not offer any meaningful military assistance to Bosso or any of the other states when they came under attack.

It appears that after Umar Nagwamatse had ensured the submission of these

Gbagyi, Koro and Kadara communities, he returned to Bogi, his base before proceeding towards the Kamaku people to the northwest. During this campaign,

18 NAK:SNP-7/5206/ 1911 Kuta Division, Niger Province, Assessment Report on Paiko Op cit, Pp.22-23. E. C. M. Dupigny, "Nupe Province" Op cit, Pp.51-52. Oral interview with Mallam Abubakar Pkotun Paiko Gunduman Gabas, interviewed on 3'd February, 1999.

19 NAK:SNP-10/102P/1918 Nupe Province, Kuta Division, Fuka District Assessment Report by A. E. Walwyn P.29 E. C. M. Dupigny, "Kontagora province" Op cit, P.9.

68 he sacked Manta and the inhabitants fled to Gussoro. Meanwhile, he left behind

his Galadima and two of his prominent slaves, Samu and Barwa at Bogi to explore

the region that was later known as Kontagora with his war camp at Galma, north­

20 east of the present day Kontagora. It was as a result of these military onslaughts

in the region that the Sultanate of Sokoto strongly objected to Umar Nagwamatse 's

presence and condemned his raiding activities, perhaps fo r not obtaining legal

support from the Sultanate. The Sultan, Aliyu Baba (the son of Mohammed Bello)

1837-1859 immediately issued a decree, sanctioning Umar Nagwamatse's raiding

21 methods by prohibiting people in the caliphate from travelling to Kontagora. It

was not until the reign of Umar Nagwamatse's senior brother, Ahmadu Atiku,

1859-1866 that the prohibition order was lifted in addition to rewarding Umar with

22 the title of Sarkin Sudan (the chief of the blacks). The confennent of this title

could be seen as a means of keeping Umar Nagwamatse at a distance from the

affairs at Sokoto. It also legitimised his activities.

20 NAK:SNP-17/24373 Op cit, Pp. l3-14. En route to the Kamuku region, Umar Nagwamatse over ran Kundu and Gunna before attacking Tegina where he mounted a three-year siege in 1860. Some of the inhabitants fled to Gussoro and Gurmana, only to return at the end of the century. In Tegina, its Madaki, Bako tricked the Chief and his advisers to greet Nagwamatse, thereupon they were seized as slaves. After the submission of Tegina, Nagwamatse attacked kakuri and Rubu on the edge ofBauchi-Pangu, the survivors fled to Abuja. To cement his relationship with Nagwamatse, the Madakin Tegina gave his daughter, previously betrothed to the Chief of Gunna, to Umar Nagwamatse and as a result, became his representative. He was later succeeded by his brother Masoyi and posted to Kagara as a guide of the Caravan routes in 1877. Kamuku-Ugu and Baushi villages refused to follow the Tegina example and after five years of war, they were sacked by Nagwamatse. Similarly, Kulengi, Biyitu and Ussa suffered the same fate before making alliance with Nagwamatse, while Bassa of Gulengi and Wayam kept up their resistance fo r two years before submitting to Nagwamatse. Thereafter, Nagwamatse established his war camp at Ugu under the authority of Zarumai and responsible to the Madaki of Tegina. He then ensured the submission ofGuda and Ushiba near Allawa and Kusheriki before returning to Ugu. While at Ugu, he advanced towards the Kamuku of Bobi and Mamba before suppressing the resistance of Kotonkoro, killing all its chiefs after which he fo unded Kontogara in 1863. At Kontagora, he returned to the Kamuku region through Randegi and mounted siege on Ura and lngwe Kamuku of Kwongoma for rendering assistance to Wayam. Later Kwongoma surrendered and brought Ura fugitives as a price for peace.

21 E. J. Arnett, The Rise of Sokoto Fulani, Kano Government Press, 1922. P.33.

22 Ibid, P.33, E. C. M. Dupigny, "Kontagora province" Op cit, P.9

69 It was at this period that the Zaria Fulani made their first appearance into the

regwn. Mohmmned Sani, the Emir of Zaria 1846-1860 was reported to have

carried out military expeditions to Gussoro. At the end of the expedition, the Emir

23 lost his son, Abdul who was the Madaki of Zaria. After the encounter, it was not

until the reign of Abdullahi, 1876-1881, that the Fulani of Zaria made further

incursions into the region. The activities of fe llow Fulani compatriots in the region

would have contributed to the absence of the Zaria Fulani activities in the region.

However, after the conferment of the title of Sarkin Sudan on Umar

Nagwamatse and his absence from the region for fo ur years, the Gbagyi

communities who had previously submitted to him rebelled and drove out his

party, left behind at Bogi. The party fled to Lemu while his son Abubakar Modibo

who was already cut off at Shatta, retreated eastwards from Maikunkele before he joined fo rces with the Galadima in Lemu. It was during this period that the people of Manta returned to their abode from Gussoro and rebuilt their town. On hearing the revolt, Umar Nagwamatse returned from Galma and met his fleeing troops near

Bogi. He immediately transferred his war camp from Bogi to Wushishi which was originally a Gbagyi fishing village leaving behind Abubakar Modibo in charge of

24 the station, before leaving to the Kontagora region.

23 M.G. Smith, Op cit,. P.197

111 24 NAK: SNP-17/24373 Pp. l3 -14. Oral interview with Alhaji Musa Abubakar, Op cit, 7 February, 1999.

70 In reaction to these raids, the Chief of Birnin-Gwari Ali, (1838 - 1882) in

1872, made the first effort in uniting all the neighbouring Kamuku and the Gbagyi

chiefs, comprising of Koriga, Birnin-Gwari, Allawa, Kushaka, K wongoma and

Kusheriki in a league against their common enemy, Umar Nagwamatse. He heard

of the conspiracy and marched straight to attack Allawa before the allied fo rces

came to its assistance. Thereafter, the united fo rce led by Bimin-Gwari repulsed

Umar Nagwamatse from getting into Koriga and pursued him to Kusheriki before

he was driven from the scene. 25 The effort made by Bimin Gwari in uniting those

states against their common enemy was never sustained.

Subsequently, after raiding Bassa and Kakihu near Kontagora in 1874, Umar

N agwamatse re-surfa ced with the purpose of suppressing revolts among the

Gbagyi of Maikunkele, Minna and Paiko, backed with military assistance from

Umar Majige, 1873-1884, who had just succeeded Masaba as the Emir of Bida.

After the suppression, Umar Nagwamatse returned to Rijau where he fo ught the

Kambarewa, Y aurewa, Da Karkari and Dukawa and on his way to Kontagora in

1876, he died in Annaba and was buried in Mamba at the age of seventy, after seventeen years of reign. Umar Nagwamatse was succeeded by one of his sons,

Abubakar Modibo (1876-1 880) who was kept in charge of affairs at Wushishi and had just returned from Sokoto, where he was sent with a train of slaves and other

25 E. Ibid. Pp. lS-18 NAK: MinProf 23/1913 Assessment Report on Kwongoma District, Pp. l0-1 1

71 6 valuables.2 On his appointment, Abubakar Modibo left behind his own son

Ibrahim and one of his lieutenants, Madawaki Bakatsina at Wushishi to take charge

of his position. At Kontagora, Abubakar Modibo reigned for fe w years before he

was succeeded by another son of Umar Nagwamatse, Ibrahim, 1880-1925?7

2.5 The Fulani Incursion by Ibrahim Nagwamatse of Kontago ra in 1881

Ibrahim Nagwamatse was born in Tashibo, near Lapai in 1857, probably

when his father, Umar Nagwamatse was on transit, after leaving Nassarawa

Kwatto on his way to the region. Ibrahim Nagwamatse's first military engagement

in the region was in 1881 when the Emir of Zamfara, Umar Dan Mohammed

proposed a joint military expedition with him against the northern Gbagyi states in the region, but the fo rmer leftfor Zaria while Ibrahim Nagwamatse proceeded with the scheme by carrying out large scale military expeditions against Gbagyi states in

8 Galadiman Kogo, Dangunu ,Guni, Gini, Kuta, Gussoro and Kurmin Gurmana. 2

In 1881, Galadiman Kogo was the first to be attacked by Ibrahim

Nagwamatse. It was reported that Ibrahim Nagwamatse sacked Kwaki by disguising his troops in women clothes on horse back supported by a strong calvary and marched into the town which was not protected by walls. He thereafter went to Iburu, the main town of Galadiman Kogo itself. The inhabitants

26 E.C.M. Dupigny, "Kontagora province" Op cit, P.11

27 Ibid, P. ll

28 Ibid, P. l I NAK: SNP- 7/520611911, Kuta Division, Op cit

72 took refuge on the granite hills around but to their surprise, the determined Fulani

fo rces penetrated through the granites and subdued them. The raid was traumatic

that the inhabitants assumed that the hill melted into plain land to allow the Fulani

horses have access. In spite of this conquest, Ibrahim Nagwamatse allowed

Galadiman Kogo to continue its allegiance to the Fulani of Zaria instead of

29 Kontagora or Wushishi. In the same year, Abdullahi, the Emir of Zaria, 1876-

1881, after several unsuccessful raids to Dangunu and Egga, deceived the people

of Dangunu to come down from their hills to the plain by the river, and thereafter,

30 carried them to Zaria as slaves, leaving only three people on the hill. When

Ibrahim Nagwamatse appeared again on the scene, he did not interfere with

Dangunu but instead made several raids on Kabula and Kumboda. He could not

conquer them as a result of the inaccessibility of their terrain. It was after this

incident that Ahuja continued to provide them with military assistance against

1 possible Fulani attacks thereby ensuring their continued allegiance to Abuja?

After the raid on Dangunu hamlets, Ibrahim Nagwamatse went straight to attack Guni and Gini. Guni was attacked twice in conjunction with fe llow Fulani from Bida. Guni was situated in a dense fo rest within the banks of the river Lani and had a strong fo rtified doubled wall and moat. Sequel to the Fulani attacks,

29 NAK: SNP - 7/5026/1911 Kuta Division Assessment Report on Galadiman-Kogo, Op cit, P.9

30 M.G. Smith, Op cit, P.l77. Oral interview with evidence: Mallam Ahmadu Yohanna Kuta, Op cit, 15th February, 1999.

31 NAK: SNP - 7/502611911 Kuta Division Assessment Report on Dangunu, Op cit. Pp. 9-10

73 Guni forces succeeded in repelling all previous attacks owing to its terrain, the

strength of its fo rces and their determination to resist external aggression. It was

reported that during the second attack on the town, the inhabitants deliberately

allowed the Fulani to enter the town by the western gate where the fo rest was

thickest and then shot them in their large numbers as they struggled in the pits that

had been prepared for them inside the walls of the town. The accmmt went further

to state that it was the Bida fo rces that were caught in the town and none of them

escaped from the attack. The swords taken from the dead troops are still kept as

32 war trophies by the authorities of Guni.

Guni villages, on the other hand, were not all that successful from

subsequent slave raids carried out on them by Galadiman Kogo, Ibrahim

Nagwamatse and Abuja as they were too distant to be assisted easily by any power

and too small to be worth it, as such the villages were fo rced to fight to death.

Thus, the villages were subjected to paying tributes to Galadiman Kogo, Ibrahim

Nagwamatse and Abuja. The rationale for the raids on these villages might not be unconnected to previous Guni resistance to external control. However, these raiding activities were reported to have depopulated the inhabitants of the area despite the fa ct that they were hard fighters not to be raided with impunity. The report went further to state that most of the villagers, captured as slaves, returned

32 NAK: Minprof 317/1917 Guni District , Op cit. P. 11. Oral interview with Mallam Ahmadu Yohanna Kuta, Op cit. 15111 February, 1999.

74 to their homes after the British occupation of the country. One of these was the

head man of Gwadare, who escaped from Abeokuta, where he had been taken as a

slave when he was a small boy. He lived there for forty years, becoming a British

messenger in Zungeru and Bida for two years after the British occupation of the

33 country and later traced his way back to his village.

In Gini, the people made little resistance against the Ibrahim Nagwamatse

fo rces but resisted Kuta' s raiding ventures for selling its citizen into slavery on the

34 excuse of stealing. Ibrahim Nagwamatse thereafter extended his campaign to

Kuta. At Kuta, his forces were driven by wild bees in the fo rest where they had camped at the fo ot of the hill, and then he moved further to Gussoro and Kurmin-

Gurman. The expedition was interrupted by a large-scale military assistance from

Ahuja on the request of Kuta and Gussoro. At the end of the encounter, Ibrahim

N agwamatse suffered severe defeat in the hands of these combined fo rces and quickly withdrew from the scene having been wounded on both arms. He then

35 raided Makangara and Bataro before returning to Kontagora.

One point must be made clear here, whether it was Kuta, Gussoro or Kurmin

Gurmana that initiated the request for such a large scale military assistance or not,

Ahuja's response to the incursions of Ibrahim Nagwamatse to this region at this

33 Ibid, Pp. ll-13

34 NAK: Minprof 337/1913 Guni District, Kuta Division, Op cit. P.2

35 Alhaji Hassan and Mallam Shuaibu, A Chronicle, Op cit, Pp. l7-18 E.C.M. Dupigny, "Nupe Province", Op cit. P.52

75 period, could best be described as highly hypocritical. Firstly, why was similar

assistance not rendered by Abuja to these states earlier when the region apparently

came under incessant raids from the Fulani of Bida, Zaria and Kontagora; could it

have been because Kuta, the most senior ally of the Habe rulers of Abuja were fo r

the first time threatened by the Fulani? It should be pointed out that the Abuj a

authorities, right from the inception of the kingdom and worse still during the reign

of Ibrahim Iyalia (1877 -1902), pursued similar raiding policies against Gbagyi,

Koro and Gade communities within their neighbourhood to the point that one of the Habe rulers of Abuja, Ibrahim Iyalia, earned for himself the knick name

"Dodon Gwari" (Masquerade of Gbagyi) during his reign. However, it was glaring that during this period, Ibrahim Iyalia was under external pressure and threat from his Fulani enemies in the neighbouring states of Zaria to the north, Keffi and

Nassarawa to the east, Lapai, Agaie and Bida to the south-west and Kontagora to the west. Thus, it was only logical for the Abuja authorities to either fight back or provide military assistance to any group of people to ward off Fulani incursions that had threatened the survival of the kingdom and its allies.

After eight years of withdrawal from the region, Ibrahim Nagwamatse re­ surfaced in 1890. This time, he settled in Wushishi and camped at Paiko before suppressing the revolts from Bosso and Minna by capitalising on their internal crisis. In Minna, the old intrigue between the chief and the Galadima Paida sprung up again. The chief called on Bida fo rces against the Galadima while Bosso came to the aid of the Galadima. The fo rces from Bida were driven out of the scene by

76 the combined fo rces from the Galadima and Bosso. Shortly afterwards, Ibrahim

Nagwamatse who was just behind the comer, requested the Galadima to handover

the fugitives from Bosso to whom it had previously offered refuge in its ward.

When the Galadima refused to deliver the fugitives, he sacked his ward including

Bosso and handed them over to Wushishi, in a similar way that he had earlier

treated Maikunkele and Paiko ?6 After the attack on Bosso and Minna, Ibrahim

Nagwamatse proceeded to attack Gwam and Gayaggi. Gwam was located on a

strong naturally defensive position of a top long flat hill while Gayaggi was

situated in a thick fo rest. When the Fulani fo rces arrived at Gwam and Gayaggi, they fo und both towns completely deserted, as most of the inhabitants; that is, old men, children and women, had fled across the River Gurara, leaving behind their

37 men to resist the Fulani .

At the end, the Fulani fo rces withdrew completely from the region. Gwam seized the opportunity to launch repeated attacks against Derre and Paiko fo r being allies to the Fulani, inflicting considerable losses on them. Gayaggi, on the other hand, was reported to have resisted the Fulani entry into their town, so that out of twelve raids on the town either by Nagwamatse or its descendants at Wushishi, it was only fo ur times that the Fulani succeeded in gaining entrance into the town.

As a result of these wars, the elderly from both towns bear marks of gun shot 38 wounds inflicted on them by their invaders for their tenacity. Similarly, in

36 N AK: Minprof 316/1917 Bosso District Assessment Report, Op cit, P. l 3-P.14, E. C. M. Dupigny, "Nupe Province", Op cit. Pp.51-52, E. C.M. Dupigny, "Kontagora Province", Op cit, P. 11. Oral evidence: Mallam Ibrahim Kafinta Galadiman, interviewed on 4th February, 1999.

37 Ibid.

38 NAK: SNP - 7/506/191 1 Kuta Division Assessment Report on Paiko, Op cit, Pp.21-22. Oral interview with Mallam Abubakar Pkotun Paiko, Op cit, 3rd February, 1999.

77 retaliation to these raids, Kuta and Abuja fo rces continued to raid Fuka having

previously submitted to the Fulani fo rces and paid regular slave tribute between its

39 Koro and Kadara neighbours. The use of Koro and Kadara slaves by Fuka and

perhaps other Gbagyi states in the region would have been the source of the

popular cliche "Kadara Bawan Gwari" (Kadara the slaves of the Gbagyi), which is

still prevalent today. It was reported that during this period, Ibrahim N agwamatse

sent expedition to as far as the banks of River Gurara, perhaps in an attempt to get

to Abuja, but reportedly capttrred Gawu, another Gbagyi community within the

region. Gawu tradition refutes this claim but submitted that Ibrahim N agwamatse

40 laid siege over Gawu but never captured it.

In 1894, Ibrahim Nagwamatse raided Birnin-Gwari and inspite of Gobir and

Maradi 's assistance to Bimin Gwari fo rces, burnt the town for the second time. It

should be noted that Mohammed Bello of Sokoto had inflicted similar treatment on

the town at the beginning of the century. As a result of the attack, the chief of

Bimin Gwari fled to Kuta, but was later captured by the Emir of Zaria and sent to

41 Kontagora. The fo rmer installed his nominee as the new chief of the town.

However, he was deposed a year later by the Gbagyi and in his place, a new chief,

42 Abubakar, was appointed by the people in 1897.

As stated earlier, Ibrahim Nagwamatse's latest military campaign into the

region succeeded to some degree in weakening the fragile relationship among these

states. Those states that initially submitted to him became targets of revenge attack

39 E. C. M. Dupigny, "Nupe Kingdom", Op cit, P.52

40 E. C. M. Dupigny, "Kontagora Province", Op cit, P. ll

41 E. C. M. Dupigny, "Nupe Kingdom", Op cit, P.57

42 M. G. Smith, Op cit, P.200

78 by Gwam, Kuta and Abuja. However, this did not fo reclose the fa ct that the

fo nner remained subjects to the Fulani since, at any given opportunity, they drifted

to independence.

2.6 The Impact of the Fulani incursions on the state system

The state system that developed in the region before the 19th century

continued to survive under precarious conditions fo llowing the various Fulani

incursions to the region. Similarly, the system of alliances, which were in existence among the states with their suzereignty at Zazzau continued even after the relocation of the later to Abuj a at the beginning of 19th century.

In effect, some of the states which at one point or the other temporarily submitted to the Fulani incursions could not be presumed to have become subject states or pay allegiance to the Fulani, since there was no evidence of effective occupation; besides, the affected states were always revolting at every given opportunity throughout the century. Thus, at the end of the century, due to persistent revolts against the Fulani incursions, out of the sixteen representatives,

Kofa at Wushishi, only fo ur principalities of Gbagyi States in the region paid their tribute to Kontagora through Wushishi; namely Beji, Kodoko, Zungeru and Manta.

This runs contrary to what the British colonialist later portrayed, that the Gbagyi states came under the tutelage of the Fulani. It was a consequence of this type of precarious assumption that the British colonial government, having disregard fo r the Gbagyi political State system, aligned these states to the neighbouring Fulani

Emirates.

79 Table II: States and Distribution of appointee Kofa living in Wushishi

States Ethnic Grouu Name of Kofa Status

I. Kwata Nupe Mijin Yawa - fr ee citizen

2. Kundu Kamuku lga Allah D/Galadima - excaptive

3. Gworiji Nupe Dokoyeringi - excaptive

" 4. Dukusakum Magayaki - fr ee citizen

" " " 5. Lokogoma Abubakar

" " 6. Beji Gbagyi Tukura

" 7. Kodoko Sakin Gandu - excaptive

8. Tungan Shehu Nupe Mijin Yawa - fr ee citizen

9. Kurmin Gurmana Bassa Ali Yara - free citizen

10. Kankoj i Nupe Gudu - excaptive

II. Zungeru Gbagyi Mustafa - fr ee citizen

12. Matajiya Nupe Jiya - excaptive

" 13. Tukunji Maiyaki - fr ee citizen

" 14. Yameggi Shamaki - excaptive

" 15. Kato Zarumai - free citizen

43 16. Manta Gbagyi Bamuda Iko - excaptive

However, some of the unlucky Gbagyi states that came under the Fulani

attacks were reduced to hunting grounds for slaves and resources by the various

Fulani groups, considering the nature and character of the Fulani invaders. A

typical case was the method Umar Nagwamatse and his successors adopted in their

quest for slaves and resources. First, they hurried the outlaying hamlets to the

43 NAK: Minprof 70/1919 Niger Province, Wushishi District, Kuta Division, Assessment report by H.M. Brice Smith. NAK: Minprof 11511910, Re-organisation of Kuta Division, Niger Province 1910 S.G Taylor Appendix, P.7. Kofa in Hausa means gateway to tribute state. The sixteen states administered by Wushishi were allotted individuals recruited among ex-captives and fr ee citizens with the title of Kofa. They were absentee head residents at Wushishi, responsible for collecting tributes from their respective states to the Chief of Wushishi, who in turn pass the tribute to Kontagora.

80 point that the inhabitants would concentrate in the towns; the latter was then fo rced

by htmger to submit. The payment of slaves was thereafter imposed on the town as

the price for peace and a resident agent was installed to supervise the collection of

Annual Tax usually amounting to 10,000 cowries on each household. At Wushishi

and Kontagora, the agent was responsible to an absentee Kofa who reports to

Nag wamatse on the behaviours and revenue extracted from such a conquered

people. In addition to the annual tax, occasional levies of slaves were exacted on

the conquered people to prevent them from becoming strong enough to revolt.

Members of the Nagwamatse family or household and messengers were entitled to

44 an "honorarium" of about 10,000 cowries fromeach of the conquered towns.

The states that do not succumb after their hamlets had been ravaged had

their walls assaulted by light infantry backed by musketeers. A large proportion of the inhabitants who had not escaped or killed were taken into slavery and the remnants, if any, were left under an agent and, in a situation where the entire population fled before the assault, the town was destroyed. If they later returned, and wished to re-occupy their towns, they were allowed to do so on the payment of slaves. Subsequently, a money tax was imposed on them with an agent appointed

45 for them.

Thus, the attitude of the Fulani might be attributed to the annual search for tribute in slaves and resources imposed on the Emirates by the sultanate in Sokoto as pointed out by R. A. Adeleye.

44 NAK: SNP-17/24373 Vol II, Kamuku District, Kuta Division, Niger Province Report by Mr. D.F.H. Mac Bride, 1935, P. l4

45 Ibid.

81 Th e Emirates were in the constitution expected to pay certain taxes to Sokoto. Th ese included Zakkat, Kharaj, Jizya (fr om adhimmis) irth (inheritance money) and Khums (fifth) of the booty. Fai and property whose owners cannot be traced were in addition sources of revenue fo r the treasury. 46

Similarly, in assessing the general characteristics of the caliphate years after

the jihad, M. Crowder's opinion that after the death of Usman Danfodio (1817) and

Mohammed Bello (183 7), the religious motivation for the jihad (reformist zeal)

and standard of learning declined in the caliphate giving way to mcrease wars,

47 inspired by the desire fo r slaves. He went further to state that :

"The case of Kontagora is notorious, but there were many other areas which also live in perpetual fe ar of Fulani raids fo r slaves to 48 be sold to North Africa or used as agricultural labour. "

Thus, in the non-Muslim areas or areas considered as outside the spheres of the caliphate, carrying out expeditions was termed obligatory and therefore booties, usually inform of captives from these areas, were annually sent to Sokoto

49 by each of the Emir's in the Caliphate.

In one of the reported cases, at the peak of a great famine in C.l863, Umar

N agwamatse sent an unprecedented annual gift of a large number of slaves and

46 R. A. Adeleye, Power and Diplomacy in Northern Nigeria 1804 - 1906. London, Longman Groups Ltd., 1977, P.4, M. D. Last, The Sokoto Caliph ate, Longman Groups London, 1977. Pp. l 02-107

4 7 M. Crowder, Op cit, P. l72, Pp. l74-175. Also cited from J. S. Trimingham, A Historyof Islam in West Africa, London, 1962, P. 205

48 Ibid, Op cit, P. l78

49 M. D. Last, The Sokoto, Op cit, P. l06

82 50 1880, horses to Sokoto. Similarly, in Ibrahim Nagwamatse, even went a step

further to engage in slave trading to major market centres in the north .

In the course of his conquest, he captured thousands of slaves fo r sale in the Northern markets and de vastated hundreds of villages, killing anyone unsaleable as a slave and leaving a once populous land so desolate that even today it is one of the most sp arsely populated areas in the North. When later he was captured by the British and asked to renounce the slave trade, he taunted, "Can you stop a catfr om musing? I shall die with a slave in my mouth ". 51

This perhaps goes further to explain the reasons for the incessant raiding

activities by the Fulani in the region and the rebellion that fo llowed suit, since the

Fulani were only desperate in raising large number of slaves and resources in order

52 to meet state demands for the running of their Emirates and the caliphate.

The implication of this state policy on the region and other areas ravaged by these Fulani invaders was that, going by Islamic tradition on the handling of slaves, it was not unlikely that most of the women slaves would have ended up as concubines of succeeding Sultans, Emirs and traditional Court members of the caliphate and in the Emirate. They would have thereby become parents of most of the Sultans and Emirs or acquired state positions. Likewise, the male slaves would have secured their freedom after sometime and occupied strategic positions in

53 administration and industry, thus increasing the Fulani lineage.

50 E. C. M. Dupigny, "Kontagora Province", Op cit, Pp.9-10

51 M. Crowder, Op cit. Pp. l72-173

52 R. A. Adeleye, Op cit. P.86 M. D. Last, The Sokoto, Op cit, Pp. l02-l06

53 Maulana Mohammed Ali, The Religi on of Islam A Comprehensive Discussion of the sources, principles and practices of Islam, Lahore, Pakistan, 1973, Pp.543-550 M.G. Smith, Op cit, P.83.

83 M.G. Smith gave an account of a similar scenario at Zaria where he stated

that slaves held office, and they often amassed wealth . Thus, the Turaki Ba'idu, a

slave official of Mal Mus a himself had over 1,200 slaves and was one of the 54 wealthiest men in Zaria at that time.

Similarly, in Bida, S. F. Nadel reported that ex-slaves were given special

titles and household ranks.

Able and fa ithfu l slaves were rewarded with the position of head slaves, overseers, bailiffs,· their masters bestowed upon them the rich presents and gifts of lands, more land than they cared to work with their own hands having become men of wealth and importance. Their masters bestowed upon them, above all special titles, household ranks - the ubiquitous symbol of social rise in Nupe.55

On the other hand, it can be said that the extraction of slaves among these

states, depopulated the region. At this stage, one cannot explicitly disclose the exact figures of how many slaves were extracted from this region to other areas due to lack of records. However, it would be assumed that the act of slave th extraction from this region pre-dates the 19 century episode. It probably dates

th back to the era of state formation in Rausa states in the 16 century, considering

th the demand fo r labour and resources required in state fo rmation. In the 19 century, the situation was further aggravated fo llowing the outbreak of the Jihad, especially as from the middle of the century. To argue to the contrary is to deny the fa ct that the Jihad ever took place.

54 M. G. Smith, Op cit. P.77

55 S. F. Nadel, Op cit, P.l06

84 While assessing the issue of population density and slave raiding in the

Middle Belt, M. Mason exonerated the raiding activities of the Nupe Fulani. He

stated that there was little enslavement carried out by the Nupe Fulani in the

middle of the century. By the 1860s, the process of the conquest of most of the

Nupe areas had largely been completed. According to him, there was very little

enslavement of the inhabitants throughout, most of the territory inhabited by the

Nupes under the rule of Bida. 56

Having exempted the Nupe Fulani from not causing depopulation in

the region, little could be said of the other groups in the region, especially the

Fulani of Kontagora

Of Nupe lands other neighbours, it is not less difficult to speak. Kontagora, to the North- West, enjoys the reputation of having critically depopulated Western Nupe. This is not altogether implausible, as has been noted. It is also said to have depopulated much of Kambari and Kamuku and with its subordinate, Wushishi, Gbari. 57

He then sums up by saying that in addition to slave raiding other fa ctors such as the bio-geographical nature of the region should be looked into as additional fa ctors.

If it is accepted that nineteenth century wars are an explanation fo r the low population densities of only limited areas of the middle belt, and that they are no explanation fo r the low density of the region as

56 M. Mason, "Population density and 'slave trading', The Case of the Middle Belt of Nigeria" Journal of Historical

Society of Nig., Vol. X, No. 4 1969, P.558. S.F. Nadel ... Op cit, P. l06.

57 Ibid, P.561

85 a whole, then other fa ctors must be sought out in answer to the wider question. Here the historian must turn to the Geographer. 58

As a result of the prolonged state of warfare that prevailed between these

states and the Fulani, one would have expected that they would have transformed

into great powers to withstand the Fulani incursions in line with the suggestion

made by R. Horton on the relationship between state societies and the expanding

centralised powers.

Thus, the needfo r prolonged period of defensive vigilance seems to have stimulated the growth of little kingdoms among certain people living on the borders of large predatory states. In such places where it seemed fe asible to stand and organise defence rather than cut and run, people willingly grant greater powers to their community heads. 59

The situation was not quite fa vourable for this development. The states were multi-ethnic in nature i.e Gbagyi, Koro, Bassa, Kadara and Kamuku. Besides, the

Gbagyi, belonged to two different dialects, Gbagyi Y aroma and Gbagyi Genge, with those in the northern part of the region belonging to the later group while those in the southern part belonging to the fo rmer group, which was in itself a point of division. In addition, most of the ruling dynasties in the region were associated with individuals of external origins. Thus, the division among these states became apparent by the middle of the century. This was consequently a hindrance to a collective action against the Fulani and where such collective action existed, it was necessitated by expediency as the case with Ahuj a and Bimin-

58 Ibid, P.563

59 Robin Horton, "Stateless societies in the History of west Africa" History of West Africa, ed. 1. F. Ade Ajayi and Michael Crowder, Vol. One, Second Edition, Longman Group Limited, 1979, P. 112

86 Gwari . Abuja's assistance came in too late. Secondly these states fo ught with

inferior weapons (spears, bows and arrows etc .) against the Fulani who were

already bonded with a common goal, fa ith and determination, and had acquired

guns. The Fulani, especially from Bida and Kontagora, were by the middle of the

century, exposed to the use of guns and musketeers supplied by European traders

and explorers through contact with Masaba of Bida at Lokoja and usually backed

by strong calvary of horsemen from the Rausa. However, each of these states

exhibited their tenacity and resilience against all odds to contain incursions by the

Fulani to their various locations throughout the century as already noticed.

In addition, the political situation in the region did not fit well with R.

Hortons views that impending internal crisis and division among stateless societies

were sometimes stimuli to state fo rmation.

Whereas in an ordinary way chronic internal disputes tended to bring about fu sion in the stateless societies, internal disputes combined with a stron� external threat tended rather to bring about state fo rmation. 6

In the region, it was only Minna that witnessed reported cases of serious internal crisis between the chief of Minna and his Galadima, who was living in

Paida ward. A rift that started about the middle of the century prolonged up to the

British era. In this case, rather than bringing about fusion, the division between the two rivals sapped their strength and made them prey to the exploits of external fo rces. On two occasions, Nagwamatse exploited the division between the two parties to subdue the town. Similarly, prior to the establishment of British

60 Ibid, P. ll2.

87 Administration, one of the reasons why Minna lost its District status to Bosso was

because of the crisis among the chiefs (details would be discussed in the next

chapter).

Minna was placed in Bosso District by Capt. Abadie who doubtless saw that of the two big towns, Bosso and Minna, it was preferable to make Bosso the Head of the District as Minna Sarakuna were so divided themselves. 61

There is no doubt that one of the effects of the Fulani incursions into the area

was that it brought about the immigration and the relocation of people. Firstly, as

pointed out by Mahdi Adamu, the 19th century Jihad created opportunities fo r

Hausa immigrants, made up of warriors, administrators, Quranic teachers, traders,

drummers, musicians, elephant hunters and rubber collectors to the move to the

62 south of Hausa States. This new wave of Hausa immigrants to the region only

swelled the ranks of existing groups of immigrants that had been in the region

before the 19th century. Galadiman Kogo before the 19th century had a collection

63 of Hausa immigrants from Zazzau.

During the Jihad, Makau the Habe ruler of Zazzau migrated with his fo llowers to the Abuja area and stayed briefly in Dangunu, before leaving behind

64 some of his fo llowers that later settled permanently in the region. It was reported that during the Fulani incursions, Hausa immigrants settled in Wushishi in order to

61 NAK:Minprof 316/1917, Op cit, P.14. Oral interview with Mallam Ibrahim Kafinta Galadiman, Op cit, 4th February, 1999.

62 Mahdi Adamu, _"The Hausa Factor in West Africa" Ph.D Thesis (History), Centre of African Studies, University of Birmingham, London, 1974, P. l85

63 NAK: SNP/7/520611911, Assessment Report on Galadiman Kogo, Op cit, P.2

64 NAK:SNP/7/5206/ 1911, Assessment Report on Dangunu, Op cit, Pp.8-9

88 obtain security from raids and taxation, smce the latter never paid tax to any

65 power. However, it appears that it was not until after the Jihad that Hausa

immigrants began to flock into other major centres such as Kuta, Paiko,

Maikunkele, Bosso, Minna, Fuka and Guni in search of a peaceful atmosphere and

new opportunities that emerged with the commencement of the British colonial

administration in the country. This was evident from the relatively fe w numbers of

Hausa immigrants fmmd in these centres.

Table III: The Number of Hausa lmmi2rants in the District Areas at the turn of the Century

SINO Districts Number of Rausa Number of Gbagyi Settlers Inhabitants 1. Kuta 1,039 10,372

2. Bosso (including Minna) 116 (5 1 Fulani) 3,028 3. Paiko 1,509 11,692

4. Guni 163 1 , 224 5. Maikunkele 55 1,290 6. Fuka 30 987 7. Galadiman-Kogo 836 8,393 8. Dangunu 114 (Ahuja Hausa"-80) 1,867 {J(J

Similarly, at the height of the Nupe Civil wars in the 1860s, most Nupe

citizens especially from the Lapai and Agaie areas escaped the war to seek refuge

65 NAK: Minprof 18311913 Assessment Report Wushishi District, Op cit, P.2

66 NAK: SNP/7/5206/1911 Assessment Report of Dangunu, Galadiman Kogo, Fuka, Kuta and Paiko. NAK: Minprof 318/1917 Maikunkele District, Op cit, P.4 NAK: Minprof 318/1917 Guni District, Op cit, P.9 NAK: Minprof 318/1917 Bosso District, Op cit. P. 5

89 67 in Gawu, Shaku, Takito, Paiko and Lafiayagi, including Abuja. These groups of

Nupe citizens, mostly of cloth weaving families, were referred to as Abawas by

their Gbagyi hosts. They were also referred to as Chuchenawa in Hausa and

Damiji in Fulani located in the southern part of Gawu.

"The present hamlets of Badeggi, Sudugi, Takuti, Etsugayi, Gabi and Takalafia are populated by fo rmer Fulani slaves and their descendants ". 68

Sources of these settlements were located along the Minna-Wushishi route.

According to Musa Abubakar, "In the Wushishi area ex-Nupe and Gbagyi slaves

of Ibrahim Nagwamatse were located at Tungan Fulani, Beji and Tungan Gwari

areas ". 69

In addition, the incursions had some effect on the main trade routes that

crossed the region to the Hausa states from Raba and later Bida. The trade

declined as a result of insecurity, caused by the intensity of the incursions by the

middle of the century. The new route from Bida passed through Wushishi (War

camp) established by Umar Nagwamatse by the middle of the century. The route then passed through Kagara also fo unded by one of Umar N agwamatse' s agent, the

Madaki Tegina in 1877. Kagara served as an outpost of Nagwamatse in the region.

The route then extended to Bimin - Gwari and to the rest of Rausa land. Other routes established within the region were those from Abuja through Izom to Gawu,

Lapai and another route from Gawu to Paiko, Dnapo and Boku. The Wushishi,

d 67 Isa Baba, Op cit, Pp.89-90. Oral interview with Alhaji Mohammadu, Sarkin Haya of Gawu, Op cit, 3' December, 1988.

68 NAK: Minprof 3624 Lapai Division: Village re-organisation, 1908 - 1936 P.23

th 69 Isa Baba, Op cit, P.83. Oral interview with Alhaji Musa Abubakar, Op cit, 7 February, 1999.

90 Beji, Maikunkele, Bosso and Minna routes came about during this period. Another

major route from Minna, passed through Sauki Kafuta, Katerigi, Lafiyagi to Lapai

and fm ally to Baro and Katcha. 70 h By the end of the 19t century, the evolution of state system among these

Gbagyi states remained fragile and semi-autonomous. The incursions brought

about by the offspring of the Sokoto Jihadists did not assist the states to transform

into a centralized polity, in spite of opportunities created by the incessant

invasions. Further to these developments, subsequent European activities,

especially by explorers, missionaries and traders, did not alter the fragile state

system that was already interrupted by the Fulani incursions, as would be noticed

in the next chapter.

70 Ibid, op cit, P.83. Oral interview with Mallam Ibrahim Kafinta, Op cit,, 4th February, 1999.

9 1 CHAPTER THREE

3.0 THE STATE SYSTEM AND EUROPEAN ACTIVITIES IN THE EARLY 19tHCENTURY : PENETRATION, CONQUEST AND IMPACT, 1825-1932

th At the beginning of the 19 century, European activities were limited to the

confluence region before they gradually moved to the other major centres of the

fo rmer states, empires, kingdoms and emirates to conduct their activities on behalf

1 of the British Government and their sponsors in Europe.

This phenomenon perhaps accounted for the scanty and sketchy records on

European activities in the region, especially to neighbouring smaller political establishments. Even after they had penetrated into the interior from the confluence of River NigeJ and Benue, they concentrated their energies on major centers of kingdoms and emirates. This was perhaps on the assumption that the major centers were more important than the neighbouring smaller political establishments, presumably in control of the fo rmer.

3.1 European Explorers in 1825

Early European activities in the region came through two mediums. The first account of European presence around the region and outside the state system was

1 The activities of early European explorers on the Rivers Niger and Benue can be fo und in some of these published works. T.R.H. Thomson, Narrative of the Expedition to the Niger River in 1841, Vol. 2, London 1848. Lander R. and Lander J. The Travels of Richard Lander and John Lander into the Interior of Africa, Vol. 2, London 1830. H. Clapperton, Journal of a Second Expedition into the Interior Parts of Africa From the Bigh t of Benin to Sokoto. London, 1966. W.B. Baikie, Narrative and Exploring Voyage up the River Kwarra and Binue in 1854, London. 1856. M. Laird and R.A.C. Old Field Narratives of an Expedition into the Interior of Africa by the River Nige r. London, 1983, Vol. I.

92 at Birnin-Gwari in 1827. Bimin-Gwari being the largest Gbagyi settlements south

of Zazzau, though a dynasty established by a Rausa immigrant from Katsina, was

populated by Gbagyi. This perhaps further explains why Captain Hugh Clapperton

visited the city en route the Hausa states.

During C. Hugh Clapperton's second expedition to Sokoto from Badagry, he

passed through Egga, Oyo, Kiama, Wawa, Bussa, Nupe to Birnin-Gwari before

proceeding to Zaria and later to Sokoto. At Birnin-Gwari, he established friendship and gave gifts of silk umbrella to the Chief of Bimin-Gwari on behalf of the Queen of England. 2 The implication of these ties with Birnin-Gwari was presumed that the rest of other Gbagyi regions had fo r the first time, established friendship with Britain, since these semi-autonomous Gbagyi states in the region were ethnically related. In addition, it was not likely that Clapperton and members of his team would have established the same relationships with individual

Gbagyi states in the region while on his way to Sokoto, since the region was located on the trade routes.

Dr. W.B. Baikie, who came to the confluence at about 1860 and made extensively notes and observations on his travels, displayed similar erroneous accounts of the relationship between the Gbagyi people and Bimin Gwari. He stated that the largest and most important of all these countries, at its northern

2 H. Clapperton, Ibid. P. 152. E. W. Bovil, The Niger Explored Oxford University Press. Ibadan. 1968. P. 188.

93 extremity was the town called by the Rausa, Bimin Gwari (sese) or city of

Gbagyi. 3 He further stated that the Gbagyi were often fo und in rocky and fe rtile

areas; and were very productive people. According to him, the Gbagyi people

were by far the largest and most important of all. Whose territory starts from

Bimin-Gwari in the extreme north extending to Igbira to the south. He went further

to state that a majority of the Gbagyi were tributary to Zaria, a part to Nupe while

another part remained independent. 4 It is most probable that his account was

based on second hand information and that he had not necessarily travelled through

the length and breadth of the region. However, his accounts were recorded at the

height of the Fulani incursions into the region, when some of these Gbagyi states

came under incessant attacks from the Fulani Emirates of Kontagora, Bida and

Zaria.

However, it was certain that Dr. W.B. Baikie visited Abuja during the reign

of Abu K waka 1851 - 1877 enroute to Zaria from Lokoj a. While at Abuja, he

traded with the people for two days and bought chicken, eggs, banana, ducks and

other items in exchange for pieces of cloth. 5 Unlike Captain H. Clappertons

3 W .B. Baikie Ibid Geographical notes on the countries named on the map enclosure 1 in No. 2, P .1.

4 Ibid. This erroneous account explained the British colonial administration perspective of political re-alignment of t these states to the Fulani controlled Emirates at the beginning of the 20 h century.

5 Sule Mohammed, "The impact of British Colonial Rule on the Gbagyi 1900 - 1960 A Study of Political Changes M.A. Thesis Department of History, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 1988. P. l28. Alhaji Hassan and Mallam Shuaibu Naibi. A Chronicle of Abuja. Mrican University Press, Lagos 1962, P.24.

94 mission to Bimin-Gwari, Dr. W.B. Baikie's visit to Ahuja was purposely to

establish trade relationships between Britain and Ahuja and supposedly with its

entire suzerain States in the region. Equally, it was likely that Dr. W.B. Baikie

while enroute to Kana followed the trade routes that cut across the region, thereby

establishing similar contacts with some of the Gbagyi states before getting to Zaria

and Kana.

3.2 The Roya l Nige r Company and Other Trading Companies in 1897

In 1885, Mr. Joseph Thompson an agent of the National African company,

later Royal Niger Company led by G.D.T. Goldie, was sent to the Sultan of Sokoto

to obtain trade treaties for Britain. On his return from Sokoto through Zaria to

Bida, he stopped at Wushishi, where he signed a treaty with the Emir. The Emir

also provided him with food and lodging before he proceeded to Bida. 6 It was

most likely that before getting to Wushishi from Zaria J. Thompson had made

similar contacts with other Gbagyi Chiefs in the region.

The activities of the Royal Niger Company (RNC) m the neighbouring

Emirates of Bida and Kontagora towards the end of the century had its attendant

consequences on the region. According to R.A. Adeleye, the defeat of Bida by the

Company's forces in 1897 encouraged the Gbagyi states of Maikunkele, Bosso,

Minna and Paiko, with which Bida and Kontagora had been at war since their

6 NAK: Minprof 70/1919 Wushishi District, Kuta Division. Re-Assessment Report 1920. H.M. Brice Smith.

95 establishment, took advantage of the situation to raid Bida and Kontagora

. . tern tones. 7

Thus, it was the relative peace created by the Royal Niger Company in the

region after several years of warfare that provided the impetus fo r the

establishment of trade contacts between the people and the European trading firms

on the eve of British administration and after. At this jllllcture, it should be noted

that reports of the activities of the Royal Niger Company and the other European

trading firms in the region were based on assessment reports and notes compiled

by the British colonial officers at the turn of the century.

These reports indicated that by the tum of the century, the Royal Niger

Company, along side other European trading firms, opened their buying stations in

some of these States. In Minna, fo ur trading firms including the Royal Niger

Company opened their stations in Minna markets. The markets were attended by

inhabitants from Maikunkele, Bosso, and Paiko. These firms obtained shea butter

and nuts from the inhabitants while they, in tum, bought cloth and salt from the

8 9 firms. In Guni, the people sold rubber and cloth to European trading firms. The

Guni markets were well attended by people from Sarkin Pawa, Dangunu, Kuta,

7 R.A. Adeleye, Power and Diplomacy in Northern Nigeria, Longman groups Ltd, London. 1977. Pp.226-227. Obaro Ikime, The fall of Nigeria Heinemann, London. 1977. Pp. 68-70. 8 NAKJ Minprof 31611917 Bosso District Kuta Division, Assessment Reports, 1917 by A.E. Vere Walwyn, P.3. NAK: MinprofMaikunkele District Kuta Division, Assessment Report 1917 - 1918 by A.E. Vere Walwyn P.3.

9 NAK: Minprof. 317/ 1917 Guni District, Assessment Report, Kuta Division 1917 - 1918 by A.E. Vere Walwyn. P.5.

96 Gini and Galadiman Kogo. The Galadiman Kogo traders were noted for selling

cotton, tobacco and beniseed to the European trading firms.1 0 In Paiko, European

trading firms purchased export produce which sometimes included shea nuts and

butter, palm kernels, rubber, cotton and beniseed. These products were sometimes

taken to Minna market by the farmers, especially during the dry season when the

River Chanchanga was not navigable. The Paiko market was usually attended by

11 people from Fuka, Lapai and Agaie.

Thus, in addition to the relative peace brought about by the European trading

firms through trade and conquest in the region, the market centres were themselves vehicles of social gathering for the Gbagyi from different location. Similarly, the market centres provided opportunities fo r the exchange of ideas and the development of existing state system in the region.

However, at the tum of the century, the British colonial government disrupted the development of the state system through military conquest in a manner similar to the 19th century Jihad. In addition, the British colonial government re-aligned some of these states with their former enemies in the neighbouring Fulani Emirates for political expediency, as would be discussed in the next chapter.

10 SNP 5206/1911 Ga1adiman Kogo Assessment Report, Kuta Division 191 1 by H.O. Lindsell. PP. 11-12.

11 SNP. 7/1911 Paiko District, Kuta Division Assessment Report, 1911, by H.O. Linsell. PP.4-5.

97 3.3 The State Sys tem and British Colonial Rule: 1900 - 1910

The conquest and subjugation of states in the region by the British Colonial

Government commenced immediately after the establishment of Zungeru as the

capital of the Northem Protectorate by Sir. F. Lugard in 190 1. It should be noted

that when the British troops advanced into Wushishi in 1901, Ibrahim the Chief of

Wushishi fled to Kontagora for safety and in his place, Umar his son was

temporarily installed as the new Chief. Ibrahim was later brought back from Bida,

where he and his mother had taken refuge after the attack, before being restored to

12 power.

After the submission of Wushishi, the British troops began a systematic

policy of subjugating one District area after another in the region. First in

Maikunkele, there was no evidence that the British had any military encounter with

the people. The British Colonial Officer remarked that;

Th e men of Maikunkele were at all times a peace-loving race of fa rmers, distinct contrast to their neighbours in Kuta who were at all times ready to fight fo r their liberty against aggressors13

Similarly, there is no evidence of any fo rm of military resistance, against the

British colonial administration by the people of Bosso and Minna. Instead, the people were recruited for the constn1ction of Zungeru, headquarters of the

12 NAK: Minprof 183/1913 Assessment Report Wushishi District by Mr J. 0. Linsell in 1911 Revised by A.N. Groom in 1913, p.2.

13 NAK: Minprof: 318/1917 Maikunkele District, Kuta Division Assessment Report, 1917-1918.

98 Wushishi on the orders of the British officials. Like Guni, the people of Fuka

reasserted their independence.17 Galadiman Kogo was on the other hand placed

under the Emir of Zaria, but as a result of intrigues between the Emir and

Galadiman Kogo authorities, Captain Orr established the area as an Independent 18 District in 1901.

In 1903, Kuta came under British attack. The dispute between the British

Colonial Government and the authorities in Kuta was centred on the refusal of the

latter to be grouped under the administration of Wushishi. The Chief of Kuta,

Dada Dangunu refused to accept the British request.19 As a consequence, he was

deported to Lokoj a for opposing the British interest. He was later brought back

when it was clear that he no longer posed any threat to British interest. He died

shortly after his return.20 He was succeeded by his brother Dada Ali, who also

continued the intransigence against the British. He, too, was sent on exile to

Wushishi after a year on the throne. Shortly after the death of the District Head at

Wushishi in 1905, the Resident of Zaria Province, Captain C.W. Orr, under the instruction of Sir F. Lugard, the High Commissioner, contemplated sending large

16 Ibid, Appendix, p. l

17 Ibid

18 Ibid, p.4

19 Ibid, p. l

20 Ibid, p.5

100 number of troops tmder the command of Captain White to invade Kuta. The

Yerima, who had succeeded the District Head was alleged to have refused

collecting taxes. After being caught with fifteen slaves, he was dethroned.

1 Thereafter resistance against British rule became less intense?

The biggest opposition against British administration came in 1909, when on

the 5th May, a British political officer and his patrol team were attacked at Gussoro.

The political officer, Mr. A. R. Vanrenen and eleven police constables were killed

in the attack. The patrol team were at Gussoro in an attempt to restore Ibrahim, the

Chief of the town to the throne and prevail on the people to continue with the

supply of labourers fo r the construction of the railway line, which had begun in the

region. Thus, the presence of the patrol team was misconstrued as an attempt to

impose the dismissed Chief and a refusal to comply with the instruction, of the

British Authorities. However, in reaction to the incident, F.D. Lugard ordered the

complete destntction of the town. About 500 Gussoro bore-men resisted the

British attack. At the end, 73 Gussoro men lost their lives and the remaining

population numbering about two thousand, two hundred people fled across the

River Kaduna. The ex-chief relocated to Bosso while two-third of the population settled in Galadiman Kogo, Kuta and Kurmin Gurmana Districts in the newly constituted Kuta Division and Allawa District in Zungeru Division.

21 Su1e Mohammed, "The Impact ofBritish Colonial Rule on the Gbagyi 1900-1960". A study of political changes. M.A. Thesis, Department of History, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 1988. PP. l36. SNP-7/408/1905 Sarkin

Kuta refusal to pay homage - 1905, Pp . 1-6.

101 Meanwhile, eleven of the supposed Gussoro suspects and ring leaders were

arrested and convicted in two batches at Minna, before they were sent to the

colonial prison in Zungeru. The first batch was sentenced to death but had their

conviction commuted to five years imprisonment on the 17th June 1909. They

included Sarkin Pawa, Muchimu, Nyako, Apia, Wambai, Sauri and Barwa while the second batch was sentenced to death by hanging and had their conviction commuted to life imprisonment on the 31st August 1909. Almost a year after the

Gussoro massacre, on 2nd February, 1910, the High Commissioner ordered the release of all the political prisoners. But before the state pardon was issued out, seven of the convicts had died in prison, leaving only fo ur survivors. They

22 included Sauri, Nyako, Baba Dangari and Baba Danhalbi.

As illustrated, with the exception of Maikunkele, Bosso and Minna Districts, all the other States in the region resisted British colonial conquest and the attempt to place them under the Fulani rule at Wushishi. However, in spite of their effort, they at the end came under British colonial administration.

3.4 The Establishment of British Colonial Administration in 1910

Sequel to the British Colonial conquest of parts of the country and the region, administrative constituencies called provinces were carved out in parts of

22 NAK: Minprof. 1215/1911 Kuta Division 1911-1932. NAK: Minprof 39/l912 Niger Province Annual Report No. 5, p. lO. NAK:SNP.?/5206/1911 Kuta Division. Niger Province Assessment Report on Galadiman Kogo by Lindsell, 1911 p.6 SNP-7/3771/1909 Gussoro uprising ring leaders trial, Gussoro, 1909.

102 the Northern protectorate. These proVInces were made up of Yola, Muri,

Nassarawa, Bassa, Kabba, Ilorin, Kontangora, Nupe, Zaria, Bauchi, Bomo, Kano

and Sokoto provinces. These provinces were made up of Divisions, Districts and

Village Units. The region of our study was named Kuta Division and had its

Headquarters at Kuta. At the inception of British Administration, the Division was

grouped under the Emir of Zaria in Zaria Province, before it was transferred to

Nupe Province with the Headquarters at Bida, in 1908. The province was made up

of fo ur Divisions, namely Kuta, Bida, Agaie, Lapai and Kwangoma Divisions. In

Kuta Division, which is our fo cus of study, contains the history of the ten states

that emerged in the region before the advent of the British. These now

metamorphosised into District areas. Thus, for the purpose of convenience,

23 Districts, instead of states, would be used to refer to the previous states.

This arrangement and re-organisation was part of the general policy fo r

placing non-Muslim (non-Fulani) regions under the authority and supervision of

Muslim (Fulani) Emirates. F. D. Lugard explained the adoption of this policy,

which became an integral part of indirect rule policy as follows:

Th e Fulani of Northern Nigerian are as I have said, more capable of rule than the indigenous races but in proportion as we consider them an alien race, we are denying self government to the people over whom they rule and supporting an alien cast-albeit closer and more 2 akin to the native races than the European can be. 4

23 NAK: Minprof.39/1912, Op.cit, p.7, sule Mohammed, Op.cit, pp. l84-185.

t 24 F.D. Lugard, The Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa, Frank Cass and Company Limited, 5 h Edition, London, 1965, p. l98

103 He was not unaware of the misrule of these Fulani Emirs before the advent

of the British administration in the country.

We are dealing with the same generation and in many cases with the identical rulers, who were responsible fo r the misrule and tyranny which we fo und in 1902.25

In the region, this policy was handled by the Assistant Resident (later

Resident) and the Resident of Niger (Former Nupe) Province, Captain S. C. Taylor

and Mr. B. Hamilton Brown, respectively. They both made their proposals and

recommendations on the administration of the region to the Governor of Northern

Nigeria in 1910. In his submission for the implementation of this scheme, the h Assistant Resident gave a brief political history of the region before the 19t

Century, during and after the advent of British occupation of the country.

He stated that prior to the Fulani conquest, only Maikunkele and Wushishi can claim to have been independent. After the rise of Fulani power, Gini, Bosso and Wushishi all came under the yoke of the Fulani with the Sarkin Wushishi as their overlord. The remaining Districts, Kuta and Galadiman Kogo owed allegiance to the Habe in Abuja and the Fulani of Zaria, respectively. Thus, Guni and the Koro country alone withstood the Fulani attacks. Sequel the advent of

25 Ibid, p. 199

104 British rule, all the Districts in the Division became independent with the exception

2 of the Koro country, still nominally under the Sarkin Paiko and Fuka. 6

These assertions cannot be accepted as the correct history of the people of

the region before the advent of the British era. Befo re the advent of the Fulani

invasions, all the settlement in the region existed as semi-autonomous states, owing

allegiance to Zazzau. During the 19th Century Fulani invasion to the region, each

of these District areas resisted the subjugation of the Fulani throughout the century.

However, in his proposal, the Assistant Resident Captain S. C. Taylor admitted that he had changed his view in line with Government policy, on the

question of Gbagyi land fo r the Gbagyi. His reasons were that, in nearly every large Gbagyi village, there was a Hausa quarter, which dominates the remainder of the population by reason of its superior intellectual capacity and business-like

27 energy. To further discredit the rulership of the Gbagyi Chiefs in the region, he said:

The Gbagyi minds show no capacity fo r ruling. The only three which show signs of energy and progress are Wushishi, Galadiman Kogo and Guni. Wushishi is governed by a Fulani, Galadiman­ Kogo by Zagi-Zagi fr om Zaria and Guni by Abokin Sarki (a Hausa) since the Sarkin was bed-ridden. The Remaining Districts were governed by Gbagyi Chiefs 28

t 26 NAK: Minprof 115/1910, Op.cit. Memo from the Assistant Resident to Resident Niger Province, dated 24 h February, 1910, p. l. 27 Ibid, p.2 NAK:MinProf 39/1912 Niger Province Annual Report No.5. 1912. P. lO. In contrast to the earlier assertion, the British colonial Government later acknowledged that it was responsible fo r the inclusion of the Independent Districts of Bosso, Maikunkele, Minna and Paiko to the Chief of Wushishi 's administration.

28 Ibid, p.2

105 On the general administration of the region, he proposed that

Galadiman-Kogo and Guni be left as they are at present, but that

all the remainder z. e Maikunkele, Kuta, Wushishi, Fuka, Paiko and Bosso should be placed under Sarkin Wu shishi, the latter receiving

the title of Emir. 29

On the fate of the future generation of Gbagyi Chiefs, Captain S. C. Taylor

proposed that:

Yo ung sons of Gbagyi Chiefs should be sent to Wushishi or some other Mohammadan Centre to be taught to read and write Arabic to study the Koran and thus be made suitable to succeed their Fa ther·30

In a reaction to these proposals, the Resident, after careful consideration and lengthy discussion with Major J. Burdon and Captain C.W. Orr (two succeeding

Resident of Zaria province) on the future policy in the Division, said he would not recommend the proposal to His Excellency, and the placing of Ibrahim, Sarkin

Wushishi as the paramount Chief of the Division fo r these reasons:-

Firstly, on the advent of British Administration, many of the Districts were entirely independent of the Fulani rule, it would now be considered an act of injustice on the part of Government to place them once more without adequate reason under the head of the Fulani by the aid of our maxim guns. I fe el confident

29 Ibid, p.3

30 Ibid. p.3

106 that fo rce would have to be resorted to, to compel obedience to Ibrahim, Sarkin

Wushishi. as a paramount Chief 31

Secondly, that the appointment of a Mohammadan (sic), as a paramount

Chief, in a Pagan Division would be tantamount to enormous aid to the spread of

32 Islam ism by Government.

Thirdly, that sufficient support has not yet been given to the present District

Chiefs owing, in great measure, to want of continuity in the political officer in

charge of the Division. He would ask fo r further patience in dealing with this

District Chiefs in this Division and for active support of the political officer in

33 enforcing the Native Authority proclamation in 1907.

Fourthly, that so far, Ibrahim of Wushishi has done no better as a District

Chief than any of the Gbagyi District Chiefs, as no District Chief appears to know

much about their Districts and credit fo r turning out labour to work on the

3 railway. 4

He also disagreed with the Assistant Resident's suggestion that an Hausa

Chief would appear more intelligent and exercise greater authority over his subordinate Gbagyi villages.

31 Ibid, p. l

32 Ibid, p. l

33 Ibid, p.l

34 Ibid, p. l

107 I doubt whether an alien Hausa Chief would have any more influence with the Gbagyi (in Gbagyi land) than the Gbagyi Chiefs appear to exercise now over the Rausa Element. 35

He went further to recommend firstly, establishing Sarkin Wushishi at

Minna with jurisdiction over his present District and the sub-Districts of Bosso and

Maikunkele as it is of urgent importance that a powerful Chief is set up in Minna at

once to control the alien elements that are rapidly creeping in and settling in the

new town of Minnajunction.36

Secondly, to leave the other Districts as at presently organized, but when

opportunity occur to mould them into larger units under paramount chiefs of their

own (or if necessity should arise, the Governor's) selection?7

The trend of events in subsequent years was to detennine the implementation of this policy thrust. However, the immediate implementation of some of these policies resulted in the placement of these non-Muslim Gbagyi

Districts under the supervision and control of an Emirate system, thus distorting the political history of the people. As stated earlier, the policy was aimed at

35 Ibid, p.2

36 Ibid, p.3

37 Ibid, p.3

108 bringing Gbagyi areas under the close supefV1sion for more efficient

administration, the building of railway lines and the collection of taxes. 38

In pursuance of the scheme, the previous independent status of the mne

Districts in the regiOn were eroded as a result of realignment of some of the

Districts. In 1910, the Districts were regrouped into what could be regarded as a tripartite administrative structures. Under the regrouping, Kuta District remained a

District and Divisional Headquarters; Fuka, Guni and Gini Districts were, on the other hand, made to acknowledge the authority of Galadiman-Kogo while Bosso and Maikunkele Districts were placed under the administration of the Chief of

Wushishi with Headquarters located at the fo ot of Minna Hill, where, as a result of the railway junction project (from Baro to Kano ), a large population of migrant labourers (Gbagyi, Hausa, Nupe, Yoruba, Igbo, Sierra Leoneans, Ghanians etc.) came to settle in the area. Paiko District was later ceded to the Chief of Wushishi, sequel to the deportation of Sarki Kura of Paiko to Wushishi and the appointment of Sarki Kurako?9

It is imperative at this stage to stress the difference between the new Minna settlement (mainly cosmopolitan railway workers) that sprang up at the fo ot of the

38 Saad Abubabar, 'The Northern Provinces Under Colonial Rule 1900-1959' ed Obaro Ikima, Groundwork of Nigerian History, Heinemann Educational Books (Nig.) Ltd., 1980, p.466. Karl Maier, This House has fa llen Penguin Books, London, 2000, p.8.

39 E. C.M. Dupigny 'Nupe Province 1920'Gazetter ofthe Northern Nigerian Vol. III, Central Kingdom A.H.M. Kirk Greene, Prefatory Notes, Frank Cass: London, 1972, p.53.

109 hill and the indigenous Gbagyi settlement on the hilltop, including, of course, its

outlying villages. The fanner was governed directly by the Chief of Wushishi

while the latter was governed through the District Head of Bosso as a village area.

It is equally important to point out why the indigenous Gbagyi on the hill, lost their

District status. Firstly, the Chief of Minna, Gbako was opposed to the British

imposition of the Chief of Wushishi on the Gbagyi. Gbako and one of his ward

heads, Galadiman Paida, were divided by an age-long internal dissension; Bosso

chieftains claim to represent the interest of its maternal parent (the Chief of Minna)

in its dealings with outsiders (the British) and the placement of Minna under the

authority of Bosso, regarded as a compensation by the British for the latter's effort

in persuading the former towards the building of the new colonial capital at 0 Ztmgeru.4 Thus, it was these reasons that usurped the Gbagyi of Minna

representation at the newly constituted Council of Chiefs appointed by the Chief of

Wushishi. It was also the beginning of the erosion of their claim over Minna

affairs as would be discussed later.

It was on this setting that the Chief of Wushishi established his machinery of

Government by appointing key officials of his administration among the non-

Gbagyi inhabitants that had settled in the new town. It was only natural that since he was a non-Gbagyi that was imposed on the people, his key officials would come

40 NAK: Minprof 115/1910, Op.cit Appendix p.5, NAK: Minpro£ 31611917 Bosso District Assessment Report 1917 by A.E., Vera Walwyn, p. l3. Bosso was situated on the North Western side of present Bosso town, facing Bosso Dam while Minna was situated on the present Paida hills stretching towards Maitumbi ward. NAK: Minprof. th 5911925 District-head of Bosso Kuta Division 1925. Memo from the D.O. to the Senior Resident dated 28 th March, 1925. P.2 Interview with Ibrahim Kafinta-Galadima Grandson of Gbagyi, Chief of Minna at Sayako, 4 February, 1999.

110 from the non-Gbagyi settlements in the town. Amongst the key officials appointed were the Head of Courtiers (Sarkin Fada), Uban-Iya, his Deputy and Head of Civil

Officers (Galadima). Mallam Makama was appointed as the Maaji (Treasurer).

The post of Liman went to Mallam Aliyu, while the post of Alkali went to Mallam

Mu' azu Sokoto. The District Head of Bosso Ali Gwandaeze was represented by

his son, Abubakar Zarumai and messenger to the British Government. A Native

Treasury (Baitul-Mal) and Prison (Gidan Y ari) were built in Minna. On the whole, the Chief of Wushishi Ibrahim continued to double as the Chief of Wushishi and

Minna. If condition warranted his presence at Wushishi, the Galadima, who was his son acted on his behalf. 41 There was no immediate reaction from the people to these arrangements; for one, the District Head of Bosso remained the Village Head of the entire District area including the new Minna settlement. Secondly, the new

Minna settlement by the fo ot of the hill was viewed as an outpost created by the

British colonial Governmentunder the authority of an alien local authority.

The administration of the Division continued to operate along these lines until there was another re-organisation of the District structures in 1917. The

District of Dangunu, Guni, Gini and Fuka previously aligned to Galadiman Kogo

41 Sule Mohammed, Op.cit. p. 187-p. 188. Oral interview with Alhaji Aliyu Mu'azu, Sarkin Yakin Minna on 20th February, 1999. NAK: Minprof 70/1919 Wushishi District, Kuta Division, Re-assessment Report 1920. H.M. Brice Smith. At Wushishi , the administration was held by the Ward Heads and later District Head. In 1910, the wards were reduced from three to two. The two Ward Heads were Maiyaki and Umar, son of the Chief of Wushishi, who was also nick-named Maidubu. Maiyaki, whose name was also Umar was the son of late Madaki. In 1919, when Maidubu was elevated as the District Head of Wushishi, Aliyu was appointed in his place. Aliyu also succeeded the late Madaki as the new Madaki, a position he previously held until he quarrelled with the Chief of Wushishi and went on self exile to Kontagora and later Yauri for ten years. At both Kontagora and Yauri, Aliyu was never in good terms with both Emirs before he finally returned and was reconciled with the Chief of Wushishi.

111 District were transferred to Kuta District, leaving Galadiman Kogo to itself, while

in Bosso District, the newly created Minna settlement was upgraded to a second

class township as a result of increased influx of migrants and due to the

anticipation that the settlement would become a large Railway Centre for

labourers, being the Headquarters of Northern Railway.42 The township measured about 1.2 kilometres in radius or two square miles and was divided into three areas;

European reservation area, commercial area and the new Minna settlement area. In between each of these areas were neutral zones of about a metre wide. Thus, the seat of Government was located on a small portion of land encircled by the entire

District area. The Chief of Wushishi continued with his rulership of Minna town until 1923, when he was ordered by the British Colonial administration to leave

Minna for his domain. No reason was given for the order, it was not unlikely that the Chief would have succeeded in establishing an appreciable machinery of government to be bequeathed to the Gbagyi as envisaged when he was deployed to

Minna in 1910.43 Sequel to the departure of the Chief of Wushishi from Minna,

the new District Head of Bosso, Abubakar Zarurnai, who succeeded his father in

1918, moved his seat of administration from Bosso to the Chief of Wushishi' s

42 E.C.M. Dupigny, Op. cit. p.53 J.A. Ballard "Pagan Administration and Political Development in Northern Nigeria Savana a Journal of the Environmental and Social Sciences, published by ABU Zaria Vol. l. No. l June 1972 ed. M. Mortimore pp. 1 7-22. In 1917, township ordinance No.29 was enacted by the British Colonial administration. Under the Act, areas were set aside from indigenous towns by the British Colonial Government to administer non-indigenes segregated from the indigenous population. The townships were sometimes referred to as cantonment, as was the case with India where it was first experimented. In the whole of the Northern Province, six second class townships were established, fo urteen were third class. No first class township was ever created in the North. However, the third class townships were later abolished five years aft er and reverted to rule by the Native administration.

43 Sule Mohammed, Op. cit. pp. 187-188 J.A. Ballard Op. cit. p. l8.

112 palace in Minna. Abubakar Zarumai inherited the palace and other government

structures left behind by the Chief of Wushishi, on the argument that they were

built through communal service by Bosso labourers. However, there was no

official reaction from the colonial Government or any quarter for his action;

moreso that he continued to double in his capacity as the District Head of Bosso

and Head-man (Supervisor) of Minna town.44

After the relocation of the District Head of Bosso to Minna, in 1924 a rift

between the Gbagyi Village Head of Minna and the District Head of Bosso

developed, the former threatening not to fo llow the latter again. This drew the

attention of the British Colonial Government. The rift centred on the accusation, that the District Head of Bosso had diverted men of the Gbagyi of Minna village meant for road work to his personal farm, banana plots and to hunting pits without consultation. Secondly, that he had placed certain villages belonging to the Village

Head under his direct control and taken over palm and Dorowa fruits, which were not his. 45 This crisis led to the intervention of the District Officer into the matter.

Consequently, the District Head of Bosso promised to pay due respect to the position of the Sarkin Minna Village and not to undermine his authority and

44 NAK: Minprof 19/1924 Kuta Division Annual Report No. 15 1923 Pp.5-7. NAK: Minprof 19/1924 Kuta Div. Annual Report No. 15 1923, Pp.6-7. NAK:Minprof 6342/1948 petitions by Sarkin Bosso/Chief of Gbagyi t Yamma 1948-1950 Memo No. 6342/13 dated 27 h April 1948 from the Resident Niger province to the Secretary Northern Provinces Kaduna.

45 NAK: Minprof 59/1925. District Head of Bosso - Kuta Division 1925 Memo from the District OfficerKuta Dv. t Mr. S.W. Walker to the Senior Resident, Niger-Province, Mr. J.M. Fremantle dated 28 h March, 1925, p. 1, NAK: Minprof 12/1926 Kuta Div. Annual Report 1926, pp.8-9. Oral interview with Alhaji Musa Abubakar, District Head ofBosso on 7th February, 1999.

113 people.46 The District Officer also used the opportunity to propose the

appointment of a Sarkin Hausawa for Minna town, while the Sarkin Bosso was to

continue with his supervision of the town including his District area and of course, the indigenous Gbagyi inhabitants that had just migrated from Minna hill top and

settled around it. 47 Along this proposal, a boundary was drawn between Bosso and

Minna towns. The boundary was to include Captain Taylor (Minna township) and the Hausa settlement close to Minna. All the land between "Captain Taylor" and

Chanchaga was to be in Minna village Area.48 Consequently, all the recommendations by the District Officer, especially over the supervision of Minna town by the District Head of Bosso and the appointment of a Sarkin Hausawa, referred to as Ungwan Sarkin Bosso, was approved by the Resident. 49 A Sarkin

Kasuwa, Mallam Garba was appointed as the Sarkin Hausawa of Minna. He was to double in this capacity, since his duties, as Sarkin Hausawa were very light. 50

It should be pointed out here that the appointment of a Sarkin Hausawa fo r

Minna town, inspite of the presence of the District Head of Bosso in Minna, was an indication of the mischief by the British colonial administration in its divide and rule policy. Secondly, after descending from the hills during the year, the Gbagyi

46 Ibid p.3. Oral interview withMallam Ibrahim Kafinta Galadiman on 4°' February, 1999.

47 Ibid, Kuta Division quarterly Report for March 1925, para. 8. Oral interview withMallam Ibrahim Kafinta, Op cit, 4th February, 1999.

48 Ibid, para. 9. Oral interview withAlhaji Musa Abubakar, Op cit, 7th February, 1999.

49 Ibid, Memo from the Resident, Niger Province Mr. J.M. Fremantle to the District Officer, Kuta Division, Mr. S.W. Walker, dated 7°' April, 1925.

50 NAK: Minprof. 200/1927 Kuta Division, Annual Report, 1926, p.9.

114 of Minna were not relocated to the new Minna town by the British administration.

Rather they were relocated to its suburb in order not to integrate them with the

cosmopolitan settlement under the same District.51 This development further

aggravated their separation fromauthority and Minna affairs.

The development in Minna continued to predominate the attention of the

British colonial administration in the Division so that two month after the

settlement of the rift between the Gbagyi Village Head of Minna and the District

Head of Bosso, the former repudiated the agreement earlier reached due to the

provocation of the latter. The Gbagyi Village Head of Minna publicly declared

that he would no longer fo llow the District Head of Bosso. He therefore proceeded

to prevent the latter or his representative from collecting taxes and conducting

census. Pyatta, a village unit under the Gbagyi of Minna also fo llowed suit.

Consequently, the two Village Heads were tried by the Alkalin Minna and sent to six months imprisonment in Kuta. In their place, the District Head of Bosso recommended the appointment of Galadima Paida and the Zarumai Pyatta respectively.

51 NAK: Minprof. 5911925, Op. cit Memo from the District Officer- Kuta Division, Mr. S.W. Walker to the Senior th Resident, Niger Province Mr. J.M. Freemantle dated 27 May, 1925, pp. l-2. NAK: Minprof 1211926, Op. cit. p. 9- lO. After descending from Minna hills in 1926, the Gbagyi were relocated to the suburbs of Minna town; except for Paida and Sayako where one of its ruling families resides; the remaining population relocated at Pyasi, Tayi, Gbadnayi, Maitumbi, Sauki Kafuta, Kudna, Chanchaga, Sango, Kpakongo, Dutsen Kura and Barikin Saleh. Until 1995, the village Head of Gbagyi of Minna was referred to as Sarkin Minna Gbagyi living in Sayako in Minna town. The new Sarki is called Sarkin Shako (Living in Gbadnayi); afterone of the wards in Minna hills. This was to avoid confusing his title with that of tl1e Emir of Minna.

115 As a result of these developments, the District Officer made the fo llowing

remarks on the District Head of Bosso and the future of the District:

I regard these judicial proceedings as expedient to get the most obstructive people away fo r a time. Th ese events have convinced me that it would be unwise to bolster up fu rther the authority of the Sarkin Bosso. He is hopelessly discredited and can never regain his authority. I therefo re recommend that he be deprived of his appointment. 52

In this connection, the District Officer suggested the abolition of Bosso

District and its merger with Kuta District after which the District Head was to

relocate to Bosso. He also suggested that since the Sarkin Hausawa had been

appointed and placed in charge of Minna Hausawa, there would be no administrative loss if the District was abolished. 53

The Resident completely disagreed with the actions and suggestions brought fo rward by the District Officer and had this to say:

I would be loath to upset, aft er nearly two and half decades, an arrangement made by Sir Frederick Lugard, without something a good deal more than ephemeral assurance of the necessity fo r change, I would certainly prefe r any change to be centripetal rather than centrifugal. Previous attempts at amalgamation under Kuta have hardly proved successfu l. Bear in mind also that Minna township is likely to be abolished and Abuja may be incorporated to the province. Kuta Division may be absorbed to Zungeru Division (o r vice versa) --- On the judicial proceedings against the Village Head of Minna and Pyatta, it is strain on the use of an

52 Ibid, pp.l-3

53 Ibid, pp.2-3

116 Alkali 's court to make him take cases like these which are more properly of the nature of Hukumchi than Sharia (s ic). 54

However, the District Head of Bosso continued to double as the District

Head of Bosso and the headman of Minna affairs through the Sarkin Hausawa who

reported directly to him. Meanwhile, in 1926, Minna lost its status as a Second

Class township (cantonment) in the belief that the population would diminish after

the removal of the railway headquarters to Zaria. This expectation was not

fulfilled when it was realized that the population of the town had risen to two

thousand people, comprising of mainly Rausa, Nupe, Y oruba, Ibo and other ethnic

groups.55

Minna, being the capital of the province and strategically located on the rail junction linking the Northern provmces and the South, had the advantage of

attracting migrants from all parts of the country seeking employment m

Government establishments, such as Railway, Post and Telecommunications

Department, Public Works Department, Judiciary, provincial and local administration. It also provided avenue for trade and commerce among the new comers and the Gbagyi inhabitants. It was therefore considered that since large proportions of the settlement were locals of Northern provinces, Minna should have a status of an ordinary town (subordinate Native Authority).56 Under this

54 Ibid, Memo from the Resident, Niger Province Mr. J.M. Fremantle to the District Officer, Kuta Division, Mr. S.W. Walker, dated 12°' June, 1925.

117 arrangement, a Town Catmcil was formed consisting of fo ur members who

represent the Rausa, Nupe, Yomba and Ibo sections of the community and was to

function as a subordinate Native Authority. The four town councillors were also

to be the four ward heads and accountable to he District Head of Bosso. The

names of the Councillors, number of members they represented and assistants were

as follows:-

(i) Mr. Thomas was the President of the Council and his ward had a total

of 973 Y ombas with three assistants to help him in assessment and tax

collection and providing advice on Yomba matters.

(ii) Mr.Dolo, Ibo, had 803 members with two assistants.

(iii) Abubakar Sarkin Hausawa, had 2,518 members with four assistants.

(iv) Abdullahi Sarkin Nupawa, had 1,042 members with three assistants.

Even though Minna Town Council was considered as a subordinate Native

Authority under the District Head of Bosso, its creation had, to a certain level, integrated the new Minna Settlement into Gbagyi body polity, as would be seen in subsequent events. On the part of the Gbagyi Chiefs, especially Bosso, there was no immediate reaction because they were not aware of its implication in the future.

On the other hand, it might have been viewed to provide a talk fomm for the group of migrants in the town. However, the Town Council was responsible fo r

56 NSAM: ACC/11/APN/984 Sarkin Bosso and Minna town Re-organisation 1947-1951-File p.30 "Minna town Re-ortganisation 1950" NAK: Minprof 23 Minna Re-organisation Report 1940, P. l

118 conducting the assessment, census and collection of taxes among its ethnic group.57

In 1926, the administration of other parts of the Division was characterized by

relocation of people to new areas and the deposition of District Heads found to

have engaged in comtpt practices and the appointment of new ones. It was

reported that Lawo, a village area in Kuta District threatened to secede from Kato,

on account of extortion by the Yerima of Kato. After thorough investigation, the

matter was resolved and the former remained with Kato. In Galadiman-Kogo, the

ex-Dame-Dame who was convicted for extortion by the magistrate court and sentenced to one year imprisonment was released from Kaduna prison and relocated to Rafin Gora, near Chanchaga. Also during the year, some inhabitants of Galadiman-Kogo relocated from the hill to the dwellings near it. 58

In 1927, sequel to the appointment of a new village chief at Beji, the later's request to separate from Wushishi to Kuta District was granted. Similarly, the village of Tungan Tukuran Kato, Gamadadi and Tungan Shaba, near Beji, were transferred to Kuta District. In 1928, the District Head of Kuta, Musa descended from the hilltop several years after the population had done the same. The District

Head of Paiko, Kalabo was reprimanded by the District Officer for neglecting to keep Paiko section of Minna road clean. Also during the year, the deposed District

57 Ibid, p. l. Subordinate Native Authority, means traditional heads, elders-in-council or a council of village heads.

58 NAK: Minprof 12/1926, Kuta Division, Annual Report 1926.

119 Head of Paiko Kurabo, who was deposed in 1918 and exiled, was allowed to

relocate with his family from Maikunkele to Kuregbe, northwest of Minna. In

Galadiman Kogo, a new District Head, Damishi, was appointed after the death of

Dami. Damishi was passed over when Dami was appointed through the

machinations of Dame-Dame, the former District Head, who was himself deposed

in 1922 and exiled for extortion. 59 It should be pointed out that these actions by

the British colonial government had far reaching consequences on the Gbagyi

polity. First, the absorption of some of these neighbouring Gbagyi areas into the

Division, consequently enlarged the scope of the administration while the

deposition of some of the Districts heads on trumped up charges was assumed to

be primarily aimed at suppressing likely opposition to British policies.

By the middle of the British administration in the country, two events in the

Division brought about significant changes in the social and political life of the

people. Firstly, was the return of the Gussoro people to their homes, abandoned twenty three years after they were destroyed by the punitive military expeditions of the West African Frontier Forces. In the same period, preparations were put in place for the establishment of a centralized administration known as a Federation.

th On the 18 November, 1932, the acting Resident of the Province, Mr. H. S. W.

Edwards wrote to the Secretary of the N orthem provinces expressing the desire of

59 NAK: Minprof 200/1927 Kuta Division Annual Reportl927 NAK:Minprof 6/1929 Kuta Diviion Annual Report 1929.

120 the Gussoro people to return to their homes destroyed in May 1909 through the

military action of the West African Frontier Force.

Th e District Of ficer in Charge of Kuta Division and Mys elf are of the opinion that the loan on the occupation of the site of Gussoro should be removed and that its continuation savours of vindictiveness. The Sarkin Kuta when asked of his opinion, he was entirely in fa vour and stated that it would be hailed with joy by the Gussorawa, who have now fo r many years pleaded in vain to be fo rgiven and allowed to return to the home of their fa thers. 60

He also expressed the willingness of the people to fo llow a new leadership fromamong its ruling families.

The Sarkin Kwatai, a village Head of Kuta District is the senior living member of the ruling fa mily and I understand would be the unanimous choice fo r the leadership of the Gussorawa. He is strictly loyal to the Sarkin Kuta and there would be no question of him or his People claiming independence. He would become village Head of Gussoro and Kwatai and hamlet of tact unit.61

All the requests brought forward to the Lt. Governor of N orthem provinces were sanctioned by him. Gussoro was to come under Kuta authority with a new

Chief.

Th e Lt. Governor had sanctioned their return to Gussoro. He also addressed them on the subject of being loyal to their overlord, the Sarkin Kuta, and to the government. On the Resident enquiring if

60 NAK: Minprof 121511912 Gussoro Report on Kuta Division 1911-1932 Memo from the Resident Niger m Province, Mr. P.G. Harris to the Secretary of Northern Provinces on 18 November, 1932., p. 1

m 61 Ibid. Oral interview with MallamAlunadu Yohanna Kuta on 15 February, 1999.

121 they had chosen their Chiefs , the Gussorawa Sarkuna informed him that they had chosen Sarkin Kwatai to be the new Sarkin Gussoro. 62

Sequel to these decisions, the Gussoro people wasted no time in clearing the

rums of their old town, with inhabitants pouring in from the villages of Kuta,

Galadiman - Kogo, Kurmin Gurmana and Allawa, where they had settled since

their expulsion in 1909.63 The overture from the British colonial government to

reconsider the relocation of the Gussoro people back to their ancestral homeland

after nearly twenty three years was a welcome development. However, Gussoro

which was hitherto under Galadima Kogo was grouped under Kuta District,

perhaps because of the role of the latter in influencing the return of Gussoro people

back to their homeland and of course to ensure control.

The year also witnessed the deposition or retirement of five Gbagyi Chiefs

m the Division by the District Officer on trumped up charges. The reasons

advanced for these depositions or retirements were unsatisfactory tax collections,

extortion and mal-administration.

The ex-Sarkin Kuta, Musa was deposed,· the death of the Sarkin Guni, Bawa; the retirement of Sarkin Gini, Babwa,· the deposal of Sarkin Fuka, Massalachi and the deposal and imprisonment of

Sarkin Galadiman Kogo, Damishi. 64

62 Ibid Telegram/Extract of a Memo from the District Officers File No. 7/1930/36d/23/12/32, para. 6.

63 NAK: minprof M.331 Kuta Annual Report 1932, pp. l-4.

64 Ibid.

122 The action of the District Officer at this period was not unconnected with the

stringent measures adopted by the British colonial government to check

administrative and economic lapses on the part of the governed as a result of the

world economic depression.

3.5 The Establishment of a Federated Administration in 1932

The major event in the year was the creation of a fe derated administration in

the Division. This was a departure from the previous British colonial policies in the

country fo llowing the appointment of Donald Cameron as the Governor General of

Nigeria. It is pertinent at this stage to give a brief history of the man's career

within and outside the country, to see how his acquired experiences influenced his

later administrative policies.

Donald Cameron was the Secretary of the British colonial government from

1914-1924. This implies that he was in close contact with F. D. Lugard and knew

much about the Indirect Rule policy he adopted in the administration of the

Northern Provinces. In 1924-1930, he was appointed the Governor-General of

Tangayika, which was a mandate territory of the League of Nations, seized from

the Germans after her defeat in the First World War.65

In T angayika, Donald Cameron, like past administrators before him, worked

closely with the traditional Institution of Jumba. He came to realize that these

65 Ibid.

123 agents of authority wielded no traditional power, coupled with the fact that many

village units of the local administration were either too small or too poor to be

viable as single political Units. As a consequence, he adopted a solution of

encouraging a number of these administrative units to merge in large fe deration

. 66 COUllCl 1 S.

On the return of Donald Cameron to Nigeria, he was appointed Governor-

General in 1931. As a result of his experiences in Tangayika, his concept and

attitude towards the indirect rule policy, as pursued by F .D. Lugard especially in

Northern Nigeria, changed completely. 67 Previous senior British colonial officials

such as C. Temple, J. Burdon, C.W. Orr and R. Palmer were strong believers of

cultural evolution and superiority which favoured the placing of non-Muslims

under alien rulers (sometimes Muslim Fulani or Hausa speaking) in the North right

from the inception of the British Administration. 68

Thus, Donald Cameron defined indirect rule as fo llows:-

It is designed to adopt fo r the purpose of local government, the tribal institution which the native people evolved fo r themselves, so that the latter may develop in a constitutional manner fr om their own past, guided and restrained by the traditions and sanctions which they have inherited. 69

66 Obara lkime and Segun Osoba ed. Tarik Vol. 3, No.3 "Indirect Rule in British Mrica" Journal Historical Society of Nigeria, Longman, 1970, pp.44-48;

67 S.O. Okafor, Indirect Rule The developm ent of Central Legislature in Nigeria, Thomas Nelson and Son Ltd. London, 1981, pp.39-40.

68 Ibid also cited in A.E. Afigbo, Herbert Richmond Palmer and Indirect Rule in Eastern Nigeria, 1915-1928, Journal ofHistorical Society of Nigeria, Vol.3, No.2, 1967, pp.305-308.

69 A.M.K. Kirk-Greene, "Sir Donald Cameron 193 1-1935" The Principl es of Native Administration in Northern Nigeria (Selected documents 1900-1947) Oxford University Press, London, 1965. p.325.

124 Similarly, he observed that the existing practice of placing non-Muslims

under alien rule was against the principle of indirect rule administration and this

was why they (non-Muslims) have little less progress in the last thirty years,

compared to the non-Muslims in the south. He went furtherto state that if they had

been developed in accordance with their own tribal institutions, however primitive,

they would have made more progress under the direct guidance of the

Administrative Officer.7 0

In line with this new philosophy and to reduce administrative cost due to the

world economic depression village areas, Districts and Divisions were reorganized

in the country. In the Province, the six former Divisions, namely Ahuja, Agaie,

Lapai, Bida, Minna and Kontagora were reduced to four Divisions: namely; Ahuja,

Bida, Kontagora and Minna Divisions. In the Division, ten District areas were

reduced to seven, namely Kuta, Paiko, Galadiman Kogo, Bosso, Allawa, Dangunu

and Kurmin Gurmana. Fuka, Guni and Gini Districts were merged to Kuta

District, under the Chief of Kuta. Bosso District, included Maikunkele and Minna

town; Paiko District, comprised of Paiko and Kafin-Koro; Allawa District was

merged with Kushaka District while the rest, Kurmin-Gurmana, Galadiman-Kogo

and Dangunu Districts remained unaffected. As a result of this reorganization, the

70 Ibid, p.l95. In the non-Muslim � of the Northern provinces eleven Federated administrations were created. These were Gbagyi, Zuru, Kamuku, Panshin, Jama' a, Akwanga, Numan, Tangalewaja, Lowland, Wukari and Biu. Thirty one other local administrations had their autonomy recognised by the British administration, they included Wase, Yargam, Gashaka, Awe, Kwara, Yagba East, Yagba West, Kabba, Bunu, Lafiya, Tiv, Kanam, Dass, Idoma, Ijumu, !gala, Igbira, Birnin-Gwari, Ningi, Missau, Fika, Katagun, Muri, Jos, Bedde, Jama'are and Kaduna.

125 headquarters of the Division was moved from Kuta to Minna. Similarly, in line

with the reforms, it was reported that the proposed Federation was based on the

people's apparent desire for close association.71 Thus, in an attempt to create the

basis for the fo rmation of the Federation after thirty years of colonial rule, the

British colonial government fo r the first time recognized the traditional

administrative machinery of the people, contrary to its earlier position. The

administration went further to assert that at the advent of British rule none of the

people in the Division had been placed under the emirates as we earlier indicated

in the Chapter.

The Kamuku and the Gbagyi fa ll into sub-tribes or sections each with its traditional organization of sub-tribal head and Council of Elders which in Pre-Administration times dealt with all matters of Executive and Judicial ... . Under the British Administration there have been many changes as between Divisions but at no time have the peoples dealt with in these recommendations been again placed under the control of any of these native powers. 72

However, under the new arrangement, all the Districts were represented at

the Federation by their Chiefs and Councils known as Subordinate Native

Authority. In General, the Federal Council was regarded as the Superior Native

71 NAK: SNP/17/24373 Vol.II, Kamuku Districts Kuta Division Niger Province Report on by Mr. D.F.H. Mac th Bride 1935. Memo from the Secretary Northern Provinces Mr. P.G. Harris, 24 October, 1935 to the Chief Secretary, Lagos, p. l. NAK: Minprof M.33l Kuta Division Annual Report 1932, pp.1-3.

72 Ibid, p. 115

126 Authority, which was headed by the District Head of Kuta as its President with a

single Native Treasury and Judiciary. The arrangement was as follows:-

Table IV: Gbagyi-Kaamuku Federation

Division Title of Native Authority Areas Kuta (Minna GBAGYI-KAMUKU FEDERATION as the Capital) Subordinate to Gbagyi-Kamuku Federation 1. Chief of Allawa Allawa District 2. Chief ofBosso Bosso District 3. Chief of Dangu nu Dangunu District 4. Chief ofGaladiman-Kogo G/Kogo District 5. Chief of Kurmin-Gurmana K/Gurmana District 6. Chief of Kusheriki Kusheriki District 7. Chief of Kuta Kuta District 8. Chief of K wongoma Kwon go ma District 9. Chief of Paiko Paiko District 10. Chief of T egina Tegina District 737 On the 30th March, 1933, the British Colonial Government approved the

establishment of Gbagyi-Kamuku Federation. However, the lifespan of this new

found Federation was short lived. Barely one year after the establishment of the

Federations, colonial officials on both sides of the local administration clamoured

fo r the separation of the two etlmic groups subordinate administration. 74 The

Resident acceded to their observations on the arrangement of the newly created

Federation. He appointed two British officials, Mr. A.B. Mathew and Mr. D.F.H.

Bride to conduct thorough separate investigations on whether there was sufficient ethnic, economic or other contact between the Gbagyi and Kamuku people to

73 Ibid.

74 1bid, pp. l45-153

127 warrant their association in a single Federal Organisation. Their report indicated

that the Kamuku Chiefs expressed strong reservations on the formation of a single

Federation and a desire to have their own body. The reservations of the Kamuku

Chiefs were summarized by Mr.D. F. H. Mac-Bride as follows:

(i) Kamuku Chiefs never intended to acknowledge the paramountcy of Kuta or to submit to any Authority other than that of a District Officer.

(ii) The Federation, as it were, was a little better than an empty forum, since it lacks what they regarded as essential for cooperation, the mutual esteem and confidence of the entire participants.

(iii) During the Council Session, the Gbagyi Chiefs were in the habit of breaking into the vernacular language especially in the moment of crisis, which was a source of annoyance to the Kamuku members, whose common language was Hausa and none understood Gbagyi.

(iv) The distance of Kamuku Districts from Minna prevents the inhabitants of Kamuku from seeing much of the central nature of the Federation nor could their interest be represented by the Gbagyi in their absence.

(v) The Kamuku Chiefs fe el that the Federation was of little practical value to them except meeting with each other and District Officers. They preferred to have their own Council in order to discuss matters of common interest arising from migration and extra-territorial

. !ariDlc llg. 75

Their findings also dwelt on the suggestion to excise the Kamuku village of

Randeggi from Birnin-Gwari; excision of Koro Funtu village of Shakoi from

Ahuja; excision of Gbagyi villages of Allawa, Kushaka and Manta from the

75 Ibid, pp.84-88

128 Kamuku District Area� establishment of a separate village unit fo r Kadara and

Koro Funtu ethnic groups, which were hitherto administered under one or more of

the Gbagyi Districts� Rausa settlements in most parts of Kamuku and Gbagyi

Districts, especially Minna which was until 1926 a township and now recognized

as a village unit under the District Head of Bosso was to be represented in the

Council by the President of Minna Town Council. It was based on these findings

that the Resident made the fo llowing recommendations.

The administrative effect of these recommendations is that there would be Federal Council in each of the Gbagyi and Kamuku areas composed of traditional Heads of each of the sub-tribal Units Districts or representatives of those Un its (D istricts) in which there is no sub-tribal Head. This Council would be the superior Native Authorities. 16

Further to this, he recommended the establishment of a separate Treasury and Judiciary in each of the Federations. The judicial system was to include the establishment of a non-Muslim tribal court with appellate and original jurisdiction� ethnic or sub-ethnic or inter-ethnic court referred to as mixed courts� central court referred to a fe deral court and the Alkali Court for the Muslim population. The council meetings were to be held quarterly on prepared agenda while special sessions were convened if the need arose between regular quarterly meetings. The council in each of the two centers, Minna and Kagara, was to be composed of the traditional heads of each of the sub-ethnic units or representatives. A quorum of

the council was summoned when three members were present at every session. In

76 Ibid, memo from the Resident, Niger Province, Mr. P.G. Harris to the Secretary Northern Provinces, pp.l l5-120.

129 practice, the administrative officers were to give their final decisions on all matters

discussed at the Council. All the District Heads or traditional heads of each of the

sub-ethnic units in the separate fe deration had their palaces built for them from the

funds of the fe deration in their respective headquarters at Minna and Kagara. 77

These recommendations were consequently sent to the Chief Colonial Secretary in

Lagos for publication and gazetting. 78 In the new set up, there were fifteen

Districts in the Gbagyi Federation and six Districts for Kamuku Federation.

Table V: Gbagyiand Kamuku Federation

Division Title of Native Authority Areas Kuta ( 1 ) GBAGYI FEDERATION Gbagyi tribal Area Subordinate to Gbagyi Council 1. Council of Minna Minna town 2. Chief and Council of Bosso Bosso District 3. Chief and Council of Maikunkele Maikunkele District 4. Chief and Council of Paiko Paiko District 5. Chief and Council of Manta Manta District 6. Chief and Council of Kuta Kuta District 7. Chief and Council of Guni Guni District 8. Chief and Council of Fuka Fuka District 9. Chief and Council of Gini Gini District 10. Chief and Council of Dangunu Dangunu District 11. Chief and Council of Galadiman Kogo G/Kogo District

77 Ibid., pp. l20-123. In Minna, the District Head of Kuta, Allawa and Damguna, had their palace built close to the present Emir's palace. Galadiman-Kogo, Manta, Guni, Paiko and Kushaka District heads had their palace built behind the present township stadium. District head of Fuka, Koro and Guni had their palace located at Paida ward. Those of Gawu, Gurmana and Kadara had their palaces situated behind the township prison yard. The District head ofMaikunkele had his palace located closed to the fo rmer Emir's palace while the District Head of Bosso had his palace situated in the middle of the town. Oral interview with Alhaji Abdullahi Dada, retired District-Head ofMaikunkele on 9thFebruary, 1999.

78 Ibid, pp. l45-53.

130 Division Title of Native Authority Areas 12. Chief and Council of Allawa Allawa District 13. Chief and Council of Kushaka Kushaka District 14. Cluef and Council of Kurmm-Gurman Kurmin-Gurman District 15. Council of Village Chief of Koro District Koro District 16. Council of Village Chief of Kadara District Kadara District

Kuta (2) KAMUKU FEDERATION Kamuku tribal Area Subordinate to Kamuku Council 1. Chief and Council of T egina Tegina District 2. Chief and Council of Kusheriki Kusheriki District 3. Chief and Council of K wongoma K wongoma District 4. Chief and Council of Gunna Gunna District 5. Council ofVillage Chiefs of Kamuku Kamuku District 6. Council of Village Chiefs of Ungwe Ungwe District Pi

Thus, in the Gbagyi Federation, it was the Council members that became the

Central Administrative Authority, comprising all the District Heads .Up to 1950, the District Heads were responsible for taking collective decisions on matters that affected the region under the guidance of an Administrative Officer. The

Federation was headed by an appointed Chief. On the whole, it appears that the

Federal Council was just a talk forum, where all the Gbagyi District Heads were for the first time assembled to rub minds on matters of common interest even though they were under the guidance and control of the British District Officer, who gave the fm al decision on all matters discussed at the meeting. But more importantly, it was a preparatory ground towards establishing a centralized authority under one Gbagyi leadership in the region. Before then, in 1939, there were proposals for administrative changes in the Minna Town Council which was,

79 Ibid.

131 until 1926, a township. The proposals were necessitated by the increase in the

population of the town from two thousand in 1 926 to five thousand, three hundred

and thirty-six in 1939, owing to the increase in mining activities around Minna.

Thus the need to increase the size of the town Council from four Councillors to

seven as shall be discussed in the next chapter. 80

However, in the first half of the British administration, the evolution of state

system among the Gbagyi states began to gain momentum, sequel to the

establishment of the fe derated administration by the British Colonial Government

with the appointment of rotational president among the Gbagyi District Heads in

Minna.

80 Ibid.

132 CHAPTER FOUR

4.0 THE STATE SYSTEM AND THE BRITISH COLONIAL RULE: 1939 - 1960

The discussion in this chapter shall primarily fo cus on the administration of the Gbagyi Federation at the beginning of the Second World War. Similarly, attempt would be made to discuss how the Chief of Minna was appointed and his position in the region. In addition, the role of party politics in shaping the affairs of the Federation before independence would be looked into.

4. 1 The Administration of the Gbagyi Federation up to 1950

At the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939, there were proposals to change the administrative structure of Minna Town Council, one of the subordinate

Native Authorities in the Federated Council. The District Officer in charge of

Minna, Captain G.M. Baker proposed to increase the size of the Town Council from fo ur to seven Councillors. The enlargement of the Town Councillors were proposed as fo llows:

(i) Rausa - two members

(ii) Nupe - one member

(iii) Yoruba - one member

( i v) Ibo - one member

133 (v) Educated African (From any of the residents in Minna) - one member

(vi) Women (From any of the residents in Minna) - one member

The Town Cotmcillors were to be selected among fo ur of the ethnic groups residing in Minna. An educated African was to be nominated to serve as a Clerk to the

Council and in addition, give report on the activities of the local clubs, unions and societies. The town wards were to be increased from fo ur to twelve with well­ defined areas, regardless of ethnic leanings. The ward heads were to be chosen from each ward and not among the selected Town Cmmcillors. They were to be placed on a yearly salary not exceeding l/20th of tax each collected from the Town

Cmmcil.1

An ex-officio Advisory Board was to be constituted comprising, a Medical

Officer in charge of health, Provincial Engineer and a District Officer in charge of

the Federation. The Board was to provide advisory services to the chosen Town

Councillors. Also to be appointed were building overseer, market scribe, sanitary

overseer, sanitary labourers and a clerk/registrar in charge of births and death records. All the seven chosen councillors were to serve in the mixed court as members with fo ur members fo rming a quorum at each of its sittings. The court was to handle cases brought before it, except where both parties were Muslims. In such cases, they were referred to the Alkali court. The town boundary was fixed at

1 NAK:Minprof 23 Minna, Re-organisation Report, 1940, by Capt G. M. Baker, 1939. Pp. l-12.

134 within the limit of 6,000 ft. to the north, 13,000 to the east, the railway line to the

south and the stream leading to the town aerodrome to the west, fo rming the

natural boundary. On the whole, it was proposed that Minna should be treated as a

Native Reservation to be self-administered and no longer treated as a subordinate

authority in the Federated Council.2

However, the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939 - 1945 impeded

the implementation of these administrative changes, more so that no administrative

officer was appointed to infuse life into it and to make constant adjustments where

necessary. The appointment of an educated African responsible to the Town

COLmcil never materialised and the female member of the Council, whose duties

were never clearly defined, was also not appointed. These proposals, though not

implemented, were aimed at establishing self-rule among the inl1abitants of the

new Minna settlement.3 Similarly, sequel to the outbreak of the Second World

War, the new established Gbagyi and Kamuku Federations existed momentarily

until the end of the war, their activities as central organs of administration were

acknowledged. In the Gbagyi Federation, the District Head of Bosso, who was the

President of the Federation, took a stringent measure against two erring District

Heads. The Districts Heads of Allawa and Gini were dismissed for extorting

2 fbid. Pp. 9-12

3 NSAM: NO ACC/APN/984 Sarkin Bosso and town Re-organisation, 1947 - 1951, File, p.30 memo on Minna Town Re-organisation, 1950, from the District Officer Minna to the Resident Niger Province, 15th March 1950,

pp. L- 2.

135 money from their people and other mal-practices. Mallam Usman, the Chief

Scribe of the Gbagyi Federal Council was appointed as the District Head of AJlawa

while his position was taken over by Mallam Ahmadu Kuta, who was fo rmerly a

storekeeper and continued to double in this capacity due to lack of a reliable new

storekeeper; and in the case of Gini, no successor was appointed during the year.

On the socio-economic spheres, the year appeared a good one except that the

Federation contributed more than its quota fo r the mines in Plateau and to the war

effort, which was as a result of the campaign made by the Federation. The number

of recruits for the army was put at 127 men and 644 labourers were sent to work on

the plateau minefields. The British Colonial government placed restrictions on the

export of local fo od stuff and the rationing of imported commodities.4

In 1945, both the Federated and District administrations performed

satisfactorily during the year. However, there were two outstanding events during

the year. Firstly, the Second World War came to end in June 1945. The Allied

Forces, of which Britain was a member, had victory over Germany and its allies.

The defeat of Germany was celebrated in Minna and elsewhere in the Federation.

And secondly, the seven-week nation-wide railway strike, which started in June had a considerable effect on Minna, like most railway towns in the country; fo od stuff order restriction was enforced. Consequently, the permit granted to

4 NAK: Minprof 5568/S.3 Annual Report 1944 Minna Divison by R. S. Warner, pp. l-7.

136 individuals to transport yams from Shea and Gwada markets to Kaduna were

restricted. There was shortage of imported goods, which was accentuated by the

stn'k e. s

In 1946, there was general improvement in the administration of the

Federation. The Gbagyi Chiefs in the Council were becoming more interested in

handling the affairs of the Federation than depending on the Administrative

Officer, while in Kamuku Federation, not much progress was achieved as compared to their counterparts in Minna. Like in two preyjous years, the Gbagyi

Chiefs in the Federation asserted their control in the appointment of new District

Heads for Maikunkele, Mallam Babandabo and Paiko, Mallam Dauda II fo llowing the death of their predecessors. Also, during the year, most litigants fo rmed the habit of shuttling cases between the Alkali court and the mixed court, with the effect that neither court knew what the other was doing. In the Kamuku

Federation, on the other hand, the Federal court was almost dead and the Alkali removed over the treasury scandal. Large numbers of ex-service men in the

Federation were re-absorbed into Bosso water dam scheme and the Gbagyi yan

Doka Force. These groups of labour force were employed on the Paiko-Kwakuti seasonal road that commenced in the year.6

5 NAK: Minprof 581 1/S.4 Annual Report 1945 Minna Division by H. L. Nobel, pp. l-3.

6 NAK: Minprof 6071/S.4 Annual Report 1946 Minna Division by H. Mac N. Callow, ppl-3.

137 In 194 7, attempts were made to re-examine the powers and functions of the

Gbagyi Federation with a view to carrying out much needed reforms and

improvements. The refonns were aimed at increasing the level of political

participation of Gbagyi Chiefs in the administration of the Federation. Along this

line, the system of having tlu-ee Chiefs to reside in Minna each month was abandoned as ineffective and in its place, each member of the Council was to spend a month in Minna to gain the experience of the work in the Native

Administration. Similarly, all the business of the central authority was to be dealt with at a general meeting of the Council. A new President, Sarkin Kuta was reappointed to replace Sarkin Bosso based on rotational leadership of the

Federation. A similar re-organisation was carried out in the Kamuku Federation, where the Federal Council was virtually in non-existence with the Ma'ajin doubling as its manager and treasurer. In his place, the Deputy Chief of

Kwongoma District Mallam Aliyu was elected as its President. During the year, an attempt to establish a boundary line fo r Minna town was disntpted by the District

Head of Bosso, Abubakar Zarumi, whose claim over the town was supported by several Gbagyi members of the Council. 7

The mistrust between the District Head of Bosso, Abubakar Zaurumi and the

British Colonial government, which started twenty-tlu-ee years ago, resurfaced. The present crisis started on the 3 rd January, 194 7 when the Resident of the Province,

Mr H.V.B. Beckhouse, invited the Chief of Bosso along side some of his Council

7 NAK: Minprof 6299/S.4. Annual Report Minna Division 1947 by J.A.H. Maund, Part III, pp. l-36.

138 Chiefs (Tukma Dame Dame, Galadima, Madaki, Makama) and the Village Chiefs

of Beji, Daga, Petta, Shatta, Gurosu, Ekpegi, with the exception of the Gbagyi

Village Head of Minna, for a discussion on the proposals for the Chief of Bosso to

vacate his palace in Minna and return to Bosso at the Chamber of the Gbagyi

Federation. The Resident argued that the present Minna township belongs to the

Gbagyi Federation and not Bosso. The proposal was aimed at removing some

Rausa settlements and a large area of farm land from the jurisdiction of the Chief

of Bosso to the Rausa ward head, who was the President of the Town Council in

Minna, Mallam Abubakar. In addition, the vacated palace was to serve as official

residence fo r Gbagyi Chiefs supervising the central administration of the

Federation while the District Head was to be compensated fo r the property.8

It appears that there was no immediate reaction from the District Head of

Bosso or members of his council at the said meeting. However, three days after the

meetings and a day to his supposed vacation of the palace, he petitioned the

Resident of the Province demanding to know in writing why he should vacate his palace in Minna. He argued that the said palace was built by his father Ali

Gbadenze with the assistance of Gbagyi labom and not with native authority funds.

He went further to give a brief history of the palace, which, he said, was temporarily occupied by the then Chief of Wushishi, Ibrahim. It was also occupied

8 NSAM: Acc/l l/APN/984 Sarkin Bosso and Minna Town Re-Organisation, 1947-1951, pp.l-5.

139 by his fa ther before him. He also promised to send his petition to the Chief

Colonial Secretary in Lagos and the Chief Colonial Commissioner in Kaduna to

investigate the matter. 9

The petition seemed to have temporarily slowed down the immediate evacuation of the District Head of Bosso until a year after. On the 5th January 1948, the Resident called on the District Head, Abubakar Zarumai, along with five of his

Village Heads, through the District Officer, Mr.J.A.H. Maund, fo r another meeting on the matter in his office. Again, the Village Head of Minna was not in attendance and no reason was advanced fo r his absence. However, at the said meeting, the

Village Heads of Ekpegi, Shatta and Daga supported the District Heads claim over his palace and Minna and threatened that if the District Head was removed from his palace and Minna, Gbagyi market women would boycott Minna market. It was only the Village Heads of Beji and Gurossu that supported the British Colonial government's proposal to evacuate the District Head from Minna. The District

Head on his part blamed his predicament on the District Colonial Officer fo r personal hatred.10

In view of this development, the Resident of the Province, Mr. Beckhouse deemed it fit to brief all the traditional rulers in the Federation in his official

9 NSAM: Acc/l ll/A.PN/984 Sarkin Bosso and Minna town Re-organisation 1947-1951 memo. From the District Head of Bosso to the Resident Niger Province, Mr. Beckhouse, dated 7lh January, 1947.

10 Ibid: Draft Minutes of meeting by the Resident, Niger Province, Mr. Beckhouse, dated 5th January, 1948.

140 Residence on all that had transpired between the British Colonial authority and the

District Head of Bosso over the past year. First he recalled the decision of the

Federated Council to demarcate the boundary line between Minna and Bosso, which, he said, the District Head of Bosso and his Council outrightly objected to.

He said the District Head of Bosso had on his own sent petitions in connection with the proposal to the High C01mnissioner in Kaduna. He informed the meeting that the District Head had on several occasions alleged that the Sarkin Hausawa of

Minna had allocated plots of land illegally. He concluded by emphasising that

Minna belongs to the Gbagyi Federation and not Bosso.

The only contributor to the meeting was the District Head of Allawa,

Mallam Usman, fo rmer scribe of Gbagyi Federation.11 According to him, Minna belonged to the Village Head of Minna Gbagyi before the Chief of Wushishi was brought to administer the town and when the Chief of Wushishi left, the District

Head of Bosso was allowed to occupy his position due to complaints of the later against the fo rmer, whom he accused of insubordination against the British administration and had him arrested and imprisoned in Kuta.12 However, it appears the proceedings at the meeting were never intended to give all the invited Chiefs the opportunity to air their views, which was an indication that the Gbagyi Chiefs

11 Ibid.

12 Ibid. Draft Minutes of Meeting with Gbagyi Council and Resident of the Province, held at the Residents official th Quarters, dated 14 January, 1947, pp. l-2.

14 1 were intimated to only hear and accept the British Colonial government position on

3 such a serious policy matter1 . Similarly, it appears that the proceedings of the

meeting were aimed at creating divisions among the Gbagyi Chiefs in the

Federation over a common cause. The comments of the District Head of Allawa

over the ownership of Minna were factual, however, it appears that there was an existing policy right fr om the inception of the British Colonial government to keep the Gbagyi of Mim1a away from participating in the affairs of their fatherland by the British Colonial authorities in Minna.

The opportunity for the Gbagyi Chiefs m the Federation to express their views over the matter came at a meeting with the District Officer, Mr. H.L. Noble, at the Council Chambers on 22nd - 25th September, 1947. At the meeting, the

Chiefs unanimously disagreed with the plan to excise Minna and its farmland from the jurisdiction of the District Head of Bosso and to transfer the same to the

President of Minna Town COtmcil, Mallam Abubakar who was the Sarkin

Hausawa. They argued that acceding to such plan would m effect make the

President of the Minna Town Council a District Head.14

13 Ibid. Invited Chiefs whose comments were sought were Kula, Allawa, Ga1adiman Kogo, Maikunke1e and Gurmana while those invited in attendance, were Fuka, Bosso, Guni, Koro, Manta and representative of Paiko, Adunu, Dangunu, Kushaka and Sarkin Hausawa.

14 Ibid. Memo from the Resident , Niger Province Mr. Beckhouse to the Secretary Northern Provinces, dated 29th

April , 1948, pp. l-2.

142 Meanwhile, when the Resident of the Province met with the Chief of the

Gbagyi Federation shortly after the meeting, he assured the Chiefs that the

proposed plan had been discarded and would not be revived. He told them that in

the future, if there was any need fo r additional land for residential purposes,

application fo r such a limited demand would be made.15 It was just a matter of time

to see if all the promises would be kept by the British colonialists. However, all the

proposals to excise Minna out of the jurisdiction of the District Head of Bosso had

always been met with defects and unreasonable arguments.

What could have been the background to this crisis? It would be recalled that

the idea to relocate the District Head of Bosso from Minna was first muted by the

then District Officer, Mr. S.W. Walker and rejected by the then Resident of the

Province, Mr J.M. Freemantle, who argued that he would prefer change that would

ensure maintaining the status-quo than its disintegration.16 What then could have

been responsible fo r the contemplation to revert to the earlier position. It was

obvious that the British Colonial government at this material time would want the

District Head of Bosso, Abubakar Zarumai relocated to his domain, so that they

would transplant a structure of administration that would be subservient to the

British Colonial administration, rather than having a District Head that was

15 Ibid, P. l.

16 NAK: Minprof 59/1925 District-head of Bosso. Kuta Division Annual Report, 1925.

143 fo rceful and pertinacious like the District Head of Bosso.17 It was therefore argued

that the only remedy was to dislodge the District Head of Bosso from Minna by

acquiring his house so that his claim over Minnawould loose cogency.18

On the 21st January, 1948, while awaiting the outcome of some of his

petitions to the High Commissioner in Kaduna and the Colonial Secretary in

Lagos, the District Head of Bosso, complied with the Colonial government order to

relocate to Bosso from Minna and requested that he should be compensated fo r the repair work he had carried out over the years while living in the palace. 1 9 This change of position by the District Head of Bosso clearly demonstrated his willingness to obey simple government order.

His departure from Minna not withstanding, on the 5th February 1948, the

District Head of Bosso wrote another petition to the Colonial Secretary in Lagos, through the Chief Commissioner of Northern Provinces in Kaduna, the Resident of

Niger Province and the District Officer in charge of the Division, alleging that his palace in Minna was his personal property built by him, part of which was the

Yandoka charge office, which he sold to the Gbagyi Local Authority at the cost of

17 NAK: Minprof 6342 Petition by Sarkin Bosso 1948 - 1950 Memo. From the Resident Niger Province, Mr Beckhouse to the Secretary Northern Provinces, dated 27'" April, 1948.

18 Ibid. Memo from the Secretary Northern Provinces, Mr B. Wright to the Chief Secretary to the Colonial Government, dated 24'11 November, 1950.

19 Ibid, Memo form the Resident, Niger Province Mr. Beckhouse to the Secretary, Northern Provinces, Kaduna, dated 27'11 April 1948.

144 £3; that the Sarkin Hausawa's house was his personal property, which he gave to

Mallam Abdu1lahi his senior brother on loan because of his friendship with their

20 late father, Mallam Muazu .

He went further to state that plot Nos.46 and 47 on Captain Taylor Road

(Bosso Road) were his property; that he had given them to Mallam Usman, fo rmer

scribe of Gbagyi Federation (later District Head of Allawa) on loan; that if

government was interested in his former palace, since it had been taken over by

visiting Gbagyi Chiefs and now occupied by the District Head of Kuta, he was

willing to collect the sum of £300 fo r the property and that his property occupied

by the Sarkin Hausawa and the District Head of Allawa would be charged on rent to them or anybody else.21 The allegations appeared the same with all previous petitions sent to the Colonial authorities by the petionner, the only difference was the willingness of the District Head to cede the palace to government at the cost of

£300. In addition, be claimed ownership of the local police station, properties occupied by Mallam Usman Allawa and Malam Abubakar, the President of the

Town Council.

The response of the British Colonial govenunent to the petition were not immediately known, however, some of the points raised in the petition and all

20 Ibid

21 Ibid. Petition sent to the Colonial Secretary Lagos by the District-head of Bosso, dated 5thFebruary 1948, P. l.

145 other previous petitions sent by the petitioner were answered by the Resident of the

Province, Mr Beckhouse, and sent to the Colonial Secretary of Northern Provinces.

He confirmed that the palace was originally built by the Colonial Government fo r

the Chief of Wushishi until 1922, when it was occupied by the District Head of

22 Bosso, who was in charge of the District area, including Minna town.

He admitted that the palace and other properties in question were built at the

same time through comrnunnal labour by the Gbagyi of Bosso and Minna fo r the

Alkalin Minna, Mallam Muazu and father of the President of Minna Town

Council, Mall am Abubakar who occupied the property, while the other property was built for Sarkin Dogarai. He went further to state that there was no evidence against the President of the Mitma Town Council on the allegations that he

23 collected bribe before granting plots of land to individuals.

He then suggested that the two petitions from the District Head of Bosso appeared to infringe on Section 8 of the Illiterates Protection Ordinance, Chapter

81, and advised that the District Head be warned that his intrigues in Minna Town

Subordinate Authority renders him liable to prosecution under Section 40 of the

Native Authority Ordinance while his allegations against the President of the

Minna Town Council, which was without proof, laid him open to prosecution for

22 Ibid, Memo from the Resident, Niger Province, Mr. Beckhouse to the Secretary Northern Provinces, Kaduna, dated 27°' April, 1948.

23 Ibid, P.2.

146 libel in a law comi.24 Judging from the Resident's response to the petitions, it was

certain that the District Head of Bosso's petitions would not have had favourable

results; rather, they narrowed down his chances of being heard by the British

Colonial authorities, thus loosing grip of his erstwhile position and influence in the

centre of Gbagyi polity as events continued to unfold themselves.

On the 14111 June 1948, fo llowing a discussion the District Head of Bosso had

with the Chief Colonial Commissioner in Kaduna on the acquisition of his palace

when the later visited Minna, he was allowed to relocate to his palace in Minna, on

the condition that he would not prolong his stay in the town beyond the time the

Resident would allow for official duty.25 This benevolent gesture by the Chief

Colonial Commissioner was meant to appease the embattled District Head for a

while, more so that he was yet to officially receive a reply to his petitions.

Secondly, in view of the fa ct that he had been a strong and popular leader, who had

served the British Colonial administration from early times, it was not easy to discard him completely and so suddenly.

Six days after the return of the District Head of Bosso to Minna, simultaneous parties were organised by Gbagyi and Y aruba residents in Minna to celebrate the District Head's return on the 20111 and 2i11 June 1948, which both fell

24 Ibid, Pp.2-3.

20th 25 Ibid, File note by the Resident, Niger Province Mr. Beckhouse, dated June 1948, File, P. l5.

147 on Sundays of the week. However, the District Officer reported the incidents by

stating that the District Head had legitimately spent eight days in Minna during the 26 Gbagyi Federation session that took place on 281h Jtme to 3rd July 1948.

He went further to remark that the District Head intended to bring matters to

a dead end, probably because he had the support of some Gbagyi Chiefs in the

Federation, who were jealous of the Sarkin Hausawa position and would not be

sorry to see his influence and importance reduced in favour of the District Head of

Bosso.27 The District Officer's report was a mischief designed to whip up

sentiment against the District Head, as would be seen later. However, it was not

surprising that most of the District Head supporters for his re-entry to Minna were

drawn from his Gbagyi kinsmen and Yoruba alike. As it was noticed, some Yontba

elites who were mostly public letter writers and interpreters in the town assisted the

District Head in writing most of his petitions, it was therefore natural to celebrate

28 t h e1r. euorts.cc

Largely, the Yoruba group, unlike their Ibo counterparts in the town, were not organised to secure much political dividends for their members within the power politics of the Town Council. As a result, having slipped backwards in the

26 Ibid

27 Ibid, File, P. l7

28 Ibid

148 power struggle, they considered that any assistance given to a strong and powerful

29 leader like the District Head of Bosso would one day yield results.

Equally some Ibo elements in the town who were already members of the

National Council for Nigeria and the Cameroon (NCNC), one of the earliest

political parties in the country, were willing to support any move against the

British Colonial establishment, while, in the case of Rausa residence, it was

difficult fo r the District Head of Bosso to expect their support because of the fe ud

between him and the Sarkin Hausawa. As regards the Nupe and other ethnic

30 groups, it was difficult to guess where they belonged in the political divide.

On the 6th July 1948, the Resident reported to the Chief to the Secretary of

Northern Provinces that the District Head of Bosso had violated the conditions he

gave him fo r visiting his palace in Minna. In the report, he stated that the Chief

had no intention of obeying the instructions of his Honour and was evasive when

questioned by the District Officer. He f1 trther stated that the Chief gave gifts of

one and two hundred pieces of kola-nuts each to the provincial office messenger and the Native Authority warder, a ram each to the Nigerian Police and the Native

Authority police, including dispensing of gin and beer at the celebrations party that

29 Ibid

30 Ibid

149 were held in his honour. 31 The Resident was by this complaint becoming more

restive about the resurgence of the District Head of Bosso and was willing to keep

records and reports in order to have him finallysilenced.

The development in Minna not withstanding, the administration of the

remaining part of the Gbagyi Federation came under focus during the year. In

Paiko District, there were numerous allegations of extortion and abuse of office

made against the newly appointed District Head of Paiko, Mallam Adamu.

Investigations by three Assistant District Officers, however, fa iled to establish

proof of any serious offence. On the economic sphere, there were serious

shortages in the supply of cloth and salt in the Federation. These were sold by the

canteens to middlemen and it was believed to have been engineered by traders

especially in Minna, perhaps due to the political intrigues in the town. However,

after a threat that Administrative Officers might intervene in the sale to stimulate

the flow of supplies, the situations stabilised immediately. The general gloomy

economy especially the absence of imported items, were attributed to temporary effects of the Second World War. 32

In the same year, there were major breakthroughs in the administration of the Federated Council. It was resolved by the Council that one among the District

31 NAK:Minprof 6299/S.4 Annual report 1947 Minna Division part !-part III by J.AH. Maund, Pp. l-5. Oral 111 evidence: Alhaji Musa Abubakar, District-head of Bosso interviewed on 7 February, 1999.

32 Ibid, pp. 1 - 5

150 Heads in the Federation should be appointed to represent the rest at the Native

Authority each month, during which he resides in Minna and reports for work

daily. All official dealings, by the District Officer with the Native Authority staff

were to be done through the appointed District Head for the month. He performs

other duties such as the inspection of Yandoka (Native Police), Prisons, Schools

and the Native Authority Departments in Minna. Council meetings were held once

in every three months and extra-ordinary meetings were held when the need arose.

In the Kamuku Federation, the Deputy Chief (Wakili) Kwongoma temporarily held

the office ofthe President of the Council before he was replaced by the Chief of

Gunna. Unlike in the Gbagyi Federation, the Kamuku Council met once a month. 33

During the year, Gbagyi chiefs regained control over the rulership of one of

its village areas that had for years been under the influence of ja.Abu In

Kumbwada near Guni, the question of appointing a successor to the aged princess

(Magajiya) attracted the attention of the Gbagyi Federation, since the Emir of

Abuja indicated his intention not to exercise his prerogative in the selection of a new Magajiya of Kwnbwada. After thorough discussion on the issue, it was agreed that the matter be left to the District Head of Guni to appoint the next succeeding Magajiya.34 The decision of the Gbagyi Chiefs was a major

33 NAK: Minprof 6549/S.4 Annual Report 1948 Minna Division by P.F. Haycock Cadet, pp. 1- 6

34 Ibid

151 achievement in the Federation, since the early 19th century, when Kmnbwada was

founded by the last Magajiyan Zazzau during the sojourn of Makau and his party

from Zazzau. All succeeding Magajiyas in Kubwada were hitherto confirmed on

the throne by the Emir of Ahuja. This demonstrated that Ahuja authorities were

still exacting some influence on Gbagyi areas in the Federation, years after the

advent of the British Colonial administration.

In January 194 9, reports indicated that there was improvement in manpower

development in the Gbagyi Federation. Mallam Ahmadu Kuta, the Gbagyi

Federation scribe spent three summer months in the United Kingdom, which were

instructive and successful. It was a major stride in the history of the Federation,

that the most senior Gbagyi official was sponsored on overseas training to improve

his knowledge and the administration of the Federation. On the administration of

the Districts, there were few cases of court sanctions on erring District Heads,

which were handled by the Federation. The prosecution against the District Head of Allawa, Mallam Usman, for fr audulent practices was dealt with by the Federal

Court and a fine of £1 was imposed on him. Similarly, the District Head of

Galadiman Kogo, Mallam Aliyu Kaka, was fined by the Federal Court. The

District scribe of Maikunkele was sentenced to three months imprisonment for tax offences.35

35 NAK: Minprof 6722/S.4 Annual Report 1949-195 L Minna Division by P.M. Wand-Tetley Cadet, pp. 1-5

152 28th 1 949, On the January the District Officer of Minna reported an incident

that happened during the Muslim Sallah celebration of December 1948, when the

people of Minna Gbagyi village demonstrated in front of the District Head of

Bosso's palace in Minna. The supporters of the District Head of Bosso among the

group blew the kakaki (trumpet), a gestme of defiance, to indicate that he was still

in charge of Minna, while the other faction strongly objected to such

acknowledgement. Consequently, the trumpet was broken in the fracas that ensued

between the two factions. The cause of the incident was traced to dynasty

squabbles between the District Head of Bosso and the Gbagyi village Chief of

Minna. It would be recalled that in 1942, on the death of the late Gbagyi Chief of

Minna, Galadiman Paida, a succession dispute was resolved by splitting the village

area of Minna between Shababi and Musa Kpotun, the leading heirs of the two

ruling families of Gbagyi Mi1ma. 36

Musa Kpotun had always accepted the District Head of Bosso as their Head,

while Shababi claimed to fo llow Kuta because his father was once locked up in

Kuta prison by the District Head of Bosso, due to quarrels between them, thus he preferred to fo llow Kuta. It was this incident, which explains the long-standing conflicts between the two groups. The District Head of Bosso had naturally

36 Ibid. The Gbagyi villages on the eastern part of Minna comprising Maitumbi, Gurrosu, Sango, Kudna, Chanchaga, Tayi came under the authority ofMusa Kpotun while the Southern part comprising Kpakongo, Barikin Sale, Sauki Kafuta and Paida came under the influenceof Shababi.

153 supported Musa in his dispute against Shababi, each of whom had for long laid

claim to the other half of Minna village area. The matter was investigated by the

Federation Council and recommendations were made for the dismissal of Shababi

while the Chief of Bosso was fined £4 for his part in the crisis. However, in a

reconciliatory gesture to the warring factions, the Resident ruled that the fm e

against the District Head of Bosso be refunded and Shababi be warned against

further insubordination against the District Head of Bosso. On the rival claim to

headship, he stated that the present arrangement of the village areas would stand

and that there was no intention of amalgamating the villages under one Village

Head. 37

The incident indicated that the District Head of Bosso, Abubakar Zarumai

had fast lost control and grip over his Village Heads of Minna, as they were

determined at any given opportunity to exert their independence. Similarly, the

incident demonstrated that the Village Heads of Minna were not willing to

compromise among themselves their loyalty to either Kuta or Bosso, thus

polarising the already deepened crisis between the three groups beyond reconciliation. It should be noted that the incident happened at the time, when the

District Head of Bosso was himself been relieved of responsibility over Minna and

37 Op cit...NSAM:ACC/ll/APN/984 ...Memo. from the District Officer Mr. Dalves Broughton to the Resident Niger Province, Mr. Beckhouse, 28111 January, 1949. The village Chiefs had their respective palaces located at Gbadnyi in Mailumbi area and Sayako in Minna township. Oral interview with Mallam Ibrahim Kafinta Galadiman on 4111 February, 1999.

154 relocated to Bosso, and only allowed to pay official visits to his fa nner palace

while in Minna. On the whole, the British Colonial Authorities would prefer

maintaining the status quo by splitting the ranks of Gbagyi Minna over Minna

affairs and leaving the District Head of Bosso to wangle in the crisis.

The District Head of Bosso thereafter turned his attention to the affairs in the

administration of the Federation and the attitude of the Sarkin Hausawa in Minna.

He wrote three separate petitions two of which were to the District Officerand one

to the Resident on 16th August 1949. In the first letter, he demanded fo r a separate

Federation for Bosso, just like it was done fo r Kamuku. He argued that the people

of Bosso belong to the Gbagyi Y amma dialect and had nothing to do with the

people of Kuta who were Gbagyi Matai. He said that the Gbagyi Kuta were

brought to Minna in 1934 as a result of re-organisation of the administration. The

two other letters centred on the attitude of the Sarkin Hausawa of Minna. He

stated that for a long ti.tne, the Sarkin Hausawa had caused a lot of trouble in his

domain. He argued that it was never heard of, that a Sarkin Hausawa was

appointed a District Head in other people's land. He demanded to take charge of all civil servants residing in Minna so that the later would take instructions from him, since Minna belonged to him.38 It was glaring fr om this standpoint that the

District Head of Bosso had lost grip of his power and position in Minna; it was

38 Ibid: File, pp 27-29.

155 therefore only natural that he should attack suspected individuals and groups of

fellow Gbagyi that were likely to take over his position in the affairs of Minna.

Consequently, he became suspicious of the Gbagyi Federations position over his

plight and saw little relevance in continuing as a member. Later the British

Colonial authorities, through the Secretary of the Northern Provinces, and copied

the Chief Secretary of the Government in Lagos replied the two petitions stating

that the proposal to revise the Minna town administration had been published by

His Honour and would not consider any changes until the new re-organisation had

been given trial. 39

Thus, the affairs of Minna Town Cow1cil in the Federation continued to

constitute a thorny problem for the administration. It was envisaged that the

solution depended on the provision of an Administrative Officer who would

proffer necessary solutions, since the Federation was in itself incapable of taking

independent decisions on such a major problem that involved one of its members.

However, the immediate solution that came to the mind of the British official was

to inject new ideas into the activities of the Town Council by constituting an

advisory council of twelve individuals irrespective of their ethnic groupings that

39 NAK.: Minprof 6342 0� cit Memo from the Secretary Northern Provinces Mr B. Wright to the Chief Colonial Government, dated 24 'November 1950 copied, Mallam Abubakar Sarkin Bosso, Gbagyi Local Authority

Federation, Minna Division and the Resident Niger Province

156 met monthly under the chairmanship of the District Officer.40 However, during the

year, the prosecution of Mr. C. Okci-1\chamba fo r publishing defamatory matter

against members of the Town Council failed when the Magistrate decided that the

allegations were substantially correct. .ti

It was becoming glaring that the political situation m Minna, which had

become the nerve centre of Gbagyi politics and political leadership was sick and

lacking credible leadership among key players. The Gbagyi Federation on the other

hand, though encompassing by virtue of its structure, lacked the political power to

exercise independent control over individual District area without the approval of

the District Colonial Officer. Besides, it was not a substitute for a subordinate

administration by all definitions.

The matter was further aggravated with the outcome of the libel suit against

members of the Minna Town Council brought about by Mr. C. Okei-Achamba,

which finally exposed the bankruptcy of the local administration of Minna Town

Council. Thus the political vacuum that was created in Minna required collective

40 Ibid: NAK:Minprof6722/S.4 Minna Division, Annual Report, 1949-1951, Pp. l-5 by P.M. Wand-Tetley, cadet. The twelve members of the Board were Mohammed Maibasira, Abdul Bida, Umar Sarkin Zango, S.R.O. Baba, J. Green Mbadiwe, E.A. lmmokheude, Nyanibo, J.O. Azu, J.C.O. Ij omoh, B.B. Lewis, J.A. Majorah and Mrs Odulaja. Two other representatives of the Gbagyi Federation on the Board were Sarkin Dangunu and Mallam U. Audi, Scribe of the Central Office.

41 Ibid. Okei-Achmba, an Ibo trader resident in Minna, was an NCNC Party Chieftain whose interest against the administration of Minna To'vvn Council was informed by lack of equal representation of the major ethnic groups on the Town Council.

157 approach by the Gbagyi Federation and, of course, the British Colonia] authorities

on whom lay its onus as the administration on the ground.

4.2 The Appointment of Chief of Minna and the Paramount Chief of the Gbagyi Federation in 1950

The Town Council, which had for long existed precariously with the help of

expedient advice and guidance of Administrative Officers, and coupled with the

September, 1949 libel suit instituted by Mr. C. Okei-Achamba, which made public

the corrupt attitude of the President and members of the Town Council,

precipitated its complete collapse. Mr. C. Okei-Achmba was an Tho-trader and

Secretary-General of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroun (NCNC)

branch in Minna. Before 1950, the NCNC was the only political party in the town

that had its support among the Ibo, with a population second only to the Hausa in

the town. Similarly, educated elite and progressive elements were dissatisfied with

the general affairs at the Minna Town Council and wanted a change in the polity,

perhaps driven by the radical approach of the party to politics. 42

Okei-Achamba coming fr om this background was charged before a magistrate court by the District Colonial Officer fo r publishing false accusations against members of the Mitma Town Council, but on the contrary, the court ruled that the allegations were correct. These facts made public the fact that the

42 Ibid,P.ll5.

158 administration of the Town Council was corrupt and inefficient. Six months later,

it was discovered that there was a shortage of £700 pound in the 194911950 tax

fund.43

Investigations of the missing fund led to the indictment of the Town Council scribe and its President, both named Abubakar, while the other members of the

Council were charged for criminal offences, gross incompetence and negligence of duty.44 At the end, the President and his scribe were sentenced for one month imprisonment by the court, which was approved by the Federation.45

The prosecution of the President and members of the Minna Town Council shook the very fo undation, on which the council was established, consequently leading to its final collapse. The vacmun the incident created in the F ede.t,"ation was apparent. For one, Minna being the political nerve centre of the Gbagyi if allowed to disintegrate as a subordinate authority in the committee of District Heads in the

Federation, would have threatened the survival of the Federation and made its existence meaningless. These opportunities gave room for political expediency by the British Colonial authority to fashion a new course for the political development

43 Ibid.

44 Ibid: Memo on Minna town re-organisation in 1950 by the District Officer Mr. P.M. Wand Tetley, dated 15°' March 1950, P.2 (F/P. l l5). The dissolved town council was made up of Abubakar, Sarkin Hausawa, a member of the first council in 1926 before he was appointed its president in 1934. The rest members were reconstituted from the old council and appointed by the Federation in 1939. They included Mallam Mohammed Bida, Sarkin Nupawa; Mr. E.A. King, Sarkin Yorubawa; Mr. N. I. Oj okwu, Sarkin Ibo and Mallam Abubakar, its scribe.

45 Ibid: Memo on petitions sent by the Ag. Resident, Niger Province to the Secretary of Northern Provinces, Kaduna, dated 16'11 May, 1950

159 of the Gbagyi and the administration of Mim1a, which had a dominant control on

the Federation itself as would be seen later.

Besides, in 1950, sequel to the increase in the population of Minna town to

11,77 8 persons, Gbagyi population was put at 286 persons because the greater part of the population was located at its suburb. Thus in view of the growing population of the town from 197 0 persons in 1926 to almost 12,000 twenty years later; the 46 need to re-organise the administrative stmcture of the town became imperative.

To set the ball rolling towards a new political thinking, the Resident gave the

District Officer of the Federation the responsibility of putting up proposals for the reorganization of the town administration. Before commencing on the assignment, the District Officerremarked as fo llows:

In devising a new organisation fo r Minna town, certain principles have to be adopted. Th e system must be simple, effective and above all realistic. Th e duties and responsibilities delegated to offi cials must be clearly defined and not fr om outside their abilities to perform. Th e chain of command must be effectively linked from the

top to the bottom. 47

Having outlined these principles, the District Officer suggested the appointment of a suitable President of a strong personality and commanding universal respect; "a man at the top must have key officials to assist him." Along

46 NSAM: No. ACC/APN/984 - Op. Cit, File, p. 115. Oral interview with Alhaji Abdullahi Dada, retired District Head ofMaikunkele on 911'February, 1999. Hausa/Northen ethnic groups constituted 4045 persons, Ibo 2620, Yoruba 2084, Nupe 1609, Southern Minorities 809, Sierra-Lconeans/Ghanaian 564 and !gala/other ethnic groups 102 persons.

47 Ibid, P.JO.

160 this line, he also recmrunended the establislunent of a Council consisting of four

Ward Heads, selected as representative of the fo ur main ethnic groups to assist the

Council and twelve Hamlet heads. Before presenting his proposal to the Resident,

the District Officer sought the views of the town Advisory Board. He thereafter

suggested to the Board that the President should be either chosen from among the

members or from the Gbagyi Native Authority staff, subject to the approval of the

Gbagyi Council, while the selection of the Ward and Hamlet heads be left to each

of the four ethnic groups (Hausa, Nupe, Yoruba and Ibo) . The Advisory Board, on its part, objected to the appointment of a southerner and a non-Muslim even when its members were over-whelmed by non-Muslim and southerners. Similarly, the Board did not contemplate selecting a candidate among its Muslim and northern members because of the precarious nature of the political atmosphere that was already ridden with suspicion and intrigues. On the extreme, none of the

Board members would have met the aspiration of the Gbagyi Federation to have a fe llow Gbagyi appointed to such an exalted position. Besides, the Board was apolitical, expected only to play a neutral and advisory roles in the body polity.

According to the proposal, the two bodies (Ward Heads and Hamlet Heads) were to be responsible to the President on matters affecting tax collection in the town.48

He also proposed the appointment of a town clerk, preferably a literate southerner, whose duties were to include routine assessment and tax collection, keeping of records, coordination of the activities of the Native Authority

48 Ibid, pp. 31 - 32

161 Departments and drafting simple legislation. He suggested the reconstitution of

the Town Advisory Board. The Board was to be made up of respected and

successful men who were supposed to meet and air their views on the activities of

the Town Council. He suggested the establislunent of three Native Courts; these were to include, the Federal Court - grade B; Mixed Court - grade C, of which the

President of the Town Council and the four ward heads were to be members and the Alkali Court - grade B. The Office of the President, the Town Cmmcil and the

Native Cowis were to be cited at the District Head of Bosso's Palace, located right in the middle of the town, after the payment of compensation to him to relocate to

Bosso. This was aimed at reducing his influence in Minna, after which the town was to be removed from Bosso District.49

The proposals were submitted to the Resident of the Province, for his observations. He queried the phrase "a man at the top must have key officials to assist him." He said the man at the top must himself be the key official. He disagreed with the arrangement that non-Nmihemers should be excluded in the selection of the President at the top, as opined by the Town Advisory Board:

It would not be equitable to exclude the non-Northerner and allow the Hausa and Nupe to elect a President. Th e top man should, I

consider, be appointed by the GbagyiNa tive Authority. 50

49 Ibid, pp. 32 - 38

50 Ibid, Memo from the Resident Niger Province, Mr. H. V. B. Backhouse to the Ag. Resident Mr. Trebetherict, dated 28th April, I 950, P.2 (File p. 46)

162 Similarly, he did not support the idea of selecting and creating ward heads

on ethnic basis but rather on territorial lines:

I do not agree that the main tribes should be allowed to elect their own Headmen. Both the Resident and the Chief Commissioner, in commenting on Baker 's report, stressed the necessity of getting away fr om these trihal elections and having territorial wards.51

He stated that no further attempt should be made to increase the Rausa

control over Minna town. Nong this line, he recalled his earlier recommendation to the Secretary ofNorthern Provinces:

There should be a check on any tendency to increase the control of the town by the Hausa element. Minna, though not peopled by Gbagyi is the main Gbagyi market and the natural Headquarters and fo r this, iffo r no other reasons, any movement fo r a change to independent status should be discouraged. 52

He objected to the proposed appointment of a town clerk. He said it was an

English idea. He explained that the duties of a town clerk were better performed by the District Heads in Northern Nigeria.

The town clerk is an English idea. In Northern Nigeria his du ties are performed by the District Head,· otherwise the tail would be wagging the dog. 53

51 fbid, p. 2 (F/P.46)

52 fbid. Memo from the Resident Niger Province, Mr. H. V. B. Backhouse to the Secretary of Northern Provinces t 1 dated 27 h and 29 11 April 1948, pl, para. 3 (File p. 46)

53 Op cit, p.3 (F/p.47)

163 He agreed with the suggestion that an Advisory Board should be retained

until such a time when the elite will themselves become members of the District

Council.

I agreed that the Advisory Board should be retained fo r a time to ensure hearing fo r the views of the more educated Southerners, until the time comes when the intelligent will themselves become members of the broadened district and ward councifs·54

He supported the suggestion that the District Head of Bosso should vacate his house and a compensation be paid to him for the building of a new administrative structure on the site.

I agree that the District Head of Bosso must vacate his house . .. . . I think that the house does not belong to him. But the Gbagyi Council would not support this view. Th e best thing will be to purchase the house at its fu ll value as the site is the most suitable fo r the town office. 55

On the establishment of native local courts, he agreed that the three local courts should be retained, however, the jurisdiction of the Alkali court should be upgraded to grade A.

The mixed court or District court must be returned. I agreed with the Divisional Off icer 's recommendations fo r upgrading and extending the jurisdiction of the Alkalin Minna. 56

54 Ibid, p.3 (F/p.48)

55 Ibid, p.4 (F/p.48)

56 Ibid, p.4 (F/p.48)

164 He pointed out that the Town Council was unpopular because it was made

up of ethnic heads in Minna. which were not chosen by the people. He went

further to state :-

I can see no reason why the fa miliar system of District Administration should not be succes.sfu l in Minna town. I therefo re recommend that the To wn Council be replaced by an adm inistration similar to that in all the other Gbagyi Districts and the app roval be sought fo r the District Head of Minna and Council

to be established as a subordinate Native Authority. 57

It was in the light of this argument that he recommended as fo llows:

The District Head should be selected by the Gbagyi Native Authority, subject to the approval of the Resident and the Chief Commissioner, and that tf a stranger is to be appointed, the man who is considered most suitable fo r the post, whatever his tribe should be selected. It would however, be preferable to have a Gbagyi as District Head if a man of the required standard is available and in this instance, I recommend that consideration should be given to the appointment of Mallam Alhaji Ahmadu Kuta, Chief Scribe, Central Of fice (s on of the President of Gbagyi Federation - the District fle ad of Kuta) who speaks and writes English and has had the advantage of British Council course in the Un ited Kingdom . 58

He also recommended that the District Head should be discouraged from mobilizing himself in the pomp and panoply of a Hausa Chief.

His authority should be derived not fr om the symbols of his of fice but fr om the prestige that will accrue fr om the proper performance of his duty in the interest of all sections of the community. Apart

57 Ibid, p.5 (F/p.49)

58 Ibid, p.5 (F/p.49)

165 fr om ceremonial occasions such as attendance of Gbagyi Council, he should not wear the cap but should appear in his customary dress. He should he given fu ll responsibility fo r all departmental acllvltles and fo r law and order.. Th e Dzstrzct Head should be kept informed by the Senior Assistant Superintendent of Police of the activities of the Nigeria Police Force inside the town. He should have the middl e VI qualification and a Native Authority Grade A Salary. 59

On the proposed appointment of a District Head, the requirement of

academic qualification and faimess to all sections of Minna communities, coupled with granting enonnous responsibilities over and above fe llow Gbagyi chiefs in the

Federation was a sharp departure from the philosophy establishing the Gbagyi

Federation on equal partnership in a single and central authority.

It was obvious from the trend of events that the District officer would not have recommended the District Head of Bosso for the new exalted office because of his embroiled and strained relationship with some of his fe llow Gbagyi chiefs and the British Colonial administration in Minna, especially in the past three years.

Similarly, the Gbagyi of Minna chiefs on the other hand would not have been considered fo r the singular reason of serious intemal feud that had split its ranks in the last eight years. Equally, it was obvious that a neutral candidate in the person of

Ahmadu Bahago was the only qualified, being a prince and son of the President of the Federation. In addition, the choice went to a Kuta candidate because it was the most senior partner in the state relationship in the Federation.

59 Ibid, pp.5-6 (F/pp.49 - 50)

166 However, on the 23rd May, 1950, the Acting Resident, Mr. Trebe-therik

presented the proposed re-organisation to the Gbagyi Federal Council with the

District Heads of Kuta, Bosso, Paiko, Allawa, Koro, Maikunkele, Dangunu and

Allawa in attendance. Four other members of the Federation, Galadiman-Kogo,

Gurmin-Kurmana, Guni and Gini were absent from the meeting. No reason was

advanced fo r their action but it does appear that their action had any consequential

effect. The proceedings of the meeting were recorded by the District Officer, Mr.

60 P. M. Wand-Tetley. Two days after the meeting, on 25th May, 1950, the Gbagyi

Council expressed its full support to the recommendation that a District Head and

61 eight Ward heads should be appointed to administer Minna town. On the 29th

May, 1950, the Acting Resident sent the recommendations to the Secretary of

Northern Provinces in Kaduna. In his letter to the Secretary, he confined his discussion to purely matters of principle and avoided such issues as the possible candidate fo r the office of the District Head and the future of the District Head of

62 Bosso's compound. However, on the 3rd August, 1950, after his return from annual leave in London, the Resident made a thirteen-point recommendations to the Secretary of Northern Provinces. They were as fo llows:

60 Ibid. Appendix: Minna Town Reorganisation 1950. Minute of Gbagyi Federal Council Meeting by P. M. Wand Tetley, dated 23'd May 1950, p.l (F/p.54);

61 Ibid.

62 Ibid. Memo from the Ag. Resident Niger Province Mr. Trebc Therick to the Secretary Northern Provinces, dated ° 29 ' May, I 950, pp. I -2 (F/pp. 55 - 56)

167 (i) The present organization of a Town Council (President and fo ur ward

heads) should be replaced by a District Head and Council. The

subordinate Native Authority should be gazetted a Chief of Minna and

Council.

(ii) The District area should be divided into eight Wards (Units) and the

Ward head be selected by the people of such Ward under the guidance

of the District Head.

(iii) Discrimination against southerners should cease.

(iv) The District Head should be selected and appointed by the Gbagyi

Native Authority with the approval of the Chief Commissioner and

the Resident.

(v) The District Head should have a messenger and a scribe, without

executive responsibility, to assist him with filing etc.

(vi) Correspondence and minuting should be kept to a minimum.

(vii) The Town Council Board should continue to exist but at an early

consideration should be given including its members on the District

Heads Council on a honorary basis.

(viii) The Alkalin Minna should be given powers to hear civil cases and his

criminal jurisdiction extended to cover all persons whether Muslim or

not in Minna Division.

168 (ix) The Minna mixed court should be superseded by a District Court

consisting of Ward heads with the District Head as President.

(x) The Ward heads should receive a salary of £60 and subject to a

certificate by the District Head of satisfactory work.

(xi) The Chief of Bosso's house be purchased by the Native Authority and

the site used for District Office.

(xii) The District Head should be responsible for all departmental activities

and for the police, of which a fo rce should be allotted to Minna under

a sergeant who should report to him daily.

(xiii) The control of Minna Market should remain the responsibility of the

Gbagyi Native Authority. The proposals for a new and superior type

63 of market should commence.

In response to the Resident's recmrunendations, the Secretary of Northern

Provinces conveyed the approval of all the thirteen points to His Honour, the Chief

Commissioner on the 4th October, 1950. He added that a fixed salary fo r the

District Head would be appropriate. Secondly, he queried why the title of a

District Head be used for a chief who has no district but merely a small urban

64 area. However, on the 18th October, 1950, the District Officer of Minna, Mr.

63 Ibid. Memo from the Resident Niger Province Mr. H. V B. Backhouse to the Secretary Northern Provinces, dated 3'd August. 1950, pp.l-2 (f/pp. 57 - 58)

169 P.J.D Hesbitt-IIawes, brought all the thirteen point recommendations before the

65 town Advisory Board for discussion. On the 21st October, 1950, the Resident

wrote to the Secretary, Northern Provinces highlighting the observations raised by

the Town Advisory Board on the thirteen point recommendations.

Minna Advisory Board welcome all proposal except judicial. They argued that the salaries of the ward heads were too low. Th ey proposed six instead of eight ward heads with a salary of £108 each. Th at Minna mixed court be established with a President at a sa/my of £144 working with assessors paid sitting fe es. Criminal cases affe cting non-Muslims not to go to Alkali. Th is involves increase of £195 on original proposals. 66

On the 26th October, 1950, the observations raised by the Town Advisory

Board on the recommendations were approved by His Honour, the Chief

67 Commissioner ofNorthem Nigeria.

th Earlier, on the 19 October 1950, the District Head of Bosso sent a petition to the Federation demanding the latter to produce written evidence when it took the decision to purchase his house in Minna and at what cost. He also wanted to know

68 how many District Heads endorsed the proposal. Shortly after receipt of the said petition on the 22nd October 1950, the Federation met and approved the purchase of

64 Ibid. Memo from the Secretary Northern Provinces to the Resident Niger Province Mr. H. V. B. Back-House, dated 4th October, 1950 (F/p. 59)

65 Ibid, dated 18'11 October, 1950 (F/pp. 60 - 61)

66 Ibid, dated 21st October, 1950 (F/p. 63)

67 Ibid

68 Ibid, dated 19u' October, 1950 (F/P.62)

170 the District 1 Iead of Bosso's house at the cost of £500. At the said meeting,

fourteen District Heads in the Federation were present, namely Kuta, Paiko,

Allawa, Kafln-Koro, Kurmin-Gurman, Manta, Dangunu, Maikunkele, Fuka,

Galadiman-Kogo, Guni, Gini, Ishau and Adunu with the exception of Bosso,

Minna and Kushaka.

We the Gbagyi Federal Council have agreed that it would be proper to buy of f the house of Sarkin Bosso in Minna. Th is is not to be misconstrued that he still has an afairf in Minna. We want to ensure the establishment of a proper adm inistration in Minna. Ifhe is paid off, he could use the proceed to build another house in his dommn, most likely around Paida, so that when there is any council meeting, he could come and reside in Minna. 69

It was certain that the tone of the District Head of Bosso's petition triggered

the immediate decision of the Federation to legislate on the house, thus providing

legal sanction on the ownership of the house and putting the lingering matter to a

final rest.

Meanwhile, sequel to the approval of the Chief Commissioner of Northern

Provinces on the appointment of Mallam Ahmadu Bahago Kuta, it was not until the 7th November 1950 that he was officially installed into office as the Chief of

Minna and head of the Council. The Council was made up of three grades; the

Chief Executive Council, the Council of Chiefs and traditional title holders selected mainly of individuals cutting across ethnic groups in Minna town. The appointment of these cotmcil chiefs perhaps were aimed at satisfying the

69 Ibid, Memo from the Gbagyi Federal Council signed by the District-heads of Kuta, Paiko, Allawa, Koro, G/Kurmana, Manta, Dangunu, Maikunkule, Fuka, G/Kogo, Guni, Ishau and Adunu to the Resident Niger th Province dated 22nd October, 1950. Oral interview with Alhaji Abdullahi Dada, Op cit 9 February, 1999.

171 philosophy associated with his appointment, which requires him to be fair to all

sections of the conununity, in view of its cosmopolitan nature . Besides, though he

had clearly defined powers and responsibilities compared to the rest of the Chiefs

in the Gbagyi Federation, his primary constituency was Minna. Beyond this, there

were few Gbagyi residing in Minna to warrant taking up all the council titles or to

react against its distribution. This explains why the titles were sometimes Hausa,

70 Fulani, Nupe and Gbagyi in character

A. The Chief Executive Council (Majalisan Zartarwa) 1. Madaki -Mal. Usman Shehu 18. Negenu - M. Garba Paiko 2. Chiroma - Mal. Adamu Gajere 19. Turaki - M. Yahaya Galkogo 3. Marafa - Mal. Aliyu Bosso 20. Makama Karami - M. 4. Katuka - Mal. Ali. Masanja Mohammed Abubakar 5. Zarumai - Mr. Joseph Iroha 21. Sarkin Dawaki Gida - M. Bala B. The Council of Chiefs (Majalisan Sarki) Kuta l. Galadima - Mal. Abubakar 22. Benu - M. Garba Gbagyi 2. Ndeji Mal. Usman Tela 23. Godaba - M. Baba Isa 3. Waziri - Mal. Umar Audi 24. Sarkin Ayuka - M. Baba Hannu 4. Dame-Dame - Adul-Kuta Dama 5. Magajin Gari - M. J\liyuMu'azu 25. Sarkin Kasuwa M. Garba 6. Makama - M. Mu·azo Paiko 26. Sarkin Daji - Mamudu Kundu 7. Dallatu - M. Abubakar Kula 27. Sarkin Gona - M. Musa BaJa 8. Wali - M. Mohammed 28. Sarkin Tsabta - M. Abubakar 9. Sarkin Yaki - M. Datti Paiko Dako 10. Nakorji - M. Isa Wakili 29. Sarkin Shanu - M. Abdul II. Sardauna - M. Bawa Paiko Maika no 12. Sarkin Pawa - M. Usman Nda Baro 30. Sarkin Fulani - M. Sambo 13. Ajiya - M. Tanko Kuta 31. Sarkin Pawa - M. Idi c. The Traditional Title Holders (Sarakuma-Gari) 32. Sarkin Makera - M. Haruna l. Abokin Sarki - M. Mohammed Mai Kekc 33. Sarkin Dilalai - M. Maishanu 2. Naibi - M. Nda Kacha 34. Sarkin Magina - M. Mangana 3. Kwatu - M. YusufPopoola 35. Sarkin Tasha - M. Kolo 4. Tafida - M. Inmva Tela 36. Sarkin Haya - M. Mu'azu 5. Tukura - M. Usman Sanda 37. Sarkin Dukawa - M. Umaru 6. Barwa - M. Audu Liman Yunusa 38. Sarkin Rafi - M. Akare 7. Bardan Daka - M. Nda Usman 39. Sarkin Turki - M. Danlami 8. Jagaba -Mr. J. F. Oyekanmi 40. Sarkin Makada - M. Mohammed 9. Kafa - M. Aliyu 41. Sarkin Zango - M. Danjuma 10. Sarkin Masu - M. Salihu Bida 42. Sarkin AJaro - M. Adamu. 11. Banu - M. Garba Gwuri 12. Lukpa - M. Abu 13. Sarkin Dawaki - M. Mohammed Nata'ala 14. Ubandoma - M. Alegbc J 5. Danburan - M. Ahmadu Nata 'ala 16. Iyan Gari - M. Umar Nfllado 17. Sarkin Dawaki Maituta - M. Musa Urnar

70 NSAM No./Go\'/63 History of Minna township 1910 by Alhaji Ahmadu Bahago - Emir of Minna (translated from Hausa). pp. l2-13.

172

.....� __ _ .. . The reorganization of Minna Town Council and the subsequent appointment

of Mallam Ahmadu Bahago Kuta as the Chief of Minna changed the status of

Minna at the Gbagyi Federatwn Council from a hitherto village status, under the

District Head of Bosso, to a District status tmder a chief and council.

However, it was not until 1954 that the District representation on the Gbagyi

Federation was further increased to eighteen, fo llowing the admission of Gawu

District previously under Lapai Local Authority to the Federation as a result of

long period of misrule by the Lapai Local Authority. Gawu was before now a

Subordinate Local Authority under Lapai and on its own request desired to join its

fellow Gbagyi in the Federation. 71

Further to this, it was not until 1955 that there was a proposal to enlarge the

leadership and control of Mallam Ahmadu Bahago Kuta to cover the entire Gbagyi

Federation, thus centralizing his administrative powers over the eighteen District

Heads that constituted the Federation. The District Officer had this to say.:

it is important to write about the Gbagyi people after so short an experience but they appear to me a people much in want of leadership. Any fo rm of central authority simply does not exist. Th e idea is obviously sound in order to achieve a co-ordination point between the eighteen subordinate Native Authorities. I think it is an idea to which the Gbagyi people would take kindly and which fr om the point of view of local government , would make fo r stability and

would kn it together these sundry units in a workable whole. 72

71 NSAM ACC/APN/983 Divisional Intelligence Report - Minna, Abuja and Kontagora; 1951 - 1955 (Intelligence Summary - Minna Division fo r December 1954 -January 1955 dated 25'h January p.2 F/ p.725). A brief history of the relationship between this Gbagyi District and the Nupe Emirate ofLapai is imperative in order to shed light on why the former was excised from Lapai Emirate. The conquest of Lapiai Emirate by the Royal Niger Constabulary in 1898 was seemingly viewed by the British as a submission of its neighbouring areas including Gawu and the rest of the Gbagyi speaking areas East of Lapai. It was this assumption and the general policy of the British of placing non-Muslim areas in the North under the closed supervision of Emirs and Emirates that Jed to the incorporation of Gawu and its outlaying village areas under Lapai. However, years after the incorporation, Gawu was excised from Lapai Emirate on account of long periods of misrule after thorough investigation.

72 Ibid, p.4

173 Two years after this proposal, the eighteen Gbagyi District Heads that made

up the Gbagyi Federation agreed to elect Ahmadu Bahago Kuta as the paramount

(permanent President) Chief of Gbagyi Local Authority Council on 31st December

1957. It was from this moment that a seemingly centralised system of

administration became established among the Gbagyi in the region. His well

defined powers and responsibilities came to bear on the other members of the

Federation, whose powers and control transcended Mitma. He became a strong and

guiding fo rce at the centre of all other Gbagyi District Heads in the Federation.

However, it was not until 1962 that the Chief of Miru1a was elevated to the status

of a 3rd class chief by the then Northern Nigeria regional government, which shall

73 be our focus in the next chaptcr. However, political development in the country gave its own dimension to the socio-political setting of the region, before the independence of the countly in 1960.

4.3 Partisan Politics and the Federated Council : 1950 - 1960

The introduction of Sir Arthur Richard's constitution of 1948 and the subsequent general conference of Chiefs that was held in 1950 at Ibadan, consequently led to the introduction of Sir McPherson's constitution, which changed the political tempo in the country to that of participation into elective

74 offices at the ward, regional and fe deral 1cvels. In the Gbagyi Federation, traditional rulers and local authority officials fo und a rallying point by identifying

73 Oshadume francis, Urbanisation and Inter-Group Relations in Minna, !900 - 1981 M. A. Thesis, African Studies Department, University of Ibadan, 1993, p.132

74 Micheal Crowder, The Story of Nigeria, Faber and Faber, London, 1978, pp. 224- 236 James S. Coleman, lli.geria Background to Nationalism Broburg & Wistrom, Benin City, 1986, Pp.271-319.

174 themselves with etlmic unions and political parties that had Northern origin. Prior

to 1950, activities of some of the existing ethnic and professional unions were

75 predominated by people of southern Nigerian origin.

The activities of these unions and political parties were initially limited to

Minna. Minna, being the capital of the Gbagyi Federation, was equally a

76 cosmopolitan centre with the presence of varied etlmic groups in the country.

Besides, it was located on the main railway line that linked the south from Lagos to

Kano in the north; and thus secured the advantage of being current with political

77 developments that were taking place in the country.

76 The existing political fo llowership in Minna were NCNC Minna branch, which was established in 1947. Mr. Green Mbadiwe (Miner) was it President, other members included Mr. Okei-Achamba Secretary, Edward Okwousa (trader), A. Egwuatu, L.O Ukeni (Health Dept.), Ben lfeajuna (trader), B.O Onudinjo (P&T), James Faladun, Mr. N. I. Ojuhvu and Mr. J. Majorah. Zikist Movement Minna branch was fo unded in 1947. Its members ·were Mr. B. Lewis (P&T), Rev. F. Ogunbanjo, J.K Faluyi (Provincial Office) Mr. K.M Kalu (PWD), Okei-Achamba, Mr. & Mrs. L.O Ukeni (Health Dept.) Robinson Onuora (Onitsha) J. Nubia, contractor. Egbe Omo Oduduwa Minna branch was established in 1949 with Mr. Okotun as its President and Mr Oyeshida as his assistant. NPC Minna branch was founded in 1950 with Alhaji Baba Mai Hannu Dama as its President. In 1950, NEPU branch was established with Mr. Yabagi as its President and Abdullahi Kaima as its Secretary and later A,G, Yunisa. A.G Minna Branch vvas established in 1951 with Babalawo as its President. Middle Belt Peoples Party and later United Middle-Belt Congress Minna branch was founded in 1953 with Mr. Owunna Ocheagwu as its President.

77 The existing ethnic and professional unions in Minna were Ibo Minna branch union which was established in 1947. The Union was led by Mr. P. Dolo, ex Minna Ibo Chief, Okei Achamba (trader), S. Ilabour (railway) S. Oraegbu (PWD), J. Okolo (Loco-Shed) P.O Kolo, J. Obidi, G, Ofili, S. Ekwusie, N. Nwokolo, J, Ajifo, F. Atto (Agric Dept), G. Keshi(P&T) as executive members. Tiv Union, Minna branch was fo unded in 1947. The union was led by Alfongo/Gbe and assisted by Mr. John Agbo (Inspector Beji Railway). Edo National Union Minna branch was establish in 1948 led by its president Mr. M.C Muhammadu, Mr. A.T.J Kemie (Loco-shed) and Mr. S. U Bologi (UAC) as other officials. Ak\\'a and Onitsha District Union, Minna branch were established in 1948 and led by Mr. Lawrence Diji and Mr. Edward Okuosa respectively. Gbagyi Union Minna was founded in 1951 with Abubakar Kuta as its President while the Chief of Minna was its patron. Hausa Union was founded in 1954 with Mal. Inuwa Tela as its President and A.G. Yunusa was its Secretary. Railway workers Union was established in 1948 and was led by Mr. T.N Labode. Ex-Service Men Union was led by J.A Onilenla and European Domestic Servants Union, was established in 1948 and led by Mal. Audu Badeji. African Academy of Arts, Minna branch had Mr. Green Mbadiwe as President, Secretary, was Mr. L.O Ukeni and Social Field Conductor, Mr. Okwuosa (Agric Dept.) (lndMr. P. Imokwede (Railway Engineering Dept.)

175 Similarly, intemational and national political developments in the country

were current with activities of the various groups in Gbagyi Federation, especially

at Minna. Thus the late 1940's witnessed intense political activities by the various

d groups in Minna. It was recorded that on 3r April 1948, Mrs. F. Kuti arrived in

Minna from Lagos en route Kaduna to attend NCNC assembly, where the freedom

charter was proclaimed by the Party. She was received by NCNC supporters,

which included Mr. Oyeshida (Provincial Office), Mr. J.K Ayokanu and Mrs Iya

Wasila. At the railway station, Mrs. F. Kuti called on the party members to support

78 the party's cause against the British Colonial nlle. Her visit was a major eye-

opener to the people of the Federation on the political developments that were

taking place in the country.

On the 14th April 1948, Mr. Ej o Baba, a trader fr om Kaduna, held a meeting with NCNC supporters at the African Railway Club, Minna and told his audience that Mr. Ufot Nteyen, who arrived the country from the Gold Coast, was in Kaduna

79 to express his solidarity with the NCNC activities in the country. Shortly afterthe meeting, the NCNC Mi1ma branch organized its own rally at the African Railway

1 Club on the 2i1 April 1948. The meeting was chaired by Mr. E.A. Morna, a

78 AHK/SNP 15/3/S 9/4380 1/S. l Police Weekly Intelligence Report 1948, dated 3'd April 1948, 151" Jan 1949, P. l Ibid James Coleman, P. 295.

19-+8 79 Ibid. dated 141h April

176 Catechist of the C.M.S Church, Minna. The speaker was a Zikist, Mr. Zukogi and

80 the subject matter was on "Northern Awake".

1 On the 101 1 May 1948, a more elaborate gathering of all political parties,

trade and ethnic unions met at the African Railway Club Minna. The purpose of

the meeting was to bring all the unions and political parties together in preparation

81 11 fo r a future strike action against the British Colonial government. On the 11 1

July 1948, Mr. Davis C. Nwachukwu, of the Port Harcourt branch of the NCNC,

was in Minna en route Lagos and met with NCNC supporters. He said his mission

to Lagos was to consult with Zik over the rivalry between Egbe-Omo-Oduduwa

82 and the NCNC.

Nine days after the visit, Zik arrived at Minna fi·om Lagos en route Kaduna 1 on the 201 1 July 1948. A reception was organized for him by NCNC branch at the

railway station. The audience included all ethnic unions, members of Gbagyi

Federation and about seventy inhabitants of Minna town. Zik initially refused to honour the reception but after due pressure from the NCNC branch, he came down from his train coach with Mr. F.C. Coker, Chief Torten, A. Abayomi and J.A Oj o to watch the traditional dances that entertained him before he returned to his coach.

He however, refused to read the prepared address handed over to him by Mrs. L.O

Ukeni, a chieftain of the local branch of NCNC. Zik left his supporters with the

80 Ibid. dated 30th April 1948

81 Ibid. dated 14'11 May 1948

82 Ibid. dated J 2'11 July 1948

177 impression that some thing was wrong with him and that he was afraid to speak to 83 the public. This incident came at a time when some Zikist groups were being

tried on sedition charges in Lagos.

rd th On the 3 _5 September 1948, as a result of a rumour that trouble would

break out among Ibo and the Y aruba citizens due to the sedition charges against

NCNC members in Lagos, there was tension in Minna. Large numbers of matchets

were purchased in the market by each side. Several Ibo residents in Minna took

their matchets to work but no incident took place throughout the two days of

tension. It was reported that a clash would take place in Lagos in the near future

and that the incident would automatically spread to large towns, including Minna. 84

The NCNC branch reacted to these developments by alleging that the British

Communist Party was financing the Egbe-Omo Oduduwa to break Zik and the

NCNC in order to pave way for the communist party to rule Nigeria. Consequent

upon the political developments in the country, local inhabitants, especially the

Gbagyi, Hausa and Nupe were of the fe eling that the Ibo brought trouble for

themselves by causing disaffection in the press while the Yoruba's were of the

belief that in the cause of time, Zik would join his friends in prison. However, the

general anxiety among the Y oruba' s residents was that if trouble broke out, they

only would be victims while some Gbagyi were of the view that every body would

85 be involved.

83 Ibid, dated 22°0 July 1948

84 Ibid, dated 9th Sept. 1948

85 Ibid. dated 9th September 1948

178 The tension in the town marred the celebration of the Zikist week that was

1h 111 held on 28 August to 4 September 1948. The programme of events fo r the week

included an all-night dance, lecture by Mal Zukogi on the "Penalty of Leadership",

debate, fo otball match and etlmic dances. The money realized at the all-night and

ethnic dance f1 trther caused ill fe elings in the town. The Ibo groups thought that

instead of the Tiv dancers, they should have been awarded the first price of three

pounds and three shillings. The Gbagyi groups participated in the competition but

did not win a price while the Rausa group refused to participate in the event, with

no reason advanced fo r their failure to participate in the event. It was not likely that

the whole event was viewed on religious point, as Christian event, to which most

Rausa did not belong. Mr. Green Mbadiwe, a prominent member of the NCNC

branch did not attend any of the events because of his temporary disagreement with

the organizers; more so that he was nursing the idea of setting up a similar

86 movement, though mainly fo r the Ibo.

111 On the 11 Dec. 1948, the African Academy of the Arts Minna branch

marked its week. Like the Zikist week, the programme of events included an open

air dancing competition, public lecture and registration of members. Each registered members was taxed £5 to £125. Earlier in September, Mr Kingsley

Mbadiwe, the Junior brother of Mr. Green Mbadiwe came to Minna from the

African Academy in the USA. Mr. Kingsley Mbadiwe appealed fo r secrecy among members of the Minna branch of the Academy and requested them to raise the sum of £500 fo r the education of Africans (Ibo) that would mle the country in the near future.

86 Ibid, dated 9th September 1948

179 Similarly, before the end of the year, two prominent NCNC national

chieftains, Mr. Mazi Oj ike and Anthony Enahoro visited Minna. On the 2nd

October 1948, Anthony Enahoro delivered a lecture to members of the Railway

Workers Union and appealed to them to support the NCNC and have fa ith as good

days were approaching. On 15111 January 1949, Mr. Mazi Oj ike of the West African

Pilot anived at Miru1a from Lagos emoute to Zaria. He was met at the railway station by Mr. Green Mbadiwe and Chief J. Oj ukwu. He told his audience that he was on a special mission and would return in a month's time. He told them that it was time for all the ethnic groups in the country to come together, Ibo, Yoruba,

Hausa and Efik, to fo rget their differences and work together in order to achieve

87 independence in five years time.

By 1950, additional political parties in the country were well represented in the country namely, Northern Peoples Congress (NPC), Northern Elements of

88 Progressive Union (NEPU) and Action Group (AG). Thus, campaign activities by politicians in the region were limited to local politics regarding the performance or the ineffectiveness of the local authority to meet the yearnings of citizens that constituted the Federation. It was reported that the Gbagyi chiefs that represented the large block of the Federated Council prefened to remain unaffected by the political atmosphere that was raging as a result of the reorganisation of the new

Minna town cOLmcil election. They remained independent and ultra-conservative in character. However, the election of six ward heads into the newly constituted

87 Ibid. dated 3'd December 1948

88 Ibid, pp. 1-2, NSAM: ACC/APN/983 Divisional Intelligence Report - Minna, Abuja and Kontagora, 1951- 1952, Op cit

180 town council membership saw, fo r the first time, the election of two Gbagyi

candidates, Adamu Gajere Allawa and Aliyu Bosso. 89

A testimony of the political rivalry among politicians of the fe deratiOn began

to rage at the beginning of the year fo llowing the reorganisation of a new Minna town council based on popular election of its members, especially among

candidates and supporters of NCNC, represented by Ibo, and AG, represented by

Yoruba elements. On the 17th January, 1951, there was friction in Minna town over the election of Mr. N. I. Oj ukwu, an NCNC candidate against a Yoruba candidate, Mr. Bamidele, from Sabon-gari Ward. This led to the disqualification of

Mr. N.I. Oj ukwu by the Resident of the Province fo r incompetence and the arrest of six Yoruba AG supporters for causing the friction. In his place, a neutral candidate, Mr. F. W. Arthur, a Ghanaian, was chosen as the Ward Head for Sabon- gari. Further concessions were given to Yoruba and Ibo citizens fo r the election of

Ward Heads for Mekera and Ketaren - Gbagyi. Mr. E. Okwosu of the NCNC was

89 Ibid, pp. J -2 J rrespcctivc of ethnic affiliation, election of ward heads were based on party politics towards the future administration of urban cities in the country, which placed eligibility on any male adult over 21 years of age, literacy. popularity and evidence of not less than three-year tax payment for candidate in a particular ward. The six elected ward heads were Mallam S. Usman (NPC) Nassarawa, Adamu Gajere (NPC) Limawa; Mosadomi (/\G) Makera; Mr. E.A. King (AG) Kwangila; Mallam Umah (NPC) K/Gwari and Mr. N.I. Oj okwu (NCNC) S/Gari. However, election protests and petitions against the candidature of elected Kwangila and S/Gari ward heads over tax irregularities in the previous scrapped town council marred their appointment by the Federation. Consequently, they were replaced by Mr. Peter I. Alimansanye (AG) and Aliyu Bosso (NPC) respectively while death caused the replacement of the ward heads ofMakera and K/Gwari by Mr. Babalawo and Mr. E. Okwosa.

181 elected as the Ward Head of Ketaren - Gbagyi while Mr. S. Babalawo of the AG 90 was elected fo r Makera Ward .

However, as a result of continuous rift among Y on1ba and Tho residents in

Sabon-gari over the appointment of Mr. Arthur and the disqualification of Mr. N. I. Oj ukwu as Ward head; Mallam Aliyu Bosso, a fo rmer scribe in the Gbagyi

Federation and an outsider in the Ward was appointed as the new Ward head for

Sabo-gari .91 On 18th May, 1951 the NCNC delegation arrived Mim1a by train for

political campaigns. The party had earlier solicited the support of the District

Head of Bosso, who had promised to be in attendance with a large number of his

people at the meeting, probably in return for a promise by the party to obtain

redress for the demolition of his palace in Miillla.92

The Sarkin Bosso had earlier protested loudly that he would not move out of

his palace. He argued that if the house was to be destroyed, it would be over his

dead body. It was rumoured that he intended to engage a lawyer, however after a

90 Ibid: NSJ\M: VOL/GOV/63 I-IT STORY OF MINNA TOWNSHIP 1910 BY ALHAD AJ-IMADU BAHAGO KUTA 1966, Pp. l-3, Minna township was supposedly divided into six ethnic lines but the divisions were in practical terms not monolithic. Example, in Nassarawa ward, Paida section had a collection of small Gbagyi settlements and those from other parts of the Federation, such as Kuta, Gawu, Paiko, G/Kogo Gussoro, Fuka, Erena Guni and Dangunu. The groups were made up of staff of the Federation, farmers, local beer brewers among some of its women fo lk, like the Tiv women and labourers. This section also had Tiv, Kaje and Obudu (Damagudu) residents who were essentially railway labourers and artisans. The other half of the ward had large settlements of Hausa from Sokoto, Kano, Zazzau, Wushishi and Kanuri elements. These groups, like the Gbagyi, were made up of staff of the Federation, farmers, traders and artisan. Limawa ward consisted of Hausa elements from Katsina predominating other smaller groups from the Northern part of the country. The groups were essentially traders, artisans, farmers and Islamic scholars. Kwangila ward had collection of Yoruba, Nupe, Edo, Rivers and Calabar and small section of Sierra Leoncans, Ghanaians, Malian railway and P&T workers, including gold mine prospectors. While Sabongari ward was predominated by Ibo and a small section of Yoruba traders. Mekara ward had a combination ofHausa, Yomba and Ibo elements, mostly traders and artisan. The last ward, Keteren­ Gbagyi was fo rmerly quartered by Gbagyi railway conscripted labourers who were later replaced by Ibo and Nupe labourers. Another section of the town that sprang up rapidly was Tungan Danboyi (Tudun Wada) behind the European quarters on the hill. This section was made up of domestic staffand gold mine prospectors.

91 Ibid. Monthly Intelligence Report, Minna Division April- May, dated 19th May, 1951, p. l (F. pp.4 74- 475)

92 Ibid

182 quit notice \Vas served on him along with a compensation of £500 by the Local

Authority fo r repairs carried out on the house during his stay, demolition

th commenced on the 19 May 1951. Unfortunately for him, Mr. Okei-Achumba,

who seems to have been supportive of his course was detained in Kano during the . 93 year 10fc tax evasion.

On arrival at Mitma, the NCNC delegation met with the Resident of the

Province on two issues that affected the welfare of its citizen; firstly, on the

election of Mr. N. I. Oj ukwu as the Ward head fo r Sabon-gari, and secondly, on

the increase in the representation of Ibo citizens in the Minna Town Council. In

response to the observations, raised by the NCNC, the Resident of the Province

said the administration had no intention to open the matter fo llowing the agreement

to appoint an outsider for the Ward while on the latter, the Resident said that

already there was one Ibo representative on the Council, which, according to him,

was reasonable; considering that the lbo fo rmed less than one tenth of the

population. The party campaigned for a day before leaving fo r Bida through

Zungeru. 94

In October 1951, election of candidates for Mitma Town Electoral College

for the Northern Assembly was held. The result for each of the wards were as

fo llows:

93 Ibid

94 Ibid. Monthly Intelligence Report, Minna Division, June-July, dated 16th July 1951, pp. 1 - 2 (F.pp.480- 481). Oral interview with 1\lhaji Musa Abubakar, Op cit 711' February, 1999.

183 l. Lirnawa ward NEPU Inuwa Tailor

.. II. N asarawa ward NPC Ahmadu Kuta, the Chief of Minna

111. N asarawa ward NPC Urnaru Audi, the Chief Scribe of Gbagyi Native Authority.

IV. K wangila ward - NCNC D. E. Nnubia

v. Sabon-gari ward - NCNC Green Mbadiwa

VI. Sabon-gari ward - NCNC Okei Achurnba

It was glaring that the Chief of Minna was the only Gbagyi candidate represented in the NPC, his counterpart was of Kanuri origin, having been born of

Gbagyi mother. The remaining seats were captured by the NCNC and NEPU candidates. Similarly, elections for the provincial Electoral College were held the same year. The election result indicated that sixty tlrree candidates were elected from the Province and six candidates were nominated; out of these number, ten candidates were elected and one person was nominated from the Gbagyi

Federation. They were as follow:

(i) Ahmadu Bahago Kuta NPC

(ii) Adamu, Sarkin Paiko NPC

(iii) Umaru Audi, Sarkin Mallamai NPC

(iv) Aliyu, District Scribe Paiko NPC

(v) Gani, District Scribe Dangunu NPC

(vi) U sman, Sarkin Allawa NPC

(vii) Inuwa Tailor NEPU

184 (viii) Mohammed Bawa, Madame Paiko - NPC

(ix) Marafa Y ahaya, Village Head of Egwa - NPC

(x) Madakin Kwongoma (Kamuku Federation) - NPC

(xi) Bello Paiko, Treasurer (Gbagyi N.A) nominated candidate - NPC.

The representation of Gbagyi candidates was higher in number due to wider

coverage of the exercise in the Federation; however, Umar Audi the Sarkin

Mallamai was elected as the overall winner into the Northern Regional House of

Assembly in Kaduna. 95

On the activities of party politics, in June 1952, the mixed court in Minna

sentenced the President of NEPU, M. Yabagi Idris to prison, having been indebted to Mr. T.C. Coker, a Sierra-Leonian and president of mixed court, in the sum of £6.

The debt was paid from the party's ftmds and the President was released on the same day. The provisional organizer and welfare officer for the party, Mallam

Abubakar Zukogi, criticized the court's decision and later called for investigation into the matter at a public rally. Similarly, another member of the party was sentenced to three months imprisorunent by the Alkalin Court Kuta fo r contempt of the court. Mallam Inuwa Tailor, a leading member of the party and a member of the provincial conference complained to the District Officer over the matter but he

95 NAK: Minprof. -l955/S.8 1951 Election Result 1951, pp. l- 2

185 was told that the person in question had already expressed his wish to appeal

before the Chief Alkali Court in Miill1a 96

In August 1952, financial irregularities m Miill1a Town Council tax

collection was reported, during which the Chief Scribe of the local Authority was

sentenced to two months imprisonment for embezzlement and the Chief of Miill1a

was convicted fo r negligence. He was, however, warned as a first offender.

Consequently, a meeting of residents of Miill1a town was held on the anticipation

that the Chief of Mitma, Ahmadu Bahago Kuta would be removed and a successor

named. But with the solidarity of all present, represented by Gbagyi, Y oruba, Ibo,

Hausa, Nupe, Idoma and the other groups urged the Chief to remain in Office,

provided he refunded the missing tax and with the understanding that he would be

removed from office if fbrther irregularities occurred again. NEPU officials

criticized the meeting fo r endorsing that the Chief of Miill1a should continue in

office and said that the meeting was composed largely of Chief creditors.97

NEPU's stand on the whole affair showed its radical position against traditional

establisluncnt, which the party viewed as conservative and pro-colonial. Secondly,

the exposure of another financial scandal in the newly constituted Local Authority

indicated high level corruption that was endemic in the Local Administration.

96 NSAM: !\CCIAPN/9 83 Divisional Intelligence Report - op.cit Monthly Intelligence Report, Minna Division ­ May/June. dated 20th June, 1952, pp. l - 2 (File pp.589 - 590)

97 Ibid, Monthly Intelligence Report, Minna Division, July - August, dated 21st August, 1952, p. l (F.P.602)

186 NEPU thereafter held its meeting on the 13th September, 1952 in Minna and

expressed its fe elings over the matter. This nearly led to a breach of the peace

when the party began stirring up disaffe ction among people of the town. The

Assistant Superintendent of Police (ASP) of Minna, in consultation with the

Resident of the Province and the District Officer, ordered that no mention of the

Minna town tax affairs should be made by any political party. However, only

NEPU disregarded the ASP's order and held two meetings on 26th September and

6th October 1952 in Kafin-Koro and Minna respectively. As a result of the party's action, two leading members of the party, M.B. Yunusa and Inuwa Tailor Kano were convicted in the Magistrates court and fined £1 each. These developments came at a period when two leading politicians from the NCNC, Hon. A. C. Nwapa and NPC, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa at the national level of their parties paid a visit to the Gbagyi Federation in September in an attempt to mobilize their supporters towards the fo rthcoming Federal elections.98

On the 16th October, 1952, NEPU organized another public rally in Minna which was addressed in a near-seditious manner by Mallam Abdullahi Kaima and

Yabagi Idris Secrctaty and President of the party in the Federation; thus violating the conditions earlier imposed by the ASP in Mi1ma forbidding the making defamatory statements by political parties. The two officials were convicted before a Magistrate court and inspite of attempts to deny the jurisdiction of the

98 Ibid. Monthly Intelligence Report, Minna Division, Sept. -October, dated 19th October, 1952, p. l (F.P.613)

187 court with an appeal to the Supreme Court, both officials were found guilty and

fined £1 each. The conviction of these important party members split the rank of

the party. Abubakar Zukogi accused Mallam Abdullahi Kaima of getting the party into trouble by encouraging them to write abusive letters and violating assembly conditions. The NPC on the other hand, held a rally on 19th October,

1952 with national officials of the party in attendance. The assembly was attended by about 1000 party fateful drawn from Gbagyi, Nupe, Rausa and some other

Northern Nigerian etlmic groups residing in Minna. The assembly was presided over by Ibrahim Imam and Isa Kaita. In the same month, Hon. Ahmadu Bello,

Sardauna of Sokoto and Hon. Okoi Arikpo visited the Federation with no political incident fr om both visits.99

In November 1952, two leading officials of NEPU, Mallam Abdullahi

Kaima and M.B. Yunusa were convicted by the magistrate court for publishing defamatory matter against the ASP of Minna and were sentenced to one year imprisonment. An appeal against the courts decision was entered by the party at the Supreme Court. The two other officials of the party, Mohammed Yabagi Idris and Mallam Inuwa Tailor were absent from Minna when summons were issued for their trial in the case. Also, their trial was to wait until the return of the ASP from his annual leave in the United Kingdom. In December, the NPC cancelled its

99 Ibid, Monthly Intelligence Report, Minna Division, Oct. -Nov. , dated 20th Nov. 1952, p. l (F/P.617).

188 intended rally in Minna because of the Provincial fo otball competition that took

18th 19th 1952 100 place on and December,

In May 1953, a strong supporter of NEPU in Minna, Mal. Rashidu was

served with an abatement notice by the local Authority Health Department to

destroy his two storey building. The Department fo und that the structure did not comply with the health regulations as it was too close to other neighbouring buildings and the rooms of the said storey building were too small. The fo urteen days notice expired on the 24th May and in his defence before the Alkali court, he accused the local authority officials of receiving bribes and encouraging him to continue with the structure. The matter was investigated and the local authority officials were acquitted by the Alkali court, while Mallam Rashidu was fined £1 and told to destroy the uncompleted house. On the 17th and 18th May, Dr.

Nnamdi Azikiwe was detained for sixteen hours for disregarding the ban on public meetings and processions which was already in force. Before his arrest, he gave a short public speech to his NCNC party supporters, which was far from being inflammatory. Similarly, in the same month, the Gbagyi Federation gave its consent to all the questions outlined on the referendum to the constitutional debate 0 demanding self-mle fo r the cmmtry. 1 1

100 Ibid, Monthly Intelligence Report, Minna Division, Nov. - Dec., dated 22nd December 1952, p. 1 (F/P.623). 101 Ibid, Monthly Intelligence Report, Minna Division - May, dated 23rd May 1953, p. 1 (F/P.63 1)

189 On the 20th June 1953, minor succession disputes arose in Paiko sequel to

the dismissal from office of the District Head, Mallam Adamu, for financial

misappropriation of the local authority fund. The fo llowing month, there was

unrest in Paiko when all efforts to get a new chief elected saw the re-election of

Mallam Adamu. This was due to Mallam Adamu's exhortation from Minna.

However, on the 8th August, Mallam Bello was elected as the new chief, after which he reported that he was being threatened by twenty men armed with machetes, and that they had refused him entry into the Chiefs palace. The local authority Police were sent to Paiko and three supporters (relatives) of Mallam

Adamu were arrested before peace was restored to the area. 102 It was not certain whether the succession dispute had any political undertone, since both parties belonged to the same political party, the NPC. But what was certain was that the former District Head was not willing to vacate the palace for the newly elected

District Head, on the argument that the property belonged to his parents, who were themselves District Heads in the past. However, the matter was resolved peacefully when the former voluntarily vacated the said property, an incident similarly to what transpired between the District Head of Bosso and the British Colonial officials.

102 Ibid, Monthly Intelligence Report, Minna Division - May - August, dated 23rd May 1953, p.2 (F/p.669). d Oral inten,iew with /\lhajiAbubakar Pkotun Paiko, Gunduman Gabasi on 3' February, 1999.

190 During the year, Gbagyi elite in the federated administration saw the need to

create purposeful awareness among Gbagyi in the country, by establishing a

Gbagyi etlmic Union, perhaps in the wake of increased political activities in the

country towards self rule and the creation of regional government

On 18th September, 1953, the Gbagyi Union, which was founded since 1951 with Mallam Abubakar Kuta as its president, had the support of the Chief of

Milll1a. Amongst the aims of the Union was the creation of general awareness among Gbagyi throughout Nigeria. Having secured registration and permission to open branches outside tl1e Province in Dikko (Niger Province), Tawari (Kabba

Province) and Nassarawa-Benue Provinces; Mallam Dauda Dikko in company of

M. Iko from Tawari and Mallam Jiko from Nassarawa, visited Minna along with their fo llowers in September 1953 with the purpose of registering with the Milll1a headquarters of the Union. The group further embarked upon a nation-wide campaign and visited Zaria and Jos with the purpose of raising awareness among

Gbagyi members. The campaign, though widely publicized, did not achieve much due to financial constraints. However, it was through the effo rts of the Union that few Gbagyi citizens in Tawari (Kabba Province) relocated to Kuta and Gwada.103

Even though the Union was a cultural organization, its activities were politically

103 Ibid, Monthly Intelligence Report, Minna Division - September, dated 18th September 1953, pp.l-2 (F/P. 667-669). ' Oral interview with Mal lam Ahmadu Yohanna Kuta interviewed on 15 11 February, 1999.

191 inclined. The Union through the Chief of Minna vigorously fought for the

entlu·onement of Gbat:,ryi educated elite in the local administration in Mim1a.

In October 1953, shortly before the end of the year, political activities were

intensified in the Federation. NFPU increased its activities with fo ur meetings held

in Minna. The party also applied to hold a meeting in Kuta, but the request was

turned down by the District Head of Kuta, on the grounds that his people would not be tolerant of the abusive language of the party to those in Authority.

Similarly, in the middle of October 1953, Mr. Owunna Ocheagwu of the Middle

Belt Peoples Party (MBPP) was in Minna and held two public meetings, which were well attended by about tlu·cchundred people. The first person to purchase the party's membership card was the President of NEPU Minna Branch, Mallam

Yabagi Idris. He said he bought the MBPP card as a token of welcome and courtesy. Some NEPU officials followed Mallam Yabagi Idris' example and bought up MBPP's cards and began to coordinate the activities of the party in

Minna.104 On 15th November, 1953, the fanner District Head of Paiko, M. Adamu, through his Counsel, Mr. C. A . .l . Nwajei sued the Gbagyi Federation in the sum of

£8:70:1 d, being the supposed value of his possessions and house being occupied by the new District of Paiko, Mohammed Bello. He also complained that a boy (his relation) was beaten up by local authority policemen in Paiko for his refusal to

104 Ibid, Monthly Intelligence Report, Minlla Division, October - November, dated 15th Nov. 1953, pp. l-2, (F/Pp.673-674)

192 greet the new District Head. Tl1e boy later died in Minna Hospital fo r pneumonia.

His death was not considered worthy of investigation by the federation in order not

stir up a major crisis fo r the newly elected District Head.105

In January, 1954, NEPU held fom meetings during the month, while NPC

held two meetings during which the campaign for the Lagos Conference on the

Nigerian constitution and the development of the urban areas in the Federation became the subject of discussion. The Minna branch of the NCP was incensed at the Gbagyi Union for interfering with the administration of the local authority.

This led to the dismissal of a few members of the Union from the Gbagyi

Federation. In reaction, the Union said it would not mind its members being dismissed but objected to non-Gbagyi with worse records being retained in the

Gbagyi Federation. The District Officer responded to these developments by constituting a small committee of Chiefs in the Federation to examine the service records of the staff of the local authority, in order to restore peace in the administration.106 In June 1954, Chief of Minna imposed a fined of £5 each on an

Ibo and a NEPU member for fighting in the Minna market. It was alleged that in the course of hearing the case_ the chairman of NEPU, Minna branch, Mallam

Yabagi Idris threatened to assault the Chief of Minna on his way home. After

105 Ibid., p. 2

106 Ibid, Monthly Intellip,cnce Report, Minna Division. January - Februar)', dated 14th February, 1954, pp. l-2, (F/Pp.680-681)

193 investigation, there was no evidence to back up the allegation. This would have

been another opportunity to institute a proceeding against the chainnan of the

party.107 During the month, the Gbagyi Union protested to the Gbagyi Chiefs in the

Federation over the appointment of Mallam Mohammed Zanga from Daura Local

Authority as the new treasurer in the local authority and threatened to cause disturbance if the appointment was enforced. The Union complained that many of the local authority posts were held by non-Gbagyi. Gbagyi chiefs were persuaded by the District officer to appeal to the Union that suitable Gbagyi would be appointed to occupy such posts next time and promised to discontinue the practice.108

Similarly, during the month, the Acting Resident of the Province gave his comments on the activities of NEPU and the Gbagyi Union to the Secretary of the

Northern region. On NEPU, he stated that the activities of the Union were increasingly anti-European in tone. He said the president of NEPU branch of the party in Minna was reported to have referred to Europeans as "white rats" and there was no doubt that he would be liable to charges fo r sedition. He said to forestall further mis-behaviour of the party officials, three literate Nigerian Police

Force officers were instructed to be present at each meeting held by the party to

------· · --

107 bid, Monthly Intelligence Report, Minnn Division, June - July 1954, dated 21st July 1954, p.1 (F/p. 718)

108 Ibid, p.2 (F/P.719)

194 make verbatim records. On the Gbagyi Union, he said that the Union had drifted

into the hands of vounger and more politically minded elements just, like the Tiv

Progressive Union, which started as a mutual help society but had become a tool of

the NCNC. He accused the Secretary of the Union who also was the Secretary of

Minna Mixed Court for causing the rift over the appointment of Mallam

Mohammed Zango, a Hausa (Asst. Treasurer from Daura N.A.) as the local

109 treasurer of the Federation. It was natural that the Gbagyi Union would have

come tmder such criticism considering the trend of events that the British authorities saw the Union fr om the onset as a treat. The Union had consistently remained outspoken and had kicked against injustice and in-balances in the appointment of local authority officials by the British Colonial government in the

Federation.

Similarly, the activity of Hausa Union came into limelight on the 1Oth

October, 1954. The officials of the Union were as fo llows:

1. President Inuwa Tela

. . 11. Vice President Aliyu Minna

111. Secretary A. G. Yunusa

lV. Assistant Secretary Umaru D.B.G.

v. Assistant Secretary II Ibrahim Imam

109 Ibid, pp. l-2, dated 22nd July, 1954

195 v1. Treasurer Tanka Fari

vii Financial Secretary A. Musa Azare

vm Publicity Secretary Ibrahim Danladi

tx. Working Committee members included Mallam Garba Basira,

DanBaba Maigoro, Umar Kura, Audu Wowo, Bawa Tela, Haj. Abdul,

Shehu Wushishi, Tella Dankoli, M. Badamasi, Maishanu Sarkin

Mu'azu and Mohammed Yagan.

The objectives of the Union amongst others included, to defend the interest, of the

Rausa people and other residents in Mirma town and to promote peace and love

among the etlmic groups in Mimta.

Shmtly after its formation, the Union sent a six-point petition to the

Resident, demanding equal representation in the Gbagyi Federation. But the

Resident ignored the petition and said it was written out of ignorance by the writers

who were not conversant with the re-organisation of the local authority already in

place. He went fu rther to accuse some members of the Union for belonging to a political party (NEPU) that was known for its anti-European policies.110

Late in October 1954, Mallam Abubakar Zukogi, the provisional organiser and welfare officer of NEPU arrived from Bida and publicly announced the dismissal of the Minna branch president and secretary of the party for joining the

Action Group (AG ). They were succeeded by B.R.O. Usman and M. B. Yunusa as the president and secretary respectively. During the month, the attention of all the

110 NAK: Minprof. 778!J IIausaUnion Minna, 1953 - 1954.

196 parties was turned to elections into the Federal Electoral College and subsequently

into the Federal House. The Federation was divided into ninety six wards among

the District areas while Minna town had only ten wards, making a total of one

hundred and six final Electoral College. 111 In Mitma town, the Electoral College

was won by the fo llowing:

I. M. Baba Mai Hannun Dama NPC

" 11. M. AJiyu Minna I NPC

111. M. Hamisu Bawa NPC

IV J. G. Mbadiwe NCNC

v. J. Umeoha NCNC

VI. D. E. Nnubia NCNC

" Vll. Shehu Okororo AG

Vlll. Y abagi Idiris Bida AG

IX. Bawa Nabara NEPU

X. M. Kadiri NEPU

Among the elected members of the Electoral College, no Gbagyi candidate secured a place among the political parties in Minna. However, since it was expected that a high percentage of those to be elected were to come from the districts with the Gbagyi fonn ing the greater number of NPC supporters, their membership to the Electoral College would contribute greatly to the final choice in

Minna. 112 The elections to the Federal House was conducted peacefully throughout

111 Op. cit Intelligence Heport Oct - Nov .. dated 15th November 1954, p. 1 (F/P. 720)

112 NAK: Minprof. 7870/8. 1 -Federal Election 1954 Minna Electoral District.

197 the Federation without any n1ss. The NPC candidate defeated the NCNC/NEPU alliance by ninety six votes to ten in the final college. It turned out to be an

unequal battle between the NCNC/NEPU candidate represented by Mr J. G.

Mbadiwe and the NPC candidate, Mallam Bello Sarkin Paiko. The UMPP/AG

group did not field any candidate. After the am10uncement of the result Mr G.

Mbadiwe, the defeated NCNC/NEPU alliance candidate congratulated Mallam

Bello Sarkin Paiko. He then thanked the electoral officer for the fair and impartial

manner the election was conducted. Thus, the success of the NPC candidate who

incidentally was the District Head of Paiko was seen by the Gbagyi as a

manifestation of their unity.113

Gbagvi Federation (i) Paiko District - 17 electoral wards (ii) Kuta District - 16 electoral wards (iii) Galadiman Kogo District - 10 electoral wards (iv) Maikunkele District - 3 electoral wards (v) Minna town - 10 electoral wards

(vi) Bosso District - 7 electoral wards (vii) Kafin Koro District - 7 electoral wards (viii) Allawa District - 5 electoral wards (ix) Dangunu District - 4 electoral wards (x) Gawu District - 4 electoral wards (xi) fuka District 2 electoral '"ards (xii) Manta District - l electoral ward

(xiii) Guni District -I electoral ward (xiv) Gini District - 1 electoral ward (x'V) Kadara District - l electoral ward (x'Vi) Kushaka District - 1 electoral ward

(xvii) Kurmin-Gunmma District - l electoral ward

Kamuku Fe deration

(i) Tegina District - 6 electoral wards (ii) Kusheriki District - 3 electoral wards (iii) Kwangoma District - 2 electoral wards (iv) Gunna District - 2 electoral wards

(v) T. Bako District - I electoral ward (vi) Kamuku Uregi District - 1 electoral ward

113 Op. cit, Intelligence Report Summary - Minna Division - December 1954- Jan. 1955, dated 25th January 1955,

Pp. l-3 (F/P.722-p724 ) . Oral interview with Alhaji Mohammadu, Sarkin Haya of Gawu and Galadiman Gawu interviewed on 3'd December, 1988.

198 In April 1955, two NEPU officials in Mi1ma town, M. B. Yunusa and Tanka

Fari were sentenced to three month, imprisonment for making fa lse statements

against a police officer. It was mmoured that Mal. Aminu Kana would send them money to appeal against the sentence, but the high cost of bail, which was put at

£100 at the Supreme Court and £100 for surety, saw the two confined to Minna prison. Similarly, another NEPU official in Paiko, Mr Enock Paiko, a Gbagyi man was sentenced to six months imprisomnent fo r swindling a fe llow Gbagyi. The three party officials were joined by the senior brother of M. B. Yunusa, A. G.

Yunusa, who was already serving a stiff sentence fo r fraudulent practices. Shortly after their meeting in prison, M. B. Yunusa and Mr Enock Paiko caused a minor riot in the prison, resulting in injury to a warder's head. The Alkalin Minna sentenced them to twelve strokes of the cane each, before the four were transferred to Kaduna prison. 1 14 There was little political activity in the region during the year, except that Mallam Tijani Kano succeeded Mallam Abubakar Zukogi as the

Secretary General of NEPU when the latter was arrested in Bida fo r assaulting the

Alkali. In a similar manner, Mallam Abubakar Kuta voluntarily resigned his position as the president of Gbagyi Union. However, he continued to agitate that the Gbagyi local authority should be represented by true Gbagyi indigenes.115

114 Ibid, Intelligence Report Minna Di,·ision April -May 1955, dated 27th May, 1955, pp. l - 2 (F/P. 726 - P. 727)

115 Ibid, Intelligence Report Minna Division, June - October 1955, dated lst November, 1955, p. 1 (F/P.278). The agitation by the Un1on yielded result, sequel to the appointment of eight Gbagyi councillors of the nine councillors from the District areas of the Federation with portfolios in 1956. The councillors were Ahmadu Bahago - Kuta; Sarki M. Bello - Paiko; Mallam Musa Wali - Kuta; Mallam Yusuf Bosso - Bosso; Mallam M. Auta Paida - Minna: Mallam Umar - G/Kogo; Mallam M. Baba - Paiko; Mallam Abubakar Wakili - Gawu; and Mallam Baba 1-lann Dama - Minna.

199 At the end of the second half of the British administration, the momentum

already created sequel to the establishment of a centralised administration was

further sustained with the appointment of the Chief of Mitma as the paramount

head of the Federation, thus providing the needed encompassing leadership

required to knit together the various Gbagyi political units. Similarly, political

thoughts and participation were tailored along ethnic considerations with majority

of the Gbagyi belonging to the NPC, which enjoyed widespread support in the

Federation. Unlike, NJ�PU, NCNC and AG, whose political activities were most times radical and confrontational in their discourse with established authorities.

However, the socio-political development of the region in the post colonial era would be the fo cus of the next chapter.

200 CHAPTER FIVE

5.0 POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE POST COLONIAL PERIOD, 1960 - 1980's

The development of existing state system m the post-colonial era was

strengthened by political considerations. Firstly, the political momentum created

in 1954 that ensured the victory of some Gbagyi politicians during the 1959

general election into the regional and federal houses of assembly continued to

make waves after the post colonial era. Mallam Garba Turakin Paiko of NPC,

representing Minna south, and Mallam Umar Galadiman-Kogo of NPC

representing Minna north, were elected into the Federal House of Representatives

in Lagos during the 1963 regional and general elections. The regional elections

were won by Mallam Mohammed Erena of the NPC, representing Minna north and

Mallam Baba Mai Hanun Dama, representing Minna south, who were elected to

the Northem Regional House of Assembly in Kaduna.1 Similarly, subsequent

developments as regards political appointments and chieftaincy matters were greatly influencedby political considerations that were made by public officers.

5.1 Creation of Minna Chiefdom

During the 1960-196 5 period, m what appears to be a state policy, the

Premier of Northem Nigeria, Sir Ahmadu Bello, presided over many appointments

d 1 Oral interview with Alhaj i Mohammed Sarkin Haya Ga"vu and Galadiman Gawu at Minna 3' December, 1988. A Daily Times publication "Nigerian Year Book 1963" published by Daily Times Press Apapa 1963.

201 and depositions of emirs and chiefs in the north. During this period, he insisted on

the appointment of emirs and chiefs willing to be loyal to the regional government

and who possessed western education. In the same vein, honours were given to

emirs and chiefs who co-operated with the government. In November 1962, the

Premier of Northern Nigeria, Sir Alunadu Bello, approved the appointment of M.

Ahmadu Bahago Kuta as the new Chief of Kuta, after the death of his father,

Mallam Umar Abubakar who died in April, 1962. Similarly, his position as the

Chief of Mitma was elevated to third class grade? Thus, AJhaji Alunadu Bahago

doubled as the Chief of Mitma and Kuta. To administer the two towns, he spent

five working days in Minna while his weekend days were devoted to Kuta. The

elevation of Allllladu Bahago to a third class chief by the regional govenllllent

further strengthened the power base of the Chief, who was hitherto, a paramount

chief among the committee of District Heads in the Gbagyi Federation.

Similarly, in what would be regarded as an official routine campaign, the

Premier engaged in receiving converts to Islam specifically among non-Muslim

districts of the north from 1963 to 1966, when the first republic came to an end in a

military coup d'etat. The first of such campaign trips started in September 1963,

when the Premier was invited to Kuta by the Chief of Kuta and Mitma, AJhaji

Allllladu Bahago Kuta. In the company of the Premier was the Grand Kadi of the

2 John N. Paden, Ahmadu Bello - Sardauna of Sokoto, Values and Leadership in Nigeria, Hudahuda Publishing Company, Zaria. 1986, p.443. Oral interview with Alhaji Mohammadu, Sarkin Hay a, Op cit 3'd December, 1988.

202 north, Speaker of the Northern House of Assembly, fo ur regional ministers and

two provincial secretaries. During the campaign it was reported that one thousand,

three htmdred and fifty seven of Kuta people out of a population of eight thousand,

eight hundred and seventy converted to Islam. After the conversion, the grand

Kadi offered shmi prayers and the Premier presented 1 00 copies of the Holy

Quran, one thousand rosaries and one thousand copies of religious books of

worship and law.3 Kuta, being the largest Gbagyi settlement in the Federation, the

incident was reported to have encouraged a large number of Gbagyi converts in the

Federation to embrace Islam. The event brought the Chiefdom into the fo ld and

the recognition of the regional governments as a potential chiefdom that was

willing to transform its religious and political structures in line with most

chiefdoms and emirates in the Northern region.

The dissolution of regional governments in 1967, following the 1966 coup

d'etat and the creation of State governments in the country, the chiefdom referred

to as Minna Division in Niger Province was grouped with Sokoto Province to form

North Western State Government with its Headquarters in Sokoto. In October

1973, during a state visit to Niger Province, the Military Governor, Assistant

Commissioner of Police Alhaji Umar Faruk elevated the Chief of Kuta and Minna to a second class grade. The State edict on Minna Chieftaincy Affairs, published

3 Ibid pp.566-567, pp.573 & 575

203 in 197 4 on the elevation of Chiefs in the state for the first time, stated the criteria

and eligibility for election to the Chieftaincy in Minna. It stated that upon the

death, resignation or deposition of the Chief of Minna, a successor shall be

appointed by the Minna Electoral College, consisting of six traditional king-makers

made up of the Waziri of Mitma and one kingmaker from the five Districts of

Minna, Kuta, Galadiman Kogo, Kafin-Koro and Paiko. In addition, the Electoral

College included one village head each from the same districts and two portfolio councillors from the local authority. Similarly, nomination for the chieftaincy position was to be made by any two members of the Electoral College from among the five District Heads and if no other person was nominated such person would be dimmed to be appointed by the Electoral College. The edict also stated that if more than one person was nominated, the chairman should conduct an election at which all me1nbers of the Electoral College would be entitled to be present and vote. The candidate fo r whom most votes had been cast, would be deemed to be appointed by the Electoral College to the Chief of Minna and where there was a stalemate, the chairman would cast a deciding vote and the candidate he voted for would become the chief ofMinna.4

th 4 North - Western State of Nigeria Gazette No. I, Vol.8, 28 February 1974 supplement part B. Part B. NWSLN/1 of 1974 P.El. (Appointment of Chief of Minna) order 1974. Similar edicts ;vere promulgated for Kagara, Zuru and Agaie in the Province.

204 It may be observed that the state edict confined the appointment of the Chief

of Minna to five of the eighteen district areas in the Gbagyi Federation. Similarly,

eligible contestants to the officewere confined to District Heads fromthese district

areas. It is difficult to state the rationale for the criteria by the State government,

which excluded the remaining thirteen District Heads in the Federation from

contesting for the office. However, it does appear that the interests of major players

in Gbagyi politics in the Federation were taken into consideration in the State edict. Thus, the five designated district areas in the state edict were considered on the strength that Kuta was the most senior partner in the state system; Galadiman­

Kogo for being the oldest Gbagyi state in the Federation; Minna took care of Bosso and Minna interests; Paiko a close member of the polity and Kaffi n Koro, a non

Gbagyi member was brought in to neutralize the polity.

In Kagara, which hitherto was part of Gbagyi Federation, a similar edict was enacted for the appointment of the chief of Kagara by the state government. In the edict, the Electoral College was to consist of five districts of Tegina, Kusheriki

Kwangoma, Gunna and Tuktmguna and two portfolio local authority cmmcilors to be nominated by the secretary of the council on merit. The edict stipulated that nomination for appointment to the chieftaincy of Kagara was to come from the four districts of Tegina, Kusheriki, Kwongoma and Gunna and that, if no other person was nominated, such a person would be deemed to have been appointed by

205 the Electoral College as the new Chief The edict also stated that if more than one

person was nominated, an election would be conducted by the Electoral College

and the candidate with the most vote, would be appointed and in case of stalemate

the chainnan of the Electoral College would cast the deciding vote.5

In 1976, when new states were created in the country, the six divisions in the

Niger Province metamorphosed into eight Local Government Areas, comprising

Chanchaga, Abuja, Etswan, Gbako, Kontagora, Kagara, Lavun and Rafi Local in

the newly created Niger State. Chanchaga and Rafi were the only Gbagyi speaking

local government area in the state created out of Minna Division with headquarters

at Kuta and Kagara respectively.

Gawu District, which was earlier brought from Lapai Division in 1954 was

transferred to Abuja local government area in 1976 on the request of the people

and under the philosophy of the local govermnent reform of bringing government

nearer to the people. In the 1980's, other Gbagyi districts of Allawa, Galadiman

Kogo, Kurmin Gurmana, Dangunu and Manta in Rafi local government area were brought to join their kith and kin in Chanchanga local government area. 6 Thus, political changes in respect of local government administration in the country from

5 Ibid

6 Oral interview Alhaji Mohammed Sarkin Haya Gawu and Galadiman Gawu at Minna 20 April, 1984 Handbook on Niger state of Nigeria, master plan for Local Government Reforms, 1976 Part B Table II. Erena LGA was excised fr om Rafi LGA in 1982 before it was abolished in 1984. The districts were later merged with Kuta district to fo rm Shiroro LGA in 1991.

206 1976 to 1980 further enlarged Minna chiefdom, even though Gawu district lost out

to Abuja local govermnent area.

5.2 Transformation of the Chiefdom to an Emirate and the reaction of the Gbagyiin 1981

Two years after his election as the First Executive Governor of the state, on

the 26th December 1981, Alhaji Awwal Ibrahim, elevated the status of the Chief of

Minna, Alhaji Alunadu Bahago from a second class position to that of a first class

Chief (an Emir), amidst protest by his Gbagyi kinsmen. It was not certain what had

motivated the State Governor to elevate the position of the Chief of Minna to that

of an Emir. However, an official document from the state government gave some

insight into the matter. It was understood that it had to do with the outstanding

qualities of the Chief for being honest and loyal to the government; for ensuring

peace and stability in the chiefdom and for being one of the longest serving chief in

the state. 7 But whatever might have been the reasons for his decision, political

considerations were uppennost. The event coincided with the fact that the ruling

National Party of Nigeria (NPN), which the Governor belong to, was fast loosing its supporters among the Gbagyi and their elite, following a reshuffle of the State

Executive council during which the Commissioner in charge of Works and

Housing, Mr. Samuel Bala Kuta, a Gbagyi, was dropped by the Governor for being a signatory to a petition allegedly sent to the newly elevated Emir of Minna by the

7 Ibid

207 Gbagyi Development Association over their grievances on his elevation and fo r

appointing non-Gbagyi residents in Minna to Minna chieftaincy titles.8

In sympathy with what befell Mr S. Bala Kuta, Alhaji Abubakar Bosso, another Gbagyi Commissioner in charge of Local Government and Rural

Development resigned from the cabinet in protest against the Governor's action.

Thus the Governor's action of elevating the Chief of Minna to an Emir was clearly

aimed at winning back the support of Gbagyi to his Government through their most

esteemed Chief. 9 In a sharp reaction, Parnkoku Development Association, the

umbrella organisation of the Gbagyi Development Association in the State, with its

membership embracing all the Gbagyi District areas of the newly created Emirate,

viewed the appointment of Ahmadu Bahago Kuta as highly political and alien to

Gbagyi traditional history and political arrangement. They argued that the

appellation of Emir was synonymous to being a representative of the Fulani

Sultanate at Sokoto, to which the Gbagyi never belonged. To drive home their

opposition, the Association planned to dismpt the ceremony conferring the

Emirship title on Alunadu Bahago but was fo iled by the presence of heavily armed

policemen at the occasion. 10

The fe ar of the Association might not be unconnected with the fact that the

Chiefs position as an Emir would translate to the establislunent of a centralised

8 Ibid

9 Ibid.

10 Op cit: Alhaji Mohammed Sarkin Haya . .. 1984. The name Pamkoku is a conglemeration of the wards PAM-KO­ KU representating Gbagyi 's in Paiko, Minna, Kafin-Koro and Kula district areas as biological members of the Association. Prom inent Chieftains of the Association were Alhaji Isiyaku Adamu Kula, Alhaji Yakubu Tafidan Paiko, Alhaji Abubakar Bosso, James Bawa Pada, Alhaj i Jibrin Imam Gavvu, Isa Suleman Waziri and Alhaji Dahiru Awcsu Kuta.

208 aristocratic stool in Gbagyi land; with the District Heads as appointees and blood

relations of the Emir, as is the case with the other Emirates under the tutelage of

the Sokoto caliphate in Northern Nigeria. This would disrupt the traditional

political structure of the Gbagyi polity, where District Heads independently exact

their power and influence on equal tenns with no superior central leadership.

Similarly, unlike the early 1950 Gbagyi Union, the recent Gbagyi Development

Association was not political in its methodology and objectives in ensurmg

developmental projects and enthroning Gbagyi supremacy in the Emirate.

The state government became threatened by the activities of the Gbagyi

Development Association and, consequently, it was proscribed in the State. The

Association maintained that the State Government was unnecessarily focusing too much attention on its activities. They argued that since they were pursuing the same objective with the Nupe ethnic association in the state (Ndaduma

Development Association), there was no reason why the Association should be singled out fo r persecution.1 1 Thus, having been frustrated and cut off from the

State's political process, members of the Association and some of their elites in government felt that their continued support to the govermnent and the ruling political party (NPN) in the State would not yield any desired dividend. They consequently threw their weight behind another political party, the Nigerian

II Ibid.

209 Peoples Party (NPP), along with some aggrieved Nupe m the 1983 general . 12 e I ect1ons.

However, the appointment and conferment of Emirship title on the Chief of

Minna would be regarded as a final accomplislunent in an attempt to create a

centralised local administration in the Middle River Kaduna valley. According to

the Instrument of authority handed over to the Emir, the emirate consisted of the

previously known Districts, namely Minna, Bosso, Kuta, Paiko, Kushaka, Manta,

Fuka, Allawa, Galadima Kogo, Guni, Gini, Dangtmu, Gunnin Gurumana,

Maikunkele, Kafm-Koro, Ishau and Adunu. Appointment of a successor to the

Emir was to be carried out by the already established Electoral College. Similarly,

the position of the Emir was to be contested by the District Heads among the five

designated districts areas of Minna, Kuta, Paiko, Galadima Kogo and Kafinkoro, as

earlier enunciated in the 197 4 state edict on Minna chieftaincy affairs. 13

At a glance, the Minna emirate appears unique and distinct from the known emirates stn1ctures, especially in Northern Nigeria, where District Heads are direct relations or appointees of the Emir. In the case of Minna, they were not blood relations of the Emir and their appointments were not done by the Emir, except that he only confirmed tl1eir appointment after they had been elected to office by the

12 Ibid.

13 Ministry of Information, Niger State, Minna programme of events on the official presentation of First Class staff of office to the Chief of Minna, Alhaji Ahmadu Bahago Kuta, 261h December, 1981

210 king makers from their respective districts. Similarly, early palaces built in Minna

fo r all the District Heads that made up the Federation, now turned Emirate, became

mere symbol of past authorities with their significance reduced to guest houses for

respective visiting District Heads during annual fe stivals, giving way to an elegant

palace for the Emir that commands central authority over the other district areas.

In 1987, the opportunity came to put to test the efficacy of the existing

political arrangement and the State edicts on Minna chieftaincy affairs, sequel to

the death of the Emir, AJhaji Ahmadu Bahago Kuta in 1987. The then Military

Govemor of the State Lt. Col. Lawan Gwadabe (1987-1 992) amended the 1974

State edict on Mi1ma Chieftaincy affairs on the grounds that both the 1963 and the

1974 State edicts were obsolete and had no bearing on the present realities in the

14 d omam..

It was not certain if this was the actual reason why the State government

amended the State edict, since the potency of the previous edicts were never put to test. However, tmconfirmed reports alluded that the State Governor was influenced by a non-Gbagyi citizen of Minna, President Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida and

Head of the Supreme Military Council. The suspicion was further linked to the appointment and deployment of the State Governor, Lt. Colonel Lawan Gwadabe, by the President to the State, shortly after the death of Emir AJhaji Ahmadu

14 Ibid.

211 5 Bahago Kuta. 1 It was equally noticed that the amendment of the existing edict on

Minna chieftaincy affairs, which the Governor effected immediately upon

assuming office as a result of the fa ilure by the fa nner Governor Lt. Col. Garba Ali

Mohammed to appointment a successor to the late Emir, was a further pointer to

16 the existing suspicion. All these events might be summed up as sheer coincidence

of events that cannot be substantiated, due to lack of an official State government

position on the matter. The suspicion can however, not be completely discarded for

lack of logic.

However, it was certain that sequel to the death of the Emir, there was wide

expectation among the Gbagyi in the emirate that for the first time, the emirship

position was going to rotate to one of the other four district areas, since Kuta

district among the five designated districts in the State edict eligible to produce the

Emir of Minna had enjoyed the first slot through Alhaji Ahmadu Bahago Kuta.

However, provisions of the new amended State edict was to become the

determining fa ctor on which these District areas would produce the next Emir of

Minna.

First, the composition of members of the Electoral College upon the death, resignation and deposition of the Emir of Minna as enunciated in the new amended

State edict were as fo llows:-

15 Op cit Oral interview with Alhaji Mohammed Sarkin Haya.

16 Ibid.

212 (a) Aj iyan Minna

(b) Madakin Bosso

(c) Wangyan Paiko

(d) Damedamen - Kuta

(e) Makaman Minna

(f) Wazirin Minna (g) Tukuran Kafm-Koro

(h) Madakin Galadiman-Kogo, and

(i) Two traditional Kingmakers each from the five designated districts of Minna, Kuta, Paiko, Galadiman Kogo and Kafin-Koro.17

It is difficult to state the criteria used in appointing these officials as

members of the Electoral College, since the edict itself was not enacted into law

through a democratic process but through military fait accompli. However, tmlike

the previous State edict, which had thirteen Electoral College members, comprising one District Head each from the five designated District areas; one village head each from these District areas; two port folio local government councillors and the Wazirin Minna as the only non-Gbagyi member; 18 the new

State edict had an enlarged membership of the Electoral College of eighteen members, comprising one traditional title holder from each of the five designated

17 Op cit Niger State of Nigeria Gazette.

18 Op cit North Western State of Nigeria Gazette.

213 District areas; two traditional kingmakers from these District areas and fo ur title

holders from Minna and Bosso respectively.19

On the other hand, the state edict forbad any pnnce from the designated

district areas to be a member of the Electoral College. Eligibility to contest fo r the

throne was restricted to all District Heads and princes from the five designated

district areas in the emirate. Like the previous edict, the Electoral College would

nominate persons among the list of contestants fo r the post. In case there were two

contestants, the Electoral College would recommend one among the contestants

with the highest vote and if there were more than two contestants, the first two

contestants with the highest votes shall be subjected to a second round of election

after which the winner would be recommended to the Governor within one week of

election and afterone year of the incwnbent's death.20

A critical assessment of the composition of members of the Electoral

College, reveals that Minna District was represented by four of its traditional title holders, Aj iya, Makama, Madaki Bosso and the Wazirin Minna, who were of a different origin.Z1 The four traditional title holders were, to a large extent, close

I 9 Op cit Niger State of Nigeria Gazette.

1 20 Niger State of Nigeria Gazette No. I, Vol. 13, 3" February, 1988 - supplement part B NSLN!l of 1988, P b I­ P.b3. Niger State of Nigeria Gazette published by Authority, No. l4 Minna - 3'd March 1988, Vol. l3, p. l7.

2 I Op cit Alhaji Mohammed Sarkin Haya. Aj iya, Makama and Madakin Bosso were all Gbagyi; they hail from Galadima-Kogo, Kula and Bosso respectively while the Waziri was of Borno origin residing in Minna.

214 associates of the late Emir by virtue of their positions and ranking in Minna. This

was in addition to two other traditional Kingmakers from the District area.22

Thus, it can be concluded that it was these overwhelming arrangements

especially of the Electoral College, that placed Mitma District in an advantageous

position over the other contestants from the fo ur remaining district areas.

Paradoxically also, the enlargement of eligible contestants to the throne to include

both District Heads and adult princes from the five designated district areas would

have checked the advantageous position of eligible contestants from Minna District

area, as in the previous arrangement, since more candidates were likely to emerge

from the District areas. Consideration on who would emerge as the next Emir

would have been determined by individual contestants cmmections to members of

the Electoral College.

In 1987 when the Electoral College met to elect the new Emir, only two

candidates emerged; Abdul-Aziz Daudu Paiko from Paiko district and Umar Faruk

Bahago Kuta from Kuta district, all princes from their respective district areas. At

the Electoral College, Umar Faruk rode on the cmmections already established by

his father among members of the Electoral College from Minna and Kuta districts to emerge as the next Emir of Minna.23 Umar Faruk Bahago was, before his appointment as the second Emir of Mi1ma on the 6th March 1988 by the State

22 Op cit Niger State of Nigeria Gazette.

23 Op cit Alhaji Mohamed Sarkin Haya.

215 military Governor, Lt. Colonel Lawan Gwadabe, a staff of the State Ministry of

Agriculture and Rural Development.24

In 1989, a year after the appointment of the new Emir, Shiroro, an additional

Local Govemment Area was created in the Emirate. Its headquarters was in Kuta,

bringing to two the number of local government areas in the emirate and bringing

the total number of local govermnent areas in the State to ten. On 2i11 August and

19th September 1991 respectively, nine additional local govermnent area were

created in the State, bringing to nineteen the number of local government areas in

the State. Out of these number, three local government areas were created in the

emirate, bringing to five, the number of local government areas in the emirate,

namely Shiroro, Muyan, Paikoro, Minna and Bosso?5

The post colonial era witnessed the final phase m the evolution of state

system among these Gbagyi District areas. The enactment of the various state

government edicts on Minna chieftaincy affairs in 1974 and 1981 saw the gradual

rise and upgrading of the status of the Chief of Minna from third to first class chief

(Emir). The various state Government edicts clearly defined the roles, functions and methodology to which the head of the created Emirates operate in the community of District Heads areas, thus establishing a single polity among the

Gbagyi in the middle Kaduna valley.

24 Ibid. Alhaji Iliyasu Dakko, Aiyan Minna

25 Ibid

216 CHAPTER SIX

6.0 CONCLUSION

The valleys of River Kaduna provided conducive settlements for peoples of

diverse nationalities; Gbagyi, Bassa, Kadara and Koro etlmic groups, before the era

of state formation in the states in the 16th century. It has been established by

historical evidence that most of the nationalities and the Gbagyi in particular

migrated from tl1e south to their present location, rather than from the north, as

erroneously postulated by the hamitic hypothesis. By the 16th century, these

settlements were bounded to the north by Zazzau and the Nupe kingdoms to the

south. Their interlocking natme provided the basis fo r inter-state relations, even

though they were politically semi-independent within themselves and with their neighbours. The ties between the settlements were further strengthened by the establislunent of ruling dynasties.

The socio-economic and political systems, of the people provided another impetus fo r the development of state systems, not only among these Gbagyi states, but also with their powerful neighbours, especially Zazzau. By the late 18th centmy, the power and influence of Zazzau was so enormous that it had secured fo r itself large tracts of tributary states to the south, not necessarily through conquest, but through mutual acknowledgement of its powers by its southern neighbours fo r protection, scholarship and trade; resulting in the establishment of

217 allegiances between them. In the region, Kuta one of the largest Gbagyi states

became the gateway through which most of these Gbagyi states were linked to

Zazzau, except for Galadiman Kogo which was already a vassal state to Zazzau.

The turn of the century brought along with it the outbreak of the Sokoto

Jihad, which led to the overthrow of the Rausa rulers by the Fulani's, including, of

course, Zazzau. It was as a result of these developments that Kuta continued its

allegiance to the Rausa rulers of Zazzau that later relocated to Abuja. The effects

of the Jihadist activities was not much felt in the region until about the middle of

the century, fo llowing the emergence of Umar Nagwamatse and later his son,

Ibrahim. The methodology adopted by these latter off springs of the Sokoto Jihad

in the region was appalling, since much of their energies were expended on the

acquisition of slaves, produce and booties for their state administration. This perhaps further explains why most of the States, which were acclaimed to have been raided or which submitted to these group of Jihadist continued to revolt throughout the 19th century until the advent of the British era. It is therefore not correct to say that sequel to the emergence of the Fulani powers, the Gbagyi states transferred their allegiance to the Fulani or were conquered and brought to the fold of the Fulani of either Wushishi or Kontagora.

Sequel to the British conquest and the establishment of Colonial mle in the country, at the beginning of the 20th century, parts of these Gbagyi states were

218 erroneously placed under the rulership of the Chief of Wushishi, on the pretext that

they once came under the yoke of the Fulani of Wushishi. In actual fa ct, the British

Colonial government found it expedient to place these Gbagyi states and all other

non-Muslim areas in the north under close supervision and administration of Fulani

emirs and the emirates closer to them. This practice was pursued as a state policy

by the British Colonial administrators.

As part of the preparations for the take-over, the Chief of Wushishi moved

his palace to Minna in 1910 perhaps because of its centrality in the Province and to

supervise corrunencement of the first railway junction in the north, cormecting the southern with the northern provinces and, at the same time, the northern sea-portat

Baro River Niger. Minna's independent status was therefore reduced to a village area and placed under the authority of Bosso District on some fe eble excuses. At the fo ot of Minna hill, another Minna emerged as the seat of the Chief of Wushishi with clusters of irrunigrants, made up of traders, artisans, farmers and railway labourers from the northern and southern parts of the country. Most of these groups of immigrants were made up of Sierra-Leoneans, Ghanaians, Malians,

Chadians, Nigeriens, Cameroonians and a host of others, who had found their fo rtunes through the railway line constmction project that had corrunenced. It was under this setting that Minna was declared a township (cantonment) in 1917. This implied that the town was no longer under the jurisdiction of any traditional

219 administration. The Chief of Wushishi operated along this line by bringing along

with him members of his traditional council, and appointing only few members

fJ- om the new Minna settlement. No member of the Gbagyi Minna town on the hill

top was appointed to the said council. Bosso was represented by the son of the

Chief, Abubakar Zarumai, as a Messenger to the Resident of the Province. It was

under this structure that the Chief of Wushishi governed the districts of

Maikunkele, Bosso, Minna and Paiko, while the remaining Gbagyi districts were grouped into a seemingly centralized mam1er and administered by the British administrators.

After thirteen years of rule in 1923, the Chief of Wushishi was ordered to return to his domain, perhaps for successfully establishing an appreciable form of local administration among the Gbagyi chiefs . The new Chief of Bosso, Abubakar

Zantmai, after succeeding his father, was moved to Minna. At Minna, he occupied the house left by the Chief of Wushishi and doubled as the Chief of Minnaand the

Districts Head of Bosso. In 1926, Minna lost its status as a township with the belief that the population of immigrants would disappear after the removal of the railway headquarters to Zaria. Since this was not achieved, instead of strengthening the power and position of the Chief of Bosso already in Minna, his power was curtailed with the appointment of a Hausa Chief in Minna. The action of the British Colonial govermnent would have been regarded as deliberate, in

220 furtherance of its divide and rule policy designed to strengthen the Fulani or

Muslim states in administering predominant non-Muslim areas in the north.

In 1936, a new scheme was introduced by the British Colonial government

m an attempt to centralize the administration of the non-Muslim districts in the

north fo llowing the creation of Federated councils. In the region, two separate

Federations were created for the Gbagyi and the Kamuku with their headquarters at

Minna and Kagara respectively. The Federations were assemblies of the District

Heads in the region with a rotational president (among the District Heads) in the

Federation. This policy could be regarded as a complete change of attitude by the

British Colonial government, since it gave hope fo r the non-Muslim areas in the north fo r the first time. They could now govern themselves through a centralized structure, perhaps due to the presence of new leadership in the British Colonial administration in the country.

In 1939, there was an attempt to subvert this policy in Minna when the

District Officer proposed that Minna be made a Native Reservation Area (self­

Government), exclusive of the Gbagyi Federation. This, they stated, was due to the intense rift between the Chief of Bosso and the Sarkin Hausawa in Minna and, of course, fo r the fact that most of the settlements in Minna were mainly of migrants fr om the neighbouring areas of northern and southern provinces of the country.

The proposal was later dropped. However, in 1948, the Chief of Bosso was

221 ordered to vacate his house in Minna and to return to his domain as a result of his

continuous rivalry and squabbles with Gbagyi Mi1ma Chiefs and the Sarkin

Hausawa. The fonner never vacated the said house until 1951, after he had been

compensated fo r the value of his house. In 1950, in what appears to be a complete

change of attitude and policy, a Gbagyi Chief, Mallam Ahmadu Bahago Kuta, was

appointed the Chief of Minna, following the collapse and abolition of the Minna

Town Cmmcil, headed by the Sarkin Hausawa, who was found to have

misappropriate public funds. The new Chief came from Kuta, rather than fromthe

Gabgyi of Bosso and Minna, who were stakeholders in the Minna. The reasons were obvious. Kuta was the most senior partner in the state system and due to the continuous rivalries between the District Heads of Bosso, Gbagyi Minna chiefs and the Sarkin Hausawa. His position was, however, quite superior to that of the other

District Heads in the Federation in terms of responsibilities. This development marked the evolution of a centralised authority in the region, initiated at the beginning of the century.

In 1963, two years after the political independence of the country, he succeeded his father as the Chief of Kuta while he was also upgraded to the status of a third class chief in Minna by the premier of Northern Nigeria. Similarly, in

1974, fo ur years after the end of the Nigerian civil war, the then Governor of

North-Western State Assistant Commissioner of Police, Alhaji Umar Famk,

222 elevated his position from a third class to second class Chief Five years later,

Niger State was created and the civilian Govemor in the Second Republic, Alhaji

Awwal Ibrahim, upgraded his position to that of an Emir, amidst protests by his

fellow Gabgyi kinsmen that viewed the appointment as alien and preferred that he

be crowned as Dada of Minna, in line with Gbagyi tradition for such an esteemed

position. In general terms, there was no laid down criteria for up-grading the

position of Chiefs, rather, they were carried out due to political expediency by

political administrators, based on the support and loyalty the latter got from the

fanner.

The emirate stn1cture institutionalised was distinctively unique, compared to what obtains in the other emirates in Northern Nigeria. Firstly, the District Heads were not relations of the Emir, Further to this, the appointment of a succeeding emir was limited to five designated District Heads of Minna, Kafin-koro, Paiko,

Kuta and Galadima-kogo, including any male prince from these districts; thus leaving the remaining districts areas as nominal members of the emirate. Another aspect of importance was the composition of the Electoral College. In the amended State edict on Minna chieftaincy affairs of 1988, the Electoral College was made up of eighteen members; three members from Minna District and one member each from the five districts. In addition to these members, two traditional kingmakers were to be appointed from the five districts. Thus, Minna district had

223 the advantage of five representations in the Electoral College, which was not a fair

representation and equity in the emirate structure.

It is our view that the fo rmer district status of the local inhabitants of Minna

Gbagyi lost at the advent of the British Colonial administration in the country should be restored from its present village status under Bosso District. This will enable the two ruling houses, presently situated in Sayako within the Minna township and Gbagdnayi near Maitumbi, to be directly involved in the affairs of the emirate, since their present association with either Bosso District or Minna

District cannot be considered a fair and just representation, having been marginalized fo r too long in the state system. In this vein, it would be necessary to review the 1988 state edict to avoid the confusion, where reference to Minna

District also means Bosso. Separate districts areas should be created fo r the two settlements. Further to this, eligibility to the throne should be enlarged from the present five designated District areas, to include the remaining district areas in the region since they have also been stakeholders in Gbagyi polity over the years.

224 NOTES ON SOURCES

The sources used 111 the reconstruction of the history of the region were

varied. This to a great extent was due to the non-availability of docmnented accOtmts of the subject matter. Thus, primary and secondary sources were effectivelyutiliz ed to achieve the desired objective of the study.

1. Primary Sources - Eight individuals, identified as having adequate

historical accounts of the region, were consulted to complement and

sometimes provide an insight into some of the collected secondary sources.

Mallam Ahmadu Yohanna Kuta, a retired public officer with the defunct

Northern Nigeria Piggery Farms, Minna, and a citizen of Kuta provided

valuable discourse on the history of Kuta, Galadiman-Kogo, Guni, Gini,

Fuka and Dangtmnu. His contribution to the history of these Districts areas

have assisted in correcting some of the distortions arising from historical

accounts that are still prevalent today. Alhaji Aliyu Mu'azu Sarkin Yakin

Minna and a retired Al'kali (Judge) provided useful infonnation on the

relationship between Minna, Kuta and Paiko. Being the son of Mallam

Mua'zu, first Fulani Islamic scholar from Sokoto that was appointed the

Chief Imam and Alkali (Judge) in Paiko, Bosso, Minna and later Kuta at the

inception of the British Colonial administration was rich with vast

knowledge of history left behind by his father on the interstate relationships

225 among these Gbagyi states. Alhaji Musa Abubakar is the present District

Head of Bosso. He is the son of Abubakar Zarumai who was the District

Head of Bosso and later augmented with Minna between 1924 and 194 9,

when Minna Town Council was dissolved. He continued as District Head of

Bosso until 1959, when he retired. Alhaji Musa Abubakar gave a vivid

account of Fulani incursions to Bosso, Maikunkele and Minna and assisted

greatly in shedding light on the relationship between Bosso and Minna.

The accounts of Mallam Ibrahim Kafinta, grandson of the Galadiman

Paida of Mitma Gbagyi was worthwhile. His contribution on the history of

Minna, especially in the 191h century and the dynastic fe ud among the ruling class was highly valuable to the study. Similarly, Mallam Abubakar Pkotun

Paiko, Guduman Gabas gave useful material information on the general history of Paiko from its earliest times to the present. His exposition on the socio-economic life and history of the Gbagyi in the region were revealing and of immense asset in assisting the sh1dy. Alhaji Abdullahi Dada, retired

District Head of Maikunkele was equally handy in providing the general history of Maikunkele. He contributed greatly in shedding light on the establislunent and workings of the Federated Council among the states in the region, while Alhaji Mohammed Sarkin Haya and Galadiman Gawu's contribution to the entire study was most outstanding. He assisted greatly in

226 providing material information on the general history of the region from the

earliest times to the present. The contribution of Alhaji Iliyasu Dako, Aj iyan

Minna and one of the close confidants of the present Emir was valuable to

the present dispensation in the Emirate.

2. Secondary Sources, included published and unpublished materials. The

published materials consisted of books, articles in Journals, Government

reports and occasional papers, while unpublished materials were made up of

British Colonial Government Annual Reports and University theses and

dissertations.

i) Published Books - A total of fifty-three published books were

consulted with relevant materials on the subject matter. It is pertinent

to state that most of these published books were constantly referred to

in the study in order to validate and sometimes corroborate material

evidence extracted from oral sources. However, special mention

should be made of some published books such as the History of West

Africa, edited by J.A. Ade Aj ayi and Micheal Crowder and the

Evolution of a Political Culture in Nigeria, also edited by J.A. Ade

Aj ayi and Bashir Ikara. Some of the chapters in these books were of

great assistance in explaining the evolution of state systems in the

regwn.

227 On the Fulani incursions to the region in the 19111 century, oral

traditions collected and interpreted by British Colonial officers from

eye witnesses and contemporaries of these eye witnesses were

compiled and put into note books, known as Provincial Gazetteers.

Thus, the genuineness of these notes are not in doubt. In this category

were the published works by E.C.M. Dupigny Nupe and Kontago ra

Provinces in 1920, Gazetteer of Northern Nigeria and D. Forde (ed),

Etlmographic Survey of Africa, which were most times, cited as

reference points. Similarly, the published works of E.J. Arnett, Th e

Rise of the Sokoto Fulani, and A. Hassan and Shuaibu Naibi, A

Chronicle o[Abuja fall under the same category, except that the two

works were the direct eye-witness accounts of both the 19111 and 20111

century's events, the weakness associated with the fo rmer notwithstanding. The recent scholarly works by S.F. Nadel, A Black

Byzantium {1942); M. Crowder, The Story of Nigeria (1970); R.A.

Adeleye, Power and Diplomacy in Northern Nige ria (1971) and M.D.

Last, The Sokoto caliphate (1967), were outstanding in providing substantial material in the conduct of the study.

The impact of European activities on the state system was not adequately documented. The constraints were the scanty nature of the

228 references on the regwn m spite of the large volume of European

traveller's accounts on the Nigerian region. However. few of these

travellers' accounts provided some insight into the study; namely H.

Clapperton, Journal of a Second Expe dition into the Interior Parts of

Africa fro m the Bigh t of Benin to Sokoto (1829); E.W. Bovil, The

Nige r explored (1968) and W.B. Baikie, Narrative of an Expl oring

Voyage up the River Kwara and Binue (1952), especially "Notes of a

Journey fr om Bida in Nupe to Kana in Hausa in 1862 ". The last of

these listed travellers' accounts appeared to be defective. They were

descriptive and relied on second hand information, rather than provide

eye witness accounts. A number of other published works, were of

equal importance to the study. They have all been adequately

aclmowledged in the text and in the Bibliography.

Articles in Journals -A selection of about fifteen articles in journals appeared relevant to the research. Most of these articles in Journals were sourced at Arewa House Library, Kaduna and at Kashim

Ibrahim Library, Alunadu Bello University, Zaria. One of the most interesting of these was the article by R. C. Soper on the

"Archaeological Field Work on Parts of Northern Nigeria " in JHSN

VOL. III No. 21965. In particular, the study revealed that the area

229 between Keffi, Izom, Minna extending towards Jebba witnessed

human activities about forty thousand years ago The artifacts

retrieved from the field work indicated slight variation between the

present inhabitants and their ancient past.

Two other separate articles by Jerome Wood Ford, "Pattern of settlement in southern Zaria ", Savanna, Vol.3, No.1, ABU, Zaria,

1974 and J.A. Hocking Tw entieth Century Evolution of Rural

Settlement in Ahuja Area ", Savanna, Vol.6, No. I, ABU, Zaria, 1977 were of great assistance on the settlement patterns of the people of the region and their choice for such settlement pattern in the 19111 and 20111 centuries, while the articles by J.A Ballard, "Pagan Administration and Political Development in Northern Nigeria ", Savmma, Vol.1,

ABU, Zaria, 1972 and H.J.B. Allen, "Aspect of Urban Administration in No rthern States of Nigeria ", Savanna, Vol.1, ABU, Zaria, 1972 contributed in explaining the modifications made by the British

Colonial government in its application of indirect mle in non-Muslim areas of Northern Nigeria in the 1930's; especially, when the fo nner realised that its indirect mle policy was incompatible in the non­

Muslim m·eas. The attendant effect was the abolition of the indirect mle policy and the establishment of Federated councils ainong these

230 small political units. This was a concerted effort by the British

Colonial administration in establishing a seerninglv centralised

authority in the region. In this category, is the article by 0. Adewoye,

"Native Administration in a Mandate Territory: The Tangayikan

Example, 1919-1914" ll-ISN 1970.

Abdullahi Smith's articles on "Some Considerations Relating to the Fo rmation of States in Rausa Land", ll-ISN, Vol. III, No.3, 1970, and Some Notes on the History of Zazzau under the Rausa Kings ",

No.4 Department of Geography, ABU Zaria 1970 were of assistance to the study, especially in elucidating the state system that existed between Zazzau and states in the region before the 191h century.

Ibrahim Freeman's article on the "Gbagyi Traditional

Administration " in the magazine of the Gbagyi Student Association

ABU Zaria, first edition, Vol.l, 197 8 belongs to this category. The remaining number of articles not mentioned here were of equal importance to the development of state system in the region.

Government Reports and Occasional Published Papers - North­

Western State Government, Gazette No.1, Vo1.8 of 281h February

r 1974 and the Niger State Government Gazette No.1, Vol. l3 of 3 d

231 February 1988 assisted greatly in shedding of light on the criteria used

in the appointment of a single authority among the states/districts that

constituted the region, while the Ministry of Infonnation Handbook

on the presentation of first class staff of office to Alhaji Ahmadu

Bahago on 26th December 1981; Handbook on the turbaning

ceremony of Dr. Mu'azu Babangida Aliyu as the Taiban Minna on

20th January 2001; She'abaze C. Shekwoga paper on "Minna as

Gbagyi Town: The truth must prevail" and Isa Baba's paper on "The

History of Kamuku and their Neighbours ", 3rd June 2002 assisted in

the research.

ii) Unpublished works - The unpublished works here refer to British

Colonial administrative annual reports that have been kept in states

and national archives across the country and, of course, University

Ph.D Theses and Dissertations. However, only two of these archives

were visited, Niger State Archives, Minna (NSAM) and the National

Archives at Kaduna (NAK). At both Archives, photocopies of

relevant reports were made for the study. Similarly, use was made of

the Arewa House library at Kaduna (AHK) and three University

libraries at Bayero University, Kano, Kashim Ibrahim library,

• Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria and University of Abuja, where

232 photocopies of relevant extracts including theses and dissertations

were made. The Office of the Secretary to the Government of the

Federation's Library and the National Library, Abuja, were equally of

great assistance in this regard.

Niger State Archives, Minna (NSAM) - The archive contains a long list of British Colonial reports. However, only thirteen of these reports appeared relevant to the study. Similarly, all the reports cannot be discussed in this note. A fe w, however, deserve to be mentioned. NSAM:APN/1 003/29 Historical Notes on the Tribes of

Niger Province, 1936 contains historical reports of all the ethnic groups that constituted Niger Province, which were compiled by a

British Colonial officers, based on oral traditions on the State system among the people. NSAM:APN/695 Niger Province (G eography,

History and Notes on the Division) 1950 fe ll in the same category, except that the account covered a wide range of topics starting from the pre- 19th century to 1950. APN/983 Divisional In telligence Report on Minna, Abuja and Kontagora 1951-1955. The document was of great assistance to the study, more so that it contains pieces of daily, weekly and monthly classified information on inter-state relationships

233 among the district areas, individuals and their roles in partisan politics

as from the late 1940s onwards.

One document, which is worthy to be mentioned, was APN/984

Sarkin Bosso and Minna Town Re-organisation. The file was a

seventy-page document on the re-organisation of Minna town administration as from 1947 to 1950. The document contains some correspondences between the Chief of Bosso and British Colonial officials over the purchase and his evacuation from his house in

Minna; his political tunnoil with Gbagyi Minna chiefs and of course the collapse of Minna Town council administration and the appointment of a Chief in Minna fo r the first time. These documents were valuable to the study. Along this line was the documents written by Alhaji Ahmadu Bahago (Chief of Minna) in 1966 on the history of

Minna. APN/GOV/63 Tarihim Kafa Garin Minna na yanzu a 1910.

National Archives, Kaduna (NAK) - The Archives contain catalogues of British Colonial reports on the history of various parts of Northern Nigeria. Similarly, reports on the region were varied, however, forty-eight of such files were selected due to their relevance to the study. The selected files were in two categories, marked

234 Minprof and SNP by officials of the Archives for identification

purposes. However, only a limited number of these files would be

discussed, since it would not be possible to stress the relevance of all

the files in this note. Minprof 115/1910 Re-organisation of Kuta

Division in 1910 by S.G. Taylor contains the policy thrust of the

British Colonial govermnent on the administration of non-Muslim

areas in Northern Nigeria and the region in particular. In this file, it

was elucidated that the region should be brought under a Fulani

emirate that had hitherto made war against it, on the premise that the

Gbagyi have no sense of central administration. This was the basis of

the policy of forcefully transplanting the Chief of Wushishi in Minna

to mle over the Gbagyi States of Maikunkele, Bosso, Minna andlater

Paiko. The remaining Gbagyi states in the region resisted the

arrangement and drifted to independence. The file marked Minprof

6342/1948 and 12/1924 contains some of the petitions of the District

Head of Bosso over his relocation to Bosso and some of the

administrative policies of the British Colonial goverrunent on the

regwn.

The files marked SNP/7/40811905 Sarkin Kuta refused to pay homage, SNP/7 /2888/1909 difficulty in obtaining Gwari labour and

235 unrest, and SNP/7 /1909 Gussoro uprising, ringleader 's trial contain

valuable records on the resistance of the Gbagyi. especiallv the

Gussoro people against British rule. While the files marked Minprof-

31811917 Maikunkele District, Kuta Division Annual Report; Minprof

316/1917 Bosso District, Kuta Division, Annual Report all compiled

by A.E. Vere Walwyn and SNP/7/5206, SNP/7/5206 Kuta District,

Kuta Division, Assessment Report by H.O. Lindshell contain some

detailed historical accmmts of the ten Gbagyi States that were

established in the region prior to the 19th century up to the advent of the British era. The information in these files were ofgreat assistance.

One outstanding file which deserves to be mentioned was the file marked SNP/17/24372 in volwne I and II, Kamuku District, Kuta

Division, Niger Province Report by Mr. D.F.H. MacBride 1932. The content of the file was based on eyewitness account and their contemporaries on the pre-19th century history of the Gbagyi and

Kamuku States and their response to the 19th century Fulani incursion into the territory. The report also contains accounts leading to the establislunent of a Federated council between the Gbagyi and

Kamuku. It is pertinent to state that most of the information in the file were of tremendous assistance.

236 At Arewa House Kaduna (AHK), three files were relevant to the

study� however, one of the files marked study

SNP/15/3/5.9/43801/S.l was most valuable. The file contains police

Intelligence report on Niger Province (1948-1949), with a comprehensive account on the day-to-day political activities of individuals and their political parties in the region.

Nine university theses and dissertations were sourced fo r the study. Out of these numbers, one was a Bachelor of Arts dissertation by Isa Baba on "The Role of the Gbagyi in the Hausa State of Ahuja ", fo ur were Ph.D theses, while the rest were Masters degree theses. All the theses and dissertations were of great assistance.

237 Briefs on Oral Evidence

I. Name: - Alhaji Mohammadu, Sarkin Haya of Gawu and Galadiman Gawu

Place of Interview: - Minna

Date of Interview:- 3rd December, 1988

Position:- Galadiman Gawu

Age/Year of Birth:- 80 years of age

2. Name: - Alhaji Abdullahi Dada and Marfan Minna

Place of Interview: - Maikunkele

Date of Interview:- 9th February, 1999

Position:- Retired District Head ofMaikunkele 197 6

Age/Year ofBirth:- Bornin 1932

3. Name: - Mallam Abubakar Pktoun/Paiko

Place of Interview: - Paiko

Date of Interview:- 3rd February 1999

Position:- Gunduman Gobas Paiko

Age/Year of Birth:- 90 years old

4. Name: - Mallam Ibrahim KafintaGaladima

Place of Interview: - Minna

h Date of Interview:- 4t February 1999

Position:- Grand son of Galadiman Paida Minna

Age/Year of Birth:- 75 years of age

238 5. Name: - Alhaji Musa Abubakar

Place of Interview: - Bosso

Date of Interview:- i11 Febmary 1999

Position:- District Head of Minna

Age/Year ofBirth:- Bornin 1929

6. Name: - Mallam Alunadu Y ohanna Kuta

Place of Interview: - Minna

Date of Interview:- 15th February, 1999

Position:- Retired civil servant

Age/Year of Birth:- 77 years of age

7. Name: - Alhaji Aliyu Mu'azu

Place of Interview: - Minna

Date of Interview:- 20th Febmary, 1999

Position:- Retired Alkali and Sarkin Yakin Minna

Age/Year of Birth:- 92 years.

8. Name:- Iliyasu Dako

Place of Interview:- Ahuja

Date ofInterv iew:- 4th Febmary, 2003

Position:- Son of late Aj iyan Minna and the present Aj iyan Minna

Age/Year ofBirth:- Born on 30th October, 1956

239 BIBLIOGRAPHY

(A) Archival l\1ateria1s

Niger State Archives Minna (NSAM)

NSAM: ACC/50 History of Bida town (translation of Arabic to English, containing praises of Umar Nagwamatse 1883) by Mohammed Balarabe 25th October, 1978.

NSAM: APN/GOV/63 Tarihin Kafa Garin Minna na yanzu a 1910 by Alhaj i Ahmadu Bahago Kuta, 1966.

NSAM: APN/291 Documents of Historical interest in Niger Province, 1924

NSAM: Historical Districts Notes of Abuja, Agaie, Bida, Kontagora, Bosso, Kuta and Paiko in 1932

NSAM: ACC/665 The Kadara tribe, Minna Div., 1934

NSAM: APN/1 003/29 Historical Notes on the Tribes of Niger Province, 1936.

NSAM: ACC/No.6!1668 History of Tegina, 1936-1948

NSAM: APN/984 Sarkin Bosso and Minna Town Re-organisation, 1947-1951

NSAM: APN/695 Niger Province (Geography, History and Notes on the Division), 1950

NSAM: APN/983 Divisional Intelligence Report, Minna, Abuj a, Kontagora, 1951-1955, by J.T. Coombes.

NSAM: APN/9/77/2 The People of Mitma: Historical Re-construction by Adamu A. Sabo, 1987.

NSAM: APN/14 Sarkin Paiko vs Sarkin Gwam, 1967, by Chief and elders of Gwam.

NSAM: ACC/2811002 Historical Notes on the Dakarkari People by P.G. Harris.

240 (B) National Archives, Kaduna (N AK)

NAK: Minprof 225/1908 Makangara Historical Notes, 1907, by Capt. S.G. Taylor

NAK: Minprof 115/1910 Re-organisation of Kuta Division - Niger Province, 1910, by S.G. Taylor

NAK: Atmual Report on Northern Nigeria, 1911, by F.O. Lugard

NAK: Minprof 1215/1912 Gussoro Repmt on Kuta Division, 1911-1912, by Lindsell.

NAK: Minprof/1913 Gini District, Kuta Division, Assessment Report, 1913-1914, by A.E. Vere Walwyn

NAK: Minprof 183/1913 Wushishi District, Kuta Division, Assessment Report, 1913, by H.O. Lindsell Revised by A.N. Groom

NAK: Minprof 23/1913 Kwongoma District, Kwongoma Division Assessment Report, 1913, by G .L. Monlc

NAK: Minprof 243611913 Tegina District, Kwongoma Division by G.L. Monk.

NAK: Minprof 456/1916 Tribes of Niger Province, Etlmological Information, 1912-1917.

NAK: Minprof 31811917 Maikunkele District, Kuta Division, Assessment Report, 1917, by A. E. Vere Walwyn.

NAK: Minprof 31611917 Bosso District, Kuta Division, Assessment Report, 1917, by A.E. Vere Walwyn.

NAK: Minprof/1917 Guni District, Kuta Division, Assessment Report, 1917-1918, by A.E. Vere Walwyn

NAK: Minprof 7011919 Wushishi District, Kuta Division, Assessment Report by H.M. Brice Smith.

241 NAK: Minprof 236/1919 Emir of Wushishi Special Report, 1919-1924, by E.A. Brackenbury.

NAK: Mmprof 19/1924 Kuta DivisiOn, Annual Report No.15, 1924, by S.W. Walker.

NAK: Minprof 12/1924 Kuta Division Annual Report, 1925, by S.W. Walker.

NAK: Minprof 59/1925 District Head of Bosso, Kuta Division, 1925, by S.W. Walker.

NAK: Minprof 12/1926 Kuta Division, Almual Report, 1926, by S.W. Walker.

NAK: Minprof 200/1927 Kuta Division, Annual Report, 1927, by S.W. Walker.

NAK: Minprof 6/1 929 Kuta Division Annual Report, 1929, by S.W. Walker.

NAK: Minprof 3703 Dakarkari Tribes (Dalbai Emirates) Anthropological Notes by PG. Harris.

NAK: MinprofM331 Kuta Division, Annual Report, 1932, by E.C. Pickwood.

NAK: Minprof 3393 Minna-Gwari Federation, Districts Affairs, 1936- 1946, by Matthew Macbride.

NAK: Minprof M.3467 Niger Province Enquiry into the Customs of the People, 1936.

NAK: Minprof 23 Minna Re-organisation Report, 1940, by Captain C.M. Baker.

NAK: Minprof 5568/S. Minna Division, Annual Report, 1944, by R.S. Warner.

242 NAK: Minprof 5811/S.4 Minna Division, Annual Report, 1945, by H.L. Nobel.

NAK. Mmprof 6071/S.4 Mmna DIVISIOn, Annual Report, 1946, by H. Mac. N. Callow.

NAK: Minprof 6299/S.4 Minna Division, Annual Report, 1947, by J.A.H. Maund.

NAK: Minprof 6367 Allawa District, Assessment Report, Gwari Federation, 1948

NAK: Minprof 6549/S.4 Minna Division, Annual Report, 1948, by P.F. Haycock. NAK: Minprof 6342 Petitions by Sarkin Bosso, 1948-1950

NAK: Minprof 4402/S.l Minna town reorganisation and administration: petitions on ward elections 1950 NAK: Minprof 4402/S.1 Minna town reorganisation and administration: petitions on ward elections 1950 Vol II

NAK: Minprof 6722/S.4 Minna Division, Annual Report, 1949-1951, by P.M. Wandtetly.

NAK: Minprof 4955/S.8 Regional Election Result, 1951.

NAK: Minprof 7626/S.4 Minna Division, Annual Report, 1952, by J.T. Combes.

NAK: Minprof 7870/S.1 Federal Election Result, Minna Electoral District Result, 1954

NAK: Minprof 7789 Hausa Union Minna, 1953-1954.

NAK: Minprof 623/S.2 Regional Election Result, 1956 NAK: SNP/7/408/ 1905 Sarkin Kuta refusal to pay homage, 1905, by High Comm. NAK: SNP/7/6615/1908 Niger Province Headquarters: Choiwa Angulu transfer to Minna by Ag. Resident H. S. Goldsmith

243 NAK: SNP/7 /2888/1909 Gwari Labour fo r railway work: Difficulty in obtaining Gwari labour and unrest, 1909, by Resident Zaria Province Captain Orr.

NAK: SNP/7 /1909 Gussoro uprising, ring-leaders trail, 1909, by Resident Zaria Province Captain Orr.

NAK: SNP/7/239/1910 Creation of Station m Minna by Governor of Northern Nigeria, Hesketh Bell

NAK: SNP/7 /5206/1911 Kuta District, Kuta Division, Assessment Report, by H.O. Lindsell.

NAK: SNP/7/520611911 Galadiman-Kogo District, Kuta Division, Assessment Report, 1911, by H.O. Lindsell.

NAK: SNP/7/5206/1 911 Paiko District, Kuta Division, Assessment Report, 1911, by H. 0. Lindsell.

NAK: SNP/7/5206/1 911 Dangunu District, Kuta Division, Assessment Report, 1911, by H.0. Lindsell.

NAK: SNP/7/4713/1912 Koton Karfi Division, Assessment Report, N assarawa Province, 1912

NAK: SNP/7/47 13/1912 Keffi Division Karshi, Karu and Kagarko Districts, Assessment Report, 1912, by W. Morgan A.R.

NAK: SNP/7/4711/1912 Abuja Division Nassarawa Province, Assessment Report, 1912, by J.C. Sciortino

NAK: SNP/10/102P/1918 Fuka District, Kuta Division by A.E. Vere Walwyn.

NAK: SNP/1 0/1 1 3P/1921 Kusheriki District, Kwongoma Division, Assessment Report by Mr. J.J. Emberton, 1921

NAK: SNP/17 /243 73, Vol.1 and 11, Kamuku District, Kuta Division, Niger Province Report by :tvlr. D.F.H. MacBride, 1935

244 (C) Arewa House, Kaduna (A HK)

AHK: SNP/49/413/2981 6/SA Minna Internal Defence Scheme. 1938- 1939

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245 Barth, H., Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa, 1849-1855, VOL. III, Frank Cass, London, 1857.

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Ekundare, R. Olufemi; An Economic History of Nigeria : 1860-1960, Methuen and Co LTD, London, 1973.

246 Edgar, Maj or Francis; A Grammer of Gwari Language , Political Department, Northern Nigeria Government Press, Kaduna, 1909.

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Hogben, S.J. and Kirk-Greene, A.H.M. The Emirates of Northern Nigeria, Oxford University Press, London, 1966.

Hopkins, A.G. An Economic History of West Africa, Longman Group Ltd, London, 197 3.

Ibrahim, S. The Nupe and their Neighbours from the 14th Century, Heinemann Education Books, Ibadan, 1992.

Idrees, A.A. "Domination and reaction in Nupe Land, Central Nigeria", African Studies, Vol.5, Edwin Mellen Press, London, 1996.

...... Political Change s and Continuity in Nupe Land, Caltop Publications Ltd, Ibadan, 1998 .

...... The Patigi Regatta Festival its Historical Perspective since 1950. Caltop Publication Ltd, Ibadan, 1998.

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Karl Maier, This House has Fallen, Penguin Books, London, 2000.

247 Kirk-Greene, A.H.M. "Sir Donald Cameroon 1931-911935" The Principl e of Native Administration in Northern Nigeria, Oxford University Press, London, 1965 .

...... Lord Lugard : Political Memorandum: 1913-1918, 3rd edition, Frank Cass, London, 1970.

Kobo, Alhaji Muharnmadu; A Brief Foundation Histmy of Lapai Emirate Fourth Dimension Publishers, 1981.

Laird, M. and Oldfield, R.A.K. Narratives of an Expedition into the Interior of Africa. London, 183 7.

Lander, R. and Lander, J. The Travels of Richard Lander and John Lander into the Interior of Africa. VOL.2, London, 1836.

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Last, M.D. The Sokoto Caliphate, Longman Group Ltd, London, 1967.

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Meek, C.K. Northern Tribes of Nigeria Frank Cass, London, 1925.

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248 Nadel, S.F. A Black Bryzantium, Oxford University Press, London, 1942.

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Allen, H.J.B. "Aspect of Urban Administration in NorthernNigerian States of Nigeria". SAVANNA, Vol.1, No.1, 1972.

Ballard, J.A. "Pagan Administration and Political Development in No1ihern Nigeria" SAVANNA, Vol. 1, No.1, 1972.

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249 Freeman, Ibrahim. "The Gbagyi Traditional Administration" Gbagyi Begye A magazme by Gbagyi Students Association, First edition, No. 1, April, 1978.

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...... and Al-hajj "Attempts at defining Muslim in 19th century Rausa Land and Borno" Journal Historical Society of Nigeria (JH SN), Vol. III, No.2, Dec. 1965.

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250 Baba, Isa, "The History of the Kamuku's and their Neighbours" A paper presented at the Old Boys of Government Secondary School, Kagara. 3rd June, 2002.

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Baba, Isa "Traditional Method of Trial by Ordeal in Gawu District of Niger State, North Central Nigeria, C.1750-l940".

Baba, Isa "Teclu1ological Changes in Local Textile Industry: A Case Study of Local Weaving Industry in Gawu District, North Central Nigeria, C.1 850-1950".

Baba, Isa "Federal Capital Territory, Abuja: A reflection to its past".

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251 North-Western State of Nigeria, Gazette No.1, Vol.8, 18th Febmary 1974, Supplement part B. NSWLN/1 of 1974

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(G) Unpublished Ph.D Thesis and Dissertations

Adamu, Mahdi, "The Rausa Factor in West Africa", Ph.D Thesis, Centre of AfricanStudies, University ofBirmingham, 1974.

Ayedun, Kolawole David, "Substance and Settlement Patterns in Wushishi Area of the Kadtma Valley, Niger State of Nigeria", Ph.D Thesis, Department of History, ABU, Zaria, 1987.

Baba, Isa, "The Role of the Gbagyi in the Rausa State of Abuja." B.A. Dissertation, Department of History, Bayero University, Kano, 1984.

"Cloth weaving in Gawu District in the 19th and 20th centuries" M.A. Thesis, Department of History, Bayero University Kano, 1991.

Baba Thomas Bingel, "Historical Demography of the Nigerian Middle Belt, A.D. 1400-1900: An Explanation of the Role of Historical and Environmental Factors in Shaping the Population of Niger Province". Ph.D Thesis, Department of History, ABU Zaria, 1992.

Bako, Shuaibu, "The Historical Development of Abuja Town: 1850-1 969" M.A. Thesis, Department of History, Bayero University, Kano, 1989.

Mohammed, Sule "The Impact of British Colonial Rule on Gbagyi - 1900-1 960" M.A. Thesis, Department of History, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 1988.

252 Ohiare, J. Aliyu, "The Kingdom of Igu and Panda C.l 700-1939: A Study in Intergroup Relations", Ph.D Thesis, Department of History, ABU, Zaria, May 1988.

Osadume, Francis "Urbanization and Inter-Group Relations in Minna, 1900-1981", M.A. Thesis, African Studies, University of Ibadan, 1993.

253 APPENDIX

APPENDIX I

FROM: MR. B. HAMILTON BROWNS, THERESIDENT, NIGER, MINNA.

TO: CAPT. S. C. TAYLOR, THE ASST. RESIDENT, KUTA.

1. My reasons for not accepting your scheme are as follows:-

(a) On the advent of British Administration many of your districts were entirely independent of Fulani rule, it would now be considered an act of injustice on the part of Government to place them once more, without adequate reason, under the heel of the Fulani by the aid of our maximum guns. I fe el confident that force would have to be resorted to, to compel obedience to Ibrahim, Sarikin Wushishi, as the paramount chief. (b) That the appointment of a Mohammedan, as paramount chief, in a Pagan Division would be tantamount to an enormous aid to the spread of Islamism by Government. (c) That sufficient support has not yet been gtven to the present District Chiefs owing, in a great measure, to want of continuity in the political officer in charge of this Division. I would specially ask for further patience in dealing with these District Chiefs in this Division, and fo r active support of the political officer in enforcing the Native Authority Proclamation, 1907.

254 (d) That so far, Ibrahim of Wushishi has done no better as a District Chief than any of the Gwari District Chiefs. No District Chief appears to know much about their Districts, and credit for turning out labour to work on the railway can be equally distributed throughout the Kuta Division.

2. In conclusion, the policy to be pursued in the Kuta Division and which I am asking His Excellency to sanction is:-

(a) Establishing Sarkin Wushishi at Minna with jurisdiction over his present district and the sub-districts of Bosso and Maikunkele, as it is of urgent importance that a powerful chief is set up in Minna at once to control the alien element that is rapidly creeping in and settling in the new town of Minna junction.

(b) To leave the other districts as at present organised, but when opportunity occurs to mould them into larger units under paramount chiefs of their own (or if necessity should arise the Governor's) selection.

Signed

Mr. B. Hamilton Browns Resident Niger Resident's Office Minna.

21st March, 1910.

* NAK: MINPROF 115/1910 Re-organisation of Kuta Division, Niger Province, 1910 S. C. Taylor. 255 APPENDIX II

KUTA DIVISION -QUARTERLY REPORT FOR JUNE 1925 DISTRICT HEAD OF BOSSO - KUTA DIVISION, 1925

As has been separately reported, the Sarkin Minna Tsauni (Village Area Head), in spite of his undertaking to 'follow' the Sarkin Bosso provided the latter were made to understand that his oppressive conduct would no longer be tolerated, very soon showed that he would not carry out his undertaking. He openly declared he would not pay tax through the Sarkin Bosso nor allow his house to do so. He would not allow his ward to be counted by the District Staff. He was tried before the Alkalin Minna for disobedience to lawful orders, found guilty and sentenced to six months imprisomnent. The Galadima Paidna was selected as Village Area Head to succeed him. A similar thing happened at Pyatta, where the Village Area Head is a very old man and the Zarman Pyatta acts as Village Area Head. The latter, following the lead of the Sarkin Minna (Tsauni), refused to allow the District Staff to check the population and therefore was treated in a like manner to the Sarkin Minna. Since then, no trouble whatever has arisen. But the Sarkin Bosso has yet to show that he can exert his authority without the Administration having to resort to such methods.

Signed

S. W. Walker A. D. O.

* NAK: MINPROF - 59/1925 District Head of Bosso, Kuta Division, 1925

APPENDIX III 256 23/889/ Kaduna.

24 October, 1935

The Hon. The Chief Secretary, Lagos.

KUTA DIVISION, NIGER PROVINCE, REORGANISATION OF DISTRICT AREAS

I am directed by the Chief Commissioner to refer to your Confidential

memorandum No. 27355/28 of the ih of July, 1933, and to say that His Honour has

had under consideration the question whether the Gwari-Kamuku Federation was the

best available instrument of administration for the units of the Kuta Division.

2. Proposals were made in 1932 for the amalgamation of the then Kuta and

Zungeru Divisions and for the Federation of the Gwari and Kamuku units of the combined Division. These proposals were based on the people's apparent desire fo r closer association. His Honour was not satisfied that this expression of their desires was genuine and he told the Resident that he would not agree with them until he had seen the Gwari and Kamuku Chiefs himself and heard their agreement.

3. His Honour visited Kuta and all the Chiefs assured him that they desired fe deration; and in view of this His Honour recommended it.

4. Towards the end of 1934 suggestions were made by the Resident Niger Province fo r the grouping of the various units into a Gwari and a Kamuku group for the purpose of better administration within the Federation. Mr. Mathews was sent to investigate this and other problems and he submitted in due course a report on the Gwari units.

257 5. Mr.MacBride took over Mr. Mathews's duties on the latter's departure on leave and his investigations in the Kamuku area proved that the affinities between the Gwari

and the Kamuku were more superficial than had been supposed. He came to the

conclusion that the previous expression of opinion by the Kamuku Chiefs had been dictated by a desire to say what they thought was expected of them. He fmm d that in practice there had been no co-operation between the two groups and that there was no mutual respect or confidence between them. In fact the Kamuku Chiefs regarded the

Federation as little better than an empty form, and it was clear that the previous infonnation given His Honour was wrong.

6. His Honour is now convinced that there should be separate organizations for the two groups. Two reports by the Resident Niger Province, based on Messrs Mathews's and MacBride's reports on the Gwari and Kamuku areas respectively are fo rwarded herewith.

7. The Resident recmrunends that the Councils forming the subordinate native authorities in conjunction with the Chiefs should include village-heads. Although this does not appear to be traditional, His Honour is nevertheless in favour of their inclusion for the reasons given by the Resident.

Signed

P. G. Harris Secretary N orthem Provinces

No. 23889/ Kaduna.

24th October, 1935

258 Copy to:

Restdent Niger (In duplicate).

For inf01mation with reference to your memorandmn No. M.2334!161 of the 1 1 26 1 of September.

Signed

R. J. P. Onne Secretary Northern Provinces.

NAK: SNP - 17/24373 Vol. II: Kamuku District, Kuta Division, Niger Province Report by Mr. F. F. H. MacBride, 1935.

259 APPENDIX IV

No. 3393/21 Minna.

11th October, 1945

The Secretary N orthem Province Kaduna.

District Heads - Gwari Federation

For some time past consideration has been giVen to the need for some reorganization of the Districts which comprise the Gwari Federation. Other duties more pressing have prevented any definite proposals being formulated. Recently, however, some irregularities in the Manta District and on the part of the District Head of Maikunkele have brought matters to a head. Representations have been made at the recent meeting of the Chiefs of the Gwari confederation by the Cow1cil and people of Manta and Maikunkele Districts that they should be incorporated in the Districts of Allawa and Kuta respectively. 2. Prior to the 1933 re-organisation the Districts numbered seven in all and were as follows:- Kuta Disrict embracing the present Kuta, Fuka, Gtmi and Gini Districts. Bosso District embracing the present Bosso and Maikunkele Districts and Minna Town. Paiko District embracing the present Paiko and Koro Districts. Allawa District embracing the present Allawa and Kushaka Districts. Kunnin Gurmana District

Galadima Kogo District

Dangunu District

260 Manta District, though wholly Gwari, was at that time incorporated in the

Tegina District of Kamuku. The effect therefore of the 1935 reorganisation was to

fonn 15 Districts and Minna Town as Subordinate Native Authorities from the former

seven Districts and Manta district was added. Details of the total population and

taxpayers of each of these Districts are:-

District Tax Population District Tax Population Paye rs Payers Kuta 3984 16223 Maikunkele 829 3362 Paiko 4506 15463 Fuka 424 1784 G/Kogo 2637 10848 Guni 360 1485 Koro 1920 7679 Kadara 341 1499 Bosso 1978 6071 Kurmin 320 1469 Gunnana Minna 2454 7545 Manta 259 1113 Town Allawa 1345 4821 Gini 173 675 Dangunu 1240 4282 Kushaka 119 328

3. It will be seen that in several cases the so-called Districts are nothing more than

Village Areas with populations in some cases well under 2000. The record of the

Gwari Federation during recent years has not been satisfactory and several District

Heads have been deposed. The machinery of administration would appear to be unwieldy. The Chiefs of the Gwari Federation meet every quarter at Minna but the necessary co-ordination in the interval is carried out through the Central Office under the supervision, fo r the most part, of the District Officer, Minna Division.

4. At the last meeting of the Federation at Mi1U1a, when the Council and people of

Manta and Maikonkele Districts requested to be joined to the Allawa and Kuta

Districts, discussion took place upon possible further amalgamations. The Chiefs and people of Guni, Gini and Kurmin Gurmana were all strongly in favour of incorporation

261 with other Districts; the Chief and people of Fuka were prepared to accept such

amalgamation whilst the Chiefs and people of Kushaka and Kadara seemed apathetic.

It was pointed out that if the Districts as now constituted were in some cases

amalgamated they would still remain Village areas under their own traditional

Headmen to whom they would continue to pay their tax. As a result of discussion the

Chiefs and people of the Gwari Federation desire the following reorganization to take

place:-

"Gini, Guni, Maikunkele and Fuka Districts to be incorporated in the Kuta District, the Chief of whom is traditionally their senior. Kurmin Gurmana, Manta and Kushaka Districts to be incorporated in Allawa District. Th is respect fo r Allawa would appear, to some extent,

to be due to the recently appointed District Head who is of Middle VI educational standing. Kadara District to be incorporated in Koro District. Since the Koro has fr eed themselves fr om the Paiko District the Koro and Kadara people app ear to have been drawn together as the only non-Gwari members of the Gwari Federation. " 5. The proposed reorganization would not only render the Federation far easier to control and therefore make for better administration; it would also serve to bring to the

Chiefs a greater sense of their responsibilities to the Federation as a whole. An attempt has already been made, in this connection by making the more senior District Heads responsible for particular branches of Native Administrative activities. This experiment has so far been encouraging. It is proposed to assemble these semor

District Heads once every six weeks and this should assist in the general control and administration of the Federation. The Districts now to be merged into the larger areas

262 will be recognized as Village Areas and the salaries of their Headmen paid as such.

From the point of view of Development the reduction from sixteen to eight

administrative units would be an economy, only eight Headquarters in place of sixteen being required in the proposed rebuilding plan.

6. Some such reorganization has long been in the mind of the substantive Resident,

Capt. Sharwood Smith. It is because of this and the fact that it is desirable to reflect the financial side of such rearrangement in the forthcoming preparation of the Native

Treasury Estimates that I am submitting the proposals for His Honour's consideration.

A schedule is attached showing the subordinate Native Authorities who will be recognized if the proposals are approved.

Signed

Capt. Sharwood Smith Resident Niger Province.

* NAK: MINPROF 3393 MINNA-GWARI FEDERATION DISTRICT AFFAIRS - 1936 - 1946

263 APPENDIX V

Minna Township.

7thJanuary, 1947

The Resident Niger Province

Through: The District Officer Minna.

I have the honour to refer back to our conversation of last week in which your honour commanded that I would be removed from my palace in Minna township finally to Bosso on the 8th January, 1948. 2. This palace was built by my late father, Ali Gwadanze with the assistance of his relatives Gbagyi and not with the Native Authority Fund and temporarily occupied by the late Sarkin Wushishi, later on, my father and afterwards, myself for thirty-seven blessed years. 3. That your reason for my removal from the palace is not clear to me and I will be grateful if your honour will state in writing which I am awaiting before removing my properties from the palace and I will submit my petition to the Chief Secretary, Lagos and Chief Commissioner, Kaduna asking fo r Commission of Inquiry before my removal.

I am your servant

Signed

Zarmi Abubakar Sarkin Bosso (Tuesday)

* NSAM/APN/984 BOSSO Minna town re-organisation 1947 - 1948

264 APPENDIX VI

Minna.

7th January, 1948

The Resident Niger Province.

Through: The District Officer Minna.

I have the honour to submit that since last month that I reported and submitted the list of people who gave money to the Sarkin Hausawa through the District Officer in that the money were obtained by false pretences which is criminal action and no

action had been taken by the police to investigate the matter till now. I will be grateful for an early reply.

I am your Servant

Signed

Zarmi Abubakar Sarkin Bosso (Wednesday)

Copied:

Chief Secretary, Lagos and Commissioner, Kaduna, requesting for Commission of Inquiry before my removal.

* NSAM/APN/984 BOSSO Minna town re-organisation 1947 - 1948 265 APPENDIX VII

Minna Township.

lltnJanuary, 1948

PETITIONS BY SARKIN BOSSO AND PETITIONS BY CHIEF OF GWARI Y AMMA 1948 - 1950

The Chief Secretary Lagos.

Through: The Chief Commissioner Kaduna.

Sir

I have the honour to submit my petition for your kind consideration.

2. Your petitioner sent telegram to the Chief Commissioner, Kaduna on the 6th

instant re-verbal instruction given to me by the Resident Niger Province to vacate my palace which was built by my late fa ther and not with N.A. fi.md, since then no reply.

The telegram was sent in the words:- "Chief Commissioner Kaduna x Resident

command my removal to Bosso Th ursday against my wish x demolish my palace in

To wnship af ter 3 7 years reign x petition fo llows x requesting your aid to avoid

" commotion and riot awaiting reply Zarmi Sarkin Bosso x

3. That on the ih instant I sent a petition to the Resident through the District

Officer to confirm the matter in writing to enable me to forward my petition to the

Higher Authorities but no reply till now because the order was given to me orally on the 5th instant to remove on the gth. That is my reason of sending this petition direct through the Chief Commissioner Kaduna without passing it through the Resident.

Also I wrote another separate petition to the Resident the same day that I submitted the

266 list of the names of the people that Hausa Chief obtained money by fa lse pretences and

I reported the matter to the District Officer since lith November, 194 7 and no action

has been taken by the Police up till now and no reply. 4. Your petitioner succeeded my late father, AliGwadanze since 37 years ago after

having served the Govenunent for many years as a messenger in the days of Governor

Lugard at Zungeru and first European that trained me was the late Lt. Governor Mr.

Goldsmith and I took up my father's post during the time of Resident Hillman in

charge of this area and Lt. Governor Mr. Palmer was in charge at Zungeru at that time I supplied Government with political Labourers, Carriers, Building houses, Loads and

Bridges, Military Barracks and Stations, etc. free of charge.

5. That the post of the Throne started in ancient time, I could remember as from

Paida our great Grandfather after his death his son Bauza took over, when Bauza died his son, Dadagbako succeeded and after his death my late father Ali Gwadanze took over and when my father died I took the Palace and vacated my own house and gave it to my personal friend of whom we worked together in the Government Service as

Messengers. The father of the present Hausa Chief and I made him Allkali there comes the present one and the late sub-Chief of Minna was Banze's son. Musa is still alive but Government replaced the Palace to Shaba of which his father was a

Messenger to Minna C. All generally paid homage yearly to Bosso from origin of

Gwaris.

6. That my present stipend is seven pounds, six shillings, but I was given nine pOtmds per month afterwards reduced to seven pounds, six shillings without just cause whereas I am the only one collecting both Cattle and Poll Taxes in 3 Divisions that is

Bosso Minna, Gwari and Beji and the amount collected last year was two thousand and 267 sixteen pounds, and no rebate ever paid me since I took over the palace of my late father.

7. That during 1946 at Bosso Water Works, I was ordered to supply 60 Labourers by the District Officer, Mr. Callow and 66 Labourers fo r clearing. All 126 men worked for 3 months, and I fed them out of my pocket but the District Officer refused to pay the labourers till now. Whereas they all were Tax Payers.

8. In view of the fact that I did not disobey the Resident nor District Officer, I see no reason of their trying to remove me to Bosso against my wish and up till the time of writing, no action has been taken against Hausa Chief for obtaining money twenty-two pounds, five shillings by fa lse pretences. I am placing the matter for your paternal aid and decision.

I am your Servant

Zarmi Abubakar Sarkin Bosso Writer: Omazeli P. 0. Box 9 Minna. NAK: MINPROF 6342

268 APPENDIX VIII

Abu Bakar The Serikin Bosso,Minna.

5thFebruary, 1948.

Tlu·ough: Hon. The Resident Niger Province.

To: Hon. The Secretary.

To His Hon: The Chief Commissioner Northern Province Nigeria.

Copy: The District Officer i/c Mim1a Division Minna.

Your Most Honourable Sir

With due deference and great humility I beg to place before you Sir, this my humble letter and with all fidelity I hope it will meet with your kind and humanly consideration.

That Sir, following my expulsion from Minna Town (my home land) in which I was made a ruler for over 30 years now.

That during my stay in the Town and by virtue of my office I have spent considerable sums of money to erect buildings which I am now compelled to leave behind.

SERIKIN BOSSO'S HOUSE: This palace known as "Gidan Serikin Bosso" is my personal property built with my own money and belongs to no state and this fact can be proved by many individuals who had long stay in Minna and District and another easy proof is the Yandoka Charge office attached to the house was sold by me for only

269 3 pounds to the Gwari N.A. through Mr. Stephens then the District officer in charge Minna Division.

HOUSE KNOWN AS GIDAN SERIKIN HAUSAWA Tins house I gave to Audu,

late brother of the present Serikin Hausawa on loan because of the fr iendship that

existed between their late father and myself. This, in fact, can be testified to by the

Serikin Hausawa himself if only he knew the history which I believe he must be aware

of. I claim this house also.

PLOTS NOS. 46 & 47 ON CAPT. TAILOR ROAD: These properties are mine. I asked Mallam Usman Serikin Mallami who was then working in the N. A. office as

Serikin Mallami and he is now Serikin Alawa. I asked him to take the house loan in

the presence of Mr. P. W. D. Thurley who was then the District Officer in charge of

Minna Division. I now need this house also and I claim the house being my personal

property.

That Sir, my dwelling house known as Serikin Bosso house mentioned above is

now being used by the Government or the N.A. for putting up visiting Serikis and at

the time of writing the Serikin Kuta occupies the house and should the Government wish to acquire the house for state use, I shall gladly accept 300 pmmds for it.

That Sir, the one occupied by the Serikin Hausawa and that of Serikin Alawa I can only give out on rent to them or to anybody else.

That Sir, the reason of my bringing this matter before you Sir, is to avoid any unpleasantness being caused in view of my present stand in the Town and I hope you will kindly go into the matter by asking the occupants to have my house returned to me.

270 Thanking you Sir, in anticipation. I have the honour to be, Sir

Yourobedient Servant

Signed

ABU BUKAR SERIKIN BOSSO

Written, read and interpreted in Hausa language by me and witness to His mark.

Public Letter Writer c/o Post Office Minna.

* NAK: MINPROF 6342 Petition by Sarkin Bosso 1948.

271 APPENDIX IX

No. 6342/13

Minna.

2i11 April, 1948

The Secretary N orthem Provinces Kaduna.

PETITION BY SARKIN BOSSO

With reference to your letter No. 43440/9 of the 8th ofFebruary, in 1936 Minna

Town was put under a Cmmcil which was created a Native Authority subordinate to

Gwari Native Authority (Public Notice No. 452 of 1936). Prior to that date and since

it ceased to be a Township in 1926, Minna Town was part of Bosso district, the

District Chief, Abubakar the petitioner, residing in the house which had been originally

built fo r the District Head of Wushishi who until 1922 was given authority over that part of Minna Town excluded from the Township. The District Chief of Bosso, who never at any time had any claim to Minna Town was moved back to Bosso District but was allowed to use this house in Minna during sittings of the Gwari Native Authority

Council, of which he is a member.

2. During subsequent years, the District Chief of Bosso has been in the habit of spending more of his time in the Minna house than was desirable and successive

Divisional Officers have found it necessary to instruct him to return to his District and look after his District affairs. Such an occasion arose last November, 1947. When the

Divisional Officer instructed him to return to his District he refused, giving as his reason that Minna Town belonged to him and therefore he would not leave it.

272 Moreover, he proceeded to intrigue against the Minna Native Authority by collecting a

list of persons alleged to have paid sums to the Hausa President of the Minna Town

Council m return for plots granted to them.

3. On the 3rd of January, with the Divisional Officer, I interviewed the Bosso

Native Authority i.e. the Chief and Council of Bosso and spoke to them about the

irregularity of the Chief of Bosso's conduct. The majority agreed with me that the

Chief should return to his District. I interviewed the Gwari Native Authority i.e. the

Gwari Council with the Divisional Officer on the 14th January and the Gwari Council

ordered that the Chief of Bosso should return to his District vacating the Minna house

which would be used by all the Gwari Chiefs in turn as their official residence when

supervising the central administration and treasury of the Gwari Native

Administration. Tllis order was obeyed within the week of grace granted. The Council

mentioned an incident at the December meeting when the District Chief of Bosso

demanded the imprisonment of the President of the Minna Council on the grounds that

Minna belonged to him, the Chief of Bosso. I understand that he behaved in a most

undignified manner shouting and screaming to such an extent that the Council of the

Chiefs, with the President, the District Chiefs got up and leftthe Council Chamber.

4. With regard to the petition dated the 15th February, 1948 the only approach to a riot that was probable on that day took place due to the District Chief of Bosso's attitude as stated in the last sentence ofparagraph 3 above.

5. The house which the District Chief of Bosso lived was built by the administration for the Chief of Wushishi. It was erected by Bosso District labour as a communal labour and there is no doubt that it is not the property of the petitioner in his private capacity. I recommended that Gwari Council agree, that some compensation 273 should be paid to the District Chief of Bosso for any recent expenses he incurred on

the upkeep of the house, having regard to the custom that District and Village Heads

are held responsible for the repair of the official houses they occupy. The Gwari

Native Authority support this recommendation.

6. Regarding Sarkin Bosso's complaint against his reduction of salary, there is

nothing in the Native Treasury records to show that this statement is correct. Up till

1942 he was on a salary of eighty-four pounds per annum. In 1942 this was raised to

eighty-eight pounds per annum and his present salary, under the revised salary

conditions, stands at one hundred and eight pounds per annum.

7. Refening to the labourers at the Bosso Dam site, the facts of the case are that in

May 194 7, a considerable amount of clearing of small trees and shrubs was necessary

before work commenced on the site. It was put to the Sarkin Bosso verbally by the

then District Officer, Minna Division, Mr. Callow and the present Provincial Engineer,

Mr. Marfleet that there were two methods by which this clearing could be canied out. The first method was for Government to employ labour for the work and then take the wood and sell it, or, since firewood was so scarce near Minna, the people of Bosso

District to clear the area without payment, and to retain the firewood for their own use or for sale. The Sarkin Bosso chose the second alternative and, I am informed by the

Provincial Engineer, that so popular was this move, he had several applicants at his office enquiring when they might commence the work. Here again there have been no complaints to the District Officer by any labourer from Bosso District regarding non­ payment of any wages due.

274 8. Regarding the accusation that the President of the Minna Council is in the habit

of accepting bribes for the grant of building plots, there is no evidence of this and no

complamts have been brought to the Courts or the DIVIsional Officer.

111 9. A fmiher petition, dated the 9 February, purporting to be from the Bosso District Com1cil, is attached. If they are actually responsible for this petition, which

asks fo r Minna Town to be re-included in the Bosso District, then their views have

apparently changed since the interview mentioned in paragraph 3 above. I suspect that

the District Chief of Bosso, who is a very forceful and pertinacious man, is responsible

for framing the petition and organizing their support. With regard to the statement in

paragraph 7 that the petitioners are "pagan but improved", in literacy at any rate, there

would still appear to be room for further progress. The Gwari Native Authority do not

desire any alteration in the status of the subordinate Native Authority of Minna Town

or in the arrangement by which the Gwari Council of District Chiefs is jointly

responsible for the Gwari Headquarters.

1 0. A further petition from the District Chief of Bosso is forwarded. He claims, in

addition to the house already mentioned, two additional houses. One of these was built

at the same time as the Chief of Wushishi' s house for the Alkalin Minna and is now

used by the President of the Minna Council. It is an official house and not the private property of the District Chief of Bosso. An investigation into the status of the other has unfortunately been overlooked but a report will be forwarded as soon as this has been completed.

11. These two petitions appear to infringe Section 8 of the Illiterates Protection

Ordinance Chapter 81. I should be grateful fo r Crown Counsel's opinion whether the writer should be prosecuted. 275 12. It is recommended that in the reply to the District Chief of Bosso mentioned

should be made that his action in the area of the Minna Town Subordinate Authority

renders hun liable to prosecution under Section 40 of the Native Authority Ordinance and that any repetition will not be tolerated. Also that his accusation against the

President of the Minna Cmmcil lays him open to prosecution fo r libel unless he can

produce proof acceptable in a court of law. It is recommended that the Bosso District

Council should be informed that their action in supporting the District Chief of Bosso's

claims is in conflict with the order of the Gwari Native Authority.

13. I regret the delay in forwarding this reply, which was caused by my absence

fromthe Province owing to sickness.

Signed

Mr. Beckhouse Resident, Niger Province.

* NAK: MINPROF 6342 Petition by Sarkin Bosso 1948

276 APPENDIX X

MINNA TOWN TRIBAL POPULATION

y E A R 1926 1939 1940 1941 1942 1943 1944 1945 1946 1947 1948 1949 Gbagyi - 40 60 33 6 62 78 168 177 313 335 286 Hausa 700 2433 2219 2594 2570 2984 3087 2880 2988 3527 3593 4045 Nupe 400 1142 1000 1183 1001 1185 1094 1254 1330 1463 1363 1609 Yoruba 500 973 1195 1116 1180 1310 1262 1554 1587 1695 1894 2084 Igbo 150 803 825 817 860 925 1142 1322 1348 1504 2119 2620 Beriberi - 45 55 52 25 ------Edo - - - - 193 202 321 288 301 344 212 278 S/Leone - - - - 84 49 73 79 62 80 109 119 Ghana ------10 18 77 105 Iga la ------13 48 85 102 Urhobo ------70 163 189 315 ------50 74 139 215 Other 220 ------Totals: 1,970 5,336 5,354 5,915 5,919 6,717 7,057 7,545 7,936 9,227 10,115 11,779

* NSAM/APN/984 BOSSO Minna town re-organisation 1947 - 1948

277 APPENDIX XI

Sarkin Bosso

16th August, 1949

The Resident Niger Province.

Bayan gaisuwa, Ina sanarwa, ni kam bani son Sarkin Hausawa cikin kasana

domin ya dameni da fitina cikin kasana, domin kuwa masu kasa bazasu zama biya ba, don kuwa ni bantaba ganni an sa Sarkin Hausawa ya amshi kasa ba, ni da Sarkin

Hausawa ba zamalafiya. Ma' aikata wadanda ke cikin Minna su koma hatmuna Ina basu umumi don nine mai kasa. Abinda muka yi shawara kenan a majalisan Bosso.

Statnped

Abubakar Sarkin Bosso 16th August, 1949 (Friday).

* NSAM/APN/984 BOSSO Minna town re-organisation 1947 - 1948

278 APPENDIX XII

Sarkin Bosso

16th August, 1949

Zuwa ga D. 0., Minna. Bayan gaisuwa mtm yi shawara mu Gbagyi Y atmna a nan Bosso mun y1

shawara, tunda shawaranmu bai yi daya da su Gbagyi matai ba, da suka zo nan shakara

goma shabiyar ke nan tasowansu daga kuta zuwa Minna ba'a sami lafiya ba don

shawaran mu baizo daya da su ba muna so a yimana Kaman yadda aka yi ma kagara,

sa' annan ku dubi hankalin kowa, a yi mana maj alisammu dab am, mu Gbagyi ymmna.

Stamped

Abubakar Sarkin Bosso 16th August, 1949 (Friday)

* NSAM/APN/984 BOSSO Minna town re-organisation 1947 - 1948

279 APPENDIX XIII

MINNA TOWN RE-ORGANISATION, 1950 Minutes of Gwari Federal Council d 23r May, 1950.

Present: District Heads of Kuta, Bosso, Paiko, Allawa, Koro, Maikunkele, Dangu mu, Gtmi. The Acting Resident, the Divisional Officer.

The Acting Resident informed the Council that a proposal would shortly

be submitted to His Honour to re-organize Minna town along the same lines as other

Gwari Districts i.e. to appoint a District Head and a number of Wardheads whose duties would correspond to those of Village Heads in other Districts. It was proposed to divide the town into eight wards. In reply to a question by District Head Paiko the

Acting Resident said that the District Head would be appointed by the Gwari Council with the approval of the Resident. The Council expressed the view that the District

Head of Minna should be a Gwari and the Acting Resident replied that the question of selection did not yet arise. The Acting Resident agreed with the district Head Allawa that the town people should be consulted before a District Head were selected and added that it would be the Council's duty to do this if His Honour approved the proposal. After some discussion the Council said that they would be ready to express their views on 25th May, 1950.

25th May, 1950.

Absent: The Acting Resident (on tour).

280 The Council expressed their full agreement with the Resident's recommendation that a District Head and eight Wardheads should be appointed to adrmruster Minna town.

Recorded by: - P. M. Wand-Tetley Divisional Officer i/c Minna Division

• NSAM: ACC/APN/984 Sarkin Bosso & Mim1aTown Re-organisation ( 194 7 - 1951 )

281 APPENDIX XIV

Sarkin Bosso Minna.

19u1 October, 1950

Zuwa aga Majalisan Gbagyi Minna.

Ina tambaya ku Majalisa kunji abinda Resident ya ce na batun gidana? Amma ya ce baruwan shi ku kuka ce zaku sayi gidana. 2. Da kuka yi shawara zaku sayi gidana da wani Lokoci ne a kayi wanna shawara? A wani-wuri aka yi shawara? Anan Minna akayi? Ko kuwa awani gari? 3. Ina tambaya sarkuna nawa suka sa hamm a takarda shawara? Ina son sunayinsu. 4. Bayan haka a bar maganan ktmdin gida, na tabbata Iko gaskiyane to, in Iko yace basai saya gidanba, a bani amsa wanatakada. 5. Ku sani ga Resident gani, a gab an Governor ya ce gidanna ya zama gidan gada na Mutanen Bosso. Haka ya giya mane. Shi kenan.

Stamped

Abubakar Sarkin Bosso

19th October, 1950 (Thursday)

* NSAM/APN/984 BOSSO Minna town re-organisation 1947 - 1948

282 APPENDIX XV

The Resident Niger Province Minna.

Bayan gaisuwa da ladabi mu majalisan Gbagyi mun yi shawara mun gani ya fi

kyau da amfani Gbagyi Native Authority ta sayi gidan Sarkin Bosso na cikin Minna a

biya shi kudin gidan don bai yi kyau ba idan yana da gida a cikin Minna domin wasu

zasu rika tsamani yana da hannu a cikin garin Minna gashi kuwa muna so a kafa mulki

sosai a garin Minna. In ana son Sarkin Minna ya ji dadin aikinsa. Idan aka sayi gidan

Sarkin Bosso aka biya shi sai ya, gina wani gida cikin kasarsa misali wajan Paida in an zo taro ya sauka a ciki.

Thumb-printed by:

1. District Head of Kuta 2. District Head ofPaiko

3. )) )) )) Allawa 4. )) )) )) Kafinkoro

5. )) )) )) Kurmin Gurmana 6. )) )) )) Manta

7. )) )) , Dangunu 8. )) )) )) Maikunkele

9. )) )) )) Fuka 10. )) )) )) G/Kogo

11. )) )) )) Guni 12. )) )) )) Gani

13. )) )) )) Ishau 14. )) )) )) Adunu

Signed

Ahmadu Bahago Kuta Secretary of the Council

22nd October, 1950

* NSAM/APN/984 BOSSO Minna town re-organisation 1947 - 1948 283 APPENDIX XVI

ELECTED MEMBERS OF MINNA TOWN INTERMEDIATE ELECTORAL COLLEGE TO THE NORTHERN HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY - 1951

1. Inuwa tailor Limawa Ward

2. Mohammed Kuudu "

3. Umar Nalado " 4. Alunadu Bahago (Chief of Minna) N assarawa Ward

5. Umar Audi (Chief Scribe N. A) "

6. Baba Nahanudama " 7. Usman K wangila Ward

8. D. E. Nnubia " 9. K. Nwosu Makera Ward 10. F. H. Akwawa " 11. J. 0. Iroha Keteran-Gwari

12. Johnson Lamai " 13. Green Mbadiwe Sabon-Gari

14. Okei-Achamba "

NAK: MINPROF 4955/S.8 1951

284 APPENDIX XVII

ELECTED MEMBERS OF GBAGYI - KAMUKU TO THE NORTHERN HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY PROVINCIAL ELECTORAL COLLEGE - 1951

1. Alunadu, Sarkin Mim1a

2. Adamu, Sarkin Paiko

3. Umoru Audi, Sarkin Mallamai

4. Aliyu, District Scribe Paiko

5. Gani, District Scribe Dangunu

6. Marafa Yahaya, Village Head, Egwe

7. Usman, Sarkin Allawa

8. Inuwa, Tailor

9. Muhammadu Bawa, Madame, Paiko.

10. Madakin Kwongoma

11. Mohammed Bello Paiko (nominated)

* NAK: MINPROF 4955/S.S, 1951 Election Result.

285 APPENDIX XVIII

ELECTED GBAGYI MEMBERS OF FEDERAL ELECTORAL COLLEGE - 1954

]_ M. Bello Sarkin Paiko 2. M. Abdu Paiko 3. Shagabo Kotu Paiko 4. Shaba Tawu Kwago 5. Daudu Wakilin Gwam 6. Lubako W akilin Essa 7. Shagabo W akilin Gayagi 8. Gtmgbe Baidwa 9. Daudu K wakuti P AIKO DISTRICT 10. Kama Gwalo 11. Shadagboi Jedna 12. Mubwa Nagofita 13. Wasa Lufa 14. Gab a Y ariman Buko 15. Yusifu Ttmgan Mallam 16. Shadagoi Kuci Nuwada 17. Pinze Tutungo 18. Y arima Girko 19. Andur

20. M. Abdul Liman 21. Mijinyawa 22. Sarkin Fulani Abubakar KUTA DISTRICT 23. Sarkin Tasha Tanko 24. Baba Doman Egwa 25. Audu Padakarama Zari 26. Ibrahim Gwada

286 27. Yariman Gunu 2 8. Makka Pina 29. Magayakin Zamai

30. Yariman Guwa KUTA DISTRICT 31. Tukuran Zmnba 3 2. Mamma Wokili 33. Padankwatayi

34. M. Ali Mallamin Daji 3 5. Padanbai 3 6. Alkali Gbaidna 3 7. Bawanayi 38. Audu dan Jibiri GALADIMA KOGO 39. Mai Unguwa Ibura DISTRICT 40. M. Umaru Galadiman Kogo 41. M. Abubakar Dako 42. Jagaba Judna 43. Pakama Kakuru

44. Sarkin Maikunkele 45. Aliyu Sarkin Logbe } MAIKUNKELE DISTRICT 46. Sarkin Bako Kurako

4 7. M. Baba Mai Hannun Dama 48. M. AliyuMinna I. 49. J. G. Mbadiwe 50. Hamisu na Bawa 51. Shehu Okororo MINNA TOWN 52. J. Umeoha 53. Yabagi Bida 287 54. D. E. Nnubia 55. Bawa Nabara MINNA TOWN 56. M. Kadiri

57. M. Aliyu Bosso 58. W akili Pyata 59. Mallam Soje 60. M. Baba Tudtm Wada BOSSO DISTRICT 61. Sarkin Minna Paida 62. Kwaht Beji 63. Ciroma Gbadayi

64. Acibe 65. Al

71. Sarkin Allawa Musa 72. Tukura Amadu 73. Daudu Musa Kurebe . ALLAW A DISTRICT 7 4. Muhammadu Tukura 7 5. Wakaso Daudu

288 76. M. Salihu Paiko

77. Tukuran Dnayi 78. Tambai SaJkin Pawa DANGUNU DISTRICT 79. Ahmadu Dantani

80. Wakili Abu Gawun 81. Teacher Sidi Gasakpa 82. Kalabo Tukura GAWU DISTRICT 83. Daudu Auta Bonu

84. Barde Agalfi 85. Bagajilfa } FUKA DISTRICT

86. Adamu Dangaladiman Manta } MANTA DISTRICT 87. Daniya Guni } GUNI DISTRICT 88. Ahmadu Masinjan Gini } GINI DISTRICT

89. Aliyu Adunu KADARA DISTRICT } 90. Dan Biddi } KUSHAKADISTRICT 91. M. Muhammadu na Allah } KURMIN GURMANA

ELECTORAL OFFICER MINNA ELECTORAL DISTRICT.

* NAK: MINPROF - 7870/S.I Federal Electoral Election, 1954 Mina.

289 APPENDIX XIX

THE APPOINTMENT AND DEPOSITION OF CHIEFS (A PPOINTMENT OF CHIEF OF MINNA) ORDER, 1974

Date of Commencement: 28th February, 1974

In exercise of the powers conferred by Section 4 of the Chiefs (Appointment and

Deposition) Law, and of all other powers enabling in that behalf, the following order is hereby made by the Military Governorof the North-Western State ofNigeria:-

1. This order may be cited as the Appointment and Deposition of Chiefs

(Appointment of Chief of Minna) Order, 1974, and shall come into operation on the

28th day ofFebntary, 1974.

2. In this order:-

"Divisional Secretary" means the Divisional Secretary in charge of Minna Division;

"Electoral College" means the Electoral College referred to in section 3;

"Local Authority Council" means the Minna Local Authority Council.

3. Upon the death, resignation or deposition of the Chief of Minna the successor of such Chief shall be appointed by the Minna Electoral College consisting of:-

(a) Six Traditional King-makers i.e., Waziri of Minna and one each from the five districts of Minna, Kuta, Galadiman Kogo, Kafin Koro and Paiko;

(b) One village head from each of the five Districts mentioned in (a) to be nominated by the village Heads themselves;

(c) Two portfolio Local Authority Councillors to be nominated purely on merit by the Divisional Secretary.

290 4. The Chairman of the Electoral College shall be elected by the members of the

Electoral College fromamong themselves .

5. (i) On the death, resignation or deposition of the Chief of Minna the

Divisional Secretary, summon a meeting of the Electoral College.

(ii) The Clerk of the Local Authority Council shall give not less than seven

days' notice to all members of the Electoral College of any meeting summoned in

accordance with subsection (i).

(iii) Eight members shall be a quorwn for a meeting of the Electoral College.

6. At a meeting of the Electoral College any two members of the Electoral College

may nominate a person for appointment to the Chieftaincy of Minna from the five

District Heads of Minna, Kuta, Galadima Koko, Kafin Koro and Paiko and if no other

person is nominated, such person shall be deemed to be appointed by the Electoral

College.

7. (i) If more than one person is nominated in accordance with section 6, the

Chairman shall conduct an election at which all members of the Electoral College

(other than a person nominated under section 6) shall be entitled to be present and vote

and the candidate for whom most votes have been cast shall be deemed to b e

appointed by the Electoral College to be the Chief of Minna.

(ii) When an equal number of votes have been cast for two or more

candidates, so that the addition of a vote would entitle any one of the candidates to be declared elected, the Chairman shall forthwith decide between them by lot, and the candidate on whom the lot falls shall be deemed to be elected by the Electoral College, to be the Chief of Minna in accordance with subsection (i). 291 Made at Sokoto this 28th day of January, 1974.

By His Excellency's Command,

ABDULLAH! K. MUHAMMADU,

Secretary to the Military Government,

North-Western State ofNigeria

292 APPENDIX XX

THE CHIEFS (APPOINTMENT AND DEPOSITION) LAW (CAP. 20) THE APPOINTMENT AND DEPOSITION OF CHIEFS (APPOINTMENT OF CHIEF OF KAGARA) ORDER, 1974

Date of Commencement: 28th February, 1974

In exercise of the powers conferred by section 4 of the Chiefs (Appointment and

Deposition) Law and of all other powers enabling in that behalf, the fo llowing order is

hereby made by the Military Governorof the North-Western State of Nigeria:-

1 . This Order may be cited as the Appointment and Deposition of Chiefs (Appointment of Chief of Kagara) Order, 1974, and shall come into operation on the

28th day ofFebruary, 1974;

2. In this order:-

"Divisional Secretary" means the Divisional Secretary in charge of Minna Division;

"Electoral College" means the Electoral College referred to in section 3;

"Local Authority Council" means the Kagara Local Authority Council.

3. Upon the death, resignation or deposition of the Chief of Kagara the

successor of such Chief shall be appointed by an Electoral College consisting of:-

(a) two representatives from each of the five districts of Tegina Kusherki,

K wangoma, Gunna and Karaku/Tukunguna;

(c) two Portfolio Local Authority Councillors to be nominated purely on merit by

the Divisional Secretary.

4. The Chairman of the Electoral College shall be elected by the members of the

Electoral College from among themselves.

293 5. (i) On the death, resignation or deposition of the Chief of Kagara the Clerk to

the Local Authority Council, shall upon the instruction of the Divisional Secretary,

summon a meeting of the Electoral College.

(ii) The Clerk of the Local Authority Council shall give not less than seven

days notice to all members of the Electoral College of any meeting summoned in

accordance with subsection (i).

(iii) Eight members shall be a quorum for a meeting of the Electoral College.

6. At a meeting of the Electoral College any two members of the Electoral

College may nominate a person for appointment to the Chieftaincy of Kagara, from the

four District Heads of Tegina, Kusherki, Kwangoma and Gunna and if no other person

is nominated, such person shall be deemed to be appointed by the Electoral College.

7. (i) If more than one person is nominated in accordance with section 6, the Chairman sha 11 conduct an election at which all members of the Electoral College

(other than a person nominated tmder section 6) shall be entitled to be present and vote and the candidate for whom most votes have been cast shall be deemed to be appointed by the Electoral College to be the Chief of Kagara.

(ii) When an equal number of votes has been cast for two or more candidates, so that the addition of a vote would entitle any one of the candidates to be declared elected, the Chairman shall forwith decide between them by lot, and the candidate on whom the lot falls shall be deemed to have received most votes and shall be deemed to be elected by the Electoral College to be the Chief of Kagara in accordance with subsection (i).

294 Made at Sokoto this 28th day of January, 1974.

By Hts Excellency's Command,

ABDULLAH! K. MUHAMMADU

Secretary to the Military Government,

North-Western State of Nigeria

295 APPENDIX XXI

THE CONSTITUTION OF PAMKUKO DEVELOPMENT ASSOCIATION

We the entire members of Pamkuko Development Association having family agreed to be partners in progress and after having resolutely and solemnly conceded to the fact that commitment to our "UNITY" is prerogative to our much desired general development, do hereby accept the following docwnent as our constitution within the frame work of which we have vowed to operate.

Section 1: Citation That this constitution shall be cited as the CONSTITUTION OF PAMKUKO

DEVELOPMENTASSOCIA TION 1980.

Section II. Effective Date

This constitution shall be deemed to have come into effect as from the day it is formally ratifiedat any General meeting.

Section III: Motto

The motto of the Association shall be UNITY IS STRENGTH.

Section IV: Definition

No.1. "MEMBERSHIP"means any person who is qualifiedand has registered. His

name as a member of any of the Associations provided in Section 5.

No.2. "APEA" means area covered by the Association which consists of Suleja,

Chanchaga, and Rafi Local Government Areas and Abuja Federal Capital

Territory or future administrative areas that may be created from/within these

mentioned Local GoverrunentAreas and FCT. 296 A No.3. " lMS AND OBJECTIVES" means a number of goals, which the Association has set for it to achieve.

No.4. ··coUNCIL" means any council that may be established by the Assoc1at10n for the purpose of carrying out specificfunctions fo r the Association.

No.5. "COMrv1ITTEE" means any purposeful committee that shall be established by

the Association.

No.6. "OFFICIAL" means any person who is elected or nominated to hold an office in

accordance with this constitution.

Section V: Membership.

Members of the following association/clubs shall become automatic members of the PAlv1KUKO DEVELOPMENTASSOCIATION:

a) Paiko District Development Association.

b) Kuta District Lakalagni Development Association.

c) Minna District Ayejebo Development Association

d) KafinKoro Youth Club.

e) Suleja's Akwabwagaje Development Association

f) Rafis'Lakma Development Association. OR

g) Any person who is not a member of any of (a-f) but whose identity is

certified by the Executive committee of any of these Associations shall

also be accepted into this Association.

297 Section VI: AIMS AND OBJECTIVES

The aims and objectives ofPAMKUKODEVELO PMENT shall be:

a) To eradicate in its entirety any fonn of un-healthy rivalry which might be

existing between all people's in the constituent areas section 4 (2).

b) To work hard toward the unity and progress of all the entire or tribal groups in

this constituent areas section 4 (2) irrespective of their linguistic, political,

cultural or religious affiliations.

c) To guard and uphold our decent cultural and traditional heritage,

d) To cultivate the spirit of self help through community development efforts.

e) To promote and preserve the sense of loyalty to our traditional and other legally

constituted authorities.

f) To help to fight social evils like illiteracy, ignorance, diseases and poverty, and

to enhance the socio-economic and political development of people of the area.

g) To encourage sporting activities among our people both in the urban and the

rural areas.

Section VII: Activities

Activities of the Association shall include:

a) Planning and execution of community development projects m order to

supplement the effort of the State Government and Local Governments

b) Organizing Fanners Cooperative with the view of promoting the economic and

social well-being of the people of the area. This shall include, inter-alia, the

enlightenment of the present farmers on how to obtain loans from Bank and

other related institutions.

298 c) Organizing Sporting and Cultural activities with the v1ew of reviving and

promoting them.

d) Orgaruzmg members to render collectJve help to one another both m time of

sonow, happiness and need.

Section VIII: Official and their Functions.

No. 1. The Association shall have elected officialsto nm its day-to-day affairs.

a. President

b. Vice President

C. Secretary General

d. Assistant Secretary General

e. Financial Secretary

f. Treasurer g. Public Relation Officer

h. Social Secretary

1. Auditors

Legal Advisers J. No.2. The above officials shall form the central Executive Cmmcil of the PAMKUKO

Development Association.

No.3. Presidents and Secretaries of the constituent Associations (Section 5 -a-g) shall

also automatically become members of the Executive Council of the

P A11K.UKO Development Association.

No.4. There shall be a Council to be called a General Purpose Council (G.P.C)

a The council shall nominate equal representation from all the constituent

areas Association or Clubs, (Section 5). 299 b. The council shall fi.mction as a legislation body which shall from time to

time come into the central Executive Council for the purpose of

deliberation over matters of general nature which may be considered

useful and urgent for the survival and progress of the Association.

Essentially, the council shall be an effective organ through which valuable

information can be disseminated upwards and downwards.

c. The Chairman and Secretaries of each of the Associations (Section 5)

shall be members of the GPC.

d. Initially, there shall be, at least, five members from each of the

Associations or Clubs including those mentioned in Section 8 - 3, but the

member can be reduced or increased as the need arises.

e. Members of the GPC shall be nominated by the Executive Council of

their various association (Section 5).

No.5. The following shall be the functions of the elected officials:

a) The President: He shall preside over all meetings. In his absence, the

Vice-President shall preside and in the event of absence of all the two, any

member among members present shall be elected to preside. The

President shall also be the Chief Executive of the Association's day-to-

day affairs.

b) Vice-President: He shall deputize for the President in his absence. He

shall also carry out and execute duties as may be assigned to him by the

President.

c) Secretary General: He shall be the administrative secretary. He will

take all minutes of the C.E.C. and G.P.C meetings and all the General 300 meetings of the Association. He shall also process and keep custody of

documents of the Association. In consultation with the President, the

Secretary General shall be responsible for making agenda and summoning

meetings.

d) Assistant SecretaryGeneral: He shall assist the Secretmy General in all

his duties and shall act for him in his absence.

e) Financial Secretary: He shall deal with the aspect of exploring possible

ways of generating funds for the Association. It shall be his duty to

collect any fo rm of dues, e.g. contributions, levies, subscriptions and

donations from any body to the Association. He shall hand over such to

the Treasurer within 48 hours after collection.

f) Treasurer: He shall maintain full records of the fm ancial transaction of

the Association and shall present, at every annual General meeting, a

statement of the income and expenditure. He shall also advise the

Association on its fm ancial situation from time to time especially

whenever required. g) Public Relation Officer: He shall be responsible fo r the business of

presenting and promoting the interest or reputation of the Association

with regard to the relations with the public. h) Social Secretary: He shall be responsible for orgamzmg social and

cultural activities on behalf of the Association. i) Lega l Adviser: He shall lead the Association over legal matters. If the is

not a legal practitioners himself, he shall help the Association by digging

the root of legal implications over related matter. 301 Section IX: Terms of Officer

The term of office of the

a. Central executive council shall be two years.

b. The term of office of each office holder shall also be two year

c. An officer bye-elected shall be out of office when the tenn of office of his Colleagues and his cOtmcil expire.

d. An officercan be re-elected afterhis term of office.

Section X: Sources of Fund

a. Annual subscription: Every registered member of the Association shall pay an

annual subscription. The exact amount shall be subject to alteration from time

to time following general financialsituation and the wishes of the members.

b. Contribution: The Association may ask for contribution from its constituent

areas (Section 5) when there is need or reason for that.

c. Donations: The Association may accept donations from individuals or

organizations. d. Membership Card: Members card shall cost N200 and the purchasing of the

card automatically qualifies a person to be registered as member of the

Association; that is, afterfulfilling the requirements of (Section 5 a-g).

Section XI: Account a. The Association shall maintain an Account with any Bank in Nigeria preferably

Bank of the North. The Account may however be changed to any other Bank

when need arises.

:(oq _n ,... 302 �' .;� · -· -· - - , ... i· \. · · 7 � •· •• '( • , •• • • , ,•. : q.. ,i( ) '.(,- ...... -$� ' \ . . ;·· '·' . . · / � ...... _ _.., 4('� / ·� } \ ' ...... ' '. ' ·. > b. All chegues drawn on the Account of the Association shall have three

signatories: the President, Secretary General and Treasurer. However, in the

absence of any one of the stgnatones, two of the remammg shall be acceptable.

Section XII: Discipl ine.

a The Association shall have an advisory Disciplinary Committee, which shall

consist of one member from each of the constituent areas.

c. Disciplinary action on any member of the Association shall, in the main, be the

responsibility of the member's branch. But such disciplinary action shall, after,

be submitted to the Association advisory Disciplinary Committee for onward

submission to the CEC for resulting and record purpose.

Section XII: Patrons.

There shall be a Grand Patron and eight others.

Section XIII: Resignation (dismissed). a. A member who wishes to resign from any elected office shall at least give two

weeks notice to the CEC Secretary or the President, who shall notify the other

CEC members for any action if there is need. b. Any member of the CEC whose name is withdrawn from the list submitted by

the branch association shall automatically lose his membership of any of the

Councils. c. When necessary the CEC can write to any of the Branches recommending the

withdrawal of its members from the Council if it is consensus opinion of the

members that the official's behaviour is continuously detrimental to the over all

interest of the Association.

303 d. An official who loses his membership shall automatically resign his official post.

Section XIV: Voting

a. Election of officials shall be conducted at the end of each two-year term of

office of the CEC at a General meeting.

b. The Election shall be by ordinary "show-of hands".

c. All nominations for election shall be in General meeting and shall be seconded

by at least one member of the Association before the vote is taken.

d. All members are to vote and be voted fo r.

Section XV: Amendment of the Constitution

Any proposal for the amendment of this constitution shall be submitted m

writing to the General Secretary of the Association.

ii. Copies of the proposed amendment shall be sent to each Secretary of the branch

Association, who shall bring to the notice of the executive members of the

branch Association for their information and cmmnents.

111. The cmmnents of each branch Association shall be fo rwarded in writing to the

Secretary General, who shall submit the report of the branches to the general­

purpose Committee.

IV. After the comments must have been studied by the central Executive

Committee, it shall be put to vote at a general-purpose Council meeting. v. This constitution shall be regarded as amended if two-thirds of the members

present in the general-purpose Committee (see 6 of this constitution) vote in

favour of the amendment.

304 APPENDIX XXII

CONSTITUTION (SUSPEl';SIONAND MODIFICATION) DECREE 1984 THE CHIEFS (APPOINTMENT AND DEPOSITION) LAW CAP 20 THE APPOINTMENT AND DEPOSITION OF CHIEFS (APPOINTMENT OF EMIR OF MINNA) ORDER 1988

Date of Commencement, 3rd February, 1988

In exercise of the powers conferred by Section 4(2) of the Chiefs (Appointment and Deposition) Law of Niger State 1963 and all other powers enabling me in that behalf, I, Lt. Colonel Lawan Gwadabe, the Military Governor of Niger State of

Nigeria, hereby make the following Order:-

1. This Order may be cited as the Appointment and Deposition of Chiefs

(Appointment of Emir of Minna) Order, 1988 and shall come into operation on the 3rd

Day of February, 1988.

2. In this Order unless the context otherwise requires:-

"State" means Niger State of Nigeria;

"Military Governor"means the Military Governorof the State;

"Council of Chiefs" means the State Council of Chiefs;

"Electoral College" means the Electoral College referred to in Section 3;

3. Upon the death, resignation or deposition of the Emir of Minna the Successor of the Emir shall be selected by an Electoral College consisting of the fo llowing:-

(i) a. Aj iyan Minna;

b. Madakin Bosso

305 C. Wangyan Paiko;

d. Damedamen Kuta;

e. Makaman Minna;

f. W azirin Minna; g. Tukuran Kafin-Koro;

h. Madakin Galadiman Kogo

(ii) Two traditional king-makers each from the five districts of Minna, Kuta, Paiko,

Galadiman Kogo and Kafm-Koro.

(iii) For the avoidance of doubt where any of the titleholder mentioned in Section

(3)i above is also a prince from any of the five districts mentioned in S.3(2) above such

a title holder shall cease to be a member of the Electoral College.

(iv) The Chairman of the Electoral College shall be elected by the members of the

Electoral College from among themselves.

(v) (1) On the death, resignation or deposition of the Emir of Minna, the

Chairman of Chanchaga Local Government Council shall after one calender month

thereof summon a meeting of the Electoral College.

(2) All the members of the Electoral College shall be notified in writing and

be given not less than seven days notice of the meeting swnmoned in accordance with

Section v (1).

(3) Twelve members shall form a quorum for any meeting of the Electoral

College.

(vi) The following shall be eligible to contest for Emireship ofMinna:-

(a) The District Heads of Minna, Kuta, Paiko, Galadiman Kogo and Kafin-

Koro. 306 (b) Any adult son of royal origin from the five Ruling Houses mentioned in

Section vi (a) above.

(vu) (1) At a meetmg of the Electoral College, two members thereof may

nominate a person among the list of the contestants before them. If no other person is

nominated by any other member, the person nominated shall be deemed to be elected

by the Electoral College.

(2) If two persons are nominated in accordance with Section vii (1 ) , the

Chairman of the Electoral College shall conduct an election at which all members of

the Electoral College present shall be entitled to vote and the candidate for whom most

votes have been cast shall be deemed to be elected by the Electoral College to be the

Emir of Minna.

(3) If more than two persons have been nominated in accordance with Section

vii (I), all the members present shall be entitled to vote and two candidates with the highest number of votes shall be subjected to a second election by all the members present and the candidate for whom most votes have been cast shall be deemed to be elected by the Electoral College to be the Emir of Minna.

( 4) In circumstances where two candidates are contesting only, and an equal number of votes have been cast for the two candidates so that the addition of a vote would entitle anyone of the candidates to be declared elected, the Chairman of the

Electoral College shall forthwith decide between them by lot, and the candidate on whom the lot falls shall be deemed to be elected by the Electoral College to be the

Emir of Minna.

(viii) The Electoral College shall through its Chairman notify the result of such an election to the Military Governorwithin a week after the conclusion of the election. 307 (xix) Any person so elected shall be deemed to be chosen as the Emir of Minna subject to the approval of the Military Governor after consultation with the Council of

Chtefs.

(x) THE APPOINTMENT AND DEPOSITION OF CHIEFS (Appointment of

Chief of Minna) Order, 1974 is hereby repealed.

Made at Minna this 1st day of February, 1988.

LT. COLONEL LAWAN GWADABE,

Military Governor,

Niger State ofNigeria.

308 APPENDIX XXIII

THE CHIEFS (APPOINTMENT AND DEPOSITION) LAW, CHAPTER 20 LAWS OF NIGER STATE, 1963 INSTRUMENT APPOINTING ALHAJI UJVIARUFARUK BAHAGO AS FIRST CLASS EMIR OF MINNA.

TO:

Your Royal Highness, Alhaji Umaru Faruk Bahago.

I, Lt. Col. Lawan Gwadabe, Military Goven1or of Niger State of Nigeria, in exercise of the powers conferred upon me under section 9 of The Appointment and

Deposition of Chiefs (Appointment of Emir of Mirma) Order 1988 and of all other powers enabling me in that behalf and after consultation with Niger State Cotmcil of

Chiefs do hereby appoint you the said Alhaji Umaru Faruk Bahago as a First Class

Emir of Mirma with effect fromthe 6th day ofMarch, 1988. Made at Mirmathis ih day ofMarch, 1988

LT. COL. LAWAN GWADABE Military Governor, Niger State of Nigeria.

309 APPENDIX XXIV

UNIVERSITY OF ABUJA, ABUJA COLLEGE OF ARTS AND EDUCATION

(OFFICE OF THEDEAN)

TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN

This is to certify that Alhaji Isa Nambo Gaba Baba the bearer of this note is a

Ph.D. candidate in History Department, College of Arts and Education, University of

Abuja.

He is currently engaged in a research for his Ph.D. Degree.

You may please, assist him.

Thank you very much.

Signed

Dr. J. A. Ohiare Head of Department

310 APPENDIX XXV

C.81/S.II General Service Office Training Division The Presidency New Federal Secretariat Shehu Shagari Way Abuja.

28th April, 1999

Mr. Isa Baba u.f.s. Assistant Director (Training) The Presidency Abuja.

PROVISIONAL APPROVAL TO UNDERTAKE PART-TIME DISTANCE LEARNING DEGREE/DIPLOMA/CERTIFICATE PROGRAMMES

I am directed to refer to your application dated 1998 on the above-mentioned subject and to inform you that the office has approved your application to undertake the Distance Learning Degree/Diploma/Certificate Programme, at University of Abuja with effect from May, 199 8 to ...... for 3 year( s).

I am also to inform you that the approval was given with the understanding that:

(i) The Programme will in no way intermpt your normal official duties;

(ii) You have to bear all expenses involved in undertaking the Programme; and (iii) Up-grading/Conversion on graduation will only be subject to availability of vacancy and not a right. Congratulations.

Signed

R. I. Adamu (Mrs.) for Secretary to the Government of the Federation

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AGAI -"'�'• tv�trOet �H.arH {Gfoip1u) Rt ..,.,. BPllPARY NOTE M�i� f'IMI1« of fllliW�C tr:tdt' EMIRATE .._,o'lduin M ,,..,_,_ •• th4& .._ ar�t :tP9(oori�tc ; Ttocrctofl" a., a.-1� s.hoo.lld •ot tlc �· hu· HtUiftt �I'J �hs, lhilw� ioo\ror�altO" tclat� 1o �tutor of 1M kuldarus Jhevld' k to""'l''" to l�t' Wf"•,..,.r Grn. � N,_-r state:.